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 painting was almost effaced by the damp, the pillars entirely discoloured, some of them decayed and crumbling to pieces, threatening the destruction of the gallery they supported, and indeed the whole bore the appearance of total neglect. The solitary opened a door at the farther end of the hall, and conducted his guest into what he called his library, for as such it seemed to have been intended; but the glasses in many places were broken, the books all tumbling in disorder, and so covered with dust, that they were scarcely discernible. A few old-fashioned velvet chairs, once of crimson, but changed by the damps, two tables, with a writing desk of a very particular old-fashioned construction; a large dog that lay before a great wood fire, and seemed by age rendered almost incapable of moving, though he growled at the stranger; a sword, and a pair of pistols, that hung against the wall, comprised the whole furniture of this room.

Being seated, the solitary inquired of his success at the Convent. Ferdinand related


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 his reception there, and at the Friar's monastery; adding, "You see my wife will afford me no sort of satisfaction, and her message is as extraordinary and inexplicable as her whole conduct."

The old man sighed deeply: "I pity you (said he) not for your present disappointment, but because you are young, and must feel, poignantly feel, the stings of ingratitude, and the destruction of those sanguine hopes of happiness you had figured to yourself in an union with the object of your choice, and who, I have little doubt of pronouncing, has proved unworthy of your attachment."

"How! (exclaimed Ferdinand) do you believe my wife is criminal?"

"Hath she not confessed as much?" replied the other.

"Impossible!" said Ferdinand, "she had no acquaintance, no man visited her, in my absence she resided with my brother, who lived very retired; impossible she could wrong me."

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/


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 "Cease to torment yourself with conjectures that cannot be elucidated; one day or other be assured every thing will be explained.—Yes (continued he, raising his voice) time and accident develops the darkest schemes, the machinations of the wicked will be detected, and, if to know the worst, your imagination can form, will afford any degree of ease, doubt not but that you will one day be satisfied; 'till then, try to repress your anxiety, and revere that command so extraordinarily delivered; try to forget that you have a wife existing, for she has declared 'she is dead to you."

Ending these words he stamped on the floor, and presently a man, old and feeble, entered the room.—"Bring some bread and wine."

"Strange! (thought Ferdinand) this man said he was not the master, yet he seems to command; he drinks no wine himself, yet keeps it here, for whom then, when he lives thus solitary? Or is there another person here who is the master?"


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 The old servant returned with bread and wine and a cup; he looked very attentively on Ferdinand, and then withdrew. The Recluse, who penetrated through the silence of his guest, said, "I read your surprise, and guess at the doubts which occupy your mind: I will satisfy them in part. I am not the owner of this once magnificent seat, yet I am the master here, and have resided in it above twelve years. In a clear moon-light night I walk, sometimes to the skirts of the Black Forest, but at other times I never exceed the courts of the Castle, for the gardens are now a wilderness of weeds. Once a week the provisions I want are brought from a village about five miles off, on the edge of the forest. Wine is sometimes drawn here, though not by me, I have that within me which supports my strength and spirits; my old attendant requires more substantial food. Bread, fruits and water, is all that my table affords, and as much as nature requires. I am not so old as you may suppose from my appear-


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 appearance, only fifty-two, twelve of which I have past in the manner I tell you."

"It would ill become me (said Ferdinand) to express a wish to penetrate into the cause which has led you to this extraordinary seclusion from the world, though you must allow that it sufficiently warrants the most curious conjectures; but I will deserve the favour you have bestowed on me by my discretion."

"You are wise and prudent (replied the other) qualities not often attached to youth, and perhaps acquired by sorrow and experience; on such terms you are welcome to remain here as long as you please."

"May I be permitted to make one observation?" asked Ferdinand.

"Certainly, speak freely, the answer depends upon myself."

"When I first came to your gate, you expressed it necessary to inquire if I could be admitted, now you confess yourself the master, and without society."


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 "Your curiosity in this point is so very natural that I will satisfy it without reserve. The discovery of this mansion through the impenetrable, as I thought, woods, hills and valleys, so out of the common road, and even an object of terror to the few inhabitants that dwell on the other side, the sound of a bell, which had been silent for above nine years, and your appearance when I opened the wicket, altogether astonished me! Callous, as I thought my heart was grown, it softened at the view of sorrow and weakness in so young a frame. To your request of admittance I said, "I would inquire." I came back, and consulted Francis; it was possible you might be what you seemed, then there was no danger in permitting you to enter the outer court, but to guard against surprise, Francis secured the gate of the inner court, and was planted in a small room, within the huntsman's, where I led you, armed with that brace of pistols, which had you attacked me, or strove to force your way beyond the bounds


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 I allowed, he had orders to discharge, and instantly to dispatch you."

Ferdinand heard him with some degree of terror, and "Who, or what can this man be?" darted naturally into his mind, and having taken some refreshment, he began to consider whether it would be prudent to remain in a place that seemed to be the abode of wretchedness, fear and distrust. Curiosity however predominated, and as he also was armed with a brace of pistols, he thought himself at least a match for two old men, should they harbour any sinister designs against him. Having thus made up his mind, he began to remark on the conversations between Father Joseph and himself, and the different language of Father Ambrose, the Superior. "I much fear (said he) that the former has been an unhappy victim, and feels no satisfaction in his situation; for I can conceive that even a good mind well disposed towards religion and moral rectitude, if compelled to forsake the world, and lead an inactive life, contrary to the natural disposition,


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influence of epidemic disease in the development society is a matter replete with interest, whether the subject be viewed from the standpoint of history, or of medicine. The mysterious visitation that swept away the Assyrian host beneath the walls of Jerusalem, the disastrous plague that sapped the vitality of Athens in the maturity of her great- ness, are but conspicuous examples of forces always operative in history.

Great and widespread calamities, by their utter dis- regard of social conditions, must ever effect profound modifications in the form, and structure, of society. The Black Death may be considered at least as important a factor in producing the economic changes that marked the close of the fourteenth century in England as the long and exhausting war with France. Yet the Black Death was merely one of many epidemics similar in character, if lesser in degree.

If such epidemics were liable on their first approach to be regarded as special manifestations of the divine dis- pleasure, against which it were hopeless to contend, it can awaken no surprise. That on their recurrence from time to time men should endeavour to cope with their enemy with such means as lay at their disposal resulted naturally


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 grow languid in the performance of those duties, which free-will might have performed with pleasure and alacrity: For my own part, all my prospects of happiness for ever clouded, oppressed with the weight of a much-loved father's denunciation, and which seems to be so literally fulfilled in this life—a brother, a husband, a father; yet separated from every endearing tie; what can I promise myself in this world, that can counter-balance that tranquil, that serene life which pervades in a convent, and which my misfortunes seem to point out as my only place of rest; and if I can assure to myself such a companion, such a friend, as Father Joseph, what can I desire more?"

"Revenge!" cried the Solitary, with an eye darting fire through his emaciated countenance: "Yes, revenge!" repeated he, with a violence that startled Ferdinand; "Live to detect the artful villainy of those that have wronged you, and to punish them!"

"But I know no such persons," said Ferdinand; "I know of no wrongs that I have


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 met with that require revenge. If my wife has been guilty, she is already punished; and for her accomplice, if such there be, he will not escape with impunity; and to drag on a wretched life, with the diabolical intention of destroying another, would be only redoubling my own miseries here, and assuring to myself punishment hereafter."

"So young a stoic!" exclaimed the old man, with a look of contempt, "either you are a hypocrite, or you were born without passions."

"The detestable character of the first," replied the other, "I utterly disclaim, and had I been created without passions, all the misfortunes of my life would have been avoided: No, I am not without passions, but adversity has taught me wisdom, has moderated the impetuosity of youth, and suffering as I do under the violence of momentary rage, which in an instant may be guilty of excesses never to be repaired, I have learned to bear and to forbear in points that are doubt-


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 ful, and where my courage and honour are not questioned."

"You are a philosopher, Sir," answered the Solitary, apparently much agitated, "and fitter for the convent, perhaps, than the world, since you can so easily, so tamely, wait for time to elucidate your injuries; but I beg pardon, it cannot concern me; persons born with different sentiments will act differently, and as in this point we do not agree, we will change the subject."

He did so, and Ferdinand found him learned, intelligent, and communicative, yet on every subject he discoursed with a vehemence so little to be expected from the feebleness of his looks and manner when he first appeared at the wicket, discovered a temper so violent and so decided, that his manners rather repulsed than conciliated any growing esteem, and seemed to promise that little pleasure could be derived from cultivating his acquaintance. After some hours conversation the Solitary took him up to the gallery, which was extensive, and had once been magnificent.


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 He opened the doors of several apartments that overlooked the gardens, and an extent of country; but the former was a confused mass of trees, shrubs and weeds, and the country beyond appeared an immense forest.

This was certainly an unpleasant situation to build a superb house on, observed Ferdinand. Our Castle is on a rocky ground, and adjoining to hills and mountains; but they are cultivated and inhabited: Here every thing has the appearance of a desert. Is there no town or village near, for I profess myself entirely unacquainted with this part of the country, from always thinking the woods both dangerous and impenetrable?—"There is a village a few miles distant, but I know not its name," was all the answer.—He then carried him across the gallery to another wing of the building, and opening a door, "Here you may sleep if you please; Francis can find linen for the bed, and shall light a fire, though possibly the chimney may not draw." This room had been handsomely furnished, but it was in a very decayed state,


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 and the whole appearance was so cold and comfortless, that Ferdinand hesitated a moment whether he should accept the offer, and sleep there or not; but the day was shutting in, and he might even lose his way to the monastery, he thought he could be in no hazard of danger, and therefore it would be most prudent to pass that night there, tho' he felt no inclination to prolong his stay, especially as he could hope for no gratification to his curiosity, for the Solitary's heart seemed locked up and carefully guarded. Returning to the lower room they spent the evening together in conversation on various subjects. Ferdinand was pleased with the strong understanding and knowledge of the world which the other displayed; but he observed, on several occasions, that he was decided and peremptory in his opinions, and that he evaded every thing tending to his own situation, and gave not a single instance of that confidence he had at first led his guest to hope for.

At ten o'clock Francis appeared with a lamp, the Gentlemen wished each other a


text: Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1500-1714/Wheeler, John (6)


text: Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1500-1714/Wheeler, John (7)


text: Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1500-1714/Wheeler, John (8)


text: Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1500-1714/Wheeler, John (9)


text: Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1500-1714/Wheeler, Jonas (1)


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 enough from their growing familiarity with the style, and manner, of attack.

The treatise here reproduced furnishes an account of the various remedies, and curative methods, adopted in the middle ages for checking the advance of the terrible foe. The mere recital of the more serious attacks to which Europe was subjected from the time of the Black Death to that of the compilation of the present treatise, a period of a little over a century, is sufficient to give one some idea of the devastation that must have been wrought in Europe by this dreadful scourge.

The Black Death is said to have originated in the Far East, and thence to have swept across Asia without a check. It made its appearance in Sicily in 1346, and in the following year broke out in Constantinople, Greece, and Italy. Thence it travelled across the Continent until it reached England in 1348, where it lasted for several years, being conveyed from this country in 1349 to Norway and the other Scandinavian states. In 1361, and again in 1368, we find numbers dying from the disease both in France and England. In 1370 countless victims are said to have perished from the plague in Ireland, which country again suffered severely from its ravages in 1383. The year 1375 witnessed an outbreak of a serious character in England, although not comparable to that of 1390-91, which was likened for its mortality to the Black Death of forty years before.


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 The fifteenth century enjoyed no more immunity from attacks of the plague than did the previous one. All parts of Europe suffered intermittently from it. In England it broke out between 1405 and 1407, carrying off in London, it is said, 30,000 people in the latter year. The next grave attack in England appears to have occurred about 1420. In a petition from the Marches of 1421 we hear of "great numbers of persons dead by the great mortalities and pestilences which have raged for three years past and still reign ". Turning to the Continent one finds that 80,000 persons are stated to have died in 1427 in Dantzig and the neighbouring country. In 1438-39 the plague was still very rife in Germany, its prevalence in Basel being attested by Aeneas Sylvius, afterwards Pope Pius II. England, too, was not exempt from the disease in these years, for between 1430 and 1440 four outbreaks are recorded in London, the last one extending to the whole kingdom. The next visitation of the plague, which began in 1448, appears to have overrun practically the whole of Western Europe. It reached Sweden in 1450, and devastated that country for a period of five years, carrying off in 1455 no fewer than 9,000 persons in Stockholm alone. The autumn of 1464 saw a recurrence of the disease in Sweden, which lasted with dire effects for about two years; the mortality in Stockholm on this occasion is said to have reached a total of 7,000.

The prevalence of the plague in Sweden at this period is of special interest in view of the fact that the treatise here reproduced in facsimile was written (as will appear later)


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 by a bishop of Vasteras in that country, Bengt Knutsson, appointed to the see in 1461, who was doubtless led to compose the work by the terrible ravages of the disease in that land.

The outbreak of the plague that afflicted Sweden in 1464-65 was evidently not confined within any narrow limits, as 40,000 persons are stated to have died in Paris in the year 1466, whilst its presence was recorded in England in 1464, from which time until 1478 the disease seems to have lasted in different parts of the British Isles with but little intermission. In the latter year the mortality in England was so great that we find the plague described as more destructive than the long continued wars. The cities in the north of Italy are said to have suffered from an outbreak that began in 1478 and lasted for a period of seven years. We are thus brought down to 1485, the year when the "sudor Anglicus", the English sweat, made its appearance. As this probably provided the occasion of printing the treatise of Knutsson in English, it will be necessary to examine at somewhat greater length the circumstances of its earliest emergence.

The disease that received the name "sudor Anglicus", because it was commonly believed to have originated in this country, first made its appearance in England in the autumn of 1485, soon after the landing of Henry Tudor in the month of August, as we learn from the account of it given by Polydore Virgil in his history of England.


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 This statement is borne out by a manuscript in the British Museum (Additional MSS. 27582) written byThomas Forestier, a doctor of medicine belonging to Normandy who was resident in London at the time. Soon afterwards he seems to have removed to Rouen, where, probably in 149 1, was published a Latin work by him on the plague, entitled: "Tractatvs contra pestilentiam thenasmonem et dissenteriam." In the latter work he names the 19th of September, 1485, as the date of the commencement of the sweating sickness. Other authorities, whilst differing as to the day, agree in attributing its origin to the autumn of 1485.

After its first appearance the disease seems to have spread with terrible rapidity. In London Thomas Hyll the lord mayor. Sir William Stokker chosen as his successor, and several aldermen died within a few days—facts that enable us to form some idea of the extent of the mortality amongst the other classes of citizens. As the coronation of Henry VII took place with due ceremony on October 30, and Parliament met on the 7th of the following month, the departure of the disease would appear to have been as sudden as was its advent. The same suddenness that marked the general movements of the epidemic characterized the individual attacks. In the "Tractatvs contra pestilentiam, etc." Forestier says that "more than 1 5,000 persons departed this world by sudden death, as if from divine chastisement, and many died unshriven without respite, whilst walking in the streets". Whether Forestier is here speaking of the number of


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 victims in London does not seem clear, but the suddenness of the attacks must have been not the least terrible feature of them. We have a vivid picture of this characteristic of the disease in the manuscript treatise of Forestier. "We saw" (he says) "two prestys standing togeder and speaking togeder, and we saw both of them dye sodenly. Also … we se the wyf of a taylour taken and sodenly dyed. Another yonge man walking by the street fell down sodenly. Also another gentylman ryding out of the cyte dyed." The terms in which he describes the symptoms correspond closely with other accounts: "And this sickness cometh with a grete swetyng and stynkyng, with rednesse of the face and of all the body, and a contynual thurst, with a grete hete and hedache because of the fumes and venoms." It is no cause for wonder that to a superstitious age the outbreak of such a disease augured ill for the peace of Henry's reign.

The disease soon made its way from London into the country. Definite notices of it are scanty, but we know that the abbot of Croyland succumbed to an attack on the 1 4th of October. Its prevalence at Oxford is well attested; although it lasted but a few weeks its stay was long enough to exact a heavy toll among the scholars of the University. Though records of its presence are but few, the statements of historians as to the extent of its ravages may presumably be accepted without reservation.

This disease that broke out in 1485 was generally believed to differ in character from any of the epidemics that had preceded it; hence the assignment of a new name


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 to it. From the work of Forestier it seems clear that the heart was especially liable to attacks of sudden and overpowering force.

With the arrival of any new, and widespread, disease one is naturally prompted to enquire into the origin, and antecedent history, of the unwelcome visitant. This question suggested itself to the early writers on the " sudor Anglicus ", and was answered with but little hesitation. They attributed the epidemic to the soldiery of Henry Tudor, whose landing had by so short a time preceded the first appearance of the disease, and there seems good reason for accepting the traditional theory as to its origin.

The force with which Henry of Richmond secured the crown was collected in the neighbourhood of Rouen. Normandy at this period was overrun by bands of freebooters licensed by Louis XI. In assisting the Earl of Richmond to raise an army in this district the ministers of Charles VIII may have seen an excellent opportunity for ridding France of a portion of this social refuse. Men such as these, whose lives had been spent in the indulgence of every kind of excess, were fitting mediums for the attraction, and transmission, of any sort of infection.

We have no evidence that any disease like the sweating sickness existed around Rouen previous to the departure of Henry Tudor for England, or the origin of the epidemic might have been held to be established beyond cavil; yet nearly 250 years later, about 171 7, a disease resembling the English sweat in nearly every particular made its appearance in the marshy districts of the lower


text: Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1500-1714/Wheeler, Jonas (2)


text: Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1500-1714/Wheeler, Jonathan


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 Seine, the very region where Henry's force had been raised, and lasted with but little intermission for a century and a half. It seems not unreasonable to suppose that the seeds of this later endemic disease may always have lain latent in this region, but for lack of entirely suitable conditions may for long have failed in their native soil to reach the point of germination. These conditions must have been supplied in England. Contact with people of a different stock, and other manners, may have been all that was requisite to enable the infection to burst forth. Strangers are naturally more susceptible to any malady than those who by long residence in an infected area have become gradually inured against a disease. A parallel is furnished by the yellow fever, from which negroes enjoy almost complete immunity, although they are believed to have been the means of introducing the virus to the white man. Even the exemption of Henry's force from attacks of the sweating sickness (supposing it granted, and history is silent on the point) would not seem, therefore, to justify us in refusing our assent to the theory that traces the infection to that source.

Whilst the honour of printing the first English books, as well as that of introducing the art of typography into this country, belongs to an Englishman, the distinction of establishing the first press within the actual boundary of the city of London is claimed by John Lettou, supposed to belong to Lithuania, of which name Lettou is an old form.


text: Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1500-1714/Wheeler, Luke


text: Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1500-1714/Wheeler, Maurice


text: Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1500-1714/Wheeler, Richard


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 An examination of the technique of Lettou's work shows that he was a practised printer. The fount of type used in his first books is practically identical with one employed at Rome in 1478-79 by Johann Bulle of Bremen, which, according to the late Mr. Proctor, was the same as one in the hands of another printer in that city, Johann Schurener. It seems quite likely that Lettou may have been an assistant at one of these presses, and have brought away with him from that city a fount of type with which he was already familiar. Many of the early printers moved from one country to another, so that there would be nothing exceptional in Lettou migrating from Rome to London.

What reasons brought Lettou to London we do not know, but here in 1480 we find him printing three editions of an indulgence of John Kendale against the Turks (of which Caxton printed a corresponding number), besides the work of Antonius Andreas "Questiones super duodecim libros metaphisice", and in the following year the "Expositiones super Psalterium" of Thomas Wallensis.

A certain amount of rivalry no doubt existed between Caxton and Lettou, and in one particular, namely, the use of "signatures", the former seems to have copied Lettou. These are small letters (or figures) placed at the foot of the first leaves of a quire to aid the binder in the arrangement of the sheets. They are found in some of the earliest manuscripts, and were at first added by hand to printed books, but about 1472 the custom of printing them was introduced.

The two books printed by Lettou were produced at the


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 expense of a certain William Wilcock, who cannot be identified with any degree of certainty.

After issuing the two books just named, and the different editions of the indulgence, Lettou was joined by Willelmus de Machlinia, whom from his name we may assume to have been a native of Mechlin, or Malines, in Brabant.

Of the productions of their press five books are known, all of a legal character, namely: "The abridgement of the statutes", the Year-books of the 33rd, 35th, and 36th years of King Henry VI, and the "Tenores novelli" of Sir T. Littleton, the last alone possessing a colophon, from which we learn that the press was situated "iuxta ecclesiam omnium sanctorum". The last-mentioned work and the "Abridgement of the statutes" are both in the John Rylands Library. As there were several churches in London at this time dedicated to All Saints, the site of the press cannot be definitely fixed.

Since none of the books issued jointly by Lettou and Machlinia are dated, it is impossible to state with certainty the time either of the commencement, or of the termination, of their partnership. With the advent of Machlinia came a change in the character of the books produced by the press. Machlinia, one may presume, had some particular interest in, or special knowledge of, legal matters, as the printers seem to have confined their attention to printing this class of work, for which it is quite possible they may have procured a royal patent.


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 A noticeable deterioration in the quality of workmanship accompanied the change in the class of books issued by the press. For the neat fount used by Lettou was substituted a small cramped type, evidently designed for printing law books, as it contains numerous contractions, like the legal manuscripts of the time.

After the publication of the five books mentioned above Lettou's name disappears; whether through death, or through withdrawal from the business, is not known. The deterioration in the press work just alluded to suggests that on the accession of Machlinia he did not exercise the same active supervision over the press, and may have been preparing to retire from it altogether on his partner acquiring sufficient practice in the art of printing. On the other hand the consistent employment of signatures so long as Lettou remained in the firm—a typographical aid used very irregularly by Machlinia—shows that the former did not give up entire charge to his partner.

The date when Machlinia acquired the sole control of the press appears to have been about 1483, although owing to the entire absence of dates in his books one is unable to state positively when the change took place.

The same fount of type, with some modifications, as that used by Lettou and Machlinia appears in one other book, "The siege of Rhodes," which is generally attributed to an unknown printer. This is an English version by John Kay, who describes himself as poet laureate, of a Latin work written by Gulielmus Caorsin, vice-chancellor of the Knights of Malta.


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 Dibdin in the " Bibliotheca Spenceriana " adjudged the work, on account of the resemblance of the type, to be the production of Lettou and Machlinia, or of Lettou alone; but, as the book shows traces of less skilful workmanship than those with which Lettou's name is associated, and has no signatures, which that printer always used, one may assume that he had no hand in printing it. It is produced with more skill and care than Machlinia was wont to exhibit, so one seems unable to entertain the idea of his being the printer, whose identity appears likely to remain a moot point for the present.

The book is dedicated by the translator to Edward IV, whose death took place in April, 1483. As dedications were apt to be copied without alteration in printed books of that period, long after they were originally written, it would be rash to take for granted that this was the date of printing solely for that reason; on the other hand, 1483 does not seem an unlikely date for the issue of the book, as Machlinia had probably just started on his own account with fresh types, and may have parted with the discarded fount to some other printer who employed it for this book.

The absence of definite dates in all of Machlinia's books constitutes a serious difficulty in their arrangement, which no examination of the technique seems able to overcome, for he appears to use quite indiscriminately signatures, headlines, and "directors"—the name given to the small letters printed in the blank


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 The sons of God seeing the daughters of men, that they were fair, took to themselves wives of all, which they chose.

And God said: My spirit shall not remain in man for ever, because he is flesh: and his days shall be a hundred and twenty years.

Now giants were upon the earth in those days. For after the sons of God went in to the daughters of men, and they brought forth children, these are the mighty men of old, men of renown.

And God seeing that the wickedness of men was great on the earth, and that all the thought of their heart was bent upon evil at all times,

It repented him that he had made man on the earth. And being touched inwardly with sorrow of heart,

He said: I will destroy man, whom I have created, from the face of the earth, from man even to beasts, from the creeping thing even to the fowls of the air, for it repenteth me that I have made them.


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Author:Guthrie Vine

Books

 * The National Library of Ireland: a short account of the building and its contents (1902)
 * A classified catalogue of the works on architecture and the allied arts in the principal libraries of Manchester and Salford (1909), with Henry Guppy
 * The Personality of the Librarian (1911)

Articles

 * "Some notes on the preparation and use of the General Catalogue of Printed Books in the John Rylands Library" (1921)
 * "The Miller's Tale: a study of an unrecorded fragment of a manuscript in the John Rylands Library in relation to the first printed text" (1933)
 * "Around the earliest Spanish version of Aesop‘s fables" (1941)

Other

 * Introduction to A litil boke for the Pestilence (1910)

title: Author:Guthrie Vine


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 Ju-yao and the Ting-yao: they copied ancient bronzes. Throughout the whole of the Sung period the same type of shapes and decoration is found. A better choice could scarcely have been made, for the forms of many of the old bronzes are eminently graceful, and their decorative designs show much wealth of fancy.

The number of specimens of Kuan-yao produced at the original factory (Peng-liang) was probably not large, inasmuch as the manufacture continued for twenty years only (1107-1126). Those twenty years, too, were in great part occupied by a struggle between the Chinese and the Tartars. The policy of the Sung emperors had been essentially one of peace: under their rule the empire attained a high state of civilization at the expense of its martial prowess. Unable to make head against the valour of the invading Tartars, the Sung ruler decided, in 1127, to move his capital from Kai-fêng-fu to Hang-chou. Simultaneously with this event, which is generally termed the passing of the Sung to the south, the potteries at Peng-liang appear to have been closed, and in their stead a factory was opened within the precincts of the yamen occupied by the Mayor of the Imperial Palace in Hang-Chou. The ware produced there was called sometimes Nei-yao, or "ware of the palace," but more general Kuan-yoa, or "Imperial ware." In all its essential features it closely resembled the original Kuan-yao, described above.

Ten specimens of Sung Kuan-yao are depicted in the illustrated Catalogue of H'siang. They are all céladons, their colours ranging through "pale green," light green," "onion green," and bluish green." One only is not crackled.


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 It is necessary to warn the reader against confounding the Kuan-yao of the Sung dynasty with the Kuan-yao manufactured during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries at Ching-tê-chên. The latter is, for the most part, of an entirely different character. It will be described in its place. Here it need only be observed that the term Kuan-yao, in its later use, signified simply "Imperial porcelain," and not a special product of a particular epoch.

The Kuan-yao, as the latest keramic effort of the Sung dynasty, ought to represent the highest achievement of the era's keramic art. But although in the method of treating the crackle, in accuracy of moulding and in general finish, the ware may be said to have excelled anything previously produced, the fact is recorded that the advantage was with the Ju-yao in respect of richness and lustre of glaze and delicacy of colour. To these two wares belong incomparably the finest céladons of ancient times.

Dr. Hirth translates the following passage from the Tao-shuo, as quoted by the Po-wu-yao-lan:—"As regards Kuan-yao, it should be known that the porcelain earth found at the foot of the Fêng-huang-shan (Phoenix Hill) near Hang-chou, is red. For this reason 'the foot' (tsu, technically that part of the bottom on which the vessel rests when being fired, and which is therefore not covered by the enamel; especially applied to the rings seen on the bottom of old céladon vessels) resembles iron in colour. This was at the time called red-mouthed and iron-footed.' The term 'red mouth' refers to the brim, or opening, of the vessel: the latter becomes red by the enamel flowing down and away from it so as to be much thinner on the brim than on the body of the


text: Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1500-1714/Whe(e)ler, Thomas (1)


text: Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1500-1714/Wheeler, Thomas (2)


text: Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1500-1714/Wheeler, Thomas (3)


text: Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1500-1714/Whe(e)ler, Thomas (4)


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 vessel, which allows spots of red paste to become visible."

It is convenient to speak here of another ware of the Sung period, resembling, in its general features, both the Kuan-yao and the Ju-yao. This is the Jung-yao. Like the Kuan-yao, it was manufactured originally at Kai-fêng-fu, in Honan, and subsequently at Hang-chou in Chêkiang. It derived its name from the fact that Kai-fêng-fu was the eastern capital (Jung = east) of the Sung. The clay used for its manufacture was fine in texture, but dark. The glaze was green, of various shades, without crackle. The brown rim and iron-coloured base, so common in old céladons, appeared in most of the Jung-yao pieces. This ware differed from the Kuan-yao and Ju-yao, being coarser and heavier; features that constituted decided inferiorities. One specimen of Sung Jung-yao is figured in the Illustrated Catalogue of H'siang. It has bright green glaze, compared to jade, with floral decoration in relief. Owing to its thickness and solidity, examples of the Jung-yao descended to later centuries, and its colour was taken as a model by the céladon manufacturers of Ching-tê-chên in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries.

Hang-chou, the Quinsai of Marco Polo, was one of the principal channels of traffic between China and the outer world during the Sung era. There can be little doubt that numerous specimens of early céladon found their way from it to countries west of the Middle Kingdom. Pieces of the Jung-yao produced at Hang-chou, were probably among the number.

One of the most important wares of the Sung dynasty was the Lung-chuan-yao, manufactured at the Liu-tien factory near Lung-chuan, in the province of


text: Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1500-1714/Wheeler, William


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36 land in safety, for the Italian lad was skilful at the helm and he had iron nerves, but he was not so sure that Biff Hooper and Chet Morton would weather the gale so easily. Biff had only mastered the rudiments of motorboating and a storm such as this was enough to test the mettle of the most skilful sailors.

He wondered if he should not turn back and go in search of Biff and Chet. When he had last seen them they had been heading directly into the teeth of the gale, out to the open sea. Surely they would not be foolhardy enough to go on!

He glanced back and when he saw Iola's frightened face he knew that it was impossible to turn back now, for he was responsible for the safety of the girls and there was grave peril in braving the storm just then. He opened the throttle further and felt the Sleuth respond as it leaped ahead into the tossing whitecaps through the shifting screen of rain.

Thunder rolled and crashed. Lightning flickered across the gray void and rent the dark sky in livid streaks. The waves were tossing like white-crested monsters seeking to devour them. Frank peered through the raging gale and he could vaguely discern the city lying ahead. A few lights were twinkling feebly, for the storm brought the darkness of twilight with it.

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 Chêkiang. It is said to have been originated by two brothers, whose surname was Chang. The elder was called Shêng-i (first born); the younger, Shêng-êrh (second born). Each had his own factory. The ware produced by the elder brother was distinguished as Ko-yao; that produced by the younger as Chang-yao. Originally, the two were included in the term Lung-Chuan-yao, but by connoisseurs in subsequent centuries the expressions Ko-yao (Ko signifies elder brother) and Lung-chuan-yao came to be used distinctively. Both brothers aimed at producing céladons, the chief difference in their methods being that the older employed crackle while the younger avoided it. This difference must not, however, be invariably looked for. Crackle is found is some specimens of Chang-yao—or Lung-chuan-yao as it will henceforth be called—but it is never coloured crackle. Shêng-i's ware (the Ko-yao) resembles the Kuan-yao in having a network of crackle—sometimes fine, sometimes bold-coloured with vermilion, and occasionally with Indian ink, whereas in Shêng-êrh's ware (the Chang-yao or Lung-chuan-yao) when crackle occurs it is simply untinted fissures in the glaze. The Lung-chuan céladon glaze was more distinctly green than the glaze of either the Ju-yao or the Kuan-yao. Specimens of the last two might doubtless be classed with specimens of the first in respect of colour, but as a general rule the tinge of blue so much esteemed by the Chinese connoisseur did not exist in the Lung-chuan-yao. The typical variety of glaze was strong sea-green, often more or less impure in tone. It is singular to observe how M. Julien's persistence induces him to call the Lung-chuan-yao "blue porcelain." M. d'Entrecolles, whose long


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Rh The gale had sprung up so suddenly that they had been entirely unprepared. Frank devoutly wished that he had taken heed of the warning given by that ominous sky before he started out in the motorboat. He was greatly alarmed for the safety of the girls, because he knew that the storm was one of the worst that had ever swept over Barmet Bay.

"We'll be lucky if we make it!" he muttered to himself. Then, to reassure the others, he turned and grinned.

"We'll make it, all right!" he shouted, the wind whisking the words away so that the others scarcely heard him.

A great wave broke over the side. The boat reeled as though it had been struck by a giant hand.

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 residence and practical experience in China ought to have rendered his testimony conclusive, described the ware's colour as "vert-olive." M. Julien, however, adhering to his original interpretation of the ideograph Ching, writes:—"La couleur bleue était le caractère dominant des porcelaines anciennes qui provenaient de Lung-chuan."

Many specimens of the Lung-chuan-yao were ornamented with designs in relief, sometimes copied from ancient bronzes; sometimes consisting of floral scrolls, arabesques, and so forth. Occasionally portions of the surface were left unglazed, and upon the figure subjects—as the Eight Taoist Immortals, the Seven Gods of Happiness, the Kylin or the Phoenix—were moulded in high relief. A very common fashion in this style of decoration was to mould two unglazed fishes on the bottom of a bowl or plate. Incised designs are also frequently met with. In them, as well as in raised designs, nothing is commoner than a scroll of peonies.

The porcelain stone used in the manufacture of Lung-chuan ware is said by the author of the Tao-lu to have been fine and white. This description applies to the condition of those parts of the stone not exposed to the direct action of heat in the porcelain kiln. When so exposed, the pâte became red, or reddish brown, and this change of colour is an essential mark of genuineness. Beautiful céladons were manufactured at Ching-tê-chên during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, but they lack the "red mouth and iron foot" of the true Lung-chuan-yao. In the Kuan-yao also the pâte shows these colours, but whereas the porcelain stone used in the manufacture of the Kuan-yao appears to have been red originally, that


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82 own. You put on the robe which was to mark your manhood,—on your person it became the flaunting gear of a harlot."

It is not desirable to follow the orator through some of his accusations; when he had to lash a man whom he held to be a criminal, he did not much care where or how he struck. He even breaks off himself—after saying a good deal.

"There are some things, which even a decent enemy hesitates to speak of Mark, then, his subsequent course of life, which I will trace as rapidly as I can. For though these things are better known to you than even to me, yet I ask you to hear me with attention—as indeed you do; for it is right that in such cases men's feelings should be roused not merely by the knowledge of the facts, but by calling them back to their remembrance; though we must dash at once, I believe, into the middle of his history, lest we should be too long in getting to the end."

The peroration is noble and dignified, in the orator's best style. He still supposes himself addressing his enemy. He has warned Antony that Cæsar's fate may be his: and he is not unconscious of the peril in which his own life may stand.

"But do you look to yourself—I will tell you how it stands with me. I defended the Commonwealth when I was young—I will not desert it now I am old. I despised the swords of Catiline—I am not likely to tremble before yours. Nay, I shall lay my life down gladly, if the liberty of Rome can be secured by my death, so that this suffering nation may at last bring to

title: Page:Cicero (Collins 1871).djvu/94


text: Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1500-1714/Wheller, John


text: Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1500-1714/Whelpdall, Andrew


text: Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1500-1714/Whelpdalle, John


text: Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1500-1714/Whelpdale, Thomas


text:
Page:Holy Bible Translated from the Latin Vol 1.pdf/18

 But Noe found grace before the Lord.

These are the generations of Noe: Noe was a just and perfect man in his generations, he walked with God.

And he begot three sons, Sem, Cham, and Japheth.

And the earth was corrupted before God, and was filled with iniquity.

And when God had seen that the earth was corrupted (for all flesh had corrupted its way upon the earth)

He said to Noe: The end of all flesh is come before me, the earth is filled with iniquity through them, and I will destroy them with the earth.

Make thee an ark of timber planks: thou shalt make little rooms in the ark, and thou shalt pitch it within and without.

And thus shalt thou make it. The length of the ark shall be three hundred cubits: the breadth of it fifty cubits, and the height of it thirty cubits.

Thou shalt make a window in the ark, and in a cubit shalt thou finish the top of it: and the door of the ark thou shalt set in the side: with lower, middle chambers, and third stories shalt thou make it.

Behold I will bring the waters of a great flood upon the earth, to destroy all flesh, wherein is the breath of life under heaven. All things that are in the earth shall be consumed.

And I will establish my covenant with thee: and thou shalt enter into the ark, thou and thy sons, and thy wife, and the wives of thy sons with thee.

And of every living creature of all flesh, thou shalt bring two of a sort into the ark, that they may live with thee: of the male sex, and the female.

Of fowls according to their kind, and of beasts in their kind, and of every thing that creepeth on the earth according to its kind: two of every sort shall go in with thee, that they may live.

Thou shalt take unto thee of all food, that may be eaten, and thou shalt lay it


text: Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1500-1714/Whelpdale, William


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 used in the manufacture of the Lung-chuan-yao became red under the action of heat.

Dr. Hirth has collected from Chinese literature the following extracts having reference to the wares produced at Lung-chuan:—

1.—The Ko-yao of the Sung Dynasty.

The porcelain factories of Liu-t'ien at Lung-chuan were originally in the hands of two brothers, natives of Ch'u-chou, whose surname was Chang, the elder of whom was called Shêng-i (i.e., the first born), whereas the younger brother's name was Shêng-êrh (i.e., the second born). Each of the two brothers owned a factory, and the porcelain which came from the factory of the elder brother [in Chinese Ko] was called Ko-yao, or Elder Brother's Porcelain, to distinguish it from the produce of the other factory.

2.—The Ko-ku-yao-lun [ 1387] says of the old Koyao: 'Its colour is ch'ing-green of various shades, and it comprises porcelains which have "the iron foot and the red mouth," of which specimens having a good colour may be classed with Tung-yao, though there are few to be found at present.'

3.—The P'ai-shih-lei-p'ien says: 'When its paste is fine and thin, and the enamel pure and clear, this porcelain is highly valued. Ko-yao will then have short cracks which are called Pai-chi-sui.' (Lit. the crackle of the hundred dangers.)

4.—The Ch'un-feng-t'ang-sui-p'i says: 'Ko-yao is of a dead white and has short cracks.

5.—The Po-wu-yao-lan says: 'The characteristic feature of Kuan-yao consists in its having cracks underneath the glaze resembling the claws of a crab, that of Ko-yao in its having cracks like fish-spawn; with the difference that its enamel does not come up to that of Kuan-yao.' (The true significance of the "crab's claw" marks has been explained in the text.)

6.—The Wu-ts'a-tsu says: 'Apart from Ch'ai-yao, the


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Rh the birth that which it has long been breeding. If, twenty years ago, I declared in this house that death could never be said to have come before its time to a man who had been consul of Rome, with how much more truth, at my age, may I say it now! To me indeed, gentlemen of the Senate, death may well be a thing to be even desired, when I have done what I have done and reaped the honours I have reaped. Only two wishes I have,—the one, that at my death I may leave the Roman people free—the immortal gods can give me no greater boon than this; the other, that every citizen may meet with such reward as his conduct towards the state may have deserved."

The publication of this unspoken speech raised for the time an enthusiasm against Antony, whom Cicero now openly declared to be an enemy to the state. He hurled against him Philippic after Philippic. The appeal at the end of that which comes the sixth in order is eloquent enough.

"The time is come at last, fellow-citizens; somewhat too late, indeed, for the dignity of the people of Rome, but at least the crisis is so ripe, that it cannot now be deferred an instant longer. We have had one calamity sent upon us, as I may say, by fate, which we bore with—in such sort as it might be borne. If another befalls us now, it will be one of our own choosing. That this Roman people should serve any master, when the gods above have willed us to be the masters of the world, is a crime in the sight of heaven. The question hangs now on its last issue. The struggle

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 porcelains of the Sung Dynasty, viz., those of Ting, Ju, Kuan, and Ko have been preserved to the present day, but it is only the Ko-yao, of which it is not too difficult to obtain specimens, owing to their peculiar heaviness, which enables them to keep well, whereas it was difficult to preserve the Ting and Ju porcelains for such a length of time.'

7.—The Lung-chaun-yao of the Sung Dynasty: 'This is the pottery made by Chan Shêng-êhr, i.e., Chang the younger, and since the porcelain made by the elder brother was already called Ko-yao, while the younger brother continued his factory at Lung-chuan, the old name of this porcelain was Lung-chuan-yao.'

8.—The Pai-shih-lei-p'ien says: 'The porcelain of Lunchuan is up to the present day called Chang-yao [i.e., Chang's Porcelain] by the people of Wên-chow and Ch'u-chow.'

9.—The Ko-ku-yao-lun ( 1387) says: 'The old Lung-chuan-yao is now called Ch'u-ch'i [Ware of Ch'u-chou-fu] or Ching-ch'i [Green Ware]. Old Ching-ch'i [Green Ware], if fine and thin in paste and of tsui-ching green colour (Kingfisher's green), is highly valued. There are specimens which are of a pale ching-green colour (mealy or muddy green), and there is a variety consisting of basins which have a pair of fishes at the bottom or have on the outer side brass rings serving as handles; they are of thick and heavy make and not very superior.'

10.—The Po-wu-yao-lan says: The better specimens of Lung-chuan porcelain are able to compete with Kuan-yao and Ko-yao; but there is not much in the way of a crackled surface or a brown paste; and owing to their being thick and solid in make, they can stand a very good deal of wear and tear and will not easily spoil.'

11.—The Ch'ing-pi-tsang says: Old Lung-chuan porcelain is fine in paste, thick in make, and has an intense onion-green or tree-green colour. The better specimens may compete with the Kuan-yao; but there is not much in the way of a crackled surface, a brown paste, and an iron foot. Moreover, they can stand a very good deal of wear and tear and will not easily spoil. But as the manufacturers were somewhat clumsy, the workmanship shown in these


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84 is for our liberties. You must either conquer, Romans,—and this, assuredly, with such patriotism and such unanimity as I see here, you must do,—or you must endure anything and everything rather than be slaves. Other nations may endure the yoke of slavery, but the birthright of the people of Rome is liberty."

Antony had left Rome, and thrown himself, like Catiline, into the arms of his soldiers, in his province of Cisalpine Gaul. There he maintained himself in defiance of the Senate, who at last, urged by Cicero, declared him a public enemy. Cæsar Octavianus (great-nephew of Julius) offered his services to the state, and with some hesitation they were accepted. The last struggle was begun. Intelligence soon arrived that Antony had been defeated at Mutina by the two last consuls of the Republic, Hirtius and Pansa. The news was dashed, indeed, afterwards by the further announcement that both consuls had died of their wounds. But it was in the height of the first exultation that Cicero addressed to the Senate his fourteenth Philippic—the last oration which he was ever to make. For the moment, he found himself once more the foremost man at Rome. Crowds of roaring patriots had surrounded his house that morning, escorted him in triumph up to the Capitol, and back to his own house, as they had done in the days of his early glory. Young Cæsar, who had paid him much personal deference, was professing himself a patriot; the Commonwealth was safe again—and Cicero almost thought that he again himself had saved it.

title: Page:Cicero (Collins 1871).djvu/96


text: Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1500-1714/Wherley, Francis


text: Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1500-1714/Whetcombe


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 porcelains cannot be classed as representing the ancient elegance in style. When the white paste is so covered with green enamel that, at the places where it is not put on thick, white patches will shine through,—this is the porcelain burned by Chang Shêng of the Sung dynasty, and therefore called Chang-yao; when compared to the [ordinary] Lung-chuan it displays greater delicacy of workmanship.'

12.—The Ch'un-fêng-t'ang-sui-p'i says: 'The green porcelain made by the younger brother was pure and clear like fine jadestone and much valued by the world; it resembled the Kuan-yao in make. The porcelain made by the elder brother was of a fainter colour.'

Other extracts relating to these wares are also quoted in Dr. Hirth's brochure, but they convey no special information.

Doubts have been expressed about the date when Lung-chuan ware was first manufactured. The Sung dynasty covered a period of three centuries, and considerable progress was evidently made in the keramic art during that long interval. To attribute the origin of a factory to the Sung dynasty is, therefore, unsatisfactorily vague. There is only one authority to fix the era of the Chang brothers. A work quoted by Dr. Hirth says that they lived during the Southern Sung dynasty (1127-1280), and the earliest Lung-chuan céladons may therefore be referred to the first half of the twelfth century.

It is on record that there were two Lung-chuan factories. One was at Liu-tien, sixty miles distant from Lung-chuan. The choicest céladon was produced there. The second was at a village called Chin-tsun. Inferior specimens of Lung-chuan-yao were potted there. Liu-tien stood at the foot of a hill (called Liu-hua-shan), on the top of which there was supposed to be an unfathomable lake.


text: Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1500-1714/Whetcombe, Benjamin


text: Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1500-1714/Whetcombe, James


text: Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1500-1714/Whetcombe, John (1)


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 Among early Chinese wares the Lung-chaun-yao bequeathed to later generations incomparably the largest number of specimens. Genuine but inferior examples are procurable with little difficulty. Plates and bowls are most common, but vases, censers and so forth, may often be found. With exceptions so rare as to be scarcely worthy of mention, these pieces are of the clumsy thick variety. Their pâte is heavy and dense, well calculated to resist the effects of ordinary accidents; their glaze is olive or sea-green, and their decorative designs, whether impressed, engraved, or in relief, generally consist of floral scrolls and diapers. They owe their preservation to their solidity. "My enquiries among the natives," writes Dr. Hirth, "have convinced me of one thing, namely, that whereas with regard to many other antiquities it is often difficult to find two Chinese that agree, a most decided uniformity of opinion prevails about this class of porcelain. There is not an intelligent native student (connoisseur) in China who is not able to pick out a piece of Lung-chaun-yao, or a Lung-chaun-ti, for such is the colloquial designation in the north, from a large collection of similar objects without the slightest hesitation. Further, there is only one opinion as to the age of specimens which are not wanting in any of the characteristics. For, since the paste is originally white, which may be proved by examining a broken specimen, whereas all parts of the surface not covered by enamel have turned red or brown in the fire, we have before us an earth possessing a natural quality not possessed by the produce of other kilns, viz., that of changing colour in the fire. I understand from my Chinese informants that this peculiarity cannot be imitated, not even at


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Rh But Rome now belonged to those who had the legions. It had come to that: and when Antony succeeded in joining interests with Octavianus (afterwards miscalled Augustus)—"the boy," as both Cicero and Antony called him—a boy in years as yet, but premature in craft and falsehood—who had come "to claim his inheritance," and succeeded in rousing in the old veterans of his uncle the desire to take vengeance on his murderers, the fate of the Republic and of Cicero was sealed.

It was on a little eyot formed by the river Reno, near Bologna, that Antony, young Cæsar, and Lepidus (the nominal third in what is known as the Second Triumvirate) met to arrange among themselves the division of power, and what they held to be necessary to the securing it for the future—the proscription of their several enemies. No private affections or interests were to be allowed to interfere with this merciless arrangement. If Lepidus would give up his brother, Antony would surrender an obnoxious uncle. Octavianus made a cheaper sacrifice in Cicero, whom Antony, we may be sure, with those terrible Philippics ringing in his ears, demanded with an eager vengeance. All was soon amicably settled; the proscription-lists were made out, and the Triumvirate occupied Rome.

Cicero and his brother—whose name was known to be also on the fatal roll—heard of it while they were together at the Tusculan villa. Both took immediate measures to escape. But Quintus had to return to Rome to get money for their flight, and, as it would

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 Ching-tê-chên, and that in order to produce the ferruginous ring in other white porcelains the bottom must be coloured artificially. This is one of the chief characteristics, and one of the tests applied by the natives consists in looking for accidental patches or little spots where the enamel for some reason or other has allowed the raw paste to leak out, these spots coming forward against the intentions of the manufacturer, since they reduce the value of the vessel; if the colour of these patches is genuine, like that of the ring, it helps to increase the confidence in its age, which, in all cases, must be of a date prior to the closing of the factories at Lung-chuan and Ch'u-chou." It must not by any means be assumed, however, that specimens of Lung-Chaun-yao, even though they present the characteristics enumerated here, necessarily date from the Sung era. The vast majority of them probably belong to the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. For the factories in Chêkiang remained active until about the year 1620. They were not, indeed, always at the same place. At the beginning of the Ming dynasty (1368), they were moved to Chu-chou-fu, a town on the same river as Lung-chuan, but about 75 miles farther down, and thus situated half way between Lung-chuan and Wên-chow. Here the manufacture was continued briskly, but the productions lost their old excellence. The manner of manipulating the porcelain stone or its quality gradually deteriorated, and the colour of the glaze lost its delicacy.

During the years immediately preceding the transfer of the factory to Chu-chou-fu, the potters of Lui-tien devoted much care to reproductions of the Ko-yao. This was at the close of the Yuan dynasty


text: Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1500-1714/Whetcombe, John (2)


text: Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1500-1714/Whetcombe, John (3)


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86 appear, to fetch his son. The emissaries of the Triumvirate were sent to search the house: the father had hid himself, but the son was seized, and refusing to give any information, was put to the torture. His father heard his cries of agony, came forth from his hiding-place, and asked only to be put to death first. The son in his turn made the same request, and the assassins were so far merciful that they killed both at once.

Cicero himself might yet have escaped, but for something of his old indecision. He had gone on board a small vessel with the intention of joining Brutus in Macedonia, when he suddenly changed his mind, and insisted on being put on shore again. He wandered about, half-resolving (for the third time) on suicide. He would go to Rome, stab himself on the altar-hearth in young Cæsar's house, and call down the vengeance of heaven upon the traitor. The accounts of these last hours of his life are, unfortunately, somewhat contradictory, and none of the authorities to be entirely depended on; Abeken has made a careful attempt to harmonise them, which it will be best here to follow.

Urged by the prayers of his slaves, the faithful adherents of a kind master, he once more embarked, and once more (Appian says, from sea-sickness, which he never could endure) landed near Caieta, where he had a seaside villa. Either there, or, as other accounts say, at his house at Formiæ, he laid himself down to pass the night, and wait for death. "Let me die," said he, "in my own country, which I have so often

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 (about 1350). The porcelain stone was procured from Hang-chou, as in the days of the Chang brothers, but it gave a comparatively coarse, chalky pâte. A Chinese work, quoted by Dr. Hirth, says:—"To imitate the Ko-yao crackle it is impossible to make the iron-coloured bottom. If the imitation has this characteristic, its timbre is bad. Similarly it is impossible to reproduce the pale colour of the original Lung-chuan ware. If the reproduction is accurate in respect of colour, it will not ring. This is one of the points in which the superiority of the old ware becomes apparent."

It has been supposed that the Lung-chuan-yao was pre-eminently the céladon ware of former times. Dr. Hirth has helped to confirm this misconception. Certainly if there is question only of the specimens now procurable in bric-à-brac shops or existing in the collections of Western amateurs, one may assert with tolerable confidence that whenever they date so far back as the Ming dynasty nine hundred and ninety-nine out of every thousand were the work of the Chu-chou potters. But really choice céladons belong either to the Kuan-yao, the Ju-yao, or the true Lung-chuan-yao. These alone are of the highest quality. A fine céladon glaze had been the chief aim of China's best potters long before the days of the brothers Chang.

A book called the Po-wu-yao-lau, translated by Dr. Hirth, says "Kuan-yao as well as of Ko-yao vessels there are pieces which have changed colour during the firing (Yao-p'ieu) and exhibit figures resembling butterflies, birds, fishes, unicorns, or leopards, inasmuch as the colour in part of the original enamel has by some unaccountable process during the firing, undergone a transmutation into light brown or red


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Rh saved." But again the faithful slaves aroused him, forced him into a litter, and hurried him down through the woods to the sea-shore—for the assassins were in hot pursuit of him. They found his house shut up; but some traitor showed them a short cut by which to overtake the fugitive. As he lay reading (it is said), even during these anxious moments, a play of his favourite Euripides, every line of whom he used to declare contained some maxim worth remembering, he heard their steps approaching, and ordered the litter to be set down. He looked out, and recognised at the head of the party an officer named Lænas, whom he had once successfully defended on a capital charge; but he saw no gratitude or mercy in the face, though there were others of the band who covered their eyes for pity, when they saw the dishevelled grey hair and pale worn features of the great Roman (he was within a month of sixty-four). He turned from Lænas to the centurion, one Herennius, and said, "Strike, old soldier, if you understand your trade!" At the third blow—by one or other of those officers, for both claimed the evil honour—his head was severed. They carried it straight to Antony, where he sat on the seat of justice in the Forum, and demanded the offered reward. The triumvir, in his joy, paid it some ten times over. He sent the bloody trophy to his wife; and the Roman Jezebel spat in the dead face, and ran her bodkin through the tongue which had spoken those bold and bitter truths against her false husband. The great orator fulfilled, almost in the very letter, the words which, treating of the

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 brown." There will be occasion to speak hereafter of the Yao-p'ieu, or Transmutation ware. Here it will suffice to say that these accidental changes of colour in the kiln, owing to the oxidation of the copper in the glaze, suggested to the early potters a variety of céladon much admired and greatly prized by amateurs in subsequent centuries. In this exceedingly rare ware the uniformity of the surface is relieved by metallic spots, distributed with more or less regularity. In choice specimens the colour of the spots is lustrous, golden brown, and they seem to float suspended, as it were, in the velvety green, or bluish green, glaze. Good examples of this spotted céladon are practically unprocurable, and the estimation in which they are held, added to their scarcity, gives them an extravagant value. In Japan the ware is called Tobi-Seiji. A few pieces exist there in ancient collections, but among the many grand céladons presented by the Shôgun Yoshimasa (1490) and the Regent Hideyoshi (1580) to the principal temples throughout the empire, there is not a single vase of the spotted variety.

One interesting specimen of Sung Ko-yao ware and ten examples of the Lung-chuan-yao are to be seen depicted in the "Illustrated Catalogue" of H'siang. The colour of the Ko-yao piece is pale green; that of the Lung-chuan examples varies from "dark green" and "deep emerald" to "grass green" and the "bright green of fresh onion sprouts." Only one piece of the Lung-chuan-yao is crackled. The forms and decorative designs are borrowed, in almost every case, from ancient bronzes.

To Western eyes one of the most attractive wares manufactured during the Sung dynasty was the Chün-yao. In point of antiquity this ware ranks first


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 up with thee: and it shall be food for thee and them.

And Noe did all things, which God commanded him.

''Noe with his family go into the ark. The deluge overflows the earth.''

ND the Lord said to him: Go in, thou and all thy house into the ark: for thee I have seen just before me in this generation.

Of all clean beasts take seven and seven, the male and the female.

But of the beasts that are unclean two and two, the male and the female. Of the fowls also of the air seven and seven, the male and the female: that seed may be saved upon the face of the whole earth.

For yet a while, and after seven days, I will rain upon the earth forty days and forty nights: and I will destroy every substance that I have made, from the face of the earth.

And Noe did all things, which the Lord had commanded him.

And he was six hundred years old, when the waters of the flood overflowed the earth.

And Noe went in and his sons, his wife and the wives of his sons with him into the ark, because of the waters of the flood.

And of beasts clean and unclean, and of fowls, and of every thing that moveth upon the earth,

Two and two went in to Noe into the ark, male and female, as the Lord had commanded Noe.

And after the seven days were passed, the waters of the flood overflowed the earth.

In the six hundredth year of the life of Noe, in the second month, in the seventeenth day of the month, all the fountains of the great deep were broken up, and the flood-gates of heaven were opened:

And the rain fell upon the earth forty days and forty nights.

In the self same day Noe, and Sem, and Cham, and Japheth his sons: his wife, and the three wives of his sons with them went into the ark:

They and every beast according to its kind, and all the cattle in their kind, and every thing that moveth upon the earth according to its kind, and every fowl according to its kind, all birds, and all that fly

Went in to Noe into the ark, two and two of all flesh, wherein was the breath of life.

And they that went in, went in male and female of all flesh, as God had


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88 liberty of the pleader, he had put into the mouth of Crassus—"You must cut out this tongue, if you would check my free speech: nay, even then, my very breathing should protest against your lust for power." The head, by Antony's order, was then nailed upon the Rostra, to speak there, more eloquently than ever the living lips had spoken, of the dead liberty of Rome.

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 at the opposite point and straightened out, both ends will also be  of the same verticity, no otherwise than a thin rod touched in the middle or a ring not cohærent at the joint.

N things magnetical nature always tends to unity, not merely to confluence and agglomeration, but to harmony; in such a way that the rotational and disponent faculty should not be disturbed, as is variously shown in the following example. Let C D be an entire body of some magnetick substance, in which C tends to B, the north of the earth, and D to the south, A. Then divide it in the middle in its æquator, and it will be E that is tending toward A, and F tending toward B. For just as in the undivided body, so in the divided, nature aims at these bodies being united; the end E again joins with F harmoniously and eagerly and they stick together, but E is never joined to D, nor F to C; for then C must be turned contrary to nature toward A, the south, or D toward B, the north, which is foreign to them and incongruous. Separate the stone in the place where it is cut and turn D round to C; they harmonize and combine excellently. For D is tending to the south, as before, and C to the north; E and F, parts which were cognate in the ore, are now widely separated, for they do not move together on account of material affinity, but they take their motion and inclination from their form. So the ends, whether joined or divided, tend magnetically in the same way to the earth's poles in the first figure where there is one whole, or divided as in the second figure; and F E in the second figure is a perfect magnetick joined together into one body and C D, just as it was primarily produced in its ore, and F E in its boat, turn in


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 among the productions of the dynasty, but by Chinese connoisseurs at the time (second half of the sixteenth century) when the Illustrated Catalogue of H'siang was written, it was placed at the bottom of the list of Sung products. This unfavourable verdict did not, however, receive the endorsement of subsequent critics, and was certainly not admitted by the potters of Ching-tê-chên in the eighteenth century, who spared no pains to reproduce the Chün glazes. The factory stood near the city now called Yü-chou, in the Kai-fêng-fu district of Hônan province, where, at a somewhat later date, the celebrated Kuan-yao céladons were produced. During the Sung Dynasty Yü-chou was called Chün-chou or Chün-tai: hence the term Chün-yao. The factory dated from the beginning of the dynasty, that is to say from about 960 Like other Sung wares, the Chün-yao undoubtedly improved materially in quality during the three centuries of the dynasty. But as its manufacturers depended entirely on the colour and texture of their glazes, they did not attempt to produce a thin translucid pâte. Generally their ware was thick and solid, though well manipulated and having good timbre. It may be described as very fine stone-ware, showing in places a reddish brown tint. The most esteemed glazes were vermilion red (Chu-hung) and aubergine purple (ch'ieh-tzu). The former was not a brilliant colour, but rather soft and dappled. The latter is compared by Chinese connoisseurs to the purple of ripe grapes. These, however, were not the only colours produced. Moonlight blue (clair-de-lune) and green of various tints are also found. The aubergine variety of Chün-yao appears to have been a monochrome, but the so-called red glazes were polychro-


text: Author:George Henry Hurst

title: Author:George Henry Hurst


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 this way to the poles of the earth and are conformed to them. This harmony of the magnetick form is shown also in the forms of vegetables. Let A B be a twig from a branch of osier or other tree which sprouts easily. Let A be the upper part, B the lower part toward the root; divide it at C D; I say that the end D, if grafted again to C by the primer's art, grows to it; just as also if B is grafted to A, they grow together and germinate. But D being grafted on A, or C on B, they are at variance, and never grow into one another, but one of them dies on account of the inverted and inharmonious arrangement, since the vegetative force, which moves in one way, is now impelled in opposite directions.


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 green of onion sprouts or kingfisher's plumage—were highly valued and must have been very beautiful, but public acquaintance with them is confined to their reproductions in the Yuan dynasty (1260 and 1367) and by potters of later centuries.

Among the manufactures of these early times the Chün-yao is distinguished by having marks on the bottom of the best specimens. These marks consist of deeply incised numerals, from one to ten. According to the Tao-lu, the numerals, "one" and "two," were used to distinguish choice pieces, but Chinese experts of the present day deny this limit, and assert that up to "ten" the numerals were employed indifferently.

In the "Illustrated Catalogue" of H'siang, four striking examples of the Chün-yao ware are depicted. Three of these are purple monochromes and one has a reddish brown glaze, the "mule's liver" or horse's-lung" glaze of fanciful collectors. "Mucus colour," "pig's-liver," and "mule's-lungs" were terms jestingly and perhaps disparagingly applied by Chinese connoisseurs to impure Chün-yao glazes.

Dr. Hirth, in his pamphlet on "Ancient Chinese Porcelain," translates the following from the Tao-shuo on the subject of Chün wares:—"The Liu-ch'ing-jih-cha says: 'The Chün-yao shows in gradual shades the brilliant effects of all colours, very prominently the t'su-ssu pattern and the ch'ing (green or blue) colour of a blazing flame.'"

With regard to this t'su-ssu-wên, Dr. Hirth says:—

Julien translates this term by 'veines imitant les soies (poils) du lièvre,' and others have adopted this much too literal translation; cf. Marryat, History of Pottery and Porcelain, p. 200: "The most esteemed had veins resembling the fur of the hare." A glance at the passages given under this


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 mens are baked in closed furnaces, the arrangement of which is like that of our moufles. It seems, however, that these furnaces have a circular shape, which would make them resemble porcelain ovens of small dimensions If the reader has well understood my object in comparing the porcelain industries of China and of Europe, he will see the advantages that can be drawn by studying attentively the processes indicated in Chinese books for obtaining certain fonds de couleurs au grand feu. The reproduction of céladon as it is made in China, of the rich reds and lustrous blues so prized by amateurs, the imitation of crackle large and small, would confer advantages the more certain in that these products have a character of quite special originality, that they are much in vogue, and that, up to the present, attempts to imitate them in Europe have not been successful."

M. Salvétat might have added that attempts to reproduce these remarkable works are unsuccessful in China itself. Doubtless many causes have combined to bring about this result, but the most important, as well as the most comprehensive, is, perhaps, the loss of patronage. Patience that knew no weariness, and painstaking that kept no count of time, were distinguishing characteristics of the old artists, but they were characteristics that owed their development less to inspiration than to circumstance. In China, under successive Emperors from the Tang dynasty down to the middle of the seventeenth century, the keramist's masterpieces were destined for Imperial use. He was able to be sure that whatever excellence he might obtain, at whatever cost, would be more than adequately appreciated. Yet, even


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 (fF. 282 b-293 b) in the "Index to the Sloane manuscripts in the British Museum, by E. J. L. Scott".

The English version of Knutsson's treatise was reprinted in London about 15 10 by Wynkyn de Worde, and about the same time an edition appeared, probably at Antwerp, from an unknown press. In 1536 it was printed afresh by Thomas Gybson of London. According to Hazlitt ("Second series of bibliographical collections, etc." p. 18) W. Griffith obtained permission to print an edition some thirty years later: "A spedy Remyde for the pestelence, by a bysshope of Denmarke. Licensed to W. Griffith in 1 569-70." Whether this proposed reprint was ever issued does not appear to be known.

But it was through Thomas Phaer, the celebrated translator of Vergil's Aeneid, that the influence of Knutsson's treatise on English medical practice received its greatest impulse. Phaer, whose earlier years were occupied with the practice of law, took up about 1539 the study of medicine. As one of the results of his new study he brought out in 1546 an English translation, entitled "The regyment of lyfe", of a French version of "Regimen sanitatis Salerni", a work which was regarded as a standard authority. To this version he appended a treatise on the pestilence, in which was embodied the substance of Knutsson's work. A number of editions of Phaer 's book were issued in the sixteenth century, whilst the part relating to the plague was republished in London as late as 1722. So long at least can we trace the influence of Knutsson's "litil boke".


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 spaces left for the insertion of rubricated or illuminated capitals, to serve as guides to the rubricator.

The productions of his press can be divided, however, into two groups according to the type employed in them, known as the Fleet Bridge group, and the Holborn group. In two of the eight books belonging to the former group the printer gives his address as near "Flete brigge", whilst in the colophon to one of the latter he describes himself as printing in Holborn.

For the books of the Fleet Bridge group, which was probably the earlier of the two, Machlinia used two new founts of type, of a square gothic character, described as types 2 and 3 by Mr. Proctor, his type 1, which was used for headings and opening words of books, being the same as that similarly employed by Lettou. The two books referred to as containing colophons, both of which are in the John Rylands Library, are an edition of Littleton's "Tenores novelli" and the "Liber aggregationis" of Albertus Magnus. The colophon of the former is as follows: "⸿ Expliciunt Tenores nouelli Impressi per me wilhelmū de machlinia in opulentissima Ciuitate Londoniaꝝ iuxta pontē qui vulgariter dicitur Flete brigge." The colophon of the Albertus Magnus reads thus: "⸿ Albertus Magnus de Secretis nature Explicit Necnon per me wilhelmum de Mechlinia Impressus In opulentissima Ciuitate Londoniarū Iuxta pontem qui vulgariter dicitur Flete brigge."

Perhaps the most interesting amongst the Fleet Bridge books from a bibliographical point of view is a small


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more I saw of Joe in the days which followed, the more I appreciated the man and the more I became convinced of his remarkable gifts. Indeed, truth to tell, I could not restrain the hope that some new situation might arise which would give him an opportunity of displaying them once again. Of course, the ordinary details of our woods life provided him with some scope, and it was always a pleasure to me to be in the company of so consummate a woodsman. It was not long after our return from St. Amiel before Joe succeeded in getting me a fair shot at the large red-deer buck of Widdeney Pond, and it so happened that the killing of this buck brought us news of old Highamson, for we took the head down to him to set up, since Joe assured me that the old man had once worked with success at a taxidermist's.

Joe and I walked over and found him living with his daughter, Janey Lyon, for the police

title: Page:November Joe.pdf/70


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 had never been successful in discovering the identity of the avenger of Big Tree Portage. The two seemed very happy together, but I must acknowledge that I feared from what I saw that the beautiful Janey would not continue to bear the name of Lyon much longer. I said as much to November Joe as we were walking back.

"That's nature," said he. "Old man Highamson told me that neither Baxter Gurd nor Miller don't give her no peace. Well, I guess a woman's better married anyway."

"How about a man, Joe?" I asked.

"It may be all right for them as don't get the pull o' the woods too strong, but for him that's heard the loons calling on the lakes, 't is different someway."

"Yet there are some very pretty girls, Joe."

"You've seen more than I have, Mr. Quaritch," said Joe, laughingly; "but you don't get no telegrams from Mrs. Quaritch telling you to come home and sing to baby."

To this too trenchant remark I could think of no immediate reply, and we continued our way for some time in silence. It was drawing on

title: Page:November Joe.pdf/71


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 me entreat you two young people to do nothing so rash as this, even if by going to some strange church, you may do so without discovery. The tragedy of marriage'

'Tragedy?'

'Certainly. It is full of crises and catastrophes, and ends with the death of one of the actors. The tragedy of marriage, as I was saying, is one I shall not be a party to your beginning with such light hearts, and I shall feel bound to put your father on his guard, Miss Everard. Think better of it, I entreat you! Remember the proverb, "Marry in haste and repent at leisure.

Christine, spurred by opposition, almost stormed at him. Nicholas implored; but nothing would turn that obstinate rector. She sat down and reflected. By-and-by she confronted Mr. Bealand.

'Our marriage is not to be this morning, I see,' she said. 'Now grant me one favour, and in return I'll promise you to do nothing rashly. Do not tell my father a word of what has happened here.'

'I agree—if you undertake not to elope.'

She looked at Nicholas, and he looked at her. 'Do you wish me to elope, Nic?' she asked.

'No,' he said.

So the compact was made, and they left the church singly, Nicholas remaining till the last, and closing the door. On his way home, carrying the well-packed bag which was just now to go no further, the two men who were mending water-carriers in the meadows approached the hedge, as if they had been on the alert all the time.

'You said you mid want us for zummat, sir?"

'All right—never mind,' he answered through the hedge. I did not require you after all.'

At a manor not far away there lived a queer and primitive couple who had lately been blessed with a son

title: Page:A Changed Man (1913).pdf/53


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Page:Kelley v. Chicago Park District.pdf/8

 VARA was enacted as a consequence of the United States’ accession to the Berne Convention for the Protection of Literary and Artistic Works. After many years of resistance, the Senate ratified the treaty in 1988, bringing the United States into the Berne Union effective the following year. See 4 § 17.01[C][2] (2010); 5  §§ 16:1, 16:3. The Berne Convention dates to 1886, when seven European nations (plus Haiti and Tunisia) joined together to extend copyright protection across their borders. See 4 § 17.01[B][1] nn. 10 & 17 (2002). During the course of the next century, many other nations joined, and the treaty underwent periodic revisions, most notably for our purposes in 1928 when Article 6bis was added, incorporating the concept of moral rights. See 3 id. § 8D.01[B] (2004); 5 §§ 16:1, 16:3. Article 6bis provides: "(1) Independently of the author’s economic rights, and even after the transfer of the said rights, the author shall have the right to claim authorship of the work and to object to any distortion, mutilation or other modification of, or other derogatory action in relation to, the said work, which would be prejudicial to his honor or reputation. …. (3) The means of redress for safeguarding the rights granted by this Article shall be governed by the legislation of the country where protection is claimed."

Berne Convention for the Protection of Literary and Artistic Works, art. 6bis, Sept. 9, 1886, as revised at Paris on July 24, 1971, 99-27 (1986).

When the United States joined the Berne Union in 1989, the concept of moral rights was largely unknown in American law. See Lee v. A.R.T. Co., 125 F.3d 580, 582 (7th Cir.1997) (“[I]t was accepted wisdom [before VARA] that the United States did not enforce any claim of moral rights.”); see also Weinstein v. Univ. of Ill., 811 F.2d 1091, 1095 n. 3 (7th Cir.1987) (The Continental principle of le droit moral is a doctrine that “no American jurisdiction follows as a general matter.”); Merryman, The Refrigerator of Bernard Buffet, 27 at 1035–36 (“The moral right of the artist, and in particular that component called the right of integrity of the work of art, simply does not exist in our law.”). Article 6bis was a major obstacle to Berne ratification. See Martin v. City of Indianapolis, 192 F.3d 608, 611 (7th Cir.1999) (The treaty’s moral-rights concept “was controversial in this country” and was embraced post-Berne only “in a very limited way.”); Carter, 71 F.3d at 82–83 (“The issue of federal protection of moral rights was a prominent hurdle in the debate over whether the United States should join the Berne Convention….”); see also 3 § 8D.02[A]–[D] (2004); 5  §§ 16:1, 16:3; Roberta Rosenthal Kwall, How Fine Art Fares Post VARA, 1  1, 1–4 (1997).

American unease with European moral-rights doctrine—more particularly, the obligations imposed by Article 6bis—persisted beyond Berne ratification. Indeed, Congress initially took the position that domestic law already captured the concept in existing copyright and common-law doctrines and in the statutory law of some states. See Berne Convention Implementation Act of 1988, Pub.L. No. 100-568, §§§ [sic] 2(2), (3), 102 Stat. 2853; 3 § 8D.02[D][1] (2009); 5  § 16:3. This was seen as an implausible claim. See 3 § 8D.02[D][1] (“Th[e] Congressional finding flies in the


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 vellum edition of the "Horae ad usum Sarum", the existence of which is known only from a few leaves recovered from various bindings and distributed in the British Museum, the libraries of Cambridge University, Corpus Christi College, Oxford, and Lincoln Minster. This book exhibits the only ornament used by Machlinia, in the shape of an engraved border, which we afterwards find in the hands of Richard Pynson.

Another book that deserves a passing reference is "The revelation of St. Nicholas to a monk of Evesham", as affording an example of Machlinia's somewhat casual methods of work. In the course of printing this book one of the sheets was wrongly imposed, but instead of reprinting the whole sheet correctly he merely printed off some copies of the wrong pages and pasted them down in their proper order.

One of the books in this group most commonly met with is an edition of the "Nova statu ta", printed in law French. It covers the period from the first year of Edward III to the 22nd year of Edward IV inclusive. The latter year terminated on March 3, 1482-3, and as Edward IV died in the following month this book can reasonably be assigned to his successor's reign.

The removal of Machlinia to Holborn may probably be placed about the latter half of 1484, assuming that the introduction of the new types (Nos. 4 and 5) synchronized with the change of address. The type styled by Proctor no. 4 bears a strong resemblance to one of Caxton's founts (no. 2*), and is still more like that used by


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Rh


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advance of the season now became as rapid, as its first approach had been tedious and lingering. The days were uniformly mild, and genial to vegetation, while the nights, though cool, were no longer chilled by frosts. The whip-poor-will was heard whistling his melancholy notes along the margin of the lake, and the ponds and meadows were sending forth the music of their thousand tenants. The leaf of the native poplar was seen quivering in the woods; the sides of the mountains began to lose their hue of brown, as the lively green of the different members of the forest blended their shades with the permanent colours of the pine and hemlock; and even the buds of the tardy oak were swelling with the promise of the coming summer. The gay and fluttering blue-bird, the social robin, and the industrious little wren, were all to be seen, enlivening the fields with their presence and their songs; while the soaring fish-hawk was already hovering over the waters of the Otsego, watching, with his native voracity, for the appearance of his prey.

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 The tenants of the lake were far-famed for both their quantities and their quality, and the ice had hardly disappeared, before numberless little boats were launched from the shores, and the lines of the fishermen were dropped into the inmost recesses of its deepest caverns, tempting the unwary animals with every variety of bait that the ingenuity or the art of man had invented. But the slow, though certain adventures with a hook and line were ill-suited to the profusion and impatience of the settlers. More destructive means were resorted to; and, as the season had now arrived when the bass-fisheries were allowed by the provisions of the law, that Judge Temple had procured, the Sheriff declared his intention by availing himself of the first dark night, to enjoy the sport in person—

"And you shall be present, cousin Bess," he added, when he announced this intention, "and Miss Grant, and Mr. Edwards; and I will show you what I call fishing—not nibble, nibble, nibble, as 'duke does, when he goes after the salmon-trout. There he will sit, for hours, in a broiling sun, or, perhaps, over a hole in the ice, in the coldest days in winter, under the lee of a few bushes, and not a fish will he catch, after all this mortification of the flesh. No, no—give me a good seine, that's fifty or sixty fathoms in length, with a jolly parcel of boatmen to crack their jokes, the while, and with Benjamin to steer, and let us haul them in by thousands, and I shall call that fishing."

"Ah! Dickon," cried Marmaduke, "thou knowest but little of the pleasure there is in playing with the hook and line, or thou wouldst be more saving of the game. I have known thee to leave fragments enough behind thee, when thou

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