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Yet like the Indian, though severer light Hath broken in upon his radiant faith And shown its falsehood, still his spirit clings With lingering homage to his early worship. So Ellen's breast yearned to the guilty one, 'Mid crimes, 'mid darkness; she could not forget He was the chosen of her youth, that he Had been her first, her only love.----

 * The morn had broken, and a dull red light

Streamed through the iron grating heavily: The bell had ceased its summoning,—they leaned In desperate hope to catch another toll In vain—and loud and hurrying steps were heard— The door was opened, and the chains were struck From off his shackled hands. They led him forth. He clasped his Ellen, and pressed one cold kiss On lips as cold, and placed her as a child Upon his father's bosom, and departed. A shriek rang after him, and many there To their last hour shall not forget that cry. They led him on; his step was firm, although His face was very pale; and when he reached The scaffold, he knelt meekly down and prayed. Silence was all around: his eyes were clothed: This world one gasp concluded, and to him Opened eternity. L. E, L.


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 Rh “Then it’s rather hard,” said the Eminent Authority, “to answer your question in plain terms. But I’ll try. One thing, of course, is absolutely certain, Mittel-Europa goes overboard.”

“It does, eh?”

“Oh, yes, absolutely. This is the end of Mittel-Europa. I mean to say—here we’ve had Mittel-Europa, that is, the Mittel-Europa idea, as a sort of fantasmus in front of Teutonism ever since Königgrätz.”

The Authority looked all round us in that searching way he had. We all tried to look like men seeing a fantasmus and disgusted at it.

“So you see,” he went on, “Mittel-Europa is done with.”

“I suppose it is,” I said. I didn’t know just whether to speak with regret or not. I heard Rapley murmur, “I guess so.”

“And there is not a doubt,” continued the Authority, “that when Mittel-Europa goes, Grossdeutschthum goes with it.”

“Oh, sure to,” we all murmured.

“Well, then, there you are—what is the result for Germany—why the thing’s as plain as a pikestaff—in fact you’re driven to it by the sheer logic of the situation—there is only one outcome”

The Authority was speaking very

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 Rh. He even paused at this point and lighted a cigarette, while we all listened breathlessly. We felt that we had got the thing to a focus at last.

“Only one outcome—a Staatenbund.”

“Great heavens,” I said, “not a Staatenbund!”

“Undoubtedly,” said the Authority, puffing quietly at his cigarette, as if personally he wouldn’t lift a finger to stop the Staatenbund if he could, “that’s the end of it, a Staatenbund. In other words, we are back where we were before the Vienna Congress!”

At this he chuckled heartily to himself: so the rest of us laughed too: the thing was too absurd. But the Authority, who was a man of nice distinctions and genuinely anxious to instruct us, was evidently afraid that he had overstated things a little.

“Mind you,” he said, “there’ll be something left—certainly the Zollverein and either the Ausgleich or something very like it.”

All of the men gave a sort of sigh of relief. It was certainly something to have at least a sort of resemblance or appearance of the Ausgleich among us. We felt that we were getting on. One could see that a number of the men were on the brink of asking questions.

“What about Rumania,” asked Nelles—he

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 Rh is a banker and interested in government bonds—“is this the end of it?”

“No,” said the Authority, “it’s not the end of Rumania, but it is the end of Rumanian Irridentismus.”

That settled Nelles.

“What about the Turks?” asked Rapley.

“The Turks, or rather, I suppose it would be more proper to say, the Osmanli, as that is no doubt what you mean?” Rapley nodded. “Well, speaking personally, I should say that there’s no difficulty in a permanent settlement in that quarter. If I were drawing up the terms of a treaty of peace meant to be really lasting I should lay down three absolute bases; the rest needn’t matter”—the Authority paused a moment and then proceeded to count off the three conditions of peace on his fingers—“These would be, first, the evacuation of the Sandjak; second, an international guarantee for the Capitulations; and third, for internal matters, an arrangement along the lines of the original firman of Midhat Pasha.”

A murmur of complete satisfaction went round the group.

“I don’t say,” continued the Eminent Authority, “that there wouldn’t be other minor matters to adjust; but they would be a mere detail. You ask me, for instance, for

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 Rh a milice, or at least a gendarmerie, in the Albanian hinterland; very good, I grant it you at once. You retain, if you like, you abolish the Cypriotic suzerainty of the Porte—all right. These are matters of indifference.”

We all assumed a look of utter indifference.

“But what about the Dardanelles? Would you have them fixed so that ships could go through, or not?” asked Rapley.

He is a plain man, not easily put down and liking a plain answer. He got it.

“The Dardanelles,” said the Authority, “could easily be denationalized under a quadrilateral guarantee to be made a pars materia of the pactum fœderis.”

“That ought to hold them,” I murmured.

The Authority felt now that he had pretty well settled the map of Europe. He rose and shook hands with us all around very cordially. We did not try to detain him. We felt that time like his was too valuable to be wasted on things like us.

“Well, I tell you,” said Rapley, as we settled back into our chairs when the Great Authority had gone, “my own opinion, boys, is that the United States and England can trim Germany and Austria any day in the week and twice on Sunday.”

After which somebody else said:

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text: Frenzied Fiction/The Prophet in Our Midst


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The object of the following pages is to sketch the political history of Ancient India from the accession of Parikshit to the extinction of the Gupta Dynasty. The idea of the work suggested itself many years ago from observing a tendency in some of the current books to dismiss the history of the period from the Bhārata war to the rise of Buddhism as incapable of arrangement in definite chronological order. The author’s aim has been to present materials for an authentic chronological history of Ancient India, including the neglected Post-Bhārata period, but excluding the Epoch of the Kanauj Empires which properly falls within the domain of the historian of Mediæval India.

The volume now offered to the public consists of two parts. In the first part an attempt has been made to furnish, from a comparison of the Vedic, Epic, Purāṇic, Jaina, Buddhist and secular Brāhmaṇical literature, such a narrative of the political vicissitudes of the Post-Pārikshita-pre-Bimbisārian period as may not be less intelligible to the reader than Dr. Smith’s account of the transactions of the Post-Bimbisārian age. It has also heen thought expedient to append, towards the end of this part, a short chapter on kingship in the Brahmana-Jātaka period. The purpose of the second part is to provide a history of the period from Bimbisāra to the Guptas which will be, to a certain extent, more up to date, if less voluminous, than the classic work of Dr. Smith.

The greater part of the volume now published was written some years ago, and the author has not had


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CHAPTER 2

RADIOLOGICAL SAFETY

PLANNING

Proposals to test atomic weapon effects on ships were made at the end of World War II, but the first discussion of radiological safety appears to have occurred at a meeting held 8 December 1945. Among those attending were the commanding general of the Manhattan Engineer District, the chief of the District's Medical section, and a Navy officer closely associated with the atomic bomb project and trained in chemical warfare technology. This officer became Safety Advisor to Commander Joint Task Force 1 (CJTF 1) and headed the task force safety organization. The chief of the medical section, an Army medical officer, became Radiological Safety Advisor to CJTF 1 and headed the task force Radiological Safety Section within the safety organization (Reference A.1, pp. 9, 48, and 49; Reference B.0.1; Reference C.9.206, pp. VII-(C)-1 and VII-(C)-2).

During the next several months, training of radiological safety (radsafe) personnel, organization of the radsafe unit, and writing of the radsafe plan went forward. By 15 December medical officers from the Army, Navy, and Public Health Service had been selected for training in radiological safety. The Manhattan Engineer District took responsibility for radiological safety as the result of a meeting on 7 January 1946 between the joint task force commander designate and the commanding general of the Manhattan Engineering District. The Safety Advisor, the Radiological Safety Advisor, and the Radiological Safety Section were part of the joint task force from the time of its formal establishment on 11 January 1946. By April 15 a radsafe plan was submitted to CJTF 1. The plan was approved with revisions on 28 April. The plan underwent no significant revisions until after shot ABLE (Reference C.9.206, pp. VII-(C)-1 and VII-(C)-2). Relevant portions were reproduced in Appendix B.

Radiological safety, however, was only part of the task force's comprehensive safety program. It also included protecting personnel from fire, explosions, and toxic material. By exposing a fleet of warships, many loaded with ammunition, fuel, and lubricants, to nuclear explosions, the task force added nuclear safety to the many concerns damage control officers had faced for years.

The radsafe plan emphasized detection and avoidance of radiation to protect personnel. Systematic reconnaissance was to begin shortly after each detonation. Navy patrol seaplanes (PBMs) were to conduct aerial surveys over the lagoon and destroyers were to patrol the open ocean upwind and downwind of the atoll. Drone patrol boats were to enter the lagoon first to take water samples. Radsafe monitors aboard gunboats (PGMs) and landing craft (LCPLs) were to ensure the lagoon's radioactivity. B-29s were to track the nuclear cloud. Radsafe monitors were to accompany all units and working parties reentering the target area to recover data or work on the target vessels.

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viii the opportunity to discuss some of the novel theories advanced in recent works like The Cambridge History of India, and Mr. Pargiter’s Ancient Indian Historical Tradition.

The writer of these pages offers his tribute of respect to the Hon’ble Sir Asutosh Mookerjee for providing opportunities for study which render it possible for a young learner to carry on investigation in the subject of his choice. To Professor D. R. Bhandarkar the author is grateful for the interest taken in the progress of the work. His acknowledgments are also due to Messrs. Girindramohan Sarkar and Rameschandra Raychaudhuri for their assistance in preparing the Indexes. Lastly, this preface cannot be closed without a word of thanks to Mr. A. C. Ghatak, the Superintendent, for his help in piloting the work through the Press.

H. C. R.

July 16, 1923.


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Rh this, and proved it admirably. For in so far as his work is earnestly understood the military trade does not by any means emerge as the most important or attractive. He has not written so well about soldiers as he has about railway men or bridge builders, or even journalists. The fact is that what attracts Mr. Kipling to militarism is not the idea of courage, but the idea of discipline. There was far more courage to the square mile in the Middle Ages, when no king had a standing army, but every man had a bow or sword. But the fascination of the standing army upon Mr. Kipling is not courage, which scarcely interests him, but discipline, which is, when all is said and done, his primary theme. The modern army is not a miracle of courage; it has not enough opportunities, owing to the cowardice of everybody else. But it is really a miracle of organization, and that is the truly Kiplingite ideal. Kipling's subject is not that valour which properly belongs to war, but that interdependence and efficiency which belongs quite as much to engineers, or sailors, or mules, or railway engines, And thus it is that when he writes of engineers, or sailors, or mules, or steam-engines, he writes at his best. The real poetry, the "true romance" which Mr. Kipling has taught, is the romance Rh


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No Thucydides or Tacitus has left for posterity a genuine history of Ancient India. But the researches of a multitude of scholars have disclosed an unexpected wealth of materials for the reconstruction of the ancient history of our country.

The first attempt to sort and arrange the accumulated and ever-growing stores of knowledge was made by Dr. Vincent Smith. But the excellent histovian, failing to find sober history in bardic tales, ignored the period immediately succeeding “the famous war waged on the banks of the Jumna, between the sons of Kuru and the sons of Pāṇḍu,” and took as his starting point the middle of the seventh century B.C. My aim has been to sketch in outline the political history of Ancient India including the neglected period. I have taken as my starting point the accession of Parikshit, which according to Epic and Paurāṇic tradition took place shortly after the Bhārata War.

Valuable information regarding the Parikshita and the post-Parikshita periods has been supplied by eminent


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Rh of the division of labour and the discipline of all the trades. He sings the arts of peace much more accurately than the arts of war. And his main contention is vital and valuable. Everything is military in the sense that everything depends upon obedience. There is no perfectly epicurean corner; there is no perfectly irresponsible place. Everywhere men have made the way for us with sweat and submission. We may fling ourselves into a hammock in a fit of divine carelessness. But we are glad that the net-maker did not make the hammock in a fit of divine carelessness. We may jump upon a child's rocking-horse for a joke. But we are glad that the carpenter did not leave the legs of it unglued for a joke. So far from having merely preached that a soldier cleaning his side-arm is to be adored because he is military, Kipling at his best and clearest has preached that the baker baking loaves and the tailor cutting coats is as military as anybody.

Being devoted to this multitudinous vision of duty, Mr. Kipling is naturally a cosmopolitan. He happens to find his examples in the British Empire, but almost any other empire would do as well, or, indeed, any other highly civilized country. That which he admires in the British army he would find even Rh


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Rh will always, by preference, go clad in scarlet and gold; pride in that which refuses to let gold and scarlet impress it or please it too much, In a word, the failure of this virtue actually lies in its success; it is too successful as an investment to be believed in as a virtue. Humility is not merely too good for this world; it is too practical for this world; I had almost said it is too worldly for this world.

The instance most quoted in our day is the thing called the humility of the man of science; and certainly it is a good instance as well as a modern one. Men find it extremely difficult to believe that a man who is obviously uprooting mountains and dividing seas, tearing down temples and stretching out hands to the stars, is really a quiet old gentleman who only asks to be allowed to indulge his harmless old hobby and follow his harmless old nose. When a man splits a grain of sand and the universe is turned upside down in consequence, it is difficult to realize that to the man who did it, the splitting of the grain is the great affair, and the capsizing of the cosmos quite a small one. It is hard to enter into the feelings of a man who regards a new heaven and a new earth in the light of a by-product. But undoubtedly it Rh


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Rh was to this almost eerie innocence of the intellect that the great men of the great scientific period, which now appears to be closing, owed their enormous power and triumph. If they had brought the heavens down like a house of cards their plea was not even that they had done it on principle; their quite unanswerable plea was that they had done it by accident. Whenever there was in them the least touch of pride in what they had done, there was a good ground for attacking them; but so long as they were wholly humble, they were wholly victorious. There were possible answers to Huxley; there was no answer possible to Darwin. He was convincing because of his unconsciousness; one might almost say because of his dulness. This childlike and prosaic mind is beginning to wane in the world of science. Men of science are beginning to see themselves, as the fine phrase is, in the part; they are beginning to be proud of their humility. They are beginning to be æsthetic, like the rest of the world, beginning to spell truth with a capital T, beginning to talk of the creeds they imagine themselves to have destroyed, of the discoveries that their forbears made. Like the modern English, they are beginning to be soft about their own hardness. They Rh


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Rh are becoming conscious of their own strengththat is, they are growing weaker.

But one purely modern man has emerged in the strictly modern decades who does carry into our world the clear personal simplicity of the old world of science. One man of genius we have who is an artist, but who was a man of science, and who seems to be marked above all things with this great scientific humility. I mean Mr. H. G. Wells. And in his case, as in the others above spoken of, there must be a great preliminary difficulty in convincing the ordinary person that such a virtue is predicable of such a man. Mr. Wells began his literary work with violent visionsvisions of the last pangs of this planet; can it be that a man who begins with violent visions is humble? He went on to wilder and wilder stories about carving beasts into men and shooting angels like birds. Is the man who shoots angels and carves beasts into men humble? Since then he has done something bolder than either of these blasphemies; he has prophesied the political future of all men; prohesied it with aggressive authority and a ringing decision of detail. Is the prophet of the future of all men humble? It will indeed be difficult, in the present condition of current thought about such things as pride and Rh


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Rh humility, to answer the query of how a man can be humble who does such big things and such bold things. For the only answer is the answer which I gave at the beginning of this essay. It is the humble man who does the big things. It is the humble man who does the bold things. It is the humble man who has the sensational sights vouchsafed to him, and this for three obvious reasons: first, that he strains his eyes more than any other men to see them; second, that he is more overwhelmed and uplifted with them when they come; third, that he records them more exactly and sincerely and with less adulteration from his more commonplace and more conceited everyday self. Adventures are to those to whom they are most unexpected that is, most romantic. Adventures are to the shy: in this sense adventures are to the unadventurous.

Now, this arresting mental humility in Mr. H. G. Wells may be, like a great many other things that are vital and vivid, difficult to illustrate by examples, but if I were asked for an example of it, I should have no difficulty about which example to begin with. The most interesting thing about Mr. H. G. Wells is that he is the only one of his many brilliant contemporaries who has not stopped growing. Rh


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Rh One can lie awake at night and hear him grow. Of this growth the most evident manifestation is indeed a gradual change of opinions; but it is no mere change of opinions. It is not a perpetual leaping from one position to another like that of Mr. George Moore. It is a quite continuous advance along a quite solid road in a quite definable direction. But the chief proof that it is not a piece of fickleness and vanity is the fact that it has been upon the whole an advance from more startling opinions to more humdrum opinions. It has been even in some sense an advance from unconventional Opinions to conventional opinions. This fact fixes Mr. Wells's honesty and proves him to be no poseur. Mr. Wells once held that the upper classes and the lower classes would be so much differentiated in the future that one class would eat the other. Certainly no paradoxical charlatan who had once found arguments for so startling a view would ever have deserted it except for something yet more startling. Mr. Wells has deserted it in favour of the blameless belief that both classes will be ultimately subordinated or assimilated to a sort of scientific middle class, a class of engineers. He has abandoned the sensational theory with the same honourable gravity and simplicity with which Rh


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User:Michel Marquant

Michel Marquant née le 12 Janvier 1959 Études secondaires littéraires Etudes supérieures en Psychologie Passion pour l'action et la méditation.

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Rh he adopted it. Then he thought it was true; now he thinks it is not true. He has come to the most dreadful conclusion a literary man can come to, the conclusion that the ordinary view is the right one. It is only the last and wildest kind of courage that can stand on a tower before ten thousand people and tell them that twice two is four.

Mr. H. G. Wells exists at present in a pay and exhilarating progress of conservativism. He is finding out more and more that conventions, though silent, are alive. As good an example as any of this humility and sanity of his may be found in his change of view on the subject of science and marriage. He once held, I believe, the opinion which some singular sociologists still hold, that human creatures could successfully be paired and bred after the manner of dogs or horses. He no longer holds that view. Not only does he no longer hold that view, but he has written about it in "Mankind in the Making" with such smashing sense and humour, that I find it difficult to believe that anybody else can hold it either. It is true that his chief objection to the proposal is that it is physically impossible, which seems to me a very slight objection, and almost negligible compared with the others. The one objection Rh


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Rh to scientific marriage which is worthy of final attention is simply that such a thing could only be imposed on unthinkable slaves and cowards. I do not know whether the scientific marriage-mongers are right (as they say) or wrong (as Mr. Wells says) in saying that medical super-vision would produce strong and healthy men. I am only certain that if it did, the first act of the strong and healthy men would be to smash the medical supervision.

The mistake of all that medical talk lies in the very fact that it connects the idea of health with the idea of care. What has health to do with care? Health has to do with carelessness. In special and abnormal cases it is necessary to have care. When we are peculiarly unhealthy it may be necessary to be careful in order to be healthy. But even then we are only trying to be healthy in order to be careless. If we are doctors we are speaking to exceptionally sick men, and they ought to be told to be careful. But when we are sociologists we are addressing the normal man, we are addressing humanity. And humanity ought to be told to be recklessness itself. For all the fundamental functions of a healthy man ought emphatically to be performed with pleasure and for pleasure; they emphatically ought not to be performed with Rh


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Rh practical. It is the stress of ultimate need, and a terrible knowledge of things as they are, which led men to set up these riddles, and to die for them. Whatever may be the meaning of the contradiction, it is the fact that the only kind of hope that is of any use in a battle is a hope that denies arithmetic. Whatever may be the meaning of the contradiction, it is the fact that the only kind of charity which any weak spirit wants, or which any generous spirit feels, is the charity which forgives the sins that are like scarlet. Whatever may be the meaning of faith, it must always mean a certainty about something we cannot prove. Thus, for instance, we believe by faith in the existence of other people.

But there is another Christian virtue, a virtue far more obviously and historically connected with Christianity, which will illustrate even better the connection between paradox and practical necessity. This virtue cannot be questioned in its capacity as a historical symbol; certainly Mr. Lowes Dickinson will not question it. It has been the boast of hundreds of the champions of Christianity. It has been the taunt of hundreds of the opponents of Christianity. It is, in essence, the basis of Mr. Lowes Dickinson's whole distinction between Christianity and Paganism. I mean, Rh


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Rh of course, the virtue of humility. I admit, of course, most readily, that a great deal of false Eastern humility (that is, of strictly ascetic humility) mixed itself with the main stream of European Christianity. We must not forget that when we speak of Christianity we are speaking of a whole continent for about a thousand years. But of this virtue even more than of the other three, I would maintain the general proposition adopted above. Civilization discovered Christian humility for the same urgent reason that it discovered faith and charitythat is, because Christian civilization had to discover it or die.

The great psychological discovery of Paganism, which turned it into Christianity, can be expressed with some accuracy in one phrase. The pagan set out, with admirable sense, to enjoy himself. By the end of his civilization he had discovered that a man cannot enjoy himself and continue to enjoy anything else. Mr. Lowes Dickinson has pointed out in words too excellent to need any further elucidation, the absurd shallowness of those who imagine that the pagan enjoyed himself only in a materialistic sense. Of course, he enjoyed himself, not only intellectually even, he enjoyed himself morally, he enjoyed himself spiritually. But it was himself that he was Rh


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Rh enjoying; on the face of it, a very natural thing to do. Now, the psychological discovery is merely this, that whereas it had been supposed that the fullest possible enjoyment is to be found by extending our ego to infinity, the truth is that the fullest possible enjoyment is to be found by reducing our ego to zero.

Humility is the thing which is for ever renewing the earth and the stars. It is humility, and not duty, which preserves the stars from wrong, from the unpardonable wrong of casual resignation; it is through humility that the most ancient heavens for us are fresh and strong. The curse that came before history has laid on us all a tendency to be weary of wonders. If we saw the sun for the first time it would be the most fearful and beautiful of meteors. Now that we see it for the hundredth time we call it, in the hideous and blasphemous phrase of Wordsworth, "the light of common day." We are inclined to increase our claims. We are inclined to demand six suns, to demand a blue sun, to demand a green sun. Humility is perpetually putting us back in the primal darkness. There all light is lightning, startling and instantaneous. Until we understand that original dark, in which we have neither sight nor expectation, we can give no hearty and childlike Rh


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Rh been the victory of the plagiarist. This is, indeed, only a very paltry by-product of humility, but it is a product of humility, and, therefore, it is successful. Prussia had no Christian humility in its internal arrangements; hence its internal arrangements were miserable. But it had enough Christian humility slavishly to copy France (even down to Frederick the Great's poetry), and that which it had the humility to copy it had ultimately the honour to conquer. The case of the Japanese is even more obvious; their only Christian and their only beautiful quality is that they have humbled themselves to be exalted. All this aspect of humility, however, as connected with the matter of effort and striving for a standard set above us, I dismiss as having been sufficiently pointed out by almost all idealistic writers.

It may be worth while, however, to point out the interesting disparity in the matter of humility between the modern notion of the strong man and the actual records of strong men. Carlyle objected to the statement that no man could be a hero to his valet. Every sympathy can be extended towards him in the matter if he merely or mainly meant that the phrase was a disparagement of hero-worship. Hero-worship is certainly a generous and Rh


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Rh human impulse; the hero may be faulty, but the worship can hardly be. It may be that no man would be a hero to his valet. But any man would be a valet to his hero. But in truth both the proverb itself and Carlyle's stricture upon it ignore the most essential matter at issue. The ultimate psychological truth is not that no man is a hero to his valet. The ultimate psychological truth, the foundation of Christianity, is that no man is a hero to himself. Cromwell, according to Carlyle, was a strong man. According to Cromwell, he was a weak one.

The weak point in the whole of Carlyle's case for aristocracy lies, indeed, in his most celebrated phrase. Carlyle said that men were mostlyâ€™ fools. Christianity, with a surer and more reverent realism, says that they are all fools. This doctrine is sometimes called the doctrine of original sin. It may also be described as the doctrine of the equality of men. But the essential point of it is merely this, that whatever primary and far-reaching moral dangers affect any man, affect all men. All men can be criminals, if tempted; all men can be heroes, if inspired. And this doctrine does away altogether with Carlyle's pathetic belief (or any one else's pathetic belief) in "the wise few." There Rh


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 animal uneasiness, its PLEASURES are expanded, and compounded, and enhanced, incalculably beyond the simple organic gratification. While therefore its pains are as one or as two, its pleasures are as ten, or as a hundred. A child, as compared with an infant, has learned to extend his sufferings a little beyond the limit of animal sensation; but then, in a still larger proportion, he extends his pleasures beyond that boundary; the balance therefore is much on the side of happiness.

Let any one, familiar with children, analyze a child's tranquil felicity while amusing itself, for an hour or more, with nothing better than a crooked stick, or a handful of pebbles. What can be the bare gratification of the sense of touch, or of the muscular power, or of the sight, which such objects can convey? it must be reckoned as extremely small; nor is it possible to watch the movements and countenance of an infant of fifteen months, or two years, whilst so engaged, and fall into the great error of supposing that its delights are chiefly animal. It is the MIND, it is the rich, and grasping, and excursive human mind (such even in infancy) that is at work on the poor materials of its felicity. This crooked stick, or these pebbles are symbols of many things we adults do not dream of in such a connexion: and they suggest conceptions of things dimly recollected, and now absent, which people the fancy in crowds, and lead it on, until the soul is lost in the chace. In a following chapter I shall have occasion to revert to this curious and important class of facts, and shall there adduce instances in illustration of what is now affirmed.

This happy characteristic of infancy, namely, the disproportionate mental enlargement of pleasures as compared with pains, attaches also to childhood, in a modified form, and it is observable until the period when the ripened powers of reflection, and a more ample knowledge of the conditions of human life, induce a new order of


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 things, and turn the scale so that the ideal expansions of pleasure and pain come to be nearly equal. During child-hood, while the power to enlarge sufferings, by reflection, advances very slowly, and is scarcely more in the tenth year than it was in the third, the propensity and the power to expand enjoyments beyond the limit of animal gratification are continually increasing. Thus for example, a child of three years old creates for itself, from a stick, a stone, or a straw, a long continued and tranquil delight; but a boy of ten or twelve, with materials quite as meagre in proportion to the pleasure drawn from them, though of a rather different sort, such as, a score or two of tiles, and a bundle of sticks; or a hammer, a gimlet, and nails, will furnish for himself an intensity of happiness, and to which he will eagerly return, day after day, spending hours in an employment which derives ninety-nine parts out of the hundred of its power of fascination from what the mind adds to the tangible material of its pleasures. Such instances might be compared to those manufactures in which pennyworth of iron, or of cotton, is, by the skill bestowed upon it, so enhanced in value as to be worth a guinea.

It is not often before the seventeenth or eighteenth year that the balance begins to turn, and that the mind, revolving more upon itself, recollecting more, anticipating more, as it actually knows more, acquires the habit of expanding its pains in a proportion nearly as great as that in which it expands its pleasures. It is then that the high pitch of boyish joyousness is lowered, never again to stand steadily so high: and it is then that the deeper emotions and energies of the soul are brought into play, by the stress of disquieting reflections.

But childhood has few regrets, and still fewer anticipations, nor any of an anxious sort; nor does its open eye ever turn from the bright objects of the world around it, to penetrate the mists that shroud the future. The frivolous


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 and elastic gaiety of children, even when they may have been informed of some domestic calamity, must have attracted the attention of every one; and although we do not wonder on such occasions, we cannot but admire that constitution of the mind which, during the period when there can be no responsibilities, and when there are no duties to be performedwhen solicitude could be of no utility, spares the growing mind and body the burden of care.

And yet we should not stop short with a sentiment of mere admiration in such instances, but should draw from this factthat the Author of our nature has made so special a provision for securing the happiness of childhood, an inference of high practical importance, and it is this, namely, That what the Creator in his beneficence plainly intends, we are bound, by all means in our power, to promote; or, in other words, that it is nothing else than a religious duty to make the happiness of infancy and child-hood our main care in whatever relates to early education; and this happiness, as every one knows, demands imperatively, good government and moral training.

This first law of educationsanctioned as it is by the clearly-expressed will of God, must be held to condemn at once every mode of instruction, and every principle of treatment, which in any degree trenches upon the gay felicity of early life; and it must be said too, and on the same ground, that a stern and gloomy temper, as well as an irritable one, in a parent or teacher, is a decisive disqualification for the task of education: especially it should be remembered, that, while the unhappy temper of the master of a school bears upon the minds of children only occasionally and partially, and still leaves room for enough of thoughtless hilarity; the very same temper in a parent, or a private instructor, cannot fail to exclude almost every ray of joy from the narrower precincts of home. A home,


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 under such auspices, will be nothing better than a prison, whence the luckless inmates will wildly rush the moment it is possible for them todo so. An austere master is but as one to forty, sixty, or eighty; but an austere father, or a crabbed in other, sourly loquacious, is as one to three, or five, or eight; and so large a proportion of the ingredient of bitterness will be more than enough to spoil happiness.

The recollection of a thoroughly happy childhood (other advantages not wanting) is the very best preparation, moral and intellectual, with which to encounter the duties and cares of real life. A sunshine childhood is an auspicious inheritance, with which, as a fund, to commence trading in practical wisdom and active goodness. It is a great thing only to have known, by experience, that tranquil, temperate felicity is actually attainable on earth; and we should think so if we knew how many have pursued a reckless course, becauseor chiefly because, they early learned to think of HAPPINESS as a chimera, and believed momentary gratifications to be the only substitute placed within the reach of man. Practicable happiness is much oftener wantonly thrown away, than really snatched from us; but it is the most likely to be pursued, overtaken, and husbanded by those who already, and during some considerable period of their lives have been happy. To have known nothing but misery is the mast portentous condition under which human nature can start on its course.

Due care being taken to elicit the benevolent sensibilities, it is the happiest children who (natural dispositions allowed for) will be the most sympathetic, and the most ready to forego personal gratifications for the relief of the wants of others. The substantial principles, or habits of feeling, whence, in alter life, a course of self-denying beneficence should take its rise, are best bottomed upon the personal experience of much felicity; and if angels are


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 CHRISTIANITY

CHAPTER I.

HERE is no event recorded in the annals of the early church so replete with interest to the Christian student, or which takes so deep a hold on the imagination, and the sympathies of him who is at all familiar with the history of Ancient Greece, as the one recited above. Here we see the Apostle Paul standing on the Areopagus at Athens, surrounded by the temples, statues, and altars, which Grecian art had consecrated to Pagan worship, and proclaiming to the inquisitive Athenians, "the strangers" who had come to Athens for business or for pleasure, and the philosophers and students of the Lyceum, the Academy, the Stoa, and the Garden, "the unknown God."

Whether we dwell in our imagination on the artistic grandeur and imposing magnificence of the city in which Paul found himself a solitary stranger, or recall the illustrious names which by their achievements in arts and philosophy have shed around the city of Athens an immortal glory,—or whether, fixing our attention on the lonely wanderer amid the porticoes, and groves, and temples of this classic city, we at-


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 two instances only, but in five or six; if this were done, a mind so trained would in fact have gone over the wide field of human nature, as to its recondite elements.

In the preceding chapter I directed the reader's attention to the two distinct but combined purposes, of conferring on the learnerfirst, a knowledge and command of language, and then, a knowledge, intimate and precise, of the phenomena of the material world, by the means of language, which, in fact, is a record of those appearances. And now, if we wish to pass inward, toward the world of mind, and open to the learner the abyss of the human bosom, or if we would make a preparation, ample and exact, for the study of mental philosophy, what course can be taken so natural, so simple, so easy, so efficacious and comprehensive, as that of bringing the entire compass of analogical terms which constitute the RECORD of mental phenomena, under an orderly review! And we attempt this, not on the ground of some questionable theory of intellectual science; but by merely taking up and examiningone by one, and in their natural relationships, all those primitives, whence the human mind has actually drawn the means for expressing the wide variety of its abstract notions, and of its feelings. This, I am humbly of opinion, is the best initiation in metaphysics; or in what is better than metaphysicsa genuine knowledge of the workings of the human mind: and I am sure that the process is of a kind that may be made inviting to all who are really susceptible of intellectual culture.

Along with exercises such as the above, and in the course of the analogies which we trace, connecting the primary with the intellectual sense of words, it will be well to mix such as consist in the analysis of those terms, of this same class, which have long since dropped their primitive significance, and which now suggest no idea but


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14 tempt to conceive the emotion which stirred his heart as he beheld it "wholly given to idolatry;" or whether we contrast the sublime, majestic theism proclaimed by Paul with the degrading polytheism and degenerate philosophy which then prevailed in Athens, or consider the prudent and sagacious manner in which the apostle conducts his argument in view of the religious opinions and prejudices of his audience, we can not but feel that this event is fraught with lessons of instruction to the Church in every age.

That the objects which met the eye of Paul on every hand, and the opinions he heard everywhere expressed in Athens, must have exerted a powerful influence upon the current of his thoughts, as well as upon the state of his emotions, is a legitimate and natural presumption. Not only was "his spirit stirred within him"—his heart deeply moved and agitated when he saw the city wholly given to idolatry—but his thoughtful, philosophic mind would be engaged in pondering those deeply interesting questions which underlie the whole system of Grecian polytheism. The circumstances of the hour would, no doubt, in a large degree determine the line of argument, the form of his discourse, and the peculiarities of his phraseology. The more vividly, therefore, we can represent the scenes and realize the surrounding incidents; the more thoroughly we can enter into sympathy with the modes of thought and feeding peculiar to the Athenians; the more perfectly we can comprehend the spirit and tendency of the age; the more immediate our acquaintance with the religious opinions and philosophical ideas then prevalent in Athens, the more perfect will be our comprehension of the apostle's argument, the deeper our interest in his theme. Some preliminary notices of Athens, and "the Men of Athens," will therefore be appropriate as introductory to a series of discourses on Paul's sermon on Mars' Hill.

The peculiar connection that subsists between Geography and History, between a people and the country they inhabit, will justify the extension of our survey beyond the mere topog-


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 woulee (in Latin volo) which easily slides intowill and would. But Bovam itself is from Baaaw, to cast;or, in this connection, to ballot, or throw the bean, or the ball, into the vase or voting box, after a question has been duly debated. I WILLemphatically pronounced, means thenI have considered all that may be said on the point of conduct in question; and I now vote, or ballot, accordingly: my resolution is taken.

Few persons, perhaps, among those engaged in education, are fully aware either of the great and various advantages resulting from a thoroughly digested and comprehensive knowledge of our own language, or of the ease with which such an acquirement may be made. On this ground far more might be achieved than is often attempted; nor should I fear to abide by the issue of a series of experiments, adapted to the purpose of exhibiting the comparative practical efforts, on the one side, of an elaborate classical education, reaching its acmÃ©, let us say, in the production of some faultless Greek verses; and, on the other side, of an education purely English; but so managed as to lodge the entire compass of the mother-tongue in the mind, on a philosophically digested system, and as related, first to the several faculties of the mind, and secondly, to the specific uses of active and professional life. My firm belief is that the balance, as to power over the minds of others, and as to practical efficiency, in carrying on the mind's own operations, would turn decisively in favour of the latter method: but in fact the two are not incompatible.


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 CHAPTER.

THE ANALOGICAL FEELING AND HABIT, PREPARATORY TO THE EXPANSION OF THE ABSTRACTIVE AND REASONING FACULTIES.

WE come now to what must be called, not indeed a resting place; but rather a turning point, in the course of Intellectual Culture. It is essential to the successful application of the system I am endeavouring to unfold, that this crisis of the principle which follows nature, in developing the faculties, should be clearly understood.

Every one is conscious of two perfectly distinct states of the mind, occupying it at different times: (we are now speaking of what is intellectual merely) in one of these states an object, or an idea, is presented to the mind, which, whether it wills or not, and always without any sensible effort, admits the idea, and discerns its relationship to any others with which it may stand connected. This may be called INTUITION; and with intuition nature has intimately connected various simple emotions of pleasure, or of curiosity, the effect of which is to stimulate the mind, during its growing time especially, and to lead it on- ward always in the path of knowledge. In the way of simple intuition, skilfully superintended, the mind may not only be replenished with ideas, in vast variety, but may be put into a condition the most favourable possible for advancing on the more arduous part of its course.

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 certain series of ideas; and along with this power, it feels, in greater or less degrees, an active desire to do so. Hence comes effort and labour, directed to particular ends, and to means fit for the achievement of those ends; and hence all those fruits of intellectual enterprise which constitute the immeasurable odds between the savage and the civilized condition of human life; or between the child and the man.

The process of education naturally divides itself there-fore into two portions, corresponding with this partition of our mental existence, into the Intuitive, and the Active: or, in other words, education should be made to accord with the distinction between Perception, and Powerbetween the Accumulative and the Operative faculties; the former being the earliest expanded, and the latter the latest; yet the development of the one going on long after that of the others has come into full course.

To the first, that is the accumulative, or intuitive faculties, we have already given some attention, while suggesting hints for the culture of the Conceptive faculty, and of the Sense of Resemblance, and Analogy. Next should come the training of those faculties, which imply more or less of conscious effort, and which, by their different degrees of activity, quickly render conspicuous the original difference between mind and mind, as to Power. These faculties of labour are, as I have enumerated them alreadythe Memory, the faculty of Abstraction, and the ratiocinative faculty.

But, anxious as I am to insure the reader's attention to the broad, and very important distinction, above stated, I have thought it best to conclude the present volume at the point where the one process of culture should be succeeded by the other:the ends aimed at in the two, and the methods of procedure, being, for the most part, very dissimilar. What now remains, and which is the subject of


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 this concluding chapter, is to say something of that principle of transition which, in conformity with the constitution of the human mind, leads on, almost insensibly, from the culture of the Intuitive, to the exercise of the Operative faculties.

Lord Bacon (and Rochefoucauldin his peculiar and sinister style) has affirmed, what may well be granted, that men, individually, and collectively, might accomplish far more than they actually attempt, or even think of, did they but fully know, and steadily employ, the powers conferred upon the human mind. And moreover it may be said that far more might be achieved by each individual, whatever be his native endowments, if only, in the early training of the reason, the working of the active faculties were delayed until after the intuitive faculties had largely gathered in materials. The difference between working with a fund of ideas, and working for a fund, is a circumstance on which depends the healthy growth, or the early stunting of the mind. In the ordinary course of education, the minds of children are strained and stimulated upon inanition. Labour comes first; feasting afterwards (if ever). But in the intellectual world the rule does not holdHe that will not work, neither let him eat: but rather thisThe labourer must first be partaker of the fruits.

An expression frequently applied to the over anxious endeavours of some teachers to impart universal informationthat it is a cramming the mind, properly attaches, with its implied rebuke, to those methods which subvert what is I think, the natural order of mental culture:that is to say, which bring a great stress to bear upon the powers, before the perceptions have been furnished with their proper objects and aliment. No mind can fairly be said to have been crammed with that information which, how various soever or extensive it may be, has been all imbibed spontaneously, and unconsciously; or just as the


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 body admits fluids, in large quantities, through the absorbents. Now, if my meaning in the latter portion of this volume has been understood, it will be admitted that, by skilfully addressing ourselves to the intuitive faculties alone, and these gently stimulated by pleasurable emotions, the minds of children may be put in a condition to which we might fairly apply the phraseintellectual opulence. This wealth is not indeed in itself power; but it is the means of â€˜power. And now I beg the readerâ€™s attention while I point out the first steps of the mind's gradual advance from wealth to power: and by power, in this instance, I meanfirst, the ability to apprehend or admit truth, and which redeems a man from ignorance, prejudice, and illusion; secondly, the power to convey truth, which confers upon whoever possesses it a real authority over those immediately around him; and lastly, the power to discover truth, which gives to a few minds a rightful dominion over the many, and a dominion which endures from age to age.

Many and various operations of the mind, not now to be particularly described, are comprehended in the ordinary sense of the word reasoning; such asthe devising of means for discovering obscure or abstruse factsthe invention, and the most proper disposal of arguments, so as shall best bring others over to our opinion; andâ€”the compacting of facts in an inferential order, so as may really justify such and such conclusions.

Meantime the elements of the mental process on which every sort of reasoning rests, are of a very simple sort; and they imply two powers of perception, or two species of intuition, the one being an enlargement or expansion of the other, and involving more of active force. Every sort of reasoning is reducible to a series of perceptionsinstantaneous, and involuntary, and amounting to thisThat two things or notions are the same, or are not


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 the same; or that they stand in such or such a relation, one to the other. When one such relation of sameness or of difference, or of proportion, has been accepted by the mind, then comes another set, or, we may better saybrace of relationships, taking hold of the preceding one by some similar link of sameness or proportion: and to this perhaps succeeds a third, in like manner linked to its immediate predecessor.

In this process there is, as we have said, firstthe intuition in regard to two single objects; and secondly, an intuition in regard to the series of intuitions. Now, even the power to admit the simple intuition, or rudiment of reasoning, is not always found apart from some culture and practice; and many minds never reach so far as to this point. But the power to admit, and the power to keep a hold of the second sort of intuitions, and which is essential to what is called a process of reasoning, or an argument, is always the result, either of much culture, or of much practice;it is a power to be acquired. In mathematical reasoning we may feel our way, step by step, and go on, as it were, blindly, or without any grasping of the entire process: but in every other kind of reasoning, dependent upon so ambiguous an instrument as language, there is no safety or certainty except in a constant exertion of this grasping power; or, to change the figurein looking, every moment, from end to end of the path we are treading, and in taking care that, at every step, we keep the exact line. Mathematical reasoning is a going on between two walls: moral reasoning is the finding, and the holding to a path, over a common.

As itis not, in this place, my intention to treat the subject of reasoning, in a formal manner, I abstain from elucidations and examples, wishing only to fix the reader's attention upon the fact, that the rudiment of reasoning, of whatever sort, is INTUITION;intuition simple, and


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 complex. This being the case, it is manifest that, in eliciting and exercising the sense of resemblance, and in giving it acuteness, we are making the true preparation for sound reasoning: and further, that, in advancing from the sense of resemblance, to the perception of analogy, we are leading the mind forward in a course which enables it intuitively to discern those relations of sameness which are of a somewhat abstruse kind: such for instance as the same-ness of law, or principle, or mode of operation, in the system of nature.

There are some who reason inconclusively, or confusedly, because they do not link the series of relations well; or do not retain their hold of the chain in its entireness; but there are many more who never reason at all, or to no good purpose, simply because the rudimental facultythe first perceptive power, has acquired no precision, no tenacity. Such persons may have learned logic, and may be able to build, and to knock down, paper-houses of syllogisms; but there is no reality, no vitality in the process:they are convinced of nothing by the result of all this labour; nor do they find themselves able to produce conviction in other minds.

In truth, very much of what is done and taught in the course of a common education, tells for little or nothing in active life, because, while the after stages of the reasoning process have been, with some industry, attended to, the preliminary work of training the intuitive faculties has been wholly forgotten. In other words, logic may have been taught and learned; but the rudiment of reasoning has not been acquired. Now, if one or the other part of this process of culture must be slighted, it were better to neglect the latter; because, apart from the first, the second is absolutely of no avail; but if the first has been duly regarded, the second will follow, almost of itself. Good reasoners and efficient speakers, in relation to the common


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Rh raphy of Athens. The people of the entire province of Attica were called Athenians in their relation to the state, and Attics  in regard to their manners, customs, and dialect. The climate and the scenery, the forms of contour and relief, the geographical position and relations of Attica, and, indeed, of the whole peninsula of Greece, must be taken into our account if we would form a comprehensive judgment of the character of the Athenian people.

The soil on which a people dwell, the air they breathe, the mountains and seas by which they are surrounded, the skies that overshadow them,—all these exert a powerful influence on their pursuits, their habits, their institutions, their sentiments, and their ideas. So that could we clearly group, and fully grasp all the characteristics of a region—its position, configuration, climate, scenery, and natural products, we could, with tolerable accuracy, determine what are the characteristics of the people who inhabit it. A comprehensive knowledge of the physical geography of any country will therefore aid us materially in elucidating the natural history, and, to some extent, the moral history of its population. "History does not stand outside of nature, but in her very heart, so that the historian only grasps a people's character with true precision when he keeps in full view its geographical position, and the influences which its surroundings have wrought upon it."

It is, however, of the utmost consequence the reader should understand that there are two widely different methods of treating this deeply interesting subject—methods which proceed on fundamentally opposite views of man and of nature. One method is that pursued by Buckle in his "History of Civilization in England." The tendency of his work is the assertion of the supremacy of material conditions over the development of human history, and indeed of every individual mind. Here man is purely passive in the hands of riature. Exterior conditions are the chief, if not the only causes of man's intellectual


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 important object completely, there is needed, what has not as yet, so far as I know, been attempted; I mean a comprehensive classification of languagesay our own, on a rationally logical principle. The labour of so reducing an entire vocabulary to orders, genera, and species, and in a manner fully subserving the several purposes that should he kept in view would not be light:although the task is by no means a desperate one. Meantime an intelligent teacher may very easily, for himself, and his pupils, make some experiments in this way, the result of which will amply reward the pains and time bestowed upon them.

In the last chapter some examples were offered of the way in which the learner might be exercised in collecting descriptive words and phrases, and in putting them in ap- position; and on another occasion I shall have to insist upon the advantages that may be derived from a similar treatment of the abstract terms of the language. At present, some samples are offered of the way in which the tropical and ANALOGICAL terms of the language may be gathered into clusters, and exhibited in their natural relationship. These exercises, set a-going by the teacher, are easily continued, enlarged, and repeated, by the learner.

The habit we wish to form is that which enables the mind to grasp the compass of language, in its different bearings; or to take it up, over and over again, on different sides: as first, in its simplest form, and as the representative of the vast variety of our perceptions of the external world; and in the next place, as the same words, or a large portion of them, have been transfused, and rendered available for expressing intellectual, moral, and abstruse notions, by the aid of real or imagined analogies. Now the subjoined examples are to be considered as nothing more than random instances, upon which the teacher may easily improve; and which serve merely to exhibit the principle


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 different minds are pretty evenly measured, one against another; but when all reach the knot, it is, perhaps, one only who instantly untwists it, and by this means gets some way ahead of his associates. Now, if there be something of natural tact in this sort of ready ability, there is also something which may be acquired, or which may be perfected by a proper discipline; and I think such a discipline may be laid down and exemplified in a practicable manner, and that it should occupy a prominent place in a complete education.


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 CHAPTER

CULTURE OF THE CONCEPTIVE FACULTY.

Tue phrase adopted in the present instance is, as I have said, far from being unexceptionable; nevertheless, it has the sanction as well of colloquial as of philosophical usage, and the objections to which it may be liable will be of little importance, if, in the end, the reader understands what is here meant by it, and in what way the faculty, however it might be designated, should be treated in the business of education.

Too little regard has, I think, been paid to that leading and early developed element of the mental constitution of which we are now to speak; nor does the fact seem to have been distinctly noticed, that it is the chief characteristic of the first years of life; nor do I know that the culture of it has ever been systematically treated of, or attempted. And yet there is hardly any intellectual energy, more susceptible of improvement by discipline and exercise, or more likely to repay the pains bestowed upon it as conducive to ulterior mental operations.

Nature, for purposes which it is not very difficult to divine, has allowed an absolute predominance to the conceptive faculty during the season of infancy, and has granted it a principal share in the mental economy during the succeeding years of childhood. In saying this, I am by no means thinking of unusual instances of imaginative development; but of human nature at large.


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16 and social development. So that, such a climate and soil, such aspects of nature and local circumstances being given, such a nation necessarily follows. The other method is that of Carl Ritter, Arnold Guyot, and Cousin. These take account of the freedom of the human will, and the power of man to control and modify the forces of nature. They also take account of the original constitution of man, and the primitive type of nations; and they allow for results arising from the mutual conflict of geographical conditions. And they, especially, recognize the agency of a Divine Providence controlling those forces in nature by which the configuration of the earth's surface is determined, and the distribution of its oceans, continents, and islands is secured; and a providence, also, directing the dispersions and migrations of nations—determining the times of each nation's existence, and fixing the geographical bounds of their habitation, all in view of the moral history and spiritual development of the race,—"that they may feel after, and find the living God." The relation of man and nature is not, in their estimation, a relation of cause and effect. It is a relation of adjustment, of harmony, and of reciprocal action and reaction. "Man is not"—says Cousin—"an effect, and nature the cause, but there is between man and nature a manifest harmony of general laws.""Man and nature are two great effects which, coming from the same cause, bear the same characteristics; so that the earth, and he who inhabits it, man and nature, are in perfect harmony." God has created both man and the universe, and he has established between them a striking harmony. The earth was made for man; not simply to supply his physical wants, but also to minister to his intellectual and moral development. The earth is not a mere of nations, but a  in which God himself is superintending the education of the race. Hence


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Rh we must not only study the events of history in their chronological order, but we must study the earth itself as the theatre of history. A knowledge of all the circumstances, both physical and moral, in the midst of which events take place, is absolutely necessary to a right judgment of the events themselves. And we can only elucidate properly the character of the actors by a careful study of all their geographical and ethological conditions.

It will be readily perceived that, in attempting to estimate the influence which exterior conditions exert in the determination of national character, we encounter peculiar difficulties. We can not in these studies expect the precision and accuracy which is attained in the mathematical, or the purely physical sciences. We possess no control over the "materiel" of our inquiry; we have no power of placing it in new conditions, and submitting it to the test of new experiments, as in the physical sciences. National character is a complex result—a product of the action and reaction of primary and secondary causes. It is a conjoint effect of the action of the primitive elements and laws originally implanted in humanity by the Creator, of the free causality and power of man, and of all the conditions, permanent and accidental, within which the national life has been developed. And in cases where physical and moral causes are blended, and reciprocally conditioned and modified in their operation;—where primary results undergo endless modifications from the influence of surrounding circumstances, and the reaction of social and political institutions;—and where each individual of the great aggregate wields a causal power that obeys no specific law, and by his own inherent power sets in motion new trains of causes which can not be reduced to statistics, we grant that we are in possession of no instrument of exact analysis by which the complex phenomena of national character may be reduced to primitive elements. All that we can hope is, to ascertain, by psychological analysis, what are the fundamental ideas and laws of humanity; to grasp the exterior conditions which are, Rh


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 Impressions made upon the senses by external objects return to the mind, as every one knows, in the absence of the objects; and this happens especially with the objects of hearing and of sight; and most so, with the latter. It is, in fact, from the predominance of our conceptions of visible objects, that we have come to apply the wordsidea and image, to the entire class of REPEATED IMPRESSIONS, whencesoever received. The distinctness of our ideas, their permanence, and the power they exert over us, depend upon various circumstances, such as the frequency of the original impression, or its peculiarity, or the vividness of the emotions with which it may happen to have been associated.

Yet these reiterated impressions of external objects or IDEAS, do not always, or usually, return precisely as they entered the mind, but undergo new combinations, infinitely diversified; some of which combinations are formed independently of any act of the mind, while others are the product of its deliberate intention: they also follow each other, in part, in obedience to certain constant principles of association, and, in part, in consequence of the mind's controlling power over them; and it is here, principally, that we find room for that culture of which the faculty is susceptible.

Yet, inasmuch as the elementary ideas of the external world return not precisely as they come, but in modes infinitely diversified, and under new forms of combination, or, as we might say, of configuration, it is manifest, that a small] stock of materialssuch a stock, for example, as may have been accumulated by an infant, during its first two years, will be enough to work up into forms ever and again diversified. Nevertheless, how much soever diversified, the difference between a fortuitous train of ideas furnished by the Conceptive Faculty, and a fixed train supplied by the Memory, is distinctly kept in view; and


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 the clear preservation of this distinction is essential to the soundness of the mind; for to be liable to uncertainty, in endeavouring to distinguish the records of memory from the creations of the fancy, is the symptom of an impaired and decaying intellect.

Although the predominance of the Conceptive Faculty during the first years of life has been so little considered as not to have been calculated upon in our schemes of education, yet nothing is more conspicuous than the fact. The instances in which its operation may be observed are of several kinds, as firstwhenever any familiar object or person is recognized, after an interval, by a child; as when a brother, or sister, or a nurse, after an absence, is greeted by a smile of familiarity, and the arms are extended; for an infant, in this instance, connects the now present objectnot with the same object before seen; but with the image of it conserved by the mind. The reader, if not much accustomed to analyze his own notions of mental operations, may perhaps need to have the simple fact pointedly referred to, that what is meant by remembering, or recognizing something now before the eye, isthe connecting the immediate impression on the senses, with a previously admitted and treasured idea or image, and which has been preserved by the mind with so much fidelity as to leave not a shadow of doubt, in most cases, concerning the identity of the object. So soon, therefore, as an infant is observed to recognize any thing or person, and of which recognition it gives indubitable signs, so soon may we be sure that the conceptive faculty has come into operation, and this happens certainly in the third month, and often much earlier.

Or if we go on to the time when the notion of property has just got a lodgement in the mind, we may meet with a pertinent instance of the vivacity of the conceptive power, when the little stickler for its rights finds its own horse or


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18 on all hands, recognized as exerting a powerful influence upon national character; to watch, under these lights, the manifestations of human nature on the theatre of history, and then apply the principles of a sound historic criticism to the recorded opinions of contemporaneous historians and their immediate successors. In this manner we may expect, at least, to approximate to a true judgment of history.

There are unquestionably fundamental powers and laws in human nature which have their development in the course of history. There are certain primitive ideas, imbedded in the constitution of each individual mind, which are revealed in the universal consciousness of our race, under the conditions of experience—the exterior conditions of physical nature and human society. Such are the ideas of cause and substance; of unity and infinity, which govern all the processes of discursive thought, and lead us to the recognition of Being in se;—such the ideas of right, of duty, of accountability, and of retribution, which regulate all the conceptions we form of our relations to all other moral beings, and constitute morality;—such the ideas of order, of proportion, and of harmony, which preside in the realms of art, and constitute the of esthetics;—such the ideas of God, the soul, and immortality, which rule in the domains of religion, and determine man a religious being. These constitute the identity of human nature under all circumstances; these characterize humanity in all conditions. Like permanent germs in vegetable life, always producing the same species of plants; or like fundamental types in the animal kingdom, securing the same homologous structures in all classes and orders; so these fundamental ideas in human nature constitute its sameness and unity, under all the varying conditions of life and society. The acorn must produce an oak, and nothing else. The grain of wheat must always produce its kind. The offspring of man must always bear his image, and always exhibit the same fundamental characteristics, not only in his corporeal nature, but also in his mental constitution.


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 doll in its brother's or sister's hand, and then, running to find brother's or sister's horse or doll, eagerly discusses the question of meum and tuum, and, notwithstanding the close resemblance of the two subjects of debate, fixes its grasp upon the real and genuine meum. That is to say, this same lisping assertor of its rights, has in its brain a picture of its plaything so exact and particular, that it serves at any time as a tally, by means of which it may recover the archetype. Yet this same mental miniature of the hobby, or the rose-lipped darling, does not merely come back, when recalled by the presence of the original, but it floats before the internal eye, called for, and uncalled, waking and sleeping; of which further fact, with all its endless consequences, we have evidence enough; as for instance, when to the little girl, lost in reverie, we suddenly put the questionWhat are you thinking about? About dolly.About dollywhich dolly? Oh my best dolly that moves her eyes! Sometimes indeed dollyâ€™s own dear name is heard muttered in sleep, when, as we need not doubt, the fair image is vividly present to the fancy.

Nor is this all, for while the doating little mamma, just referred to, has her "own dolly" on her lap, or is dressing and undressing it, or is taking it abroad, or preparing its breakfast, and despatching it to school, the conceptive faculty is working in another and a copious manner, and so as to involve all sorts of consequences to the future character. For the object in the hand becomes the nucleus of a hundred captivating conceptions of things not present, but which, by the aid of the mind's creative powers, stand forth out of vacancy, almost as distinctly as if actually before the eye. Dolly is the heroine of a drama, vividly acted in the soul's little theatre. Hence, that is to say from the richness and vivacity of the conceptive faculty, comes all, or nearly all the never-failing delight of which toys are the occasion.


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 But again: this same faculty gives evidence of its activity by the way in which its operations are connected with graphic representations of familiar objects. To this subject I have already alluded, and to avoid the appearance of repetition, will here only observe that, by the aid of very rude sketches, adapted to the purpose, the curious reader may, if he pleases, and in the way of experiment, satisfy himself as to the extent and exactness of a child's conceptive power. It would be easy to specify a hundred modes in which this experiment might be varied. I must however pass on to notice the still more striking proof furnished of the refinement which the conceptive faculty reaches, at a very early age, by the electric velocity, and the precision with which images stored in the mind connect themselves with arbitrary signs, that is to say, with words.

This curious subject, familiar as it is to those conversant with mental philosophy, and familiar too, as a common fact, to every one, may deserve a little attention from the reader who hitherto has not much thought of it. We take then the instance of a child of three years old, and one of only ordinary intelligenceany family may furnish a parallel example. Accustomed to the objects of a rural and in-land home, he accompanied his mamma, let us suppose, a year ago, to a gay watering place. At different times, during the intervening months, the striking objects of that world of wonders have been recalled to his recollection in vivid language; and now, if questioned concerning these objects, and many others therewith associated, although the questions are varied as much as we please in phraseology, and although new points of view are taken, he will convince his catechist that there is present to his mind's eye a not obscure set of picturesof the sea, in its changing aspectsof the bathsof the buildingsof the equipagesof the downs. Or show him, unexpectedly, a view of the Pavilion, or of the chain pier, and it will be unquestionable


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 that the things seen so long ago exist still, by their perfect images, in his mind.

Now in this case, and facts of the same sort meet us in a hundred different forms, we have not only, as in those just before noted, the recognition of an object, as one that has been seen before, when again it presents itself to the eye; nor the recognition of it as rudely pictured, nor the spontaneous recurrence of the image to the fancy; but there is the recovery of the image, in all its variety of adjuncts, as connected with WORDS. Moreover, this connexion, so early established between images stored by the conceptive faculty, and certain words or sentences, is not of so confined a sort as that it is only a particular series of sounds that has become associated with the train of images; but it is language abstractedly that has so linked itself with images, and with the separate qualities and incidental aspects of objects. That this is the fact is easily proved, either by our describing recollected objects in a variety of phrases, and which will be severally recognized; or, in a still more striking manner, by our employing known epithets to describe objects that have never been actually seen. And yet in this latter case we may easily convince ourselves, that a real and vivid idea has been called up in the child's mind, as thusDid you ever see a crocodile? No. But you have seen a print of one:well; what sort of animal is it? It is so and so... That will do: now I will describe to you another sort of animal: think then of a creature somewhat like a crocodile, yet so large that, if it were on the lawn, it would reach from one of the gates to the other: and think of it covered with scales, yellow, green, and crimson, sparkling in the sun; and having broad wings, so that it could flutter about like a bat; and with a long tail, crackling and rattling, as it flies, like the post-boy's whip: and think of its eyes glaring in the twilight, like the lamps of the coach which you saw coming along the road last


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 intellectual pursuitsby keeping up a constant correspondence with pure and agreeable moral sentiments (while boys are led on, far and wide, in paths thoroughly abstracted from any such ideas)by having much more to do with the concrete, with instances and particular facts, than with abstract principlesby employing thoughts and hours principally with the observation, collection, and manipulation, of actual forms, species, and specimens; and by allowing more time to the elegancies of literature (beside female accomplishments) than to what passes under the term erudition.

In the next place, the two methods of culture should differ in regard to the difference of Power, which distinguishes the male and female mind. Every day, in society, we may meet with women equal to, or surpassing men in intelligence ; but if male and female minds, of apparently equal intelligence, are brought into comparison, very few instances will occur in which the latter are not far inferior to the former in power. This disparity may be attributed in part to habit and exercise; but it is seen to attach, nearly in the same proportion, to the earliest age. It would be a cruelty therefore to require girls to perform the tasks that should be exacted of their brothers. This mental power isa power of continued application, and a power of grasping and of retaining complex notions: itis strength, and it is force.

Again: some allowance ought, as I am inclined to think, to be made in the culture of the female mind for what I would not call an organic difference of structure, if I could find a term, near to my meaning, and not so liable to misconstruction. I am not however attempting to treat the subject in the abstract, but practically: and in relation to practice it comes nearly to the same, whether we assume an organic mental difference, or only suppose certain faculties to be much less strongly developed in the one class of


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 minds than in the other. Now, if a very few instances are excepted, it may I think be affirmed that the female mind almost wants the genuine faculty of abstraction, especially that form of it whence result philosophical generalization, and mechanical invention. This deficiency in the leading mental power makes itself felt in all the higher processes of culture, and in whatever involves ratiocination. Women indeed are oftenvery often, sooner in possession of the most important practical truths than men; and when possessed of them, hold them more firmly; but they reach these useful principlesprinciples of conduct, by the clue of instinct and sentiment; that is to say, by the immediate guidance of nature, not by ascertaining premises, deducing inferences, and drawing conclusions. Men err so often as they do by reasoning illogically, or on false assumptions: when women err it is by yielding to illusive representations, or from want of some instinctive feminine sentiment.

Parents therefore, in conducting the education of their daughters, and especially when conjoined with that of their sons, need not perplex themselves with the attempt to lead the former on the path of abstraction, in any one of those studies which involve it. They may indeed be made acquainted with all the facts whence abstraction takes its start, or in which it ends; but with the process itself they need not much concern themselves. A due regard to this point of difference will affect, in some instances, the choice of studies, and oftener the methods of teaching, and the kind of exercises allotted to the two classes of minds. Much disappointment and loss of time may be saved by a clear perception, from the first, of that difference which nature has made in the very structure of the female mind.

Once more, and as it is very obvious, the methods of teaching, and the objects of study, should have respect to the very different DESTINATION of men and women in life.


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Everybody writes letters, but not everybody does it well. The ability to write a good letter couched in effective language and put into correct form upon appropriate stationery constitutes a tremendous business, political, and social asset. This little book does not guarantee to make you perfect in these details, but it does undertake to interest you and to offer you distinct help.


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 This point is too well understood to need any enlargement; nor does it seem requisite to corroborate the dictates of common sense in opposition to the absurdity of the endeavour, which has been sometimes made, and defended, to fit girls to do that which it is certain they will never be called to do. All along I assume, on the part of parents, a vigorous good sense, and a firm adherence to great and well-sanctioned principles. We save ourselves therefore the labour of refuting any thing which clearly stands condemned by maxims generally admitted.

The specific intentions of female education, considered in contrast with that of the other sex, are three;first, to vivify, elevate, and inform those intellectual tastes in wo- man, which may be the means of happiness to herself, and which exclude tastes that are frivolous, or pernicious:secondly, to render her the attractive companion of man, and to put her into communication with the world of mind; not indeed to explore it, but to tread its beaten paths in all directions; and lastly, and as a special object, female education should keep in view a woman's probable destination to teach what she has learned. This latter intention may justify some more exact and arduous methods of study than otherwise would appear to be necessary. And let me be allowed to remind parents that how secure soever may be, to-day, their possession of affluence, and however un-likely it may seem that their daughters should be compelled to look to their accomplishments as the means of independence, it is a wise caution to fit them for a possible reverse of fortune. Moreover, indulging as I do the hope that, in a larger number of instances than heretofore, home education for girls may be adopted, I cannot forget that any such change would, so far as it extended, occasion a call for the assistance of well-informed young women, to conduct the routine of learning, under the direction of parents; for it is not to be supposed that they should be able, personally


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This little volume is not to be a textbook; it is not even to be a "Ready Letter Writer" with illustrations of how to present an offer of marriage to a young woman, how to get a kitchen range from a mail-order house, or how to compose a letter that will have "pull" and get the big business. It is simply a friendly suggestive personal talk between you and me on the subject of writing letters of all sorts, good form and its importance, the effect of the unexpected, and the latent social and business possibilities of the art. I am going to tell you, in a very personal way, some of the things I have learned through thirty years of experience and observation in writing social and friendly and business letters to all sorts of men, in trying to teach high school students and college undergraduates how to write acceptable letters, and in waiting for months and years for the letter which was expected but which never came.

There was a time, not far beyond the memory of some who are still living, when letter-writing was a very precise art, prac-


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 ticed with scrupulous care and at long intervals, and demanding discriminating thought. Even in my own childhood, which is not a very remote period as history goes, I recall that the writing of a letter was not a task to be undertaken lightly, or accomplished without considerable serious preparation. It was analogous to preparing for threshers or getting ready to entertain the minister; all the family had a part in it and no one was allowed to shirk his duty.

Once a year a letter was written to our relatives in northern England. This letter was carefully, thoughtfully, and, I might almost say, prayerfully done. There were no misspellings of "received" or "accommodate," no sentences without subjects or verbs, no constructions whose grammatical parentage was in question, no careless illegible penmanship, no omission of vital and necessary details. The writing was like copper plate, the items of news were sifted and carefully thought out. Even though my father, who did the writing, had had little formal training in the subtle art of composition, this letter would have borne the cold scrutiny of a


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 doctor of philosophy teaching freshman composition in college. I think father would have been given an A. The reply which came six months later was equally irreproachable, and had been the subject of equal care by our English relatives.

One has only to read the books written a century or more ago to see how great a part letter-writing played in the best literature extant. The shelves of our libraries are full of illustrations of the fact that many great writers have done some of their best work in the letters written to their friends. Richardson's first novel—the first work in English, in fact, to be worthy of the name of novel—was a series of letters written in the stiff formal style of the eighteenth century. Lord Chesterfield's letters to his son can scarcely be matched in the essays of any great writer of his time, for their delightful refined literary style, their keen insight into human nature, their truthful depicting of the thought and customs of the day. In our own time the letters of Robert Louis Stevenson are as representative of that writer's charm and genius as anything else that he has written, and many another


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 modern writer has shown how effective informal letters can be.

In the olden days letter-writing was not so commonly practiced as now. Relatively few letters were written, and these few were not done thoughtlessly. There were good reasons for this. The cost of sending letters was excessive, and economy was of necessity practiced more rigidly than now; a dollar was seldom spent without deliberation. The writing and sending of a letter was a matter to be weighed carefully before it should be undertaken. To get a letter was a great event to be looked forward to with interest and pleasure and to be remembered and spoken of to the neighbors long afterward. Letters were passed around from one person to another and regarded with a respect and a consideration which we today, whose mail is crowded with all sorts of communications, can hardly understand.

I recall a story which my mother used to tell of the time in England when the postage used to be paid upon the receipt of the letter. A shrewd servant girl and her brother, both very poor, devised the scheme of sending communications to each


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 other through certain hieroglyphics drawn upon the envelope, which supposedly contained the letter which one had written to the other. When either received this letter from the hand of the postman, he looked at it for a moment, deciphered the message upon the outside, and then gave it back, with the statement that, though he would like very much to get the letter, the postage demanded was beyond his means. It was such practices as just described, it is said, that led Rowland Hill to work for penny postage in England.

Changing business and social conditions, the reduction of postage, inventions, the introduction of stenography and typewriting have revolutionized letter-writing and in many ways have taken away from it its charm and its personal flavor. Now every one writes letters and every one gets them. We write letters as thoughtlessly and as carelessly as we use the telephone or go to the movies. It makes as little impression on us to get a letter as it does to see an automobile or an airplane. The morning mail brings me communications from wash women asking me to help them collect their bills, and from college presidents


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 inquiring how to eliminate hazing, or to discourage Theta Nu Epsilon, and one has in it about as much individuality as the other. Usually both of them are typewritten, for the college president has a stenographer and the laundress has a daughter in high school who uses a typewriter.

We write ten letters now where we wrote one fifty years ago. It is the way we do business, it is the way we keep in touch with our friends, and perform our social obligations. Ultimately we shall pay a social call by writing a letter. Perhaps we shall hear our sermons by correspondence. But the increase in the number of letters we write has not improved our epistolary style; it has on the contrary made our writing more mechanical, less intimate, less personal and individual. If we have a stenographer she assumes all responsibility for our spelling, our punctuation, our sentence structure, and in fact for everything else excepting the bald business facts which our letters contain.

"How do you spell 'ammonia'?" I heard one of his employees ask a business man not long ago.


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 "I don't know anything about spelling or grammar," was his reply. "That's my stenographer's business. I simply tell her what to say and she fixes it up all right." I had had enough letters from him, however, to know that his stenographer was quite as deeply immersed in orthographic and grammatical darkness as was he himself, and that he was blissfully in ignorance of the fact.

Stenography has done a great deal to facilitate and accelerate letter-writing, but in many ways it has injured and cheapened the art. Very few men dictate as they talk. They fall into a conventional mechanical style, often verbose, and usually abrupt and lacking in grace and rhythm. It is pretty hard to talk cleverly into a dictaphone or to extemporize mellifluous phrases to a man fingering a stenotype. Some men can give a personal human touch to a dictated letter, but the number is limited. Dictated letters are infrequently planned with much care, and such a letter usually contains more words and says less than a letter written by hand. The limitations of time in writing a letter in longhand give opportunity for thought


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 and discrimination in the choice of words and induces brevity and directness of expression. One has not time to say as much when writing longhand as when dictating, and so chooses his phrases and his ideas more carefully, plans his ideas more thoughtfully, and says more effectively what he has to say.

I was to make an after-dinner speech not long ago, and while I was dressing, my wife, who is naturally interested in my postprandial success, asked.

"What are you going to say tonight?"

"I haven't the least idea," I replied truthfully, trusting in Providence, as most men do in such a situation, that something clever would come into my mind at the last minute.

"Oh, dear," she exclaimed, with a sort of hopeless note in her voice, "you'll talk a long time then." And it is as true of writing as it is of speech that the man who makes no preparation, who "takes his pen in hand" with no definite plan in his mind when he begins to write is likely to wander on for a long time without getting anywhere.

I think we all realize the possibilities of