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Proclamation No. 1959 (Arroyo)

, Proclamation No. 1946 was issued on 24 November 2009 declaring a state of emergency in the provinces of Maguindanao, Sultan Kudarat and the City of Cotabato for the purpose of preventing and suppressing lawless violence in the aforesaid areas;

, Section 18, Art. VII of the Constitution provides that "x x x In case of invasion or rebellion, when the public safety requires it, (the President) may, for a period not exceeding sixty days, suspend the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus or place the Philippines or any part thereof under martial law. x x x"

, R.A No. 6968 provides that the crime of rebellion or insurrection is committed by rising publicly and taking arms against the Government for the purpose of x x x depriving the Chief Executive or the Legislature, wholly or partially, of any of their powers or prerogatives."

, heavily armed groups in the province of Maguindanao have established positions to resist government troops, thereby depriving the Executive of its powers and prerogatives to enforce the laws of the land and to maintain public order and safety;

, the condition of peace and order in the province of Maguindanao has deteriorated to the extent that the local judicial system and other government mechanisms in the province are not functioning, thus endangering public safety;

, the Implementing Operational Guidelines of the GRP-MILF Agreement on the General Cessation of Hostilities dated 14 November 1997 provides that the following is considered a prohibited hostile act" "x x x establishment of checkpoints except those necessary for the GRP's enforcement and maintenance of peace and order; and, for the defense and security of the MILF in their identified areas, as jointly determined by the GRP and MILF. x x x"

President of the Republic of the Philippines, by virtue of the powers vested in me by the Constitution and by law, do hereby proclaim, as follows:

There is hereby declared a state of martial law in the province of Maguindanao, except for the identified areas of the Moro Islamic Liberation Front as referred to in the Implementing Operational Guidelines of the GRP-MILF Agreement on the General Cessation of Hostilities.

The privilege of the writ of habeas corpus shall likewise be suspended in the aforesaid area for the duration of the state of martial law.

in the City of Manila, this 4th day of December in the year of our Lord, Two Thousand and Nine.

Rh

By the President:

Rh

title: Proclamation No. 1959 (Arroyo)


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 About a week ago Nákhodá Mŭda arrived here in person bringing a letter and certificates from Mr. King, a declaration in Malay under the seals of the Raja and his son, the same in Balinese, and,—what I value as more curious than all the rest—an extract from the written code of civil laws or Digámá of Lombok, certified by the two Edá Gédés or chief Brahmans, who are the depositories of law and the highest judges of the kingdom. I have always regarded Bálí and Lombok (the two first in the remarkable chain of Islands stretching eastward from Java to New Holland) with great interest, for there to this day what may be called the ancient history of the Malayan Archipelago is repeated, the ancient life is seen in full activity. Elsewhere Hinduism is extinct as a principle of faith and action, having been supplanted by Islamism, and is only to be traced, though largely, in the languages-of which some have more words of Sanscrit origin than of the old Malayan stock, and all more than of the modern Arabic engraftments,-in architectural remains (abundant in Java and scanty elsewhere) and in traditions, customs and literature. In Bálí and Lombok Hindu princes still reign. Castes are as distinctly, perhaps more distinctly marked than in India; the sacred Brahmans minister in the temples and expound the laws. It is as if instead of a mere dead material Pompeii disentombed, we had the religion, laws, language and manners of ancient Italy preserved in full life in Sicily. Of Bali we may read in Raffles' Java, Crawfurd's Indian Archipelago and other works. Of Lombok neither there nor elsewhere could I ever get any information. I was therefore well pleased when a door was thus opened through which I might obtain some insight into its condition. I have not, after all, been able to obtain any full or precise information. Of what little I gathered I shall note a few particulars.

The two writings in the Bálínese character are scratched with knives on lontar leaves, and this is the material on which their ancient laws are preserved, and which, to this day, is exclusively used in all their writings. In Java the palm leaf has long been superseded by paper.

The proper name of the island is Selápáran. The Bugis eall it


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 Sássák. Lombok is the name of the southern portion, but has been extended by Europeans to the whole island.

An abstract translation of the certificate of the Brahmans made by Mr. King is as follows. "This is to certify that according to the received law of Selápáran that has been in force under former Rájás and is now continued in use by Nurah Katat Carrang Assam, should a foreigner request to become an inhabitant of Selápáran, at the will of the Rájá he is permitted, on the condition of his observing the laws and regulations of the island; according to which laws if an inhabitant, whether native born or an adopted citizen, is without male Issue he becomes "Champulan," although he may at the same time have female children, and in case of his death, his family and all and every his effects revert to the Rájá, to be disposed of according to his pleasure. This is the law in use in Seláparan from heretofore and now in force according to the written code. This is an extract from the said code, an inhabitant of the land dying without leaving male children, all his estate reverts to the Rájá of the land or is lost to the family as goods thrown in a well.' We judges of the court of Selápáran Edá Gédé (high priest) Made Wungean and Edá Gédé Wayan Intaran declare to all to whom this may come that the above extract from the code of Selápáran as aforementioned is a true extract from the code, that we have added nothing nor omitted any thing in the said extract. Dated the day of Sanis Chara Kalewon Warra Cooningan 5th month 8th day of the moon 6 Rah of the 6 Tunguck of 1766 Esaka (signed) I Edá Gédé Wayan Intaran (L.S.) I Edá Gédé Made Wangeun (L. S.) written at Mataram in the island Selápáran."

The mass of the population, unlike that of Bálí, is Mahomedan. According to my informant, the planting of the Hindu standard in Sassak is a comparatively modern event. In Báli there are several sovereignties. A disputed succession to the throne of one of these, opposite Ampánán, Karang Assam, led to the withdrawel of one of the claimants with his followers to Sassak, where he founded the Hindu dominion to which it has since remained subject.


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 The Rájás still assert their right to the throne of Karang Assam by adding its name to their royal title. The higher officers of state are called Gusti. The most numerous grade of officers are the Pámbakals (heads of villages) who rank according to the number of persons under their jurisdiction, thus there are pambakals of 1,000, of 500 &c., The high court is composed of 12 Brahmans. Any person who has a complaint goes to whatever advocate he chooses, who reduces it to writing. The defendant puts in his defence in the same mode. The evidence of the witnesses is also written. The whole case being thus stated, the court meets and discusses it. Their opinion is then recorded and carried up to the Rájá. If he approves of it, it becomes the judgment.

The country behind Mataram is a plain of very rich soil laid out in paddy fields which are irrigated by water conducted from deep and large lakes in the mountains. The produce is abundant. Rice is measured by the kuda (i, e. horse) or horseload of 3 piculs. The Rájá receives 150 out of every 800 íkats or sheaves of paddy. Every householder or head of a family pays annually a tax of 2 dollars. Land is measured by the tunnah (not tanah as it has been written) which Nákhodá Muda says is a definite measure, and not a term to express land, greater or smaller according to its fertility, yielding a certain quantity of produce,—a definition which I have seen somewhere.

Widows frequently burn themselves on the funeral pires of their husbands, but no conpulsion whatever is used towards them.

In Sassak, as in Celebes, very few dollars are in use, the current coin being small copper pieces, so that to make a payment of no


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 great amount the services of half a dozen sturdy followers are required.

Nákhodá Muda as well his deceased master, Ishmaila, did the King good service in a war with his brother in which he proved successful. For this reason Muda is allowed to trade exempt from all duties. Mr King pays the Rájá about 4,000 dollars annually and possesses several duties and monopolies. In Singapore the Nákhodá, like other considerable Bugís traders, is always attended by a large train of Bugis followers who shew him the same respect that a Malay chief receives from his retainers.

I was unable to arrive at any certain conclusions respecting the amount and distribution of the population, the quantity of exports, military strength &e., Nákhodá Muda promised to do his hest to procure for me copies of the Agámá and Digámá and other books.

Such was the amount of our meagre information respecting Lombok before the late Dutch expedition to Báli. With respect to the latter island Mr. Freiderich's work may be expected soon to dispel the obscurity that still envelopes it. In anticipation of the early completion of this work we do not publish the translations which we have made of the notices in the Tijdschrift referred to by Dr. Hoëvell in his address, but if it should be postponed we shall insert them. In the meantime we shall give some extracts from Mr. Zollinger's recent interesting papers on Báli and Lombok (or Sassak). This naturalist, who is a member of the scientific commission of Netherlands India, has not only distinguished himself by his botanical discoveries, but by an ardent and enlightened pursuit of almost every kind of knowledge that can be acquired while engaged in prosecuting his researches. He is now investigating Sumbawa, and the other islands of the chain that stretches east from Java. The fullness with which he has treated of Bálí and Lombok precludes us from giving his papers entire in one number. We begin with his notices of the religion of Lombok as it is likely to prove interesting to our readers from the singular modification which the Hindu practise of Suttee has there undergone.


text: Journal of the Indian Archipelago and Eastern Asia/Series 1/Volume 2/Notices of Lombok


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title: Author talk:Paul Bern


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 and as distinct as are the entities of any kind or class of beings; (e) finally, beginning with the seventh and up to the twelfth century, the Diacletians, whom many regarded as a branch of the Manichean sect, and who, indeed, like the Manicheans, worshipped two gods, the god of good and the god of evil.” (pp. 76 and 77.)

I am told that God is one and trine, and I am told this is a divine, revealed truth. I cannot understand it, and I look for an explanation. What use is there in telling me how incorrectly the pagans believed in assuming two or three gods? It is clear to me that they did not have the same conception about God which I have,—so what is the use of talking to me about them? I want to have the dogma explained to me, so why talk to me about these pagans and Christians who believed in two and in three gods? I am not a bitheist nor a tritheist. The refutal of these bitheists and tritheists does not clear up my question; and yet it is on this conception of the heretics that the whole exposition of the dogma about the unity of God is based, and not by accident. As before, when, in the question about the comprehensibility and incomprehensibility of God, the exposition of the church doctrine about it was connected with and even based on the refutal of the false doctrines, so even here, the doctrine is not expounded directly on the basis of traditions, reason, or mutual connection, but only on the basis of the contradictions of the other teachings, called heresies. In the doctrine about the Trinity, the divinity of the Son, the substance of the Son, there is everywhere one and the same method: it does not say there that the church teaches so and so for this or that reason, but it always says that some have taught that God is entirely comprehensible, others, that God is entirely incomprehensible, but that neither is correct, for the truth is so and so.

In the doctrine about the Son it does not say that the Son is this or that, but some have taught that he is en-


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 tirely God, and others, that he is entirely man, and so we teach that he is so and so.

In the doctrine about the church and grace, about the creation, about the redemption, there is everywhere one and the same method. Never does the doctrine result from itself, but always from a dispute, where it is proved that neither one opinion nor the other is correct, but both taken together.

Here, in the exposition of the dogma about the unity of God, this method is particularly striking, because the impossibility of polytheism, or rather arithmotheism, is so indubitable to us and to all men who believe in God that the disclosure of the dogma about this, where it says. that God is trine, acts directly contrary to the aim which the author has in view. That low sphere of disputing with the polytheists, to which the author descends, and those false methods, which he uses in doing so, almost destroy the concept of God, which every believer in him has.

The author says that God is one, not in the sense in which any pagan god, taken separately from all the other gods, might be. “But he is one in the sense of there being no other God, neither equal to him, nor higher, nor lower; but he alone is the only God.” (p. 77.)

Farther on the words of some father of the church are adduced: “When we say that the Eastern churches believe in one God the Father, the Almighty, the one Lord, we must understand here that he is called one not in number, but in totality (unum non numero dici, sed universitate). Thus, if somebody speaks of one man, or one horse, one is in this case taken as a number; for there may be another man, and a third, and equally a horse. But where we speak of one in such a way that a second and third can no longer be added, there one is taken not as a number, but in its totality. If, for exam-


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 from Batavia, 307.— Discovery of Tin in 1711, 308.— Establishment of Minto, ib. Gradual extension of the Mines. 310-13.— Reign of Sultan Ratu Achmat Nadjamudin, 313.— Of Sultan Mahomed Baha Udin, 314-23.— Banka ravaged by Lanun pirates and the Ryat Laut of the Johore Archipelago, 314-23.— Dread of small pox, 323— The Orang Laut, 328-32.— The Orang Gunang, 332-— Section I. Geographical description of the island, 373 397.— Section II. Mineralogical description of the island, 393-427.— Layong, &c. 705— Mines of Sungi, 708— Bekang, 716.— Gunong Mengkut, Tirak, 717.— Kranggak. 718.—, 718.— Gunong Marass. 721. Darahok,  723.— Mt Manumbing, 779. Belo, 781.— Rangam, 783.— Peculiar breccias, 785.— Extensive deposit of iron ore, 787.— Section III. View of the Tin Mines of Banka. Mines of the Western Div. 797— of the Northern Div. 798.— Of the S. E. Div. 802.— Amount of produce, 805.— Sketches of the produce of mining and the economy of the mines, 810.

Recent History of Banka, and mode of life of Dutch officials there, by Dr. . ... 337

A general view of what are regarded by the Chinese as objects of worship by the Revd ... 349

Memoirs of Malays, by, Esq. I. Che Soliman's Narration. ... 353

The geographical group of Borneo. (From Temminck's Coup D'Oeil) Chap. I. General consideration on the island ... 362

Notices of the Statistics of Borneo, 429-432.— Limits of the countries subject to the Netherlands, 431-439.— History of Dutch connection with the West Coast, and present footing there, 439-441. The Chinese population, their numbers, turbulent character, independence, kongsis, Dutch policy towards them, necessity of restraining their immigration, 441-447.

An Essay on Coral Reefs as the cause of Blakan Mati Fever, and of the Fevers in various parts of the east, by, Esq., Surgeon, Late Demonstrator of Anatomy at the Argyle Square School of Medicine, Edinburgh &c. ... 449, 579

On the Medical Topography of Singapore particularly in its marshes and malaria.

Climate of Singapore, Winds, 450.— Rain, 455.— Temperature, 459.— Influence of the climate upon health, 463.— Surface of the island, 466.— Population, habits of different races, 472.— Hospital returns and comments thereon, 477.— Fever, fresh water swamps malarious, tidal marshes not,


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 a national god, like the gods of the other contemporary nations. In confirmation of the first thought they point to the passages in Holy Scripture where God is given the name of Elohim (gods, from ‘Eloah,’ god) in the plural number, and where he is made to speak: Let us make man in our image, after our likeness (Gen. i. 1 and 26); we will make him an help meet for him (Gen. ii. 18), and elsewhere. But when that same Moses, in whose books these passages are to be found, so often and so much in detail preaches monotheism as the chief part of the Sinaitic legislation; when he calls all the pagan gods vanities and idols, and in every way tries to guard the Jews from following them (Lev. xvii. 7; Deut. xxxii. 21, and elsewhere), there can be no doubt but that he did not, contrary to his opinion, openly express any belief in polytheism, and so we cannot but agree with the holy fathers of the church that here God is indeed represented in the plural, but that not the idea of the plurality of gods is expressed here, but of the divine persons in one and the same God, that is, that there is here an indication of the mystery of the Holy Trinity.” (pp. 79 and 80.)

To any one reading the Old Testament it is clear that the conception of the God of the Old Testament is not at all the idea of a one God, but of a particular God, one only for the Jews. Why prove the contrary, when that is so unnecessary? What startles us here is not so much the intentional shutting of the eyes against what is manifest, but the unscrupulousness and incomprehensible boldness with which that is denied which is so evident to everybody who reads the Scripture, that which for hundreds of years has been worked out and made clear by all thinking men who busy themselves with these subjects.

It would be useless to quote passages from the Bible, from which it is clear that the Jews recognized their God as one only in comparison with other gods. The


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 whole Pentateuch is filled with such passages: Joshua xxiv. 2; Gen. xxxi. 19, 30; Psalm lxxxvi. 8; the first of Moses’ commandments. We wonder for whom these discussions are written; but what is most remarkable is that all that is said to those who are seeking for an explanation of the God-revealed truths about God. In order to reveal to me the truth about God, which is in the keeping of the church, I am told unintelligible words, God is one and three, and, instead of explaining it, they begin to prove to me what I and every believer know and cannot help knowing, namely, that God has no number; and, in order to prove that to me, I am taken down to the sphere of low, savage conceptions about God, and, to fill the cup, they quote in proof of God’s unity from the Old Testament what obviously proves the opposite to me; and, in order to confirm these blasphemous speeches about God, they tell me that the plurality of the expression is a hint at the Holy Trinity, that is, that the gods, as on Olympus, sat there, and said: “Let us make!” feel like throwing it all away and freeing myself from this tormenting, blasphemous reading, but the matter is one of too much importance. It is that doctrine of the church which the masses believe in and which gives the meaning of life to them. I must proceed.

There follow confirmations of the unity of God from the New Testament. Again there is proved what cannot and ought not to be proved, and again with these proofs there is a debasing of the idea of God and again unscrupulous manipulations. In proof of the unity of God the following is quoted:

“The Saviour himself, in reply to the question of a certain scribe, Which is the first commandment of all? answered, The first of all the commandments is Hear, O Israel; The Lord your God is one Lord (Mark xii. 28-29).” (p. 81.)


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 The author does not see that this is only a repetition of an Old Testament sentence, and that it says, “Your God is one.” But more remarkable still is the following:

“In other cases he expressed this truth not less clearly or even more clearly, when, for example, to a man, who called him blessed teacher, he remarked, ‘No one is blessed except the one God.’” (p. 81.)

The author does not see that here the word “one” has not even a numerical meaning. Here “one” does not mean “the only God,” but “only God.” And all this in order to prove what is included in the conception of God, which no one who pronounces the word “God” can doubt. Why this blasphemy? One is involuntarily led to believe that all that is only in order intentionally to debase the conception of God. It is impossible to imagine any other purpose.

But that is not enough for the author. He considers it necessary to adduce more proofs of the unity (that is, of what cannot be connected with the idea of God) from reason. Here are the proofs of reason:

“The proofs of the unity of God, such as the holy fathers and the teachers of the church have used on the basis of common sense, are almost the same as those which are generally used at the present time for the same purpose. Some of them are borrowed from the testimony of history and the human soul (anthropological), others, from the examination of the universe (cosmological), others again, from the very conception of God (ontological).” (p. 83.)

In the first place, this is not correct, because such proofs have never been used to prove the unity of God. They have been adduced to prove the existence of God, and there they have their place and are analyzed in Kant. In the second place, it is proved that none of them are conclusive to reason. Here are the proofs as offered by the theologian:


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Supplico tibi Domine, Pater et Dux rationis nostræ; vt Nostræ Nobilitatis recordemur, qua tu nos ornasti; et vt tu nobis prestò sis, vt jis qui per sese mouentur; vt et à Corporis contagio, Brutorumque affectuum repurgemur; eosque superemus, atque tegamus; et, sicut decet; pro instrumentis jis vtamur. Deinde, vt nobis Adiuneto sis; ad accuratam rationis nostræ correctionem; et coniunctionem cum jis qui verè sunt, per lucem veritatis. Et tertiùm, Saluatori supplex oro; vt ab oculis animorum nostrorum, caliginem prorsus abstergas; vt norimus bene, qui Deus, aut Mortalis habendus, Amen.


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 “(1) All nations have preserved an idea of the one God.” That is not true. The author himself has just overthrown the polytheists.

“(2) On the agreement of the pagan authors.” This again is not true. It cannot be a proof, because it does not refer to all pagan writers.

“(3) On the innateness of the idea about one God.”

This is again not true, because Tertullian’s words, which are quoted in confirmation of this position, are said about the innateness of the idea about God, but not about the innateness of the idea about the unity of God.

“Listen,” Tertullian says to the pagans, “to the testimony of your soul, which, in spite of the prison of the body, of prejudices, and bad bringing up, of the fury of the passions, of the enslavement to false gods, when it is roused as though from intoxication or from a deep profound sleep, when it feels, so to speak, a spark of health, involuntarily invokes the name of the one true God and cries: ‘Great God! Good God! Whatever God may give!’ Thus his name is to be found on the lips of all men. The soul also recognizes him as the Judge in the following words: ‘God sees, I hope to God, God will recompense me.’ And pronouncing these words, it turns its glances, not to the Capitol, but to heaven, knowing that there is the palace of the living God, that from there and from him it has its origin. On the testimony of the soul according to the Christian nature (naturaliter Christiana).” (p. 84.)

This exhausts the anthropological proofs. Here are the cosmological proofs:

“(1) The universe is one, consequently God is one.” But why there is one universe is not apparent.

“(2) In the life of the world there is order. If there existed several rulers of the universe, many gods, naturally divers among themselves, there could not be such an orderly flow and agreement in Nature; on the contrary,


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may take it then, for the sake of the argument, that the final recension of the Mahabharata was the literary magnum opus of the reign of Chandra Gupta II of Magadha, known as Vikramaditya of Ujjain (A.D. 375 to 413), and the source of his great fame in letters. We may also take it from the evidences seen there that he deliberately organised its promulgation by missions in the Dravida-desh, or country of the Madras. But, if all this be true, what may we suppose to have been the means employed by him for the execution of so vast an undertaking? .Undoubtedly the work of compilation must have been carried out in Benares by a council of scholars under the control of one supreme directing genius. If Professor Satis Chandra Vidyabhushan be correct (as I should imagine that he is) in his suggestion that the name of Devanagari, as applied to one particular form of Prakrit script, means of Devanagar or Benares, the question then arises, Was the promulgation of the Mahabharata the occasion on which it gained its widespread fame and application? 189


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 gift which made illiterate Peter eloquent, and scholarly Bernard persuasive, began to move the laggard hearts of men and to turn them in the direction of the Holy Land. The usual signs which may be predicted of all great preachers followed in the track of his harangues. They are familiar to us now as then. There was the transitory religious revival; sinners confessed and renounced their sin, while the influence and terror of the voice was upon them; yet after a brief space the wickedness of the world went on as usual; foolish women renounced their folly, burnt their ribbons, gave up their golden bracelets, while the preacher was among them; oppressors repented their oppressions, until the preacher was gone. Fulke began, indeed, as a preacher of repentance, and it was at the instance of the newly-enthroned Pope Innocent III. that he passed—a bold and confident step for a preacher to take—from general admonition to special exhortation, and invited the young and able-bodied to wear the cross and carry a pike to Palestine.

It was not a propitious time for preaching Crusades. The kings of France and England had already fulfilled their promises, and done enough for the Cross which they had taken. To fight once on that burning soil of Syria was surely a sufficient merit for any Christian, however sinful. As well expect a Mohammedan Haj to journey on foot the whole way from Bosnia to Mecca twice in his lifetime. The Emperor of Germany was a child of six years old, and the preacher had to rely upon the leadership of those secondary princes who saw in a Crusade the opportunity of striking a blow at once for


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 everything would turn into disorder and become chaos; then each god would govern his own part, or the whole universe, according to his will, and there would be eternal conflicts and strife.”

“(3) For the creation and government of the world one almighty, omniscient God is sufficient; what, then, are other gods for? It is obvious that they are superfluous.”

Those are the cosmological proofs. What is this? A bad joke? Ridicule? No, it is a Theology, the disclosure of God-revealed truths. But that is not all. Here are the ontological proofs:

“(1) By the common consent of all men, God is a being than whom there can be nothing higher or more perfect. But the highest and most perfect of all beings can be only one, for, if there existed others, too, equal to it, then it would cease being the highest and most perfect of all, that is, it would cease being a god.”

Here the sophism proves nothing, and only makes us doubt the strictness and exactness of the thoughts of the holy fathers, especially of St. John Damascene.

The first proof that there can be but one most perfect and highest being is the only correct reasoning on the attribute of him whom we call God, but is by no means a proof of the unity of God; it is only an expression of the fundamental concept of God, which by its very essence excludes the possibility of uniting this idea with the conception of number. For, if God is what is highest and most perfect, then all the previous proofs from the Old Testament and others about God being one only impair that idea. But, again, as in the discussion of comprehensibility and incomprehensibility, the author obviously needs here, not clearness and agreement of thought, but the mechanical connection with the tradition of the church; this connection is preserved to the detriment of the idea, and at all cost.


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 274

BARNABY BUDGE.

CHAPTER THE SIXTY-NINTH.

IT was the dead of night, and very dark, when Barnaby, with his stumbling companion, approached the place where he had left his father; but he could see him stealing away into the gloom, distrustful even of him, and rapidly treating. After calling to him twice of thrive that there was nothing to fear, but without effect, he suffered Hugh to sink upon the ground, and followed, to bring him back.

lie continued to creep away, until Barnaby was close upon him ; then turned, and said in a terrible, though suppressed voice:

" Let mc go. Do not lay hands upon ine. Stand back. You have told her; and you and she together, have betrayed me!"

Barnaby looked at him, in silence.

" You have seen your mother !"

" No," cried Barnaby, eagerly. "Not for a longtime — longer than I can tell. A whole year, I think. Is she herel"

His father looked upon him steadfastly for a few moments, tlien said — drawing nearer to him as he spoke, fi)r, seeing his face, and hearing his words, it was impossible to doubt his truth :

" What man is that !"

" Hurrh — Hugh. Only Hugh. You know him. lie. will not harm you. Why, you're afraid of Hugh! Ha ha ha! Afraid of gruff, old, ncisy Hugh!"

" What man is he, I ask you," he rejoined so fiercely, that Barnaby stopped in his laugh, and shrinking back, surveyed iiim with a look of ter- rified amazement.

" Why, iiow stern you are ! You make me fear you, thouMi you are my father — I never feared her. Why do you speak to me so V

— " I want," he answered, putting away the hand which his son, with a timid desire to pro- pitiate him, laid upon his sleeve, — "I want an answer, and you give me only jeers and ques- tions. Who have you brouo-ht with you to this hiding-place, poor tool; and where is the blind manl"

" I don't know where. His house was close shut. I waited, but no person came; that was no fault of mine. Tiiis is Hugh — brave Hnirh, who broke into that ugly jail, and set us free. Aha! You like iiim now, do you.' Vou like him now !"

" Why does he lie upon the ground ]"

"He has had a fall, and has been drinking. The fields and trees go roun 1, and round, and round, with him, and the ground heavs under his feet. You know him ■? You remember ! See !"

They iiad by this time returned to where he lay, and both stooped over him to look into his face.

" I recollect the man," his father murmured. •• Why did you bring him here ■?"

" Because he would have been killed if 1 had efl him over yonder. They were firing guns,

and shedding blood. Does the sight of bloi-xj turn you sick, father 1 I S(.^e it does, by your face. That 's like me — What are you looking at]"

" At nothing !" said the murderer, softly, as he started back a pace or two, and gazed with sunken jaw and staring eyes above his son's head. "At nothing !"

He remained in the same attitude and with the same expression on his face for a minute or more; then glanced slowly round as if ho Jiad lost something; and went shivering back, to- wards the shed.

" Shall I bring him in, father!" asked Barna- by, who had looked on, wondering.

He only answered with a suppressed groan, and lying down upon the ground, wrapped hi^ cloak about his head, and shrunk into the dark': st corner.

Finding that nothing would rouse Hu.o-h now, or make him sensible for a moment, Barnaby dragged him along the grass, and laid him on a little heap of refuse hay and straw, Vv'liich had been his own bed; first having brought some water from a running stream hard by, and washed his wound, and laved his hands and face. Then he lay down himself, between the two, to pass the night ; and looking at the stars, fell fast asleep.

Awakened early in the morning, by the sun- shine, and the songs of birds, and the hum of in- sects, he left them sleeping in the hut, and walked into the sweet and pleasant air. But he felt that on his jaded senses, oppressed and bur- dened with the dreadful scenes of last night, and many nights before, all the beauties of- opening day, "which he had so often tasted, and in which he had had such deep delight, fell heavily. He thought of the blithe mornings when he and the dogs went bounding on together through the woods and fields; and the recollection filled his eyes with tears. He had no consciousness, God help him, of having done wrong, nor liad he any new perception of the merits of the cause in which he had been engaged, or those of the men who advocated it ; but he was full of cares now, and regrets, and dismal recollections, and w ishei (quite unknown to him before,) that this or that j event m never happened, and that the sorrow I and suff 'rino- of so many people had been spared. I And now he began to think how happy they I would be — his father, mother, he, and Hugh — I if they rambled away together, and lived in some ! lonely place, where there were none of thesii • troubles; and that perhaps the blind man, who i fiad talked so wisely about gold, and told him of the (Treat secrets he knew, could teach t.hem how to live without being pinched and griped by want. As this occurred to him, he was the more sorry that he had not seen him last night; and he was still broodino- over this regret, when his father came, and touched him on the shoulder.

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 After these proofs follow special proofs of the unity of God in opposition to the bitheistic heretics, and these proofs have no connection with the subject. And after all that it is assumed that the first dogma about the unity of God has been disclosed, and the author proceeds with the teaching about the moral application of this first dogma.

The author has the idea that every dogma is necessary for the saving faith. One dogma about the “one God” has been revealed, and so it is necessary to show how this dogma is helpful in the salvation of men. this:

“Three important lessons can we draw for ourselves from the dogma about the unity of God. Lesson the first in respect to our relation to God. ‘I believe in one God,’ utters every Christian, beginning the words of the Symbol,—in one, and not in many, or two, or three, as the pagans and certain heretics used to believe: and so him alone shall we serve as God (Deut. vi. 13; Matt. iv. 10); and love him alone with all our heart, and with all our soul (Deut. vi. 4, 5); and put all our confidence in him alone (Psalm cxvii. 8, 9; 1 Peter i. 21); at the same time we must keep away from all kinds of polytheism and idolatry (Exod. xx. 3—5). The pagans, while believing in one supreme God, at the same time recognized many lower gods, and among this number included incorporeal spirits, good and bad (genii and demons), and deceased persons who had in some way been famous in life. We, too, worship good angels, and we worship holy men who in their lifetime have excelled in faith and piety; but we must not forget that we have to worship them, according to the teaching of the Orthodox Church, not as inferior gods, but as servants and ministers of God, as intercessors for us before God, and as promoters of our salvation,—we must worship them in such a way that the whole glory should refer mainly to him alone as won-


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80 and earth are incensed against him, that God is angry with him, and that all the world hates him; he has done nothing to make his peace with either, and therefore he thinks that every one who meets him will slay him, Gen. iv. 14. Or, like a man absconding for debt, who thinks every man a bailiff. Fear came in, at first, with sin, (Gen. iii. 10.) and still attends it. Even in prosperity, he is apprehensive that the destroyer will come upon him, either some destroying angel sent of God to avenge his quarrel, or some of his injured subjects who will be their own avengers. Those who are the terror of the mighty in the land of the living, usually go down slain to the pit, (Ezek. xxxii. 25.) the expectation of which makes them a terror to themselves. This is further set forth, v. 22. that he is, in his own apprehension, waited for of the sword; for he knows that he who killeth with the sword, must be killed with the sword, Rev. xiii. 10. A guilty conscience represents to the sinner a flaming sword turning every way, (Gen. iii. 24.) and himself inevitably running on it. Again, (v. 23.) He knows that the day of darkness, (or the night of darkness rather) is ready at his hand, that it is appointed to him, and cannot be put by, that it is hastening on apace, and cannot be put off. This day of darkness is something beyond death; it is that day of the Lord which, to all wicked people, will be darkness and not light, and in which they will be doomed to utter, endless, darkness. Note, Some wicked people, though they seem secure, have already received the sentence of death, eternal death, within themselves, and plainly see hell gaping for them. No marvel that it follows, (v. 24.) Trouble and anguish (that inward tribulation and anguish of soul spoken of, Rom. ii. 8, 9. which is the effect of God's indignation and wrath fastening upon the conscience) shall make him afraid of worse to come. What is the hell before him, if this be the hell within him? And though he would fain shake off his fears, drink them away, and jest them away, it will not do; they shall prevail against him, and overpower him, as a king ready to the battle, with forces too strong to be resisted. He that would keep his peace, let him keep a good conscience.

Fourthly, If at any time he be in trouble, he despairs of getting out; (v. 22.) He believeth not that he shall return out of darkness, but he gives himself up for gone and lost in an endless night. Good men expect light at evening time, light out of darkness; but what reason have they to expect that they shall return out of the darkness of trouble, who would not return from the darkness of sin, but went on in it? Ps. lxxxii. 5. It is the misery of damned sinners, that they know they shall never return out of that utter darkness, nor pass the gulf there fixed.

Fifthly, He perplexes himself with continual care, especially if Providence ever so little frown upon him, v. 23. Such a dread he has of poverty, and such a waste does he discern upon his estate, that he is already, in his own imagination, wandering abroad for bread, going a-begging for a meal's meat, and saying, Where is it? The rich man, in his abundance, cried out, What shall I do? Luke xii. 17. Perhaps he pretends fear of wanting, as an excuse of his covetous practices; justly may he be brought to this extremity at last. We read of those who were full, but have hired out themselves for bread, (1 Sam. ii. 5.) which this sinner will not do; he cannot dig, he is too fat, (v. 27.) but to beg he may well be ashamed. See Ps. cix. 10. David never saw the righteous so far forsaken as to beg their bread, for, verilv, they shall be fed by the charitable, unasked, Ps. xxxvii. 3, 25. But the wicked want it, and cannot expect it should be readily given them. How should they find mercy, who never showed mercy?

[2.] His outward prosperity will soon come to an end, and all his confidence, and all his comfort, will come to an end with it. How can he prosper, when God runs upon him? So some understand that, v. 26. Whom God runs upon, he will certainly run down; for when he judges, he will overcome. See how the judgments of God cross this worldly wicked man in all his cares, desires, and projects, and so complete his misery.

First, He is in care to get, but he shall not be rich, v. 29. His own covetous mind keeps him from being truly rich. He is not rich, that has not enough; and he has not enough, that does not think he has. It is contentment only that is great gain. Providence remarkably keeps some from being rich, defeating their enterprises, breaking their measures, and keeping them always behind-hand. Many that get much by fraud and injustice, yet do not grow rich; it goes as it comes, it is got by one sin, and spent upon another.

Secondly, He is in care to keep what he has got,, but in vain, his substance shall not continue; it will dwindle and come to nothing, God blasts it, and what ''came up in a night, perishes in a night. Wealth, gotten by vanity, will certainly be diminished''. Some have themselves lived to see the ruin of those estates which have been raised by oppression; it goes, however, with a curse to those who succeed. De male quaesitis vix gaudet tertius haeres—Ill-gotten property will scarcely be enjoyed by the third generation. He purchases estates to him and his heirs for ever; but to what purpose? He shall not prolong the perfection thereof upon the earth; neither the credit nor the comfort of his riches shall be prolonged; and, when those are gone, where is the perfection of them? How indeed can we expect the perfection of any thing to be prolonged upon the earth, where every thing is transitory, and we soon see the end of all perfection?

Thirdly, He is in care to leave what he has got and kept, to his children after him; but in this he is crossed, the branches of his family shall perish, in whom he hoped to have lived and flourished, and to have had the reputation of making them all great men. They shall not be green, v. 32. The flame shall dry them up, v. 30. He shall shake them off as blossoms that never knit, or as the unripe grape, v. 33. They shall die in the beginning of their days, and never come to maturity. Many a man's family is ruined by his iniquity.

Fourthly, He is in care to enjoy it a great while himself; but in that also he is crossed. 1. He may perhaps be taken from it; (v. 30.) By the breath of God's mouth—(that is, by his wrath, which, like a stream of brimstone, kindles the fire that devours him, Isa. xxx. 33. Or, by his word; he speaks, and it is done immediately)—shall he go away, and leave his wealth to others. This night, thy soul shall be required of thee; and so the wicked is driven away in his wickedness, the worldling in his worldliness. 2. It may perhaps be taken from him, and fly away like an eagle toward heaven: It shall be accomplished (or cut off) before his time, (v. 32.) that is, He shall survive his prosperity, and see himself stripped of it.

Fifthly, He is in care, when he is in trouble, how to get out of it; (not how to get good by it;) but in this also he is crossed; (v. 30.) He shall not depart out of darkness; when he begins to fall, like Haman, down with him. It was said of him, (v. 22.) He believeth not that he shall return out of darkness; he frightened himself with the perpetuity of his calamity, and God also shall choose his delusions, and bring his fears upon him, (Isa. lxvi. 4.) as he did upon Israel, Numb. xiv. 28. God says, Amen, to his distrust and despair.

Sixthly, He is in care to secure his partners, and


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 heaven and themselves. Those sovereigns who had everything to lose and nothing to gain, preferred to stay at home. What principality in the East was worth anything to Richard Lion Heart, compared with his own fair realm of England? What successes in Palestine would compensate Philip Augustus for dangers and losses at home? But to the princes who were of royal lineage, and yet of the second, third, or fourth order, a Crusade offered noble chances. Godfrey, Baldwin, Jocelyn, Tancred, Bohemon, all the princes of the first Crusade, who became kings of Jerusalem, princes, counts, dukes, and marquises of Edessa, Tripoli, Antioch, and Tyre, had been of the same rank as themselves. Glory and greatness, as well as religion, pointed in the direction of the East. Therefore it was not surprising to hear that Fulke de Neuilly, with his band of preachers, speedily roused up the Western nobles to an enthusiasm which was respectable, although, compared with that which sent forth Peter with his myriads, it was the glory of Nehemiah's Temple compared with that which the oldest men remembered with tears of the Temple which had passed away. Not twice in the world's history does the same enthusiasm seize the hearts of men.

The first chief of the fourth Crusade was Thibaut III., Count of Champagne, father of the roi chansonnier, Thibaut IV., poet, and platonic lover of the saintly Blanche. He was a young man of twenty-three when he placed himself at the head of the new Crusade. With him were Simon de Montfort; Baldwin, Count of Flanders, who had married a sister of Thibaut; Henry of


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 Flanders, brother of Baldwin; the Counts of Blois and St. Pol; Geoffrey, Count de Perche; Boniface, Marquis of Montferrat; and Geoffrey de Villehardouin, who was to be the chronicler of the adventure.

The chiefs began by sending deputies to ask the Venetians what they would charge for taking them across the water. This was business-like and prudent. They profited by the lessons of the past. They would have none of that long and toilsome march through Europe, and that unequal contest with Greek chicanery; they would avoid the perilous journey across the sands and deserts, through the marshes, and over the passes of Asia Minor, exposed to the perils of pestilence, the torments of thirst, the daily harassing of the innumerable Saracenic cavalry. Their best and safest route would be to march over the rich plains of Italy to Venice, then to take ship, and so, if the saints sent good weather, straight to the shores of the Holy Land. It will be remembered that Richard of England started with a like sensible resolve. His mistake was in being diverted from his purpose by the temptation of Cyprus; that of his successors would be the temptation of Constantinople.

It was the boast of Venice in the days of her splendour that she had never owned the yoke of any master from the days when her people fled from Attila and established themselves on their chain of low-lying islands. It was not a claim which bears the test of historical inquiry. Venice formed at one time part of the Greek empire; nor was it till Constantinople grew weak, and the city of the Adriatic strong, that she was able to


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 throw off, little by little, the bonds which connected her with Byzantium. At this time she was stronger than before or after, though not so rich as she was destined to become. She had almost a monopoly of the great Eastern trade; she commanded an enormous fleet; she kept up commercial relations with Constantinople; she had never acquired the slavish deference to the popes which characterized the Western nations; and her government, absolutely unique, partook in no degree of the feudal system of the West or the despotism of the East. In all her transactions she studiously regarded her own interests and nothing else. She let the ambitious and aggressive Westerns struggle for the sovereignty, content if she could establish her trading stations in safety. She regarded with a sort of contempt the blind enthusiasm of French and English for holy cities, in which she only saw so many emporiums and depots for her wares.

At this time their Doge was the great Henry Dandolo, who is said to have been a hundred years of age at the time of his death, five years later, in 1205. We need not accept this statement as literally true. It is, however, beyond a doubt that he was extremely old, and possessed of extraordinary vigour. Thirty years before he had been deprived of sight by the Emperor Manuel Comnenus. A misfortune which would have deprived most men of desire to take any further part in politics only stimulated his ambition. He learned to see with others' eyes, and to fight with others' hands. In A.D. 1192 he was elected Doge, having then been blind for


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Rh or rather taken for granted, that by literature, the Parliament can have meant only Arabic and Sanscrit literature, that they never would have given the honorable appellation of ‘a learned native’ to a native who was familiar with the poetry of, the Metaphysics of , and the Physics of ; but that they meant to designate by that name only such persons as might have studied in the sacred books of the Hindoos all the uses of cusa-grass, and all the mysteries of absorption into the Deity. This does not appear to be a very satisfactory interpretation. To take a parallel case; suppose that the Pacha of Egypt, a country once superior in knowledge to the nations of Europe, but now sunk far below them, were to appropriate a sum for the purpose of ‘reviving and promoting literature, and encouraging learned natives of Egypt‘ would anybody infer that he meant the youth of his pachalic to give years to the study of hieroglyphics, to search into all the doctrines disguised under the fable of, and to ascertain with all possible accuracy the ritual with which cats and onions were anciently adored? Would he be justly charged with inconsistency, if, instead of employing his young subjects in deciphering obelisks, he were to order them to be instructed in the English and French languages, and in all the sciences to which those languages are the chief keys.

The words on which the supporters of the old system rely do not bear them out, and other words follow which seem to be quite decisive on the other side. This lac of Rupees is set apart, not only for ‘reviving literature in India’ the phrase on which their whole interpretation is founded, but also for ‘the introduction and promotion of a knowledge of the sciences among the inhabitants of the British territories’—words which are alone sufficient to authorise all the changes for which I contend.

If the Council agree in my construction, no legislative Act will be necessary. If they differ from me, I will prepare a short Act rescinding that clause of the Charter of 1818, from which the difficulty arises.

The argument which I have been considering, affects only the form of proceeding. But the admirers of the Oriental system of education have used another argument, which, if we admit it to be valid, is decisive against all change. They conceive that the public faith is pledged to the present system, and that to alter the appropriation of any of the funds which have hitherto been spent in encouraging the study of Arabic and Sanscrit, would be down-right spoliation. It is not easy to understand by what process of reasoning they can have arrived at this conclusion. The grants which are made from


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Rh public purse for the encouragement of literature differed in no respect from the grants which are made from the same purse for other objects of real or supposed utility. We found a sanatorium on a spot which we suppose to be healthy. Do we thereby pledge ourselves to keep a sanatorium there, if the result should not answer our expectation? We commence the erection of a pier. Is it a violation of the public faith to stop the works, if we afterwards see reason to believe that the building will be useless? The rights of property are undoubtedly sacred. But nothing endangers those rights so much as the practice, now unhappily too common, of attributing them to things to which they do not belong. Those who would impart to abuses the sanctity of property are in truth imparting to the institution of property the unpopularity and the fragility of abuses. If the Government has given to any person a formal assurance; nay, if the Government has excited in any person’s mind a reasonable expectation that he shall receive a certain income as a teacher or a learner of Sanscrit or Arabic, I would respect that person’s pecuniary interests—I would rather err on the side of liberality to individuals than suffer the public faith to be called in question. But to talk of a Government pledging itself to teach certain languages and certain sciences, though those languages may become useless, though those sciences may be exploded, seems to me. quite unmeaning. There is not a single word in any public instructions, from which it can be inferred that the Indian Government ever intended to give any pledge on this subject, or ever considered the destination of these funds as unalterably fixed. But had it been otherwise, I should have denied the competence of our predecessors to bind us by any pledge on such a subject. Suppose that a Government had in the last century enacted in the most solemn manner that all its subjects should, to the end of time, be inoculated for the small-pox: would that Government be bound to persist in the practice after discovery? These promises, of which nobody claims the performance, and from which nobody can grant a release; these vested rights, which vest in nobody; this property without proprietors; this robbery, which makes nobody poorer, may be comprehended by persons of higher faculties than mine.—I consider this plea merely as a set form of words, regularly used both in England and in India, in defence of every abuse for which no other plea can be set up.

I hold this lac of rupees to be quite at the disposal of the Governor-General in Council, for the purpose of promoting learning in India, in any way which may be thought most advisable. I hold his Lordship to be quite as free to direct


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 twenty years, and being, if we believe his biographers, already close upon ninety years of age. It devolved upon him, therefore, to receive the six ambassadors of the Crusaders. But he had no power to do more than listen to their proposals, entertain them hospitably, and refer them first to the Council of Six, then to the Forty composing the Council of State, and lastly to the legislative assembly of Four hundred and fifty, who were annually chosen in the six quarters of the city. What the Crusaders asked was that they might be allowed to assemble at Venice on the Feast of St. John in the ensuing year; that the Republic should find vessels for the conveyance of 4,500 horses, 9,000 squires, 4,500 knights, and 20,000 foot; that this army should be found in provisions and stores for the period of nine months; that they should be transported in Venetian ships to whatever shore the service of God and Christendom might require; and that the Republic should join them with fifty galleys.

Having announced their request, Villehardouin, who acted as speaker, summed up by declaring that they had received from the barons of France the order to entreat of the Venetians their succour in the enterprise of venging the tomb of the Saviour, to cast themselves at the feet of the Doge, and not to rise until they had obtained a favourable answer, and the Venetians had taken pity on the Holy Land outre mer. Thereupon the deputies, as they had been enjoined, fell upon their knees before Dandolo, with tears in their eyes and outstretched hands. And all the assembly with one accord cried out, "We grant the prayer! We grant the prayer!"


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Rh that it shall no longer be employed in encouraging Arabic and Sanscrit, as he is to direct that the reward for killing tigers in Mysore shall be diminished, or that no more public money shall be expended on the chanting at the cathedral.

We now come to the gist of the matter. We have a fund to be employed as Government shall direct for the intellectual improvement of the people of this country. The simple question is, what is the most useful way of employing it?

All parties seem to be agreed on one point, that the dialects commonly spoken among the natives of this part of India, contain neither literary nor scientific information, and are, moreover, so poor and rude that, until they are enriched from some other quarter, it will not be easy to translate any valuable work into them. It seems to be admitted on all sides, that the intellectual improvement of those classes of the people who have the means of pursuing higher studies can at present be effected only by means of some language not vernacular amongst them.

What then shall that language be? One-half of the Committee maintain that it should be the English. The other half strongly recommend the Arabic and Sanscrit. The whole question seems to me to be, which language is the best worth knowing?

I have no knowledge of either Sanscrit or Arabic.—But I have done what I could to form a correct estimate of their value. I have read translations of the most celebrated Arabic and Sanscrit works. I have conversed both here and at home with men distinguished by their proficiency in the Eastern tongues. I am quite ready to take the oriental learning at the valuation of the Orientalists themselves. I have never found one among them who could deny that a single shelf of a good European library was worth the whole native literature of India and Arabia. The intrinsic superiority of the Western literature is, indeed, fully admitted by those members of the Committee who support the Oriental plan of education.

It will hardly be disputed, I suppose, that the department of literature in which the eastern writers stand highest is poetry. And I certainly never met with any Orientalist who ventured to maintain that the Arabic and Sanscrit poetry could be compared to that of the great European nations. But when we pass from works of imagination to works in which facts are recorded, and general principles investigated, the superiority of the Europeans becomes absolutely immeasurable. It is, I believe, no exaggeration to say, that all the historical information which has been collected from all the books written in the Sanscrit language is less valuable than what may be


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Rh found in the most paltry abridgments used at preparatory schools in England. In every branch of physical or moral philosophy, the relative position of the two nations is nearly the same.

How, then, stands the case? We, have to educate a people who cannot at present be educated by means of their mother-tongue. We must, teach them some foreign language. The claims of our own language it is hardly necessary to re-capitulate. It stands pre-eminent even among the languages of the west. It abounds with works of imagination not inferior to the noblest which Greece has bequeathed to us; with models of every species of eloquence; with historical compositions, which, considered merely as narratives, have seldom been surpassed, and which, considered as vehicles of ethical and political instruction, have never been equalled; with just and lively representation of human life and human nature; with the most profound speculations on metaphysics, morals, government, jurisprudence, and trade; with full and correct information respecting every experimental science, which tends to preserve the health, to increase the comfort, or to expand the intellect of man. Whoever knows that language has ready access to all the vast intellectual wealth, which all the wisest nations of the earth have created and hoarded in the course of ninety generations. It may safely be said, that the literature now extant in that language is of far greater value than all the literature which three hundred years ago was extant in all the languages of the world together. Nor is this all. In India, English is the language spoken by the ruling class. It is spoken by the higher class of natives at the seats of Government. It is likely to become the language of commerce throughout the seas of the East. It is the language of two great European communities which are rising, the one in the south of Africa, the other in Australasia; communities which are every year becoming more important, and more closely connected with our Indian empire. Whether we look at the intrinsic value of our literature, or at the particular situation of this country, we shall see the strongest reason to think that, of all foreign tongues, the English tongue is that which would be the most useful to our native subjects.

The question now before us is simply whether, when it is in our power to teach this language, we shall teach languages in which, by universal confession, there are no books on any subject which deserve to be compared to our own; whether, when we can teach European science, we shall teach systems which, by universal confession, whenever they differ from those of Europe, differ for the worse; and whether, when we can


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 They did grant the prayer, but with conditions; and these were hard. The Crusaders were to pay, before their embarkation, the sum of 85,000 silver marks, and all conquests were to be equally divided between Crusaders and Venetians.

The generosity or the selfishness of these terms depends entirely on the purchasing power of a silver mark. To provision 33,500 men and 4,500 horses for nine months would at the present time cost, at the low estimate of two shillings a day for each man, one million pounds sterling. To this must be added the cost of the transports and sailors—an item impossible to estimate. If we reckon a million and a half for the cost of the whole, we find that, supposing the 85,000 marks barely paid the cost, each mark had a purchasing power very nearly equivalent to that of £18 of our money. But we may be very certain that this republic of traders were not going to let slip so good an opportunity of profit.

It was more difficult to promise than to execute the treaty. The deputation returned to France after a fruitless effort to enlist the sympathies of Nice and Genoa. Their engagements were ratified by the princes. But here an unforeseen accident threatened the enterprise at its very commencement. Thibaut, Count of Champagne, the chief of the Crusade, died, and the warriors found themselves without a leader. A council was held at Soissons, where Boniface, the Marquis de Montferrat, a soldier conspicuous for gallantry and descended of a race of soldiers, was chosen to lead the Crusade. With him were the Counts of Flanders, Blois, St. Pol, and a


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Rh patronise sound Philosophy and true History, we shall countenance, at the public expense, medical doctrines, which would disgrace an English farrier,—Astronomy, which would move laughter in girls at an English boarding school,—History, abounding with kings thirty feet high, and reigns thirty thousand years long,—and Geography, made up of seas of treacle and seas of butter.

We are not without experience to guide us. History furnishes several analogous cases, and they all teach the same lesson. There are in modern times, to go no further, two memorable instances of a great impulse given to the mind of a whole society,—of prejudices overthrown,—of knowledge diffused,—of taste purified,—of arts and sciences planted in countries which had recently been ignorant and barbarous.

The first instance to which I refer, is the great revival of letters among the Western nations at the close of the fifteenth and the beginning of the sixteenth century. At that time almost every thing that was worth reading was contained in the writings of the ancient Greeks and Romans. Had our ancestors acted as the Committee of Public Instruction has hitherto acted; had they neglected the language of Cicero and Tacitus; had they confined their attention to the old dialects of our own island; had they printed nothing and taught nothing at the universities but Chronicles in Anglo-Saxon, and Romances in Norman-French, would England have been what she now is? What the Greek and Latin were to the contemporaries of More and Ascham, our tongue is to the people of India. The literature of England is now more valuable than that of classical antiquity. I doubt whether the Sanscrit literature be as valuable as that of our Saxon and Norman progenitors. In some departments,—in History, for example, I am certain that it is much less so.

Another instance may be said to be still before our eyes. Within the last hundred and twenty years, a nation which had previously been in a state as barbarous as that in which our ancestors were before the crusades, has gradually emerged from the ignorance in which it was sunk, and has taken its place among civilized communities.—I speak of Russia. There is now in that country a large educated class, abounding with persons fit to serve the state in the highest functions, and in no wise inferior to the most accomplished men who adorn the best circles of Paris and London. There is reason to hope that this vast empire, which in the time of our grandfathers was probably behind the Punjab, may, in the time of our grandchildren, be pressing close on France and Britain in the career of improvement. And how was this change effected?


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Rh Not by flattering national prejudices: not by feeding the mind of the young Muscovite with the old woman’s stories which his rude fathers had believed: not by filling his head with lying legends about St. Nicholas: not by encouraging him to study the great question, whether the world was or was not created on the 13th of September: not by calling him ‘a learned native’ when he has mastered all these points of knowledge: but by teaching him those foreign languages in which the greatest mass of information had been laid up, and thus putting all that information within his reach. The languages of Western Europe civilized Russia, I cannot doubt that they will do for the Hindoo what they have done for the Tartar.

And what are the arguments against that course which seems to be alike recommended by theory and by experience? It is said that we ought to secure the co-operation of the native public, and that we can do this only by teaching Sanscrit and Arabic.

I can by no means admit that when a nation of high intellectual attainments undertakes to superintend the education of a nation comparatively ignorant, the learners are absolutely to prescribe the course which is to be taken by their teachers. It is not necessary, however, to say any thing on this subject. For it is proved by unanswerable evidence that we are not at present securing the co-operation of the natives. It would be bad enough to consult their intellectual taste at the expense of their intellectual health. But we are consulting neither,—we are withholding from them the learning for which they are craving, we are forcing on them the mock-learning which they nauseate.

This is proved by the fact that we are forced to pay our Arabic and Sanscrit students, while those who learn English are willing to pay us. All the declamations in the world about the love and reverence of the natives for their sacred dialects will never, in the mind of any impartial person, outweigh the undisputed fact, that we cannot find, in all our vast empire, a single student who will let us teach him those dialects unless we will pay him.

I have now before me the accounts of the Madrassa for one month,—the month of December, 1833. The Arabic students appear to have been seventy-seven in number. All receive stipends from the public. The whole amount paid to them is above 500 rupees a month. On the other side of the account stands the following item: Deduct amount realized from the out-students of English for the months of May, June and July last, 103 rupees.


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That evening Viola and her nurse were sitting together in silence, and the former apparently deep in thought. “Have you never seen the ‘old woman of the woods’ since?” she suddenly inquired. “Who and what is she?”

“I can scarcely tell you,” replied Gertrude. “She has lived in the forest ever since I can remember, and tells fortunes, prophecies, and such like follies. I have never had anything to do with her, for I am not a believer in such stuff.”

“How does she obtain her living?” inquired Viola.

“As I said before; by telling fortunes, prophecying, letting people look in her magic mirror, raising the forms of the absent for those who long to see them, and other devil’s tricks.”

Viola continued to ask all sorts of questions respecting this “cunning woman,” and at length ended by entreating her nurse to take her there, just for a joke, and let her see some of these strange mysteries. “Only just for fun; it must be so delightful to hear all about the future, and know what one has to look forward to.”

But vain were all Viola’s coaxings and entreaties; Gertrude was immoveable. “No,” she said gravely; “we have no right to jest with such matters. Good spirits are too holy to be profaned by them, and it is dangerous to hold converse with the powers of evil. There are many instances in which persons have bitterly rued such jests throughout a whole life.”

Viola was silent for a while, but not diverted from her purpose; a wish to peep into futurity had arisen in her heart, and she could not understand what harm a knowledge of the future could do her or anybody, therefore she continued her importunities. “Indeed I only wish to know if Serini loves me truly; if our affection shall triumph over all the obstacles which now oppose it. Do, do let me go, dear Gertrude. What harm can come of it? My father will never know of the visit. You said the prophetess could show a girl the form of her future bridegroom, did you not? I should so like to see if Sarini will be mine. You will take me, good nurse; I know you will.”

“Child, child, do not torment me with such requests; you know how willingly I do anything which can give you pleasure, but this I dare not. You do not know what you ask. By gratifying your curiosity you might be terrified to death, or see that which would rob you of all happiness. I shall never forget the fate of poor Agnes Rosenberg, who was led to join in a spell to raise the form of her future bridegroom. Be content, dear child; the future is in the hands of a good and all-wise Being, who mercifully withholds from us that knowledge which too often would produce only misery, and embitter all the present by fearful anticipation or anxious longings.”

Viola now inquired who Agnes Rosenberg was, and Gertrude replied in the following words:—

“She was a gentle, lovely girl, of some fifteen years of age, and had two elder sisters, both handsome, although not to be compared to Agnes. These two thoughtless maidens having heard that if they went to a certain spot in a neighbouring wood, and there repeated St. Andrew’s prayer, they would see the form of the men who should become their future husbands, resolved to do so, and persuaded their innocent young sister to accompany them. Accordingly, one bright moonlight night they stole forth. I cannot tell you all the impious, foolish ceremonial made use of, but each maiden was to place something which might be touched by the spiritual form of her bridegroom that was to be. Martha, the eldest sister, laid a rose on a bush; and Lucia, the second, a lily; but Agnes, who had repented coming, refused to join them any further; and well would it have been for her had she persisted in this refusal. The eldest sister now uttered the spell, and the words had scarcely passed her lips when a fine looking man, in splendid Turkish costume, rode rapidly up, brandishing his sword fiercely. As he approached the rose, his countenance became milder; he snatched at the flower, and vanished. The maidens were not a little startled at first, but, recovering herself, the second sister stepped forward, and repeated the spell; then paused, then repeated it again, but still no bridegroom appeared; and the others joked her, and told her she would be an old maid. Lucia grew vexed, and insisted that Agnes should also try her fortune, and the gentle girl at length consented, and hung her handkerchief on a branch. Again Lucia uttered the spell, and this time a handsome young man, clad in rich uniform, and mounted on a noble horse, rode slowly forward, looked melancholy around, paused awhile, and at length approaching the lily, kissed it, and vanished. It now came the turn of Agnes, and she, urged on by her sisters, and perhaps stimulated by that fatal dower of mother Eve, curiosity, stepped forward and uttered the mystic words. The first time was fruitless, but when she had repeated them, a funeral procession came slowly and solemnly along, and as it passed the tree on which Agnes had hung her symbol, the kerchief fell fluttering into the midst of it; Agnes sank fainting to the ground, and her sisters were so terrified as scarcely to be able to render her any assistance; and for many weeks the poor girl lay in wild delirium on what all feared would prove her death-bed.”

Viola shuddered. “Hush, dear nurse, speak no more of this; I am terrified to death.”

“Will you not hear the end?” asked Gertrude.

“No, no,” replied Viola; “speak of anything else.”

The following morning, however, she requested her to conclude the narration. “I could not have listened to it last night,” she said; “but now the bright sunshine gives me courage.”

Gertrude complied. “For many weeks AgneAgnes [sic]


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 lay dangerously ill, but at length recovered, and was even more beautiful than before. Lovers crowded round her in troops, but one only found favour in her eyes. The elder sisters were betrothed by command of the sovereign, and the fright and events in the wood had become almost forgotten. The day was fixed for Martha’s marriage, the guests were assembled, and the priest was in the act of joining the hands of the couple, when a tumult arose, and the cry of ‘Help, help, the pirates are on us!’ Before the startled assembly could look round, a troop of Turks rushed fiercely into the chapel, who hewed down all who opposed them, and seized upon the ladies; the commander seemed struck by the beauty of the bride, and raising her in his powerful arms bore her shrieking away. When Agnes beheld the irruption of the pirates, the whole scene of that fearful night arose vividly in her memory, and again she sank overpowered with horror. Her lover defended her so gallantly that she was one of the few who escaped; this event revealed to him how dear she was, and he shortly besought her to become his bride. Unhappy girl, she shrank shudderingly from the hand she so loved, and feared that the day of her nuptials would be marked by his or her death. Had she never impiously sought to pry into futurity, she might have been the happy wife of one of the noblest of her sex, but her fatal curiosity destroyed the felicity of her life. She refused him once, twice, and thrice, and her heart was wrung with anguish as she did so, for she loved and honoured him. The youth sought distraction in foreign wars, and at length returning, saw Lucia, who somewhat resembled her youngest sister. That likeness moved him to woo her and wed her, but the union was not productive of happiness; he felt she was not Agnes, and the knowledge that he had loved her sister lighted the flame of jealousy in Lucia’s bosom. For many years they dragged on a weary existence, and at length she fell ill, and on her death-bed longed to see Agnes once more. Messengers were sent to the convent where this once lovely girl had sequestered herself; they found a mere shadow in place of the blooming beauty of bygone days; she instantly complied with the request, but only arrived in time to see the funeral of her sister pass along the street. The widower recognized her, and she waved her handkerchief in reply to his mournful salute; the wind caught it from her hand, and wafted it to him. A year afterwards, she gave her hand to her brother-in-law, deeply regretting the many years of misery her folly had entailed on them both; but she took care never to mention the appearances in the wood to him; for the saying is, that ‘if ever the man learns that he has been summoned spiritually by any female, he hates her with the deadliest hatred.

“Agnes was a sad coward!” exclaimed Viola, as her nurse paused. “I would have wedded Serini had a thousand deaths threatened. Why did she not watch the vision to see where her kerchief fell?”

“How inconsistent you are, my child,” replied Gertrude; “last night the bare recital of the forest vision terrified you, and now you blame Agnes for not braving the reality. Is it the bracing morning air makes you so courageous?”

“Partly, dear nurse; but the end of your tale has been so satisfactory. I trembled at the vision, and yet methinks had it appeared to me, I could have read it aright.”

“Be not so confident, my Viola! The evil one is too crafty even for the wisest and best. Shun the snares he spreads; tremble to approach them, and you will be safe. But those who seek temptation, confiding in the strength of their frail nature, will surely fall.”

A messenger brought to Viola a letter from her father, accompanying a casket containing rich jewels. The letter greeted her paternally, and informed her that she was to hold herself in readiness, immediately after her sister’s marriage, to come and reside with her father at his palace in the capital. The bright, gay future thus opened to the youthful maiden failed to charm her; she saw only the dark side, a separation from Serini, the loss of all her simple pleasures and habits, and the formality and state of a court, and perhaps a wealthy bridegroom forced on her. “What can I do, Gertrude?” she cried; “how escape this? I have vowed eternal fidelity to Serini, my father may compel me to break that vow. I will write to him, and ask him to advise me to save me.”

Gertrude said all she could to calm and bring her impetuous charge to reason. She spoke of the Count Hurras as a kind, indulgent parent; but Viola only remembered the cold, haughty noble, seen but two or three times in her life, who scarcely vouchsafed to glance at the trembling child as her sister led her to him, and strove to win some notice for her; and she persisted in sending to him who had been her adviser, defender, and lover, amid all her childish gambols, and the amusements of her girlhood’s hours. Gertrude had too long given way to have any authority now, and she saw the messenger depart with misgivings; for, although she had smiled at the attachment of her young charge to the gallant boy who seemed to live but to please her; yet she saw how great a distance intervened between the heiress of Count Harras, and the vassal of his noble son-in-law.

That evening, as they walked together in silence, and each deep in thought, Viola suddenly exclaimed—“Yonder path leads to the dwelling of the ‘old woman of the woods;’ let us go to her. Her words may guide my future conduct, and calm my present fears.”

“I fear they would only bring disquiet instead of peace. Be persuaded, my child; trust in Providence, who never forsakes the innocent and virtuous; and hope not to obtain good from the powers of evil.”

But Viola would hear nothing contradictory


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 I have been told that it is merely from want of local experience that I am surprised at this phenomena, and that it is not the fashion for students in India to study at their own charges. This only confirms me in my opinion. Nothing is more certain than that it never can in any part of the world be necessary to pay men for doing what they think pleasant and profitable. India is no exception to this rule. The people of India do not require to be paid for eating rice when they are hungry, or for wearing woollen cloth in the cold season. To come nearer to the case before us, the children who learn their letters and a little elementary Arithmetic from the village school-master are not paid by him. He is paid for teaching them. Why then is it necessary to pay people to learn Sanscrit and Arabic? Evidently because it is universally felt that the Sanscrit and Arabic are languages, the knowledge of which does not compensate for the trouble of acquiring them. On all such subjects the state of the market is the decisive test.

Other evidence is not wanting, if other evidence were required. A petition was presented last year to the Committee by several ex-students of the Sanscrit College. The petitioners stated that they had studied in the college ten or twelve years; that they had made themselves acquainted with Hindoo literature and science; that they had received certificates of proficiency: and what is the fruit of all this! ‘Notwithstanding such testimonials’ they say, ‘we have but little prospect of bettering our condition without the kind assistance of your Honorable Committee, the indifference with which we are generally looked upon by our countrymen leaving no hope of encouragement and assistance from them.’ They therefore beg that they may be recommended to the Governor General for places under the Government, not places of high dignity or emolument, but such as may just enable them to exist. ‘We want means’ they say, ‘for a decent living, and for our progressive improvement, which, however, we cannot obtain without the assistance of Government, by whom we have been educated and maintained from childhood.’ They conclude by representing, very pathetically, that they are sure that it was never the intention of Government, after behaving so liberally to them during their education, to abandon them to destitution and neglect.

I have been used to see petitions to Government for compensation. All these petitions, even the most unreasonable of them, proceeded on the supposition that some loss had been sustained—that some wrong had been inflicted. These are surely the first petitioners who ever demanded compensation for having been educated gratis,—for having been supported


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 splendid following of the greatest nobles of France and Germany.

The Crusaders arrived at Venice in the summer of 1202. Everything was ready for their departure; a splendid fleet awaited them, with abundant stores of provisions and forage; and then the awkward discovery was made that between them all the knights were not able to muster up the price agreed upon for the transport service. The reason of this unforeseen deficiency was that a great number of Flemings, French, and Italians had started by routes more convenient to themselves, and without consulting the leaders. These independent reinforcements were now awaiting the main body in the Holy Land. What was to be done? They were 34,000 marks short of the stipulated sum. Then the Doge, taking what was to be had, made a proposal. He said that the Venetians were well able to wait for the sum due until the Crusaders saw their way to discharge the debt; but in order not to delay the knights in the fulfilment of their vows, the State was ready to accept some substantial and adequate conquest by the Crusaders in full payment; that across the Adriatic was a turbulent and troublesome city named Zara, which had renounced the Venetian yoke. Let the Crusaders restore Zara to the Venetian republic, and they might then proceed together to the recovery of the Holy Land. The knights, not being able to see their way otherwise out of this difficulty, consented to do the Republic this service.

Zara was consequently taken. In other words, the croisés, banded together for battle against the infidel,


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Rh by the public during twelve years, and then sent forth into the world well furnished with literature and science. They represent their education as an injury which gives them a claim on the Government for redress, as an injury for which the stipends paid to them during the infliction were a very inadequate compensation. And I doubt not that they are in the right. They have wasted the best years of life in learning what procures for them neither bread nor respect. Surely we might, with advantage, have saved the cost of making these persons useless and miserable; surely, men may be brought up to be burdens to the public and objects of contempt to their neighbours at a somewhat smaller charge to the state. But such is our policy. We do not even stand neuter in the contest between truth and falsehood. We are not content to leave the natives to the influence of their own hereditary prejudices. To the natural difficulties which obstruct the progress of sound science in the East, we add fresh difficulties of our own making. Bounties and premiums, such as ought not to be given even for the propagation of truth, we lavish on false taste and false philosophy.

By acting thus we create the very evil which we fear. We are making that opposition which we do not find. What we spend on the Arabic and Sanscrit Colleges is not merely a dead loss to the cause of truth. It is bounty-money paid to raise up champions of error. It goes to form a nest not merely of helpless place-hunters but of bigots prompted alike by passion and by interest to raise a cry against every useful scheme of education. If there should be any opposition among the natives to the change which I recommend, that opposition will be the effect of our own system. It will be headed by persons supported by our stipends and trained in our colleges. The longer we persevere in our present course, the more formidable will that opposition be. It will be every year reinforced by recruits whom we are paying. From the native society, left to itself, we have no difficulties to apprehend. All the murmuring will come from that oriental interest which we have, by artificial means, called into being and nursed into strength.

There is yet another fact which is alone sufficient to prove that the feeling of the native public, when left to itself, is not such as the supporters of the old system represent it to be. The committee have thought fit to lay out above a lakh of rupees in printing Arabic and Sanscrit books. Those books find no purchasers. It is very rarely that a single copy is disposed of. Twenty-three thousand volumes, most of them folios and quartos, fill the libraries or rather the lumber-rooms of this body. The committee contrive to get rid of some por-


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 began by fighting against Christians, and even against brother Crusaders, because Zara had thrown herself under the protection of the King of Hungary. This was a bad beginning. The pope excommunicated them all—a measure which was doubtless deplored by the Western knights, who, however, did not allow their grief to influence any of their subsequent proceedings. The Venetians, as one result of their long connection with Constantinople, were never thoroughly convinced of the supremacy of pope over patriarch, and to them excommunication meant simply unjustifiable interference with temporal matters. Therefore things went their own way, in spite of the pope.

At this juncture young Alexis, son of the captive Isaac, appeared in the camp.

We have already told his story. He was connected by marriage with the Marquis of Montferrat, whose two brothers, Reignier and Conrad, had married princesses of the Comnenan house. It was to him therefore that the young prince first opened the business. Constantinople was in the hands of a usurper; his own father, deprived of sight, was languishing in a dungeon; the people were longing to witness the dethronement of the tyrant. Was it not a worthy object of a Christian army to assist in freeing a great people? Further, could it not be made to appear worthy of a crusading army? For generations the world had been scandalized by the spectacle of a divided Christendom: that scandal should exist no longer. Surely the pope, who had excommunicated them for taking Zara, could no longer withhold his


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Rh tion of their vast stock of oriental literature by giving books away. But they cannot give so fast as they print. About twenty thousand rupees a year are spent in adding fresh masses of waste paper to a hoard which, one should think, is already sufficiently ample. During the last three years about sixty thousand rupees have been expended in this manner. The sale of Arabic and Sanscrit books during those three years has not yielded quite one thousand rupees. In the mean time, the School Book Society is selling seven or eight thousand English volumes every year, and not only pays the expenses of printing but realizes a profit of twenty per cent. on its outlay.

The fact that the Hindoo law is to be learned chiefly from Sanscrit books, and the Mahometan law from Arabic books, has been much insisted on, but seems not to bear at all on the question. We are commanded by Parliament to ascertain and digest the laws of India. The assistance of a Law Commission has been given to us for that purpose. As soon as the Code is promulgated the Shasters and the Hedaya will be useless to a Moonsiff or a Sudder Ameen. I hope and trust that, before the boys who are now entering at the Mudrassa and the Sanscrit College have completed their studies, this great work will be finished. It would be manifestly absurd to educate the rising generation with a view to a state of things which we mean to alter before they reach manhood.

But there is yet another argument which seems even more untenable. It is said that the Sanscrit and the Arabic are the languages in which the sacred books of a hundred millions of people are written, and that they are on that account entitled to peculiar encouragement. Assuredly it is the duty of the British Government in India to be not only tolerant but neutral on all religious questions. But to encourage the study of a literature, admitted to be of small intrinsic value, only because that literature inculcated the most serious errors on the most important subjects, is a course hardly reconcileable with reason, with morality, or even with that very neutrality which ought, as we all agree, to be sacredly preserved. It is confessed that a language is barren of useful knowledge. We are to teach it because it is fruitful of monstrous superstitions. We are to teach false History, false Astronomy, false Medicine, because we find them in company with a false religion. We abstain, and I trust shall always abstain, from giving any public encouragement to those who are engaged in the work of converting the natives to Christianity. And while we act thus, can we reasonably or decently bribe men, out of the revenues of the State, to waste their youth in learning how they are to purify themselves after touching an ass or what texts of the


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 blessing if they put him in undisputed sovereignty over the whole Christian world. Again, they wanted money for the prosecution of their Crusade: he would give them 200,000 marks—a sum equivalent, if our estimate is at all correct, to three and a half millions sterling. They wanted, or would want, men: he would maintain an army in the Holy Land, to be at their command. In a word, as a drowning man catches at a straw, so Alexis was ready to promise everything.

The offer was tempting. To conquer Constantinople, replace the rightful emperor upon the throne, achieve endless glory, acquire the immense sum of 200,000 marks, restore the integrity of the Church, and then go on their way to the recovery of the Holy Places, was surely a more splendid programme than any which had yet appealed to the enthusiasm of Crusaders. But, unfortunately, it only appealed strongly to the enthusiasm of the leaders. The soldiers were indignant, and when it was decided that the young Greek's proposal should be accepted, many deserted, and found their way home, or to the Holy Land.

There is no doubt that the policy of the Doge guided the uneducated counsels of the Crusaders. The Venetian knew better than any other what advantages might be derived from the possession of this great city. What the ignorant soldiers of the West did not suspect, he knew—that those who held Constantinople could command the trade of the East. If these bulldogs of French and Flemings succeeded in conquering the city, who but the Venetians would reap the profit? Let theirs be the glory; for the Republic, the gain.


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 In April, 1203, the expedition left Zara, bound on the great and perilous adventure of Constantinople. Only the Venetians knew how difficult, how hopeless, save for the disorganized state of the empire, was the task before them. The fleet consisted of 440 ships, including the transports for horses, men, and provisions. They carried 40,000 soldiers. With this army they proposed to attack a city occupying a position unique for strength, believed to possess a powerful fleet, and numbering perhaps a population of half a million. No city in the West numbered more than a tenth of that estimate.

The ignorant soldiers, sailing with a light heart to encounter these perils, met with neither bad weather nor hostile fleets, as the gallant company of galleys and transports passed down the Adriatic, across the Ægean, and up the Dardanelles. They even crossed the Sea of Marmora and passed under the very walls of the city without other peril than the discharge of darts and stones from the Greeks, who gazed at them, secure behind their walls, with more of curiosity than of terror. It was indeed only sixteen years since the unsuccessful attack of Alexis Ducas helped to make the people believe their city to be impregnable. With their line of towers and walls guarding, not only the tongue of land on which the city was built, but also the landward side, with the fortifications of Galata, the great chain barring the mouth of the Golden Horn, their Varangian guards, their innumerable soldiers, what had they to fear from this handful of Western barbarians? Nothing, had their fighting power been equal to their defensive bulwarks.