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 diet is largely responsible for that dire and frequent disease "cut him belly," and several other quaint disorders, possibly even for the sleep disease. The natives themselves say that a diet too exclusively maniocan produces dimness of vision, ending in blindness if the food is not varied; the poisonous principle cannot be anything like soaked out in the surcharged water, and the meal when it is made up and cooked has just the same sour, acrid taste you would expect it to have from the smell.

The fish is boiled, or wrapped in leaves and baked. The dried fish, very properly known as stink-fish, is much preferred; this is either eaten as it is, or put into stews as seasoning, as also are the snails. The meat is eaten either fresh or smoked, boiled or baked. By baked I always mean just buried in the ground and a fire lighted on top, or wrapped in leaves and buried in hot embers.

The smoked meat is badly prepared, just hung up in the smoke of the fires, which hardens it, blackening the outside quickly; but when the lumps are taken out of the smoke, in a short time cracks occur in them, and the interior part proceeds to go bad, and needless to say maggoty. If it is kept in the smoke, as it often is to keep it out of the way of dogs and driver ants, it acquires the toothsome taste and texture of a piece of old tarpaulin. I have gone into this bush cooking here in detail, so that you may understand why on the Coast, when a man comes in and says he has been down on native chop, we say "Good gracious!" and give out the best tins on the spot.

I may be judging the coast tribes too harshly if I include them with the bush tribes in my culinary indictment, so I confine my accusations to the Fans and up-river tribes, with whose culinary methods I have been more in contact, for when on the coast I have been either in European houses, or in those of educated natives who have partially, at any rate, adopted European ways of cooking, and I must say that among the M'pongwe and Igalwas I came across a bright ray of intelligence—nay, I will say genius, in the matter of Odeaka cheese. It is not cheese, but, as the schoolboy said anent the author of the Iliad, somebody else of the same name; but it is good,

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 and I will sing its praises when I talk of the M'pongwe, and now ask the surviving reader who has waded through this dissertation on cookery if something should not be done to improve the degraded condition of the Bantu cooking culture? Not for his physical delectation only, but because his present methods are bad for his morals, and drive the man to drink, let alone assisting in riveting him in the practice of polygamy, which the missionary party say is an exceedingly bad practice for him to follow. The inter-relationship of these two subjects may not seem on the face of it very clear, but inter-relationships of customs very rarely are; I well remember M. Jacot coming home one day at Kangwe from an evangelising visit to some adjacent Fan towns, and saying he had had given to him that afternoon a new reason for polygamy, which was that it enabled a man to get enough to eat. This sounds sinister from a notoriously cannibal tribe; but the explanation is that the Fans are an exceedingly hungry tribe, and require a great deal of providing for. It is their custom to eat about ten times a day when in village, and the men spend most of their time in the palaver-houses at each end' of the street, the women bringing them bowls of food of one kind or another all day long. When the men are away in the forest rubber or elephant-hunting, and have to cook their own food, they cannot get quite so much; but when I have come across them on these expeditions, they halted pretty regularly every two hours and had a substantial snack, and the gorge they all go in for after a successful elephant hunt is a thing to see—once.

There are other reasons which lead to the prevalence of this custom, beside the cooking. One is that it is totally impossible for one woman to do the whole work of a house—look after the children, prepare and cook the food, prepare the rubber, carry the same to the markets, fetch the daily supply of water from the stream, cultivate the plantation, &c., &c. Perhaps I should say it is impossible for the dilatory African woman, for I once had an Irish charwoman, who drank, who would have done the whole week's work of an African village in an afternoon, and then been quite fresh enough to knock some of the nonsense out of her husband's head with that of


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 the broom, and throw a kettle of boiling water or a paraffin lamp at him, if she suspected him of flirting with other ladies. That woman, who deserves fame in the annals of her country, was named Harragan. She has attained immortality some years since, by falling down stairs one Saturday night from excitement arising from "the Image's" (Mr. Harragan) conduct; but we have no Mrs. Harragan in Africa. The African lady does not care a travelling whitesmith's execration if her husband does flirt, so long as he does not go and give to other women the cloth, &c., that she should have. The more wives the less work, says the African lady; and I have known men who would rather have had one wife and spent the rest of the money on themselves, in a civilised way, driven into polygamy by the women; and of course this state of affairs is most common in non-slave-holding tribes like the Fan. But then there is that custom which, as far as I know, is common to all African tribes, and I suspect to Asiatic, which is well known to ethnologists, and which once caused a missionary to say to me: "A blow must be struck at polygamy, and that blow must be dealt with a feeding-bottle." He was a practical man, so there are a gross or two of Alexandra feeding-bottles at a place on the Coast; but they don't go off, and the missionary has returned to America.

Now polygamy is, like most other subjects, a difficult thing to form an opinion on, if, before forming that opinion, you go and make a study of the facts and bearings of the case. It is therefore advisable to follow the usual method employed by the majority of people. Just take a prejudice of your own, and fix it up with the so-called opinions of people who go in for that sort of prejudice too. This method is absolutely essential to the forming of an opinion on the subject of polygamy among African tribes, that will be acceptable in enlightened circles. Polygamy is the institution which above all others governs the daily life of the native; and it is therefore the one which the missionaries who enter into this daily life, and not merely into the mercantile and legal, as do the trader and the government official, are constantly confronted with and hindered by. All the missionaries have set their faces against it and deny Church membership to those men who


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 practise it; whereby it falls out that many men are excluded from the fold who would make quite as good Christians as those within it. They hesitate about turning off from their homes women who have lived and worked for them for years, and not only for them, but often for their fathers before them. One case in the Rivers I know of is almost tragic if you put yourself in his place. An old chief, who had three wives, profoundly and vividly believed that exclusion from the Holy Communion meant an eternal damnation. The missionary had instructed him in the details of this damnation thoroughly, and the chief did not like the prospect at all; but on the other hand he did not like to turn off the three wives he had lived with for years. He found the matter was not even to be compromised, by turning off two and going to church to be married with accompanying hymns and orange-blossoms with number three, for the ladies held together; not one of them would marry him and let the other two go, so the poor old chief worried himself to a shammock and anybody else he could get to listen to him. His white trader friends told him not to be such an infernal ass. Some of his black fellow chiefs said the missionary was quite right, and the best thing for him to do would be to hand over to them the three old wives, and go and marry a young girl from the mission school. Personally they were not yet afflicted with scruples on the subject of polygamy, and of course (being "missionary man now) he would not think of taking anything for his wives, so they would do their best, as friends, to help him out of the difficulty. Others of his black fellow chiefs, less advanced in culture, just said: "What sort of fool palaver you make;" and spat profusely. The poor old man smelt hell fire, and cried "Yo, yo, yo," and beat his hands upon the ground. It was a moral mess of the first water all round. Still do not imagine the mission-field is full of yo yo-ing old chiefs; for although the African is undecided, he is also very ingenious, particularly in dodging inconvenient moral principles.

Many a keen old chief turns on his pastor and asks driving questions regarding the patriarchs, until I have heard a sorely tried pastor question the wisdom of introducing the Old Testament to the heathen. Many a young man hesitates


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 about joining the Church that will require his entering into the married state with only one woman, whom he knows he may not whack, and who, he knows, will also know this and carry on in all directions, and go and report all his little failings up at the mission, and get him into hot water with the missionary whose good opinion he values highly. And he is artful enough to know he enjoys this good opinion more as an interesting possible convert, than he would as a Church member requiring "discipline."

The worst classes of cases wherein polygamy troubles the missionary are those of boys trained in the mission school and married to school-trained girls. For a time they live according to Church ordinance; and then they keep it to the eye, and break it to the heart; and during this period of transition, during which the missionary fights a hard and losing fight for these souls against their inherited sensualism and sloth, they sink into a state that to my mind, seems worse than they would have been in had they never seen a missionary. But I will not go into the disintegrating effects of mission training here, because my opinions on them have no reference to the work done by the Mission Évangélique whose influence upon the natives has been, and is, all for good; and the amount of work they have done, considering the small financial resources behind them, is to a person who has seen other missions most remarkable, and is not open to the criticism lavished on missions in general.

Mission work was first opened upon the Ogowé by Dr. Nassau, the great pioneer and explorer of these regions. He was acting for the American Presbyterian Society; but when the French Government demanded education in French in the schools, the stations on the Ogowé, Lembarene (Kangwe), and Talagouga were handed over to the Mission Évangélique of Paris, and have been carried on by its representatives with great devotion and energy. I am unsympathetic, for reasons of my own, with Christian missions, so my admiration for this one does not arise from the usual ground of admiration for missions, namely, that however they may be carried on, they are engaged in a great and holy work; but I regard the Mission Évangélique, judging from the results I have seen,


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 ans) and the Zimmerwald majority were one and the same thing.

By the end of 1916 or the beginning of 1917 this had become an admitted fact. In spite of the condemnation of social-pacifism pronounced by the Kienthal Manifesto, the whole Zimmerwald right, the Zimmerwald majority, went over to social-pacifism. Kautsky & Co. crossed the bridge in January and February, 1917; then followed in succession the Frenchmen Bourderòn and Merrheim, who cast their votes with the social-pacifists for a pacifist resolution of the Socialist Party in December, 1916, and of the General Confederation of Labor (the national organization of French labor unions), also in December, 1916; Turati & Co. in Italy, where the entire party assumed a pacifist attitude, Turati personally delivering himself (and not by accident) of a few nationalistic sentences in which he praised the imperialistic war in a speech on December 17, 1916; the chairman of the Zimmerwald and Kienthal conferences, Robert Grimm, joined hands with the chauvinists of his own party, Gruelich, Pfluger, Gustave Muller and others opposed to the real internationalists.

At two conferences of Zimmerwaldists of various countries, held in January and February of 1917, this double-faced attitude of the Zimmerwald majority was stigmatized by the "left" internationalists of several countries, by Munzerberg, secretary of the internationalist organization of the Young People's Socialist groups and editor of the fine internationalist publication, International Youth, by Zinoviev, chairman of the executive committee of our party, by Karl Radek of the Polish Social Democratic Party (the Kraev movement), by Max Hartstein, a German Social Democrat and member of the "Spartacus Group."

The Russian proletariat has done much. Nowhere on earth has the working class developed as much revolutionary energy as it has in Russia. But much is expected from those who have accomplished much. We cannot remain with our feet in the Zimmerwald mud. There is nothing to expect from the Zimmerwald Kautskians, more or less allied with the chauvinistic International of Plekhanov and Scheidemann.

We must break away from this sort of International. We must at once organize a new, revolutionary, proletarian International, or rather, acknowledge frankly and fearlessly that the new International is organized and working. This will be the International of those who are internationalists in their deeds, and whom I have enumerated in a foregoing paragraph. They alone represent the


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 as the perfection of what one may call a purely spiritual mission.

Lembarene is strictly speaking a district which includes Adânlinan lângâ and the Island, but the name is locally used to denote the great island in the Ogowé, whose native name is Nenge Ezangy; but for the sake of the general reader I will keep to the everyday term of Lembarene Island.

Lembarene Island is the largest of the islands on the Ogowé. It is some fifteen miles long, east and west, and a mile to a mile and a half wide. It is hilly and rocky, uniformly clad with forest, and several little permanent streams run from it on both sides into the Ogowé. It is situated 130 miles from the sea, at the point, just below the entrance of the N'guni, where the Ogowé commences to divide up into that network of channels by which, like all great West African rivers save the Congo, it chooses to enter the ocean. The island, as we mainlanders at Kangwe used to call it, was a great haunt of mine, particularly after I came down from Talagouga and saw fit to regard myself as competent to control a canoe. I do not mean that I was cut off from it before; for M. Jacot and M. Haug were always willing to send me across in a big canoe, with the mission boys to paddle, and the boys were always ready to come because it meant "dash," and the dissipation of going to what was the local equivalent of Paris; but there was always plenty of work for them on the station, and so I did not like taking them away. Therefore when I could get there alone I went more frequently.

From Andande, the beach of Kangwe, the breadth of the arm of the Ogowé to the nearest village on the island, was about that of the Thames at Blackwall. One half of the way was slack water, the other half was broadside on to a stiff current. Now my pet canoe at Andande was about six feet long, pointed at both ends, flat bottomed, so that it floated on the top of the water; its freeboard was, when nothing was in it, some three inches, and the poor thing had seen trouble in its time, for it had a hole you could put your hand in at one end; so in order to navigate it successfully, you had to squat in the other, which immersed


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 revolution, the masses of internationalists, and they have not tried to corrupt the masses.

Even if there are few Socialists of that type, let every Russian worker ask himself how many conscious revolutionists there were in Russia on the eve of the March Revolution in 1917.

It is not so much a question of numbers; it is a question of expressing correctly the ideas and the policy of the truly revolutionary proletariat. Never mind about "proclaiming" internationalism; the essential thing is for us to be, even when the times are most trying, real internationalists in our deeds.

We shall not allow ourselves to be deceived by agreements and international congresses. International relations will remain, as long as this imperialistic war lasts, held as in a vise by the military dictatorship of the imperialistic bourgeoisie. Remember that even the republican Milyukov, who had to submit to the "auxiliary-government" of the Council of Workers' Delegates, would not allow into Russia, in April, 1917, Franz Platen, the Swiss Socialist, secretary of the party and internationalist, a member of the Zimmerwald and Kienthal conferences, although Platen was married to a Russian woman, although he had taken part in the Revolution of 1905 in Riga, and for that offense had served a term in a Russian jail, and who having given security to the Czar's government for his release, wanted that security returned to him. Well, if the republican Milyukov could do such a thing, in April, 1917, and in Russia, then we can see how much stock we may take in the promises and declarations made by the bourgeoisie on the subject of peace without annexations. How about the arrest of Trotzky by the English Government? How about Martov being refused permission to leave Switzerland; how about the attempt made to lure him to England, where he would have shared Trotzky's fate?

Let us beware of illusions and of self-deception.

To wait for international conferences and congresses is simply to betray internationalism. Real international Socialists are not allowed to meet at Stockholm, not even to send letters, in spite of the censorship which can be exercised on all writings.

Let us not wait, let us organize at once a third International and hundreds of Socialists imprisoned in England and in Germany will heave a sigh of relief, thousands and thousands of German workers, who are now trying to organize strikes and demonstrations, will read in forbidden sheets about our decision, about our fraternal confidence in Karl Liebknecht (and in him alone among


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Published Monthly. Entered as second-class matter. Yearly Subscription, $6.00 per volume, paper, 50 cents. Published also in cloth; see separate list.

1. '''Love and Shawl-straps. By Annette Lucille Noble.''' Author of "Uncle Jack's Executors," "Eunice Lathrop, Spinster," etc.

2. '''Miss Hurd: An Enigma. By Anna Katharine Green''', Author of "The Leavenworth Case," "Hand and Ring," "Marked 'Personal, etc.

3. '''How Thankful was Bewitched. By Jas. K. Hosmer.''' Author of "The Story of the Jews," etc.

4. '''A Woman of Impulse. By Justin Huntly McCarthy.'''

5. '''The Countess Bettina; The History of an Innocent Scandal. By Clinton Ross.''' Author of "The Adventures of Three Worthies," etc.

6. '''Her Majesty. By E. K. Tompkins''', Author of "An Unlessoned Girl," etc.

7. '''God Forsaken. By Frederic Breton''', Author of "A Heroine in Homespun," etc.

8. '''An Island Princess. By Theodore Gift''', Author of "Pretty Miss Bellew," "Victims," etc.

9. '''Elizabeth's Pretenders. By Hamilton Aidé''', Author of "Rita," "Poet and Peer," etc.

10. At Tuxter's. By G. B. Burgin.

11. '''Cherryfield Hall: An Episode in the Career of an Adventuress. By F. H. Balfour''', Author of "Dr. Mirabel's Theory," etc., etc.

title: Page:Elizabeth's Pretenders.djvu/11


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 their Socialist leaders), about the decision we have taken to fight now the so-called "revolutionary defense" group; they will read all this and it will inject new strength into their revolutionary internationalism.

Much is expected from him who has accomplished much. There is no land on earth which is as free as Russia is now. Let us make use of this freedom not to prop up the bourgeoisie or the bourgeois "revolutionary defense," but to organize a third International, bold and honest and proletarian, the kind which Liebknecht would have, an International which will set its face boldly against all traitors, all social-patriots and the vacillating people of the "center."

After what I have just said, I need not waste any words to explain that a union of the Social Democrats of Russia is impossible. Rather stay alone, as Liebknecht did, that is, remain with the revolutionary proletariat, than to entertain even for a minute any thought of a union with the Mensheviki, with Cheidse and Tseretelli, who are willing to join hands with the Potresofs who voted for the war credit in the Executive Committee of the Council of Workers' Delegates, and who have gone over to the "revolutionary defense" group.

Let the dead bury their dead.

Whosoever wants to help hesitating souls should stop hesitating himself.

I am coming to the last question which is: what shall we call our party? We would call it the Communist Party, using Marx' and Engels' terminology.

We are Marxists and our policy is based upon the Communist Manifesto which has been perverted and disregarded by the "Social Democracy" on two important points:

1.—As workingmen have no country, the "defense of the fatherland" in an imperialistic war is a betrayal of Socialism.

2.—The Marxian theory of government has been perverted by the second International.

The term "Social Democracy" is unscientific, as Marx ex-


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 that to the water level but safely elevated the damaged end in the air. Of course you had to stop in your end firmly, because if you went forward the hole went down into the water, and the water went into the hole, and forthwith you foundered with all hands—i.e., you and the paddle and the calabash baler. This craft also had a strong weather helm, owing to a warp in the tree of which it had been made. I learnt all these things one afternoon, paddling round the sandbank; and the next afternoon, feeling confident in the merits of my vessel, I started for the island, and I actually got there, and associated with the natives, but feeling my arms were permanently worn out by paddling against the current, I availed myself of the offer of a gentleman to paddle me back in his canoe. He introduced himself as Samuel, and volunteered the statement that he was a very good man." We duly settled ourselves in the canoe, he occupying the bow, I sitting in the middle, and a Mrs. Samuel sitting in the stern. Mrs. Samuel was a powerful, pretty lady, and a conscientious and continuous paddler. Mr. S. was none of these things, but an ex-Bible reader, with an amazing knowledge of English, which he spoke in a quaint, falsetto, faraway sort of voice, and that man's besetting sin was curiosity. "You be Christian, ma?" said he. I asked him if he had ever met a white man who was not? "Yes, ma," says Samuel. I said "You must have been associating with people whom you ought not to know." Samuel fortunately not having a repartee for this, paddled on with his long paddle for a few seconds. "Where be your husband, ma?" was the next conversational bomb he hurled at me. "I no got one," I answer. "No got," says Samuel, paralysed with astonishment; and as Mrs. S., who did not know English, gave one of her vigorous drives with her paddle at this moment, Samuel as near as possible got jerked head first into the Ogowé, and we took on board about two bucketfuls of water. He recovered himself, however and returned to his charge. "No got one, ma?" "No," say I furiously. "Do you get much rubber round here?" "I no be trade man," says Samuel, refusing to fall into my trap for changing conversation. "Why you no got one?" The remainder of the conversation is unre-


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 plained in 1875, and Engels, in a more popular form, in 1894. Mankind can only pass from Capitalism into Socialism, that is, public ownership of the means of production and the distribution of products according to individual work. Our party looks farther ahead than that: Socialism is bound sooner or later to ripen into Communism, whose banner bears the motto: From each according to his ability, to each according to his needs.

That is the first reason. Here is my second: The second part of the term "Social Democracy" is scientifically wrong. Democracy is only a form of authority. We Marxists are opposed to every form of authority.

The leaders of the second International (1889–1914), Plekhanov, Kautsky and their ilk, perverted and debased Marxism. The difference between Marxism and Anarchism is that Marxism admits the necessity of some sort of authority during the transition from Capitalism to Socialism; not the kind of authority represented by a democratic, bourgeois republic and its parliamentary system, but the kind of authority represented by the Paris Commune of 1871 and the Councils of Workers' Delegates of 1905 and 1917.

There is a third reason: Life and the Revolution have already established in a concrete way (although in a form which is still weak and embryonic) a new type of authority which does not seem to be authority in the proper sense of the word. It is a question of the masses taking action and no longer of leaders indulging in theories.

Authority in the usual sense of the word is the power exercised over the masses by a group of armed men distinct from the nation. The new authority, which is now in process of being born, is also a real authority, because we, too, need groups of armed men necessary to preserve order, necessary to crush out ruthlessly all attempts at a counter-revolution, all attempts at keeping in power a Czarist, bourgeois government. But our newly-born authority isn't authority in the proper sense of the word, because those groups of armed men found in many parts of Russia are the masses themselves, the whole nation, not simply groups allowed to rule above the nation, not groups distinct from the nation, privileged individuals practically immovable.

Let us look forward, not backward; let us look away from the democracy of the usual bourgeois type, which enforces the domination of the bourgeoisie by means of an antiquated, monarchistic machinery of government, the police, the army and the bureauc-


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 racy. Let us look forward to the advent of the newly-born democracy, which has already ceased to be a democracy, for democracy means, the people's authority and the armed masses of the nation could not exercise an authority over themselves.

The word democracy cannot be scientifically applied to the Communist Party. Since March, 1917, the word democracy is simply a shackle fastened upon the revolutionary nation and preventing it from establishing boldly, freely and regardless of all obstacles a new form of power: the Councils of Workers', Soldiers' and Peasants' Delegates, harbinger of the abolition of every form of authority.

There is a fourth reason: the international position of Socialism. Its position is no longer what it was between the years 1871 and 1914, when Marx and Engels adopted as a makeshift the inaccurate, opportunistic word "Social Democracy."

In the days after the defeat of the Paris Commune what was mostly needed was slow work of organization and enlightenment. Nothing else was possible. Anarchists were then, as they are now, theoretically, economically and politically wrong. The Anarchists, who did not understand the world situation, selected the wrong moment: the workers of England had been perverted by imperialistic gains, the Commune had been beaten in Paris, the National bourgeois movement was victorious in Germany, and feudal Russia was still sleeping the sleep of centuries. Marx and Engels gauged the hour accurately; they understood the international situaitonsituation [sic]; they saw that the Social Revolution would have to go slowly at first.

We must in turn understand the peculiarities and the duties of our day. Let us not imitate the pseudo-Marxianists of whom Marx himself said: "I sowed dragons' teeth and I reaped fleas."

The natural development of Capitalism, evolving into Imperialism has brought forth an imperialistic war. This war has brought mankind to the brink of destruction, jeopardized all civilization, ruined and brutalized millions of human beings. There is no way out of it except through a proletarian revolution. And just when that revolution is beginning, when it is taking its first steps, awkward, weak, diffident, leaning too much as yet on the bourgeoisie, at that moment the majority of the Social Democratic leaders, of the Social Democratic parliamentarians, of the Social Democratic papers, in a word all those who could spur the masses


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 to action, or at least the majority of them are betraying Socialism, are selling Socialism, are going to fight the battles of their national bourgeoisie.

The masses are distracted and baffled by talk and deceived by their leaders. And should we aid and abet that deception by retaining the old and worn out party name, which is as spent as the second International?

It may be that many workers understand the real meaning of Social Democracy, but we must draw the line between what it means objectively and what it means subjectively.

Subjectively those workers are Social Democrats, true leaders of the proletarian masses. Objectively, the world situation is such that the old name of our party helps fool the masses and retards the onward march. Every day, in every paper, in every parliamentary group, the masses see leaders, that is, people whose voice carries farther, whose acts are in evidence, who call themselves Social Democrats and Socialists, and who join hands with the betrayers of Socialism, the social-patriots, who are trying to cash the promissory note issued by the Social Democracy.

Are there any reasons against the new names? Shall we mix with the communistic Anarchists? Why are we not afraid of mixing with the social-nationalists, the social liberals, the social patriots? The laboring masses, some say, are accustomed to their Social Democratic Party, they love it. That is the only reason for retaining the old name and this reason goes counter to the teachings of Marxism, disregards the revolutionary tasks of to-morrow, the objective position of Socialism the world over, the shameful fiasco of the second International, and the injury done to the cause of millions of proletarians who are "also Social Democrats." This reason is based solely on laziness and love of routine. We want to recast the world. We want to end this world war waged by imperialists in which millions of people are involved and millions of dollars are invested, a war which cannot be ended in a truly democratic way without the greatest proletarian revolution in history.

And here we are hesitating. Here we are, keeping on our backs the same old dirty shirt. It is high time we should cast off the dirty shirt and put on a new, clean one.


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 portable, but he landed me at Andande all right, and got his dollar.

The next voyage I made, which was on the next day, I decided to go by myself to the factory, which is on the other side of the island, and did so. I got some goods to buy fish with, and heard from Mr. Cockshut that the poor boy-agent at Osoamokita, had committed suicide. It was a grievous thing. He was, as I have said, a bright, intelligent young Frenchman; but living in the isolation, surrounded by savage, tiresome tribes, the strain of his responsibility had been too much for him. He had had a good deal of fever, and the very kindly head agent for Woermann's had sent Dr. Pélessier to see if he had not better be invalided home; but he told the Doctor he was much better, and as he had no one at home to go to he begged him not to send him, and the Doctor, to his subsequent regret, gave in. No one knows, who has not been to visit Africa, how terrible is the life of a white man in one of these out-of-the-way factories, with no white society, and with nothing to look at, day out and day in, but the one set of objects—the forest, the river, and the beach, which in a place like Osoamokita you cannot leave for months at a time, and of which you soon know every plank and stone. I felt utterly wretched as I started home again to come up to the end of the island, and go round it and down to Andande; and paddled on for some little time, before I noticed that I was making absolutely no progress. I redoubled my exertions, and crept slowly up to some rocks projecting above the water; but pass them I could not, as the main current of the Ogowé flew in hollow swirls round them against my canoe. Several passing canoefuls of natives gave me good advice in Igalwa; but facts were facts, and the Ogowé was too strong for me. After about twenty minutes an old Fan gentleman came down river in a canoe and gave me good advice in Fan, and I got him to take me in tow—that is to say, he got into my canoe and I held on to his and we went back down river. I then saw his intention was to take me across to that disreputable village, half Fan, half Bakele, which is situated on the main bank of the river opposite the island; this I disapproved of, because I had heard that some Senegal soldiers who had gone over there, had been


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The great, the decisive problem of the Russian Revolution was the problem of state power, the problem of which class should control the state and what form the state should assume. Every phase and tendency of the Revolution is interwoven with this problem of state power, every crisis of the Revolution is a crisis of power. Within two weeks after the overthrow of Czarism and the organization of the Provisional Government and the Soviets of Workers, Soldiers and Peasants, the problem of state power appeared and swiftly became the determinant issue, of which all other issues were simply an expression.

The bourgeoisie, which at first desired a constitutional monarchy, reconciled itself under the pressure of events to a republic; its conception of state power was a bourgeois parliamentary republic retaining in its machinery all the essential features of the government of Czarism,—a capitalistic autocracy disguised in the mask of democratic forms. At the start, the Provisional Government was dominated by the ultra-reactionaries of the Guchkov and Milyukov type; but after the crisis of May 2–3, the government came under the control of bourgeois liberals, the Cadets and the moderate Socialists. The Cadets were avowedly imperialistic, a policy dictated by their class relations; while the moderate Socialists were compelled to acquiesce in an imperialistic policy because of their alliance with the bourgeoisie and their refusal to assume all power through the Soviets, by which means alone an independent, revolutionary policy could be formulated and put into practice.

On June 5, the Executive Committee of the Soviets issued an appeal to the Socialist and labor organizations of the world for "a determined and energetic fight against the universal slaughter," and "an agreement for the termination of the 'party truce' with imperialistic governments and classes, which makes nugatory the real struggle for peace." But this appeal was itself rendered nugatory by the Soviets' alliance with a bourgeois government, a policy fundamentally identical with the policy of the social-patriot Socialists of France, who sent their representatives into the bourgeois ministry of Viviani and Briand, of Capitalism and Imperialism.

The entry of Socialist representatives of the Soviets into the ministry was a flagrant violation of revolutionary Socialist policy and a contemptuous disregard of the prevailing situation. The only actual power in the nation was the power of the revolutionary masses, organized in the Soviets; the surrender of authority to the bourgeois government could not alter the actual relations of pow«r nor eliminate the antagonisms between the revolutionary masses and the bourgeoisie. Coalition meant a dodging of the problem of power, not its solution. In words, the Soviet leaders might relinquish all power to the government; in fact, the Soviets were compelled


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 stripped of every rag they had on, and maltreated; besides, it was growing very late, and I wanted to get home to dinner. I communicated my feelings to my pilot, who did not seem to understand at first, so I feared I should have to knock them into him with the paddle; but at last he understood I wanted to be landed on the island and duly landed me, when he seemed much surprised at the reward I gave him in pocket-handkerchiefs. Then I got a powerful young Igalwa dandy to paddle me home.

I did not go to the island next day, but down below Fula, watching the fish playing in the clear water, and the lizards and birds on the rocky high banks; but on my next journey round to the factories I got into another and a worse disaster. I went off there early one morning; and thinking the only trouble lay in getting back up the Ogowé, and having developed a theory that this might be minimised by keeping very close to the island bank, I never gave a thought to dangers attributive to going down river; so, having by now acquired pace, my canoe shot out beyond the end rocks of the island into the main stream. It took me a second to realise what had happened, and another to find out I could not get the canoe out of the current without upsetting it, and that I could not force her back up the current, so there was nothing for it but to keep her head straight now she had bolted. A group of native ladies, who had followed my proceedings with much interest, shouted observations which I believe to have been "Come back, come back; you'll be drowned." "Good-bye, Susannah, don't you weep for me," I courteously retorted, and flew past them and the factory beaches and things in general, keenly watching for my chance to run my canoe up a siding, as it were, off the current main line. I got it at last—a projecting spit of land from the island with rocks projecting out of the water in front of it bothered the current, and after a wild turn round or so, and a near call from my terrified canoe trying to climb up a rock, I got into slack water and took a pause in life's pleasures for a few minutes. Knowing I must be near the end of the island, I went on pretty close to the bank, finally got round into the Kangwe branch of the Ogowé by a connecting creek, and


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 after an hour's steady paddling I fell in with three big canoes going up river; they took me home as far as Fula, whence a short paddle landed me at Andande only slightly late for supper, convinced that it was almost as safe and far more amusing to be born lucky than wise.

Now I have described my circumnavigation of the island, I will proceed to describe its inhabitants. The up-river end of Lembarene Island is the most inhabited. A path round the upper part of the island passes through a succession of Igalwa villages and by the Roman Catholic missionary station. The slave villages belonging to these Igalwas are away down the north face of the island, opposite the Fan town of Fula, which I have mentioned. It strikes me as remarkable that the Igalwa, like the Dualla of Cameroons, have their slaves in separate villages; but this is the case, though I do not know the reason of it. These Igalwa slaves cultivate the plantations, and bring up the vegetables and fruit to their owners' villages, and do the housework daily.

The interior of the island is composed of high, rocky, heavily forested hills, with here and there a stream, and here and there a swamp; the higher land is towards the up-river end; down river there is a lower strip of land with hillocks. This is, I fancy, formed by deposits of sand, &c., catching in among the rocks, and connecting what was at one time several isolated islands. There are no big game or gorillas on the island, but it has a peculiar and awful house ant, much smaller than the driver ant, but with a venomous, bad bite; its only good point is that its chief food is the white ants, which are therefore kept in abeyance on Lembarene Island, although flourishing destructively on the mainland banks of the river in this locality. I was never tired of going and watching those Igalwa villagers, nor were, I think, the Igalwa villagers ever tired of observing me. Although the physical conditions of life were practically identical with those of the mainland, the way in which the Igalwas dealt with them, i.e., the culture, was distinct from the culture of the mainland Fans.

The Igalwas are a tribe very nearly akin, if not ethnically identical with, the M'pongwe, and the culture of these two tribes is on a level with the highest native African culture.


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 African culture, I may remark, varies just the same as European in this, that there is as much difference in the manners of life between, say, an Igalwa and a Bubi of Fernando Po, as there is between a Londoner and a Laplander.

The Igalwa builds his house like that of the M'pongwe, of bamboo, and he surrounds himself with European-made articles. The neat houses, fitted with windows, with wooden shutters to close at night, and with a deal door—a carpenter-made door—are in sharp contrast with the ragged ant-hill looking performances of the Akkas, or the bark huts of the Fan, with no windows, and just an extra broad bit of bark to slip across the hole that serves as a door. On going into an Igalwa house you will see a four-legged table, often covered with a bright-coloured tablecloth, on which stands a water bottle, with two clean glasses, and round about you will see chairs—Windsor chairs. These houses have usually three, sometimes more rooms, and a separate closed-in little kitchen, built apart, wherein you may observe European-made saucepans, in addition to the ubiquitous skillet. Outside, all along the clean sandy streets, the inhabitants are seated. The Igalwa is truly great at sitting, the men pursuing a policy of masterly inactivity, broken occasionally by leisurely netting a fishing net, the end of the netting hitched up on to the roof thatch, and not held by a stirrup. The ladies are employed in the manufacture of articles pertaining to a higher culture—I allude, as Mr. Micawber would say, to bed-quilts and pillow cases—the most gorgeous bed-quilts and pillow-cases—made of patchwork, and now and again you will see a mosquito-bar in course of construction, of course not made of net or muslin because of the awesome strength and ferocity of the Lembarene strain of mosquitoes, but of stout, fair-flowered and besprigged chintzes; and you will observe these things are often being sewn with a sewing machine. Here and there you will see a misguided woman making a Hubbard. Forgive me, but I must break out on the subject of Hubbards; I will promise to keep clear of bad language let the effort cost me what it may. A Hubbard is a female garment patronised by the whole set of missions from Sierra Leone to Congo Belge, so please understand I am not criticising


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 the Mission Évangélique in this affair. I think these things are one of the factors producing the well-known torpidity of the mission-trained girl; and they should be suppressed in her interest, apart from their appearance, which is enough to constitute a hanging matter. Their formation is this—a yoke round the neck and shoulders fastens at the back with three buttons—two usually lost; from this yoke protrude dwarf sleeves, and round its lower rim, on a level with the armpits, is sewn on a flounce, set in with full gathers, which falls to the heels of the wearer. Sometimes this flounce is sewn on with a chain-stitch machine, whereby I once saw a dreadful accident on the Leeward Coast. In church a limb of a child, seeking for amusement during the long extemporary prayer of its pastor, came across a thread of white sticking out from the back of the yoke of the Hubbard of the woman in front of her, and pulled it out by the yard. Of course, when the unconscious victim rose up, the whole of what might be called the practical part of her attire subsided on to the floor. This is only an occasional danger; but the constant habit of the garment is to fall forward and reap the dirt whenever the wearer stoops forward to do anything, going into the fire, and the cooking, and things in general, and impeding all rapid movement. These garments are usually made at working parties in Europe; and what idea the pious ladies in England, Germany, Scotland, and France can have of the African figure I cannot think, but evidently part of their opinion is that it is very like a tub. I was once helping to unpack a mission box. "What have they sent out these frills for palm-oil puncheons for?" I inquired of my esteemed friend, the lady missionary. "Don't be more foolish than you can help," she answered. "Don't you see the sleeves? They are Hubbards." I was crushed; but even she acknowledged that it was trying of the home folk to make them like that, all the more so because their delusion on the African figure was not confined to the making of Hubbards, but extended to the making of shirts and chemises. There is nothing like measurements in ethnology, so I measured and found one that with a depth of thirty inches had a breadth of beam of forty-two inches; one with a depth of thirty-six


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 inches had a breadth of sixty inches. It is not in nature for people to be made to fit these things. So I suggested that a few stuffed negroes should be sent home for distribution in working-party centres, and then the ladies could try the things on. My friend's answer was far from being personally complimentary, so I will not give it, but return hurriedly to the Igalwa ladies in the Lembarene village, sitting on the sunny sandy street on their low, wood country stools. The chairs I have mentioned before are "for dandy" not for use.

Those among them who may not be busy sewing, are busy doing each other's hair. Hair-dressing is quite an art among the Igalwa and M'pongwe women, and their hair is very beautiful; very crinkly, but fine. It is plaited up, close to the head, partings between the plaits making elaborate parterres. Into the beds of plaited hair are stuck long pins of river ivory (hippo), decorated with black tracery and


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 openwork, and made by their good men. A lady will stick as many of these into her hair as she can get, but the prevailing mode is to have one stuck in behind each ear, showing their broad, long heads above like two horns; they are exceedingly becoming to these black but comely ladies, verily I think, the comeliest ladies I have ever seen on the Coast. Very black they are, blacker than many of their neighbours, always blacker than the Fans, and although their skin lacks that velvety pile of the true negro, it is not too shiny, but it is fine and usually unblemished, and their figures are charmingly rounded, their hands and feet small, almost as small as a high-class Calabar woman's, and their eyes large, lustrous, soft and brown, and their teeth as white as the sea surf and undisfigured by filing.

The native dress for men and women alike is the cloth or paun. The men wear it by rolling the upper line round the waist, and in addition they frequently wear a singlet or a flannel shirt worn more Africano, flowing free. Rich men will mount a European coat and hat, and men connected with the mission or trading stations occasionally wear trousers. The personal appearance of the men does not amount to much when all's done, so we will return to the ladies. They wrap the upper hem of these cloths round under the armpits, a graceful form of drapery, but one which requires continual readjustment. The cloth is about four yards long and two deep, and there is always round the hem a border, or false hem, of turkey red twill, or some other coloured cotton cloth to the main body of the paun. In addition to the cloth there is worn, when possible, a European shawl, either one of those thick cotton cloth ones printed with Chinese-looking patterns in dull red on dark ground, this sort is wrapped round the upper part of the body: or what is more highly esteemed is a bright, light-coloured, fancy wool shawl, pink or pale blue preferred, which being carefully folded into a roll is placed over one shoulder, and is entirely for dandy. I am thankful to say they do not go in for hats; when they wear anything on their heads it is a handkerchief folded shawlwise; the base of the triangle is bound round the forehead just above the eyebrows, the ends carried round


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 * , amateur potter, revives keramic industry in Kaga, 252.
 * Agano family, potters, 322–324.
 * Aichi Prefecture. See Owari.
 * Ai-no-suke, Takayama, potter, 218.
 * Aitaro, Takayama, potter, 218.
 * Aizu, faience, 394; porcelain, 394, 395.
 * Akahada ware, old, 357; second period, 357.
 * Akaji-kinga ware, 220.
 * Akamatsu Eiji, potter, 379.
 * Akazu, Owari, Katō Kagemasa's kiln, 278; Shuntai ware, 279.
 * Aki Zenkichi, potter, 229.
 * Alcock, Sir Rutherford, collector of keramics, 132.
 * Ama ware, 32.
 * Amakusa porcelain stone, discovery, 101.
 * Ama-no-Hibako, alleged potter, 7.
 * Ameya. See Masakichi.
 * Analysis. See Composition.
 * Ancestral worship, influence on art, 409.
 * Anderson, W., on the Shijo school of pictorial art, 194.
 * Annam ware, 373.
 * Antique, influence on keramic art, 409.
 * Ao-Bizen ware, 329; no longer produced, 330.
 * Aoki Eigorō, potter, 259.
 * Aoyama Koemon, potter, discloses method of enamelling ware, 181.
 * Arita, Hizen, Shonzui's home, 22, 28, 42; early faience, 25, 54; Korean potters, 55; discovery of porcelain stone, 55; secluded position, 57; early porcelain, 57, 59; development and character of enamelled porcelain, 61, 63; influence of Dutch trade, 76–79; Old Japan ware, 79–92; prosperity, 87; identification of the ware, 89; various decorations, 90–94; decline, 92, 129; egg-shell porcelain, 110; modern conditions, 113, 129; Old Japan for export not characteristic, 120–122; skill in decoration, 122; and Okawachi ware, 123, 126; scarcity of blue-and-white ware, 127; crackle, 128.
 * Asagiri ware, 374.
 * Asahi ware, 355.
 * Asami Gorosuke, potter, 229.
 * Asataro, Funaki, potter, 338.
 * Asukai Kyoshi, potter, 254.
 * Audsley, G. A., error on Japanese porcelain, 18, 39; on Japanese porcelain in European collections, 121.
 * Awaji ware, origin, 350; glazes, 351–353; decoration, 352, 353; modern, 352; varieties, 352; composition, 353.
 * Awata, Kyōto, potteries, one of Ninsei's workshops, 182; origin of the factory, 187–189; character of its faience, 189; Kenzan's ware, 190–192; Dōhachi family, 193–195; Kagiya family, 195; usual shapes, 196; Hozan ware, 197; pâte-sur-pâte decoration, 198, 200, 201; Taizan family, 199, 200; Tanzan family, 201; Bizan figure-decorated faience, 202; composition of the faience, 203; compared with Iwakura wares, 204–206.


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 over the ears and tied behind over the apex of the triangle of the handkerchief, the three ends being then arranged fanwise at the back. Add to this costume a sober-coloured silk parasol, not one of your green or red young tent-like, brutally masculine, knobby-sticked umbrellas, but a fair, lady-like parasol, which, being carefully rolled up, is carried handle foremost right in the middle of the head, also for dandy. Then a few strings of turquoise-blue beads, or imitation gold ones, worn round the shapely throat; and I will back my Igalwa or M'pongwe belle against any of those South Sea Island young ladies we nowadays hear so much about, thanks to Mr. Stevenson, yea, even though these may be wreathed with fragrant flowers, and the African lady very rarely go in for flowers. The only time I have seen the African ladies wearing them for ornament has been among these Igalwas, who now and again stud their night-black hair with pretty little round vividly red blossoms in a most fetching way. I wonder the Africans do not wear flowers more frequently, for they are devoted to scent, both men and women.

The usual statements that the African women age—go off, I believe, is the technical term—very early is, I am sure, wrong in many cases. Look at those Sierra Leone mammies, slightly spherical, I own, but undeniably charming; and the Calabar women, although belonging to a very ugly tribe, are very little the worse for twenty years one way or the other; and these women along Congo Français way, Well! I know one who is all forty-five, and yet at present is regarded by a French official, a judge one might think, as une belle femme.

The Igalwas are a proud race, one of the noble tribes, like the M'pongwe and the Ajumba. The women do not inter-marry with lower-class tribes, and in their own tribe they are much restricted, owing to all relations on the mother's side being forbidden to intermarry. This well-known form of accounting relationships only through the mother (Mutter-recht) is in a more perfected and elaborated form among the Igalwa than among any other tribe I am personally acquainted with; brothers and cousins on the mother's side being in one class of relationship, and called by one name, Ndako.

The father's responsibility, as regards authority over his own


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 children is very slight. The really responsible male relative is the mother's elder brother. From him must leave to marry be obtained for either girl, or boy; to him and the mother must the present be taken which is exacted on the marriage of a girl; and should the mother die, on him and not on the father, lies the responsibility of rearing the children; they go to his house, and he treats and regards them as nearer and dearer to himself than his own children, and at his death, after his own brothers by the same mother, they become his heirs.

Marriage among the Igalwa and M'pongwe is not direct marriage by purchase, but a certain fixed price present is made to the mother and uncle of the girl. Other propitiatory presents are made, but do not count legally, and have not necessarily to be returned in case of post-nuptial differences arising leading to a divorce—a very frequent catastrophe in the social circle; for the Igalwa ladies are spirited, and devoted to personal adornment, and they are naggers at their husbands. Many times when walking on Lembarene Island, have I seen a lady stand in the street and let her husband, who had taken shelter inside the house, know what she thought of him, in a way that reminded me of some London slum scenes. When the husband loses his temper, as he surely does sooner or later, being a man, he whacks his wife—or wives, if they have been at him in a body. This crisis usually takes place at night; and when staying on board the Mové, or the Éclaireur, moored alongside the landing place at Lembarene Island, I have heard yells and squalls of a most dismal character. He may whack with impunity so long as he does not draw blood; if he does, be it never so little, his wife is off to her relations, the present he has given for her is returned, the marriage is annulled, and she can re-marry as soon as she is able.

Her relations are only too glad to get her, because, although the present has to be returned, yet the propitiatory offerings remain theirs, and they know more propitiatory offerings as well as another present will accrue with the next set of suitors. This of course is only the case with the younger women; the older women for one thing do not nag so much, and moreover they have usually children willing and able to support them.


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 If they have not, their state is, like that of all old childless women in Africa, a very desolate one.

Infant marriage is now in vogue among the Igalwa, and to my surprise I find it is of quite recent introduction and adoption. Their own account of this retrograde movement in culture is that in the last generation—some of the old people indeed claim to have known him—there was an exceedingly ugly and deformed man who could not get a wife, the women being then, as the men are now, great admirers of physical beauty. So this man, being very cunning, hit on the idea of becoming betrothed to one before she could exercise her own choice in the matter; and knowing a family in which an interesting event was likely to occur, he made heavy presents in the proper quarters and bespoke the coming infant if it should be a girl. A girl it was, and thus, say the Igalwa, arose the custom; and nowadays, although they do not engage their wives so early as did the founder of the custom, they adopt infant marriage as an institution.

I inquired carefully, in the interests of ethnology, as to what methods of courting were in vogue previously. They said people married each other because they loved each other. I think other ethnologists will follow this inquiry up, for we may here find a real golden age, which in other races of humanity lies away in the mists of the ages behind the kitchen middens and the Cambrian rocks. My own opinion in this matter is that the earlier courting methods of the Igalwa involved a certain amount of effort on the man's part, a thing abhorrent to an Igalwa. It necessitated his dressing himself up, and likely enough fighting that impudent scoundrel who was engaged in courting her too; and above all serenading her at night on the native harp, with its strings made from the tendrils of a certain orchid, or on the marimba, amongst crowds of mosquitoes. Any institution that involved being out at night amongst crowds of those Lembarcne mosquitoes would have to disappear, let that institution be what it might.

The Igalwa are one of the dying-out coast tribes. As well as on Lembarene Island, their villages are scattered along the banks of the Lower Ogowé, and on the shores and islands of Elivã Z'onlange. On the island they are, so far, undis-


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 by the pressure of events and class antagonisms to limit the authority of the Provisional Government, often actually to repudiate it, to assume an attitude that prevented equally the development of a bourgeois authority and policy or of a proletarian policy and authority. The situation was intolerable: it could not promote the revolution, only chaos and reaction.

The increasing resentment against the coalition concluded on May 18 compelled the Executive Committee of the Soviets early in June to issue an explanatory declaration:

Truly, "Socialist participation in the Government does not mean a cessation of the struggle of the classes," but it did mean a strengthening of the bourgeoisie as against the proletariat, it did mean a temporary confusion and weakening of the struggle, the conscious struggle, of the proletariat: a conclusion amply proven by the fact that the struggle against coalition became the centre of the revolutionary class struggle of the proletarian and peasant masses. The purpose of coalition, directly and indirectly, consciously and unconsciously, was to castrate the revolutionary struggle by tranformingtransforming [sic] it from a struggle of revolutionary mass action into the wrangles and bickerings in the ministry between the Socialist representatives and the Cadets. Instead of action, words; instead of revolution, conciliation!

But conciliation breaks down miserably under the impact of violent class antagonisms, in the stress of revolutionary events. The Menshevist and Social-Revolutionary policy might have prevailed in a pre-revolutionary period; it was utterly futile during a revolution. The policy of conciliation, of the co-operation of classes, is possible when the masses are apathetic for then the masses do not act against the inevitable conversion of the co-operation of classes into the supremacy of the capitalist class. But in a revolution, the masses are in motion; the developments of years are compressed into months and days; class relations and class antagonisms are revealed acutely, starkly, and uncompromisingly. Conciliation requires compromise; but in a revolution, with its crises and upheavals, compromise must go to the root of things, must be fundamental: in other


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 91. When the value of an annuity on any proposed life or lives for an assigned term is given, it is evident that the value of an annuity on the same life or lives for one year less may be found, by subtracting from the given value, the present value, of the rent to be received upon the proposed life or lives surviving the term assigned.

92. Proposition. The present value of an assurance on any proposed life or lives for a given term, is equal to the excess of the value of an annuity to be paid at the end of each year, which the life or lives proposed may enter upon in the term, above the value of an annuity on them for the same term, but dependent, as usual, upon their surviving each year.

Demonstration. if an annuity payable at the end of each year, which the proposed life or lives may enter upon during the given term, be granted to P, upon condition that he shall pay over what he receives to Q, at the end of each year which the same life or lives may survive; it is manifest that there will only remain to P, the rent for the year in which the proposed life or lives may fail; that is, the assurance of that sum thereon for the given term (77). Which was to be demonstrated.

93. From the last four numbers (89—92) we derive the following

for determining the present value of an assurance on any life or lives for a given term.

Add unity to the value of an annuity on the proposed life or lives for the given term, and from the sum subtract the present value of one pound, to be received upon the same life or lives surviving the term; multiply the remainder by the present value of L. 1, to be received certainly at the end of a year, and from the product subtract the present value of an annuity on the proposed life or lives for the term.

This last remainder will be the value in present money of the assurance of L. 1 during the same term, on the life or lives proposed.

94. It has been shown above (34—39), how the present value of L. 1, receivable upon any single or joint lives surviving an assigned term, may be found. And all that was demonstrated from No. 48. to 53. inclusive, respecting annuities on the last survivor of two, or of three lives, or on the joint continuance of the two last survivors out of three lives, is equally true of any particular year’s rent of those annuities. Hence it is evident, how the present value of L. 1, to be received upon the last survivor of two, or of three lives, or upon the last two survivors out of three lives, surviving any assigned term, may be found.

95. Example. Required the present value of L. 1, to be received at the end of the year, in which a life, now forty-five years of age, may fail, provided that such failure happens before the expiration of fen years.

Here the present value of L. 1, to be received upon the life surviving the term, will be found to be L. 0·528976, and the value of an annuity on the proposed life for the term, is 7·175 (70.)

value of the assurance; and if the sum assured were L. 3000, the value of the assurance in present money would be L. 320, 15s. 7d.

96. By numbers 89, 91, and 95, it appears, that an annuity, payable at the commencement of each of the next ten years that a lite of 45 enters upon, is worth 7·646 years purchase: therefore, $$\frac{0{\cdot}10693}{7{\cdot}646} = \text{L. } 0{\cdot}013985$$ will be the annual premium for the assurance of L. 1 for ten years on that life. For the assurance of L. 3000, it will therefore be L. 41, 19s. 1d.

97. When the term of the assurance is the while duration of the life or lives assured, L. 1 to be received upon their surviving the term is worth nothing; and an annuity on the lives for the term, is also for their whole duration.

Therefore, from No. 93. we derive the following

for determining the present value of an assurance on any life or lives.

Add unity to the value of an annuity on the proposed life or lives; multiply the sum by the present value of L. 1, to be received certainly at the end of a year; and from the product, subtract the value of an annuity on the same life or lives.

The remainder will be the value of the assurance in present money.

98. Example. Required the present value of L. 1, to be received at the end of the year, in which the survivor of two lives may fail, their ages now being 40 and 50 years respectively.

The value of an annuity on these lives was shown in No. 66. to be 15·066.

Multiply 15·066 by 0·952381, from the product 15·3009, subtract 15·066, the remainder L. 0·2349 is the required value, agreeably to No. 87.

And, in all other cases, the values determined by the rule in the preceding number, will be found to agree with those obtained by the method of No. 81.

99. When an assurance on any life or lives has been effected at a constant annual premium, and kept up for some time, by the regular payment of that premium; the annual premium required for a new assurance of the same sum on the same life or lives, will, on account of the increase of age, be greater than that at which the first assurance was effected: Therefore, the present value of all these greater annual premiums, that is, the total present value of the new assurance, will exceed the present value of all the premiums that may hereafter be received under the existing policy. And the excess Rh


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 words, compromise requires a surrender by one class or the other. Now neither the proletariat nor the bourgeoisie was willing to make the necessary compromise, which would have meant abdication; and the situation necessarily resolved itself into a dual struggle against the coalition,—a struggle from the right, that of the imperialistic bourgeoisie, and a struggle from the left, that of the revolutionary proletariat and its ally, the impoverished peasantry.

The principle of conciliation supposedly animating the Coalition Ministry expressed itself in practice in one acute ministerial crisis after another. The coalition was agreed upon on May 18; on June 1, I. A. Konovalov (Cadet), Minister of Trade and Industry, resigned his portfolio owing to a complete divergence of views with Minister of Labor Skobeleff (Menshevik-Socialist) concerning appropriate economic and financial measures, particularly the measures necessary to deal with the prevailing internal crisis. And this divergence was inevitable. Action to meet the internal crisis required measures limiting equally the power and the profits of the capitalist class, and the bourgeois representatives in the Ministry would never consent to these measures even when they assumed the comparatively moderate form of measures proposed by a Menshevik. In economic policy, as on war and peace, conciliation was a broken reed that could sustain nothing.

The Coalition Government was in an untenable position: it was an impossibility in operation in a revolutionary epoch. Either it honestly tried to represent both the proletariat and the bourgeoisie, the revolution and the reaction, in which case it might talk but could not act, because of the antagonisms of class interests; or else, under the pressure of events, it might act, but in the interest of one or the other class. It was no accident of history that the chief personality of this government was Kerensky (and Kerensky was its guiding spirit even before he became Premier)—an orator, a master of words, an adept in the psychology of promises. Only words, only fine phrases and glittering slogans, instruments for the deception of the masses, could be the expression of a two-class government in a revolutionary situation. And where the Coalition Government acted, it acted fatedly against the Revolution. Where revolutions do not act, they are submerged in a welter of words. If the revolutionary class shrinks before the task of assuming power and reorganizing society itself, the ruling class inevitably acts in the interest of reaction. Every day that passed in the making and acceptance of phrases as a substitute for action was a defeat for the Revolution. The policy of phrases makes for reaction. The slogans of the Revolution may be used and assimilated by the time-serving politicians of the bourgeoisie and the moderate Socialists: its action, never.

Under the Coalition Government, in practice the government of the ruling class, industry was demoralized by the bourgeoisie using its ownership of industry to starve the proletariat and paralyze the Revolution by locking out the workers and sabotaging production. Agriculture was demoralized because the government dared not carry out the revolutionary task of expropriating and distributing the lands, as this task antagonized the interests of the bourgeoisie represented in the government. The bourgeois representatives, aided and abetted by the bureaucratic machinery of government of the old regime retained in toto by the new, sabotaged any radi-


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 will evidently be the value of the policy, supposing the life or lives to be still insurable; that being the only advantage that can now be derived from the premiums already paid.

So that, if the present value of all the future annual premiums to be paid under an existing policy for the assurance of a certain sum upon any life or lives, be subtracted from the present value of the assurance of the same sum on the same life or lives; the remainder will be the value of the policy.

100. Example. L. 1000 has been assured some years, on a life now 50 years of age, for its whole duration, at the annual premium of L. 20, one of which has just now been paid: What is the value of the policy?

The present value of the assurance of L. 1000 on that life, has been shown in No. 82. to be L. 397, 2s. 10d.; and an annuity on the life, being worth 11·66 years purchase (Table VI.), the present value of all the premiums to be paid in future under the existing policy, is 11766 × L. 20 = L. 233, 4s. 0d.; the value of the policy, therefore, is L. 163, 18s. 10d.

Immediately before the payment of the premium, the value of the policy would evidently have been less by the premium then due.

101. In our investigations of the values of annuities on lives, we have hitherto assumed, that no part of the rent is to be received for the year in which the life wherewith the annuity may terminate fails.

But if a part of the annuity is to be received at the end of that year, proportional to the part of the year which may hare elapsed at the time of such failure; as, in a great number of such cases, some of the lives wherewith the annuity terminates will fail in every part of the year, and as many, or very nearly so, in any one part of it as in any other: we may assume, that, upon an average, half a year’s rent will be received at the end of the year in which such failure happens; and, therefore, that by the title to what may be received after the failure of the life or lives whereon the annuity depends, the present value of that annuity will be increased by the present value of the assurance of half a year’s rent on the same life or lives.

102. Thus, for example: the present value of the assurance of L. 1 on a life of 50 years of age, having in No. 82. been shown to be L. 0·397143, the value of an annuity of L. 1 on that life, when payable, till the last moment of its existence, will exceed L. 11·66, its value, if only payable, until the expiration of the last year it survives, by $$\left ( \frac{\text{L. } 0{\cdot}397143}{2} = \right )$$ L. 0·199; it will therefore be L. 11·859.

103. If, at the end of the year in which an assigned life A may fail, Q or his heirs are to receive L. 1; and are, at the same time, to enter upon an annuity of L. 1, to be enjoyed during another life P, to be then fixed upon: the present value of Q’s interest will evidently be the same as that of the assurance on the life of A, of a number of pounds, exceeding by unity the number of years purchase in the value of an annuity on the life of P, at the time of nomination.

104. What is the present value of the next presentation to a living of the clear annual value of L. 500; A, the present incumbent, being now 50 years of age; supposing the age of the clerk presented to be 25, at the end of the year in which the present incumbent dies; also, that he takes the whole produce of the living for that year?

By Table VI. it will be found, that the value of an annuity of L. 1 on a life of 25, is L. 15·303; and in No, 82. it has been shown, that the present value of the assurance of L. 1 on a life of 50, is L. 0·397143. Hence, and by the last number, it appears, that if the annual produce of the living were but L. 1, the present value of the next presentation would be L. 16·303 × 0·397143 = L. 6·47467. The required value, therefore, is L. 3237, 6s. 9d.

105. If, to the value of the succeeding life, determined according to No. 103, the value of the present be added, the sum of these will evidently be the present value of both the lives in succession; and, in the case of the preceding number, will be 6·475 + 11·66 = 18·135 years’ purchase.

106. In No. 103, we proceeded upon the supposition that the annuity on the present life is only payable up to the expiration of the last year it survives; and, consequently, that the succeeding life takes the whole rent for the year in which the present fails.

But, if the succeeding life is only to take a part of that rent, in the same proportion to the whole, as the portion of the year which intervenes between the failure of the present life and the end of the year, is to the whole year, then, by reasoning as in No. 101, it will be found, that the portion of that rent which the succeeding life will receive, may be properly assumed to be one half. And, instead of increasing the number of years’ purchase the annuity on the succeeding life will be worth at the end of the year in which the other fails, by unity, we must only add one half to that number, in order that the present value of the assurance of the sum on the existing life, may be the number of years’ purchase, which all that may be received during the succeeding life, is now worth.

107. The value of the succeeding life, in the case of No. 104, will, upon this hypothesis, be 15·803 × 0·397143 = 6·27605 years’ purchase.

And this appears to be the most correct way of calculating the value of an annuity on a succeeding life; although that of No. 103. proceeds upon the principle on which life interests are generally valued.

108. But the value of two lives in succession, will be the same on both hypotheses. The rent for the year in which the first may fail, being, in the one case, given entirely to the successor; and, in the other, divided equally between the two.

This is also true of any greater number of successive lives.


text:
Author:Gertrude Isabel Price

Works

 * The White Witch (1884), in 3 vols.
 * As a Bird to the Snare (1888)
 * The Dark Arches: A Romance of Three Lives (1890)
 * The Haunted House at Kew (1893)
 * Half a Million (1894)
 * The Race for Love
 * Five Old Maids: A Story of the South Coast (1895)
 * A Waiting Game (1895)
 * Sadie (1895)
 * The Sentimental Sex (1896)
 * Her Fairy Prince (1896)
 * A French Witch; or, Two Ways of Wooing (1896)
 * The Wooing of a Fairy (1897)
 * An Angel of Evil (1897)
 * The Heart of a Hero (1899)
 * Her Faithful Knight; or, For Phyllis' Sake (1899)
 * Stage Love and True Love: A Story of the Theatre (1900)
 * A Phantom in the Fog (1900)
 * A Syndicate of Sinners (1901)
 * A Poor Girl's Passion; or The Crime of Monte Carlo (1901)
 * Scoundrel or Saint (1902)
 * Set to Partners (1902)
 * A Fortunate Engagement
 * A Selfish Little Woman (1902)
 * Beyond the Law (1902)
 * Compromised (1902), co-authored with Harold E. Gorst
 * A Sweet Little Lady; or, A Romance of the Channel Islands (1902)
 * The Stolen Pearl: A Romance of London (1903) co-authored with Robert Eustace
 * Beauty in Distress (1903)
 * Nobody's Widow (1903)
 * The Game of Love (1904)
 * Dancing Leaves (1905)
 * A Heart of Stone (1905)
 * Robert the Devil (1906)
 * The Moth and the Footlights (1906)
 * The Grey Sister (1906)
 * A Crime in the Alps (1908)
 * Actress's Husband (1908)
 * The World, the Flesh and the Casino (1909)
 * Severn Affair (1909)
 * Stand and Deliver! The Adventures of a Clever Woman (1910)
 * Haunted (1911)
 * The Woman who Tempted (1912)
 * The Path of Virtue: A Romance of the Musical Comedy Stage (1912)
 * Diana of Dartmoor (1913)
 * Two Girls and a Saint (1915)
 * Maison Hantee (1927)
 * In Spite of Proof
 * Whose was the crime?
 * A Stage Heroine; or, In the Glare of the Footlights

Periodicals

 * The Murder of the Moors (Household Words, Christmas 1890)
 * About Amateurs (Judy's Annual, 1891)
 * A Hawk in the Nest (The Young Ladies Journal, 1893)
 * The Gray Wolf's daughter (The Young Ladies Journal, 1894)
 * The Secret of a Letter (The Young Ladies Journal, 1894)
 * A Secret Foe (The Young Ladies Journal, 1895)
 * Nobody's Widow (Household Words, June 1896)
 * Made for Each Other (Household Words, September 1897)
 * The Nut-Browne Mayd: A Riviera Mystery (1907)
 * 'Romance of a Confetti' Derby Daily Telegraph (Saturday 30 July 1927)

title: Author:Gertrude Isabel Price


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 cal measures of the government, when pressure compelled the government to act, which was seldom. The task of internal reorganization could be undertaken either by a strictly bourgeois government, which would have meant a reorganization dominantly in the interests of the bourgeoisie; or by a strictly revolutionary Socialist government acting through the Soviets—a "dictatorship of the proletariat and the peasantry"—which would have meant a reorganization in the interests of the proletariat and the impoverished peasantry. The Provisional Government paltered on all the vital problems of the Revolution, declaring that these problems should be settled by the Constituent Assembly, and kept postponing the meeting of the Assembly. In the meanwhile it acted in the interests of the bourgeoisie, and tried to undermine the Soviets, particularly the Soldiers' Soviets in the army: the propaganda for an offensive was linked with the propaganda to crush the Soldiers' Soviets. Through the acceptance of coalition and the policy of bourgeois parliamentary procedure the moderates in the Soviets promoted the government's policy of reaction through inaction.

The problem of power was inescapable. The revolutionary impatience of the masses increased in the measure that the Coalition Government evaded the necessity of action and adopted an international policy that allied revolutionary Russia with the reaction and Imperialism of Great Britain, France and Italy. The Government did not simply palter on the issue of peace: it actually repudiated peace, and secretly conspired to continue an imperialistic war—a war still imperialistic, in spite of the flood of words that issued from the mouth of Kerensky about democracy and a permanent peace. Minister of Foreign Affairs, Tereschenko, argued that the publication of the secret treaties and agreements concluded between the Czar and Great Britain and France would mean a rupture with the Allies: and yet the Menshevik Tseretelli argued at the All-Russian Soviet Congress in June: "We desire to hasten the conclusion of a new treaty, in which the principles proclaimed by the Russian democracy will be recognized as the basis of the international policy of the Allies." Not only were the secret treaties not published, but the Coalition Government itself used secret diplomacy in making arrangements of its own to continue the war: the policy of revolutionary Russia was made dependent upon the wishes of the Allies.

The words of the Coalition government promised peace, but its acts constituted war. If the publication of the secret treaty agreements would have meant a rupture with the Allies, the acceptance by the Allies in words of the peace formula of revolutionary Russia would have meant—just nothing. The policy of trying to influence the imperialistic governments of the Allies to revise and re-state their war aims in accord with Russia's formula


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 was not only a futile and petty bourgeois policy, it was insincere in that the Provisional Government secretly plotted war. The Mensheviki and Social-Revolutionists, the moderates in control of the Soviets, accepted this policy: they contributed to the delusion of a war for democracy, or a war to "defend the Revolution"—but which revolution?

During the period of coalition, the Council of Soldiers and Workers, in its dominant, moderate expression, was a representative of a vague democracy. "The unity of all democratic elements!"—this was the slogan of the Coalition Government, and of the Soviet moderates. But democracy under the conditions of Imperialism is an instrument of reaction, a factor in the promotion of Imperialism, a useful and necessary means of misleading the masses. The Government and Soviet moderates tried to revive the war spirit of the people by speaking of a "democratic war," a "war to defend the Revolution." But under the prevailing conditions every action toward war was counter-revolutionary: the "restoration of discipline" in the army was necessarily interpreted to mean the crushing of the Soldiers' Soviets; and, moreover, the war was waged in alliance with Anglo-French Imperialism, strengthening the bourgeoisie of Russia and its imperialistic interests. A war to defend the Revolution could be waged only after the bourgeoisie and the petite bourgeois "Socialists" were excluded from the government, only after the government had been converted into a "dictatorship of the proletariat"; only a revolutionary war, waged by a revolutionary proletarian government for revolutionary purposes could constitute a war "to defend the Revolution." The moderate Socialist majority in the Soviets, whose Socialism was a perversion of the class struggle and essentially an expression of the democracy of the nationalistic, liberal petite bourgeoisie, developed under the pressure of events into a conservative and counter-revolutionary force. The influence of the Soviet loaders was used to mislead the masses and to support the bourgeois policy of the Coalition Government. The only way out was to break the coalition by means of all power to the Soviets.

The problem of power was very much in the order of the day at the All-Russian Congress of Soviets which convened in the middle of June, Lenin and Trotzky leading the revolutionary opposition to the policy of coalition. This was Trotzky's formulation of the problem:

"I tell you that the country is approaching an outright catastrophe, because somehow we cannot understand that the whole thing lies in the creation of a homogeneous power. In two weeks the question will become more acute. The question is—power to whom and over whom? Is it power over the Revolutionary Democracy or the power of the Revolutionary Democracy? Do not forget that at the moment of demobilization, we will need a still more powerful government, and, therefore, I say that full power must be turned over to the Democracy.

"The policy of continual postponment and the detailed preparations for calling the Constituent Assembly is a false policy. It may destroy even the very realization of the Constituent Assembly. And these black ravens of the Fourth Imperial Duma are not at all so Innocent. Their


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 some time past at the Bethnal Green Branch Museum, was intended by Mr. Murray as a type museum for instruction in agricultural districts. Its formation had occupied the greater part of his energies for yours past, and his last few days at work wore devoted to its completion. He died on the 9th January,

.—This well known Entomologist died on the 4th inst., at his residence, Teignmouth. We copy the following from Nature:—"To students of British Entomology, Mr. Wollaston is best known by bis early papers in the Zoologist and Stainton’s Entomologists' Anneal and Weekly Intelligencer, and by his revision of  in Transactions of the Entomological Society, 1877. He published many descriptive and analytical papers, almost exclusively on Coleoptera, in the above-named publications, the Journal of Entomology, and the Entomologists' Monthly Magazine; but his magnum opus is the well-known 'Insecta Maderensia,' published in 1854, the results of his sojourns in Madeira, to which he first went in 1817, The acquisition of fresh material compelled him to write his 'Coleoptera Atlantidum,’ an arduous, critical work of nearly 706 pages, followed in 1867 by the ‘Coleoptera Hesperidum', a valuable descriptive account of the species of the Cape Verde Archipelago, visited in 1866. His last contribution to geographical entomology, 'Coleoptora Sanetæ-Helene,' 1877, contains a multiplicity of unexpected developments."

.—Many years ago Mr. T. R. Potter, of Wymesweld, projected a New History of Leicestershire. For this work the late Rev. Andrew Bloxam prepared and supplied to Mr. Potter a copious list of wild plants found in Leicestershire. The history was never issued, and it Is unknown what became of Mr. Bloxam's MS. Was it sold, with other papers, after Mr. Potter's death? If so, to whom, and who is now the possessor of the papers? Any information on the subject communicated to the Editors of this magazine will be gladly received.

.—It may be interesting to some of our readers to know that Mr. W. A. Lloyd, of the Crystal Palace Aquarium, is not only engaged in preparing the volume to which we referred on page 54, but is also writing a series of very plain and clear articles (which will probably extend to eight or ten) on the management of Aquaria for the Englishwoman's Domestic Magazine, (Ward and Lock.) The first appeared in the number for December last, and the second in the February number. The articles, though written minty for the use of ladies, are, of course, equally adapted to anyone who may be desirous of understanding the how, why, and wherefore of Aquarium management.

.—At the weekly meeting of the society, on February 6th, Mr. J. Smith exhibited a very extraordinary variety of L. conigera, showing all the markings and colour of the upper wing on the left under wing, particularly the white central spot, which made it appear as if the under wing had been folded up on the upper one and taken the exact impression. It was taken at the Welsh Harp, near London, 1876, by the exhibitor.

.-The read an interesting paper on this subject before the Meteorological Society on December 19th, 1877. He stated that the order of flowering had been the same in 1877 as in 1876. Plants begin to flower first in the south-west of England, and thence in gradation up to the north of Lincolnshire. Damp appears to act more powerfully than cold in retarding the flowering of some plants. The year 1877 was an unfavourable one for vegetation generally. The bitter cold of May checked the growth of plants, and by the autumn there was little mew wood, and that not properly ripened.


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 appointees in the Ministry are starving out the Russian Revolution practically in all spheres, while they themselves sit in the Tavrichevsky Palace and wait for the time when, as Deputy Kerensky thinks, the country itself will wish for the return of the old Octobrist Government. Then Rodzianko will come and tie us together in one bag, you from the right wing and us from the left"

In answering Trotzky, Minister Tseretelli declared that "the concentration of all forces of the country is needed to liquidate the internal and foreign crisis. This problem can be met adequately only by a government which unites the tremendous majority of the population and which rests on all the living forces of the country. The Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' Delegates undoubtedly have great influence; none the less, we cannot say that they unite all the forces of the country. Except the masses, which are united by the Councils, there exists still tax-paying Russia and the propertied classes. … Only by actual experience will it be made clear whether the representatives of the bourgeoisie are really capable of undertaking a radical program of reforms or whether they came to sabotage this program. If the representatives of the bourgeoisie prove incapable, they will be expelled, but until that happens nobody may discredit them in advance, because exactly such a lack of confidence would bring the disorganization which is so dangerous at the present time. … The Bolsheviki road can only lead to civil war."

It was exactly the exclusion of the propertied classes that was necessary to a permanent, energetic and revolutionary government; it was exactly the necessity for excluding the bourgeoisie from the government that was a central feature of the policy of all power to the Soviets. A revolutionary Socialist would know that the bourgeoisie would prove incapable, a thing that Tseretelli was willing to learn only from experience; and when experience had proven the incapacity and treachery of the bourgeoisie beyond the shadow of a doubt, Tseretelli and other Mensheviki still opposed all power to the Soviets.

It was precisely confidence in the Coalition Government and its bourgeois policy that disorganized the country and weakened the morale of the Revolution. The problem of state power was a realistic problem: either all power to the Government or all power to the Soviets alone could cope with the situation. The duality of power simply intensified the crisis and prevented the organization of the internal forces. The moderates desired to have the Soviets play the role of opposition, the role of the opposition party in a parliamentary government—a policy expressing neither audacity nor an understanding of the revolutionary requirements of the situation. The policy of the moderate majority in the Soviets would have, if successful, produced a permanent, strongly bourgeois government; and this would have meant the ultimate destruction of the Soviets and their potential revolutionary mission. The policy of the Bolsheviki, all power to the Soviets and the abolition of the old state and its bureaucratic machinery of government, was a realistic policy determined by the immediate practical requirements of the Revolution; and it was a policy, moreover, that by the stress of events and necessity would convert itself into the policy of the proletarian revolution in Russia.

But the All-Russian Soviet Congress, still dominated by the moderates, persisted in the suicidal policy of coalition. Against the votes of the Bol-


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{| style="margin:auto;" ! style="text-align:center;" | English. ! style="text-align:center;" | Chinese. ! style="text-align:center;" | Characters. ! style="text-align:center;" | Remarks.
 * 16. Prigi Jerneh
 * Pi-lei-ngi
 * 吡哩宜
 * 17. Rengo
 * Leng-ngo
 * 羚莪
 * 18. Rompin
 * Lam-pin
 * 林邊
 * 19. Saki
 * Sa-ki
 * 沙幾
 * 20. Selaroo
 * Sa-la-lo
 * 沙嗱羅
 * 21. Senalin
 * Chin-chi-len
 * 陳致連
 * 22. Serting
 * Si-lo teng
 * 四羅丁
 * 23. Tebing Tinggi
 * Thung-pin teng-ngi
 * 同邊丁宜
 * 21. Terentang
 * Ti-lan-tang
 * 地蘭登
 * 25. Ulu Jelai
 * Wu-lu ya-nai
 * 鳥路也乃
 * 26. Ulu Muar
 * Wulu cham-ma
 * 鳥路占馬
 * colspan=2 style="text-align:center;" | District of Tampin.
 * 1. Ayer Kuning
 * Ah-ek ku-lin
 * 亞益咕連
 * 2. Batang Malaka
 * Pa-tang ma-lak-kah
 * 把登嗎𠯿呷
 * 3. Bongek
 * Mong-yit
 * 望熱
 * }
 * 25. Ulu Jelai
 * Wu-lu ya-nai
 * 鳥路也乃
 * 26. Ulu Muar
 * Wulu cham-ma
 * 鳥路占馬
 * colspan=2 style="text-align:center;" | District of Tampin.
 * 1. Ayer Kuning
 * Ah-ek ku-lin
 * 亞益咕連
 * 2. Batang Malaka
 * Pa-tang ma-lak-kah
 * 把登嗎𠯿呷
 * 3. Bongek
 * Mong-yit
 * 望熱
 * }
 * Ah-ek ku-lin
 * 亞益咕連
 * 2. Batang Malaka
 * Pa-tang ma-lak-kah
 * 把登嗎𠯿呷
 * 3. Bongek
 * Mong-yit
 * 望熱
 * }
 * 3. Bongek
 * Mong-yit
 * 望熱
 * }
 * }