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 No very intense friendships are made at this age. The relationship and neighbourhood structure of the group overshadows the personalities within it. Also the most intense affection is always reserved for near relatives and pairs of little sisters take the place of chums. The Western comment, "Yes, Mary and Julia are such good friends as well as sisters!" becomes in Samoa, "But she is a relative," if a friendship is commented upon. The older ones fend for the younger, give them their spoils, weave them flower necklaces and give them their most treasured shells. This relationship aspect is the only permanent element in the group and even this is threatened by any change of residence. The emotional tone attached to the inhabitants of a strange village tends to make even a well-known cousin seem a little strange.

Of the different groups of little girls there was only one which showed characteristics which would make it possible to classify it as a gang. An accident of residence accounts for the most intense group development being in the centre of Lumā, where nine little girls of nearly the same age and with abundant relationship ties lived close together. The development of a group which played continually together and maintained a fairly coherent hostility towards outsiders, seems to be more of a function of residence than of the personality of any child particularly endowed with powers of leadership. The nine little girls in this group were less shy, less suspicious, more generous towards one another,


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Her songs are to enfold her sorrow "like portions of a mellow sheath." The "age-bent" woman that she once saw lead the herd to pasture is made to typify a resignation that the young poet herself has striven for. She can never be off guard. She is proud that she has had the courage to oppose, and she knows that she has won illumination from conflict.

There was one gay tune, however, that she wrote to triumphantly—the Elizabethan tune. When she struck it she became fluent with beautiful words and imagery.—

The poems she has written to this measure have a smiling detachment.

All that Gladys Cromwell had to say came out of a spiritual experience brooded over and made her own, and elevated by an heroic quality

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 more socially enterprising than other children of the same age and in general reflected the socialising effects. of group life. Outside this group, the children of this age had to rely much more upon their immediate relationship group reinforced perhaps by the addition of one or two neighbours. Where the personality of a child stood out it was more because of exceptional home environment than a result of social give-and-take with children of her own age.

Children of this age had no group activities except play, in direct antithesis to the home life where the child's only function was work—baby-tending and the performance of numerous trivial tasks and innumerable errands. They foregathered in the early evening, before the late Samoan supper, and occasionally during the general siesta hour in the afternoon. On moonlight nights they scoured the villages alternately attacking or fleeing from the gangs of small boys, peeking through drawn shutters, catching land crabs, ambushing wandering lovers, or sneaking up to watch a birth or a miscarriage in some distant house. Possessed by a fear of the chiefs, a fear of small boys, a fear of their relatives and by a fear of ghosts, no gang of less than four or five dared to venture forth on these nocturnal excursions. They were veritable groups of little outlaws escaping from the exactions of routine tasks. Because of the strong feeling for relationship and locality, the part played by stolen time, the need for immediately executed group plans, and the punish-


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 of mind. She was steadily moving towards a more perfect achievement and the poems that she wrote in the last years and before the world's trouble drew her away were finer and more assured than those she had previously written. Behind the lines of battle her spirit showed as clearly and as beautifully as it does in her poetry. A year ago the soldiers in the Chalons section were speaking of herself and her sister (two beings indeed with a single soul) as "the Saints." The Government of France recognized their devotion and the worth of their service by the decoration it gave. These sisters were like twin spirits caught into an alien sphere, strangely beautiful and strangely apart, and the heavy and unimaginable weight of the world's agony became too great for them to bear. The one who was the articulate poet has left a triumphant stanza for our thought of them—

So an Iphigenia might speak in a play by an Euripides of our day.

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 ment which hung over the heads of children who got too far out of earshot, the Samoan child was as dependent upon the populousness of her immediate locality, as is the child in a rural community in the West. True her isolation here was never one-eighth of a mile in extent, but glaring sun and burning sands, coupled with the number of relatives to be escaped from in the day or the number of ghosts to be escaped from at night, magnified this distance until as a barrier to companionship it was equivalent to three or four miles in rural America. Thus there occurred the phenomenon of the isolated child in a village full of children of her own age. Such was Luna, aged ten, who lived in one of the scattered houses belonging to a high chief's household. This house was situated at the very end of the village where she lived with her grandmother, her mother's sister Sami, Sami's husband and baby, and two younger maternal aunts, aged seventeen and fifteen. Luna's mother was dead. Her other brothers and sisters lived on another island with her father's people. She was ten, but young for her age, a quiet, listless child, reluctant to take the initiative, the sort of child who would always need an institutionalised group life. Her only relatives close by were two girls of fourteen, whose long legs and absorption in semi-adult tasks made them far too grown-up companions for her. Some little girls of fourteen might have tolerated Luna about, but not Selu, the younger of the cousins, whose fine mat was already three feet under way. In


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 the next house, a stone's throw away, lived two little girls, Pimi and Vana, aged eight and ten. But they were not relatives and being chief baby-tenders to four younger children, they had no time for exploring. There were no common relatives to bring them together and so Luna lived a solitary life, except when an enterprising young aunt of eleven came home to her mother's house. This aunt, Siva, was a fascinating companion, a vivid and precocious child, whom Luna followed about in open-mouthed astonishment. But Siva had proved too much of a handful for her widowed mother, and the matai, her uncle, had taken her to live in his immediate household at the other end of the village, on the other side of the central Lumā gang. They formed far more attractive companions and Siva seldom got as far as her mother's house in her occasional moments of freedom. So unenterprising Luna cared for her little cousin, followed her aunt and grandmother about and most of the time presented a very forlorn appearance.

In strong contrast was the fate of Lusi, who was only seven, too young to be really eligible for the games of her ten- and eleven-year-old elders. Had she lived in an isolated spot, she would have been merely a neighbourhood baby. But her house was in a strategic position, next door to that of her cousins, Maliu and Pola, important members of the Lumā gang. Maliu, one of the oldest members of the group, had a tremendous feeling for all her young relatives, and Lusi was her


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 first cousin. So tiny, immature Lusi had the full benefit of a group life denied to Luna.

At the extreme end of Siufaga lived Vina, a gentle, unassuming girl of fourteen. Her father's house stood all alone in the centre of a grove of palm trees, just out of sight and ear-shot of the nearest neighbour. Her only companions were her first cousin, a reserved capable eighteen-year-old and two cousins of seventeen and nineteen. There was one little cousin of twelve also in the neighbourhood, but five younger brothers and sisters kept her busy. Vina also had several brothers and sisters younger than herself, but they were old enough to fend for themselves and Vina was comparatively free to follow the older girls on fishing expeditions. So she never escaped from being the little girl, tagging after older ones, carrying their loads and running their errands. She was a flurried anxious child, overconcerned with pleasing others, docile in her chance encounters with contemporaries from long habit of docility. A free give-and-take relationship within her own age group had been denied to her and was now denied to her forever. For it was only to the eight- to twelve-year-old girl that this casual group association was possible. As puberty approached, and a girl gained physical strength and added skill, her household absorbed her again. She must make the oven, she must go to work on the plantation, she must fish. Her days were filled with long tasks and new responsibilities.

Such a child was Fitu. In September she was one


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 of the dominant members of the gang, a little taller than the rest, a little lankier, more strident and executive, but very much a harum-scarum little girl among little girls, with a great baby always on her hip. But by April she had turned the baby over to a younger sister of nine; the still younger baby was entrusted to a little sister of five and Fitu worked with her mother on the plantations, or went on long expeditions after hibiscus bark, or for fish. She took the family washing to the sea and helped make the oven on cooking days. Occasionally in the evening she slipped away to play games on the green with her former companions but usually she was too tired from the heavy unaccustomed work, and also a slight strangeness had crept over her. She felt that her more adult activities set her off from the rest of the group with whom she had felt so much at home the fall before. She made only abortive attempts to associate with the older girls in the neighbourhood. Her mother sent her to sleep in the pas- tor's house next door, but she returned home after three days. Those girls were all too old, she said. "Laititi a'u" ("I am but young"). And yet she was spoiled for her old group. The three villages numbered fourteen such children, just approaching puberty, preoccupied by unaccustomed tasks and renewed and closer association with the adults of their families, not yet interested in boys, and so forming no new alliances in accordance with sex interests. Soberly they perform their household tasks, select a teacher from the older


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 women of their family, learn to bear the suffix, meaning "little" dropped from the "little girl" which had formerly described them. But they never again amalgamate into such free and easy groups as the before-the-teens gang. As sixteen- and seventeen-year-old girls, they will still rely upon relatives, and the picture is groupings of twos or of threes, never more. The neighbourhood feelings drop out and girls of seventeen will ignore a near neighbour who is an age mate and go the length of the village to visit a relative. Relationship and similar sex interests are now the deciding factor in friendships. Girls also followed passively the stronger allegiance of the boys. If a girl's sweetheart has a chum who is interested in a cousin of hers, the girls strike up a lively, but temporary, friendship. Occasionally such friendships even go outside of the relationship group.

Although girls may confide only in one or two girl relatives, their sex status is usually sensed by the other women of the village and alliances shift and change on this basis, from the shy adolescent who is suspicious of all older girls, to the girl whose first or second love affair still looms as very important, to the girls who are beginning to centre all their attention upon one boy and possibly matrimony. Finally the unmarried mother selects her friends, when possible, from those in like case with herself, or from women of ambiguous marital position, deserted or discredited young wives.

Very few friendships of younger for older girls cut


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36 before classes which formerly passed their lives in a dull round of ignorance and drudgery. This chance has brought with it the same alternative which accompanies every other opportunity offered to mortals. Those who were wise and able to profit by the chance succeeded grandly; those who were negligent or unable to profit by it suffered proportionately. The result has been wide inequalities of wealth within the industrial classes. The net result, however, for all, has been the cheapening of luxuries and a vast extension of physical enjoyment. The appetite for enjoyment has been awakened and nourished in classes which formerly never missed what they never thought of, and it has produced eagerness for material good, discontent, and impatient ambition. This is the reverse side of that eager uprising of the industrial classes which is such a great force in modern life. The chance is opened to advance, by industry, prudence, economy, and emigration, to the possession of capital; but the way is long and tedious. The impatience for enjoyment and the thirst for luxury which we have mentioned are the greatest foes to the accumulation of capital; and there is a still darker side to the picture when we come to notice that those who yield to the impatience to enjoy, but who see others outstrip them, are led to malice and envy. Mobs arise which manifest the most savage and senseless disposition to burn and destroy what they cannot enjoy. We have already had evidence, in more than one country, that such a wild disposition exists and needs only opportunity to burst into activity.

The origin of socialism, which is the extreme development of the sentimental philosophy, lies in the undisputed facts which I described at the outset. The socialist regards this misery as the fault of society. He


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 wooed after the African fashion. He finally departed with his entire train, thoroughly dissatisfied and in high dudgeon. At first he threatened to take her by force; then he agreed to give her another day in which to make up her mind to go with him peaceably, and again he concluded that a bird in the hand was worth two in the bush.

Brewster stood gloomily on the outside of the excited group glowering upon the ugly suitor. Cooler heads had relegated him to this place of security during the diplomatic contest. The sheik's threats of vengeance were direful. He swore by somebody's beard that he would bring ten thousand men to establish his claim by force. His intense desire to fight for her then and there was quelled by Captain Perry's detachment of six lusty sailors, whose big bare fists were shaken vigorously under a few startled noses. It took all the fight out of the sheik and his train. Three retainers fell into the sea while trying to retreat as far as possible from danger.

Mohammed departed with the irate declaration that he would come another day and that the whole world would tremble at his approach. Disgusted with himself and afraid to meet the eyes of the other men, Brewster went below in


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 across these groupings after puberty. The twelve-year-old may have a great affection and admiration for her sixteen-year-old cousin (although any of these enthusiasms for older girls are pallid matters compared to a typical school girl "crush" in our civilisation). But when she is fifteen and her cousin nineteen, the picture changes. All of the adult and near-adult world is hostile, spying upon her love affairs in its more circumspect sophistication, supremely not to be trusted. No one is to be trusted who is not immediately engaged in similarly hazardous adventures.

It may safely be said that without the artificial conditions produced by residence in the native pastor's household or in the large missionary boarding school, the girls do not go outside their relationship group to make friends. (In addition to the large girls' boarding school which served all of American Samoa, the native pastor of cach community maintained a small informal boarding school for boys and girls. To these schools were sent the girls whose fathers wished to send them later to the large boarding school, and also girls whose parents wished them to have three or four years of the superior educational advantages and stricter supervision of the pastor's home.) Here unrelated girls live side by side sometimes for years. But as one of the two defining features of a household is common residence, the friendships formed between girls who have lived in the pastor's household are not very different psychologically from the friendship of cousins or girls


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 connected only by affinity who live in the same family. The only friendships which really are different in kind from those formed by common residence or membership in the same relationship group, are the institutionalised relationships between the wives of chiefs and the wives of talking chiefs. But these friendships can only be understood in connection with the friendships among boys and men.

The little boys follow the same pattern as do the little girls, running in a gang based upon the double bonds of neighbourhood and relationship. The feeling for the ascendency of age is always much stronger than in the case of girls because the older boys do not withdraw into their family groups as do the girls. The fifteen- and sixteen-year-old boys gang together with the same freedom as do the twelve-year-olds. The borderline between small boys and bigger boys is therefore a continually shifting one, the boys in an intermediate position now lording it over the younger boys, now tagging obsequiously in the wake of their elders. There are two institutionalised relationships between boys which are called by the same name and possibly were at one time one relationship. This is the soa, the companion at circumcision and the ambassador in love affairs. Boys are circumcised in pairs, making the arrangements themselves and seeking out an older man who has acquired a reputation for skilfulness. There seems to be here simply a logical inter-relationship of cause and effect; a boy chooses a friend (who is usu-


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 THE SIGNIFICANCE OF THE DEMAND FOR MEN

some people it appears a shame to say that men are subject to supply and demand; to others it seems that we want to know the facts about man and the world in which he lives, just as they are, without regard to anything else whatsoever. To the latter, therefore, it seems irrelevant and idle to talk about what is consonant with, or what is hostile to man's notions of his own dignity. It will be found that men are subject to supply and demand, that the whole industrial organization is regulated by supply and demand, and that any correct comprehension of the existing industrial system must proceed from supply and demand.

After Gracchus conquered Sardinia, slaves were so abundant at Rome that "cheap as a Sardinian" passed into a proverb; Roman slavery owed its peculiar harshness and cold-heartedness to the fact that slaves were so abundant at Rome in the last century of the Republic that it did not pay to spare them. The policy in regard to slave marriage was such as to prevent their natural increase. When, later, conquest declined and slaves were fewer, their treatment became far more humane, not because Romans were less cold-hearted (they were, in fact, more so), but because slaves grew rarer and more valuable. Probably this state of things also helped to convert slaves into coloni.

Sir Henry Maine says that want and distress converted men into beasts of burden in the later days of the Carlovingians. The reason for this seems clear. It


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 ally also a relative) as his companion and the experience shared binds them closer together. There were several pairs of boys in the village who had been circumcised together and were still inseparable companions, often sleeping together in the house of one of them. Casual homosexual practices occurred in such relationships. However, when the friendships of grown boys of the village were analysed, no close correspondence with the adolescent allegiance was found and older boys were as often found in groups of three or four as in pairs.

When a boy is two or three years past puberty, his choice of a companion is influenced by the convention that a young man seldom speaks for himself in love and never in a proposal of marriage. He accordingly needs a friend of about his age whom he can trust to sing his praises and press his suit with requisite fervour and discretion. For this office, a relative, or, if the affair be desperate, several relatives are employed. A youth is influenced in his choice by his need of an ambassador who is not only trustworthy and devoted but plausible and insinuating as a procurer. This soa relationship is often, but not necessarily, reciprocal. The expert in love comes in time to dispense with the services of an intermediary, wishing to taste to the full the sweets of all the stages in courtship. At the same time his services are much in demand by others, if they entertain any hope at all of his dealing honourably by his principal.


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120 was that the conditions of existence in the society of the time were such that men were reduced again to the first necessities, with only the most meager means of satisfying them. The population was, therefore, declining, and the wretched men who were living struggled with each other in desperate agony, or endeavored to win subsistence from nature under the hardest conceivable exertion. Any one, therefore, who at that time, by any means whatsoever, possessed a store of means of subsistence or could command resources, could have men under his control without number.

At those times human life was held most cheap, and physical pain or distress was scarcely noticed. When a thousand men could be sent to death at a Roman feast, how could Romans be expected to hold human life dear or to shudder at bloodshed? When fist-law prevailed, and every man's hand was against every other man, when any one who had anything could be sure of it only so long as he could command force to defend it, it is not strange that torture and cruelty were practised in this world and that the current conceptions of punishment in the other world should make the blood of the modern man run cold.

In general, then, when the men are too numerous for the means of subsistence, the struggle for existence is fierce. The finer sentiments decline; selfishness comes out again from the repression under which culture binds it; the social tie is loosened; all the dark sufferings of which humanity is capable become familiar phenomena. Men are habituated to see distorted bodies, harsh and frightful diseases, famine and pestilence; they find out what depths of debasement humanity is capable of. Hideous crimes are perpetrated; monstrous superstitions are embraced even by the most cultivated members


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384 the experimental forestry station near Munich, where the thermometer goes down to 15° Fahr. below zero, and seedlings only four years old are already 5½ feet high. They resembled Larix americana more than L. leptolepis in the blackish colour of their young shoots. Dr. Mayr says that it is the first larch to become green in Europe, though in my nursery seedlings of the Altai and north Russian larches are both earlier. He says that its dark shoots have gained it the name of black larch from visitors to his nursery, and that in the park of The Duke of Inn- and Knyphausen at Liitetsburg in east Friesland it grows faster than any other species of larch, being 6 metres high at the age of seven years.

So far as our very short experience of this tree in England enables us to judge, it is likely to thrive well, at any rate in its youth. Several young trees which are in my nursery grow fast, and ripen their growths earlier than common larch. Some seed received from Japan in June 1906 germinated very quickly, and made healthy

little plants the same season. It should be tried especially in the wetter parts of Great Britain.

A tree attaining in Japan a height of 100 feet and a girth of 12 feet. Bark of native trees, according to Mayr, similar to that of the European larch, the freshly exfoliating scales being more brownish than red; but in cultivated trees in England the bark begins to scale very early, peeling off usually in large long strips and giving a red appearance to the trunk. Young branchlets glaucous, usually covered with a dense, erect, brown pubescence, but occasionally almost glabrous, only a few brown hairs being present. Branchlets of the second year reddish with a glaucous tinge, retaining some pubescence or quite glabrous. Base of the shoots girt by a sheath of the previous season's bud-scales, the uppermost of which are loose and reflected, with no ring of pubescence visible. Short shoots stouter than in the common larch,


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 But the boys have also other matters besides love-making in which they must co-operate. Three are needed to man a bonito canoe; two usually go together to lasso eels on the reef; work on the communal taro plantations demands the labour of all the youths in the village. So that while a boy too chooses his best friends from among his relatives, his sense of social solidarity is always much stronger than that of a girl. The Aualuma, the organisation of young girls and wives of untitled men, is an exceedingly loose association gathered for very occasional communal work, and still more occasional festivities. In villages where the old intricacies of the social organisation are beginning to fall into disuse, it is the Aualuma which disappears first, while the Aumaga, the young men's organisation, has too important a place in the village economy to be thus ignored. The Aumaga is indeed the most enduring social factor in the village. The matais meet more formally and spend a great deal of time in their own households, but the young men work together during the day, feast before and after their labours, are present as a serving group at all meetings of the matais, and when the day's work is over, dance and go courting together in the evening. Many of the young men sleep in their friends' houses, a privilege but grudgingly accorded the more chaperoned girls.

Another factor which qualified men's relationships is the reciprocal relationship between chiefs and talking chiefs. The holders of these two classes of titles are


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 not necessarily related, although this is often the case as it is considered an advantage to be related to both ranks. But the talking chiefs are major domos, assistants, ambassadors, henchmen, and councillors of their chiefs, and these relationships are often foreshadowed among the young men, the heirs-apparent or the heirs aspirant to the family titles.

Among women there are occasional close alliances between the taupo and the daughter of her father's principal talking chief. But these friendships always suffer from their temporary character; the taupo will inevitably marry into another village. And it is rather between the wife of the chief and the wife of a talking chief that the institutionalised and life-long friendship exists. The wife of the talking chief acts as assistant, advisor, and mouthpiece for the chief's wife and in turn counts upon the chief's wife for support and material help. It is a friendship based upon reciprocal obligations having their origins in the relationship between the women's husbands, and it is the only women's friendship which oversteps the limits of the relationship and affinity group. Such friendships based on an accident of marriage and enjoined by the social structure should hardly be classed as voluntary. And within the relationship group itself, friendship is so patterned as to be meaningless. I once asked a young married woman if a neighbour with whom she was always upon the most uncertain and irritated terms was a friend of hers. "Why, of course, her mother's father's


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Rh He knocked again at the door with his little staff—"Christian men!" Nobody stirred. "Servants of God!" There was no answer. Elisyei made up his mind to go away again, when he heard from behind  the door a sound as of someone groaning.

What if there were something wrong with the people? One ought to see. So Elisyei entered the hut.

Elisyei turned the door-ring; the door was not shut to. He shoved open the door, he went through the little front shed. The door leading into the dwelling-room was open. On the left was a stove; straight before him was the chief corner-seat; in the corner was an ikon and a table; behind the table was a bench, and on the bench, in nothing but a shift, sat an old woman without a head-dress, who was resting her head upon the table, and by her side lay a wretched-looking little child, as pale as wax, and with a big swollen stomach. It held the old woman by the sleeve, and was wailing loudly—asking for something. Elisyei stepped into the hut. In the hut the atmosphere was oppressive. He looked about him. Behind the stove lay a woman on the bare stones. She lay on her back and looked at nothing, but only made a gurgling sound, and twitched convulsively with her legs. … It was plain there was 171


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 THE CONCENTRATION OF WEALTH: ITS ECONOMIC JUSTIFICATION

[1902]

concentration of wealth I understand to include the aggregation of wealth into large masses and its concentration under the control of a few. In this sense the concentration of wealth is indispensable to the successful execution of the tasks which devolve upon society in our time. Every task of society requires the employment of capital, and involves an economic problem in the form of the most expedient application of material means to ends. Two features most prominently distinguish the present age from all which have preceded it: first, the great scale on which all societal undertakings must be carried out; and second, the transcendent importance of competent management, that is, of the personal element in direction and control.

I speak of "societal undertakings" because it is important to notice that the prevalent modes and forms are not confined to industrial undertakings, but are universal in all the institutions and devices which have for their purpose the satisfaction of any wants of society. A modern church is a congeries of institutions which seeks to nourish good things and repress evil ones; it has buildings, apparatus, a store of supplies, a staff of employees, and a treasury. A modern church (parish) will soon be as complex a system of institutions as a mediaeval monastery was. Contrast such an establishment with the corresponding one of fifty years ago.


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 father, and my father's mother's father were brothers." Friendship based on temperamental congeniality was a most tenuous bond, subject to shifts of interest and to shifts of residence, and a woman came to rely more and more on the associates to whose society and interest blood and marriage entitled her.

Association based upon age as a principle may be said to have ceased for the girls before puberty, due to the exceedingly individual nature of their tasks and the need for secrecy in their amatory adventures. In the case of the boys, greater freedom, a more compelling social structure, and continuous participation in co-operative tasks, brings about an age-group association which lasts through life. This grouping is influenced but not determined by relationship, and distorted by the influence of rank, prospective rank in the case of youth, equal rank but disproportionate age in the case of older men.


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386 Where I first saw it, on a sandy plain above the Lake Chuzenji on the slopes of the volcano of Nantai-san, the trees were of no great size, averaging perhaps 60 to 70 feet in height, with a girth rarely exceeding 6 feet in mature trees, and more often 3 to 4 feet. They were very similar in habit to the larch in the Alps, and had not an excessive development of branches. Higher up above Yumoto in rich forest soil, thinly scattered among deciduous trees of many species, they were larger, sometimes attaining 80 feet high and 10 to 12 feet in girth; but I saw none anywhere which rivalled our larch in height, and am inclined to think it is not nearly such a long-lived tree, though, as I saw none felled, I was unable to count the rings. Prof. Sargent, who saw the tree in the same place as I did, came to a very similar conclusion. Mayr states that he found it wild on the volcanoes of central Hondo, Fuji, Ontake, Asama, Shiranesan, Norikura, and others, always growing near the timber line, with Abies, Tsuga, and Picea hondoensis.

The tree is valued for its timber, which is used for ship- and boat-building, and has lately come into great demand for railway sleepers and telegraph poles. In consequence of this it has been largely planted at elevations of 4000 to 5000 feet in the central and northern provinces, and many plantations that I saw of ten to fifteen years old were very similar to larch plantations in England in growth and habit. I also saw it planted experimentally in Hokkaido, along the lines of railway, where it seemed to grow as well in this rich black soil as in its native mountains.

In 1890 I sowed seeds from three different localities—Dunkeld, Hildenley, and Tortworth—and raised plants from each of them, which grew better than seedlings raised at the same time from Japanese seed; but this may have been partly due to the fact that the latter were dressed with paraffin by my forester to protect them from birds and mice in the seed-bed. At six years old these plants are now from four to eight feet high, and though some of them have been more or less checked by severe spring frosts, they are generally growing well.

As a proof of the hardiness of the tree I may mention that the late Sir R. Menzies showed me three young trees which he had planted, at an elevation of about 1250 feet, in the garden of the inn near the top of the pass between Glen Lyon and Loch Rannoch; and in some of his plantations on the north shore of Loch Rannoch they were growing very vigorously in mixture with Douglas fir.

No conifer of recent introduction has attracted so much attention among foresters as the Japanese larch, which, during the last ten years, has been sown very largely by nurserymen (Messrs. Dickson of Chester are said to have sold no less than 750,000 in the year 1905), and is looked upon by many foresters as likely to replace the common larch, because it is, so far as we yet know, less liable to the attacks of Peziza Willkommiii. But this pest has already in more than one place been certainly identified on the Japanese larch, and I have little doubt that as time goes on we shall hear more of this. Henry visited in 1904 six plantations of Japanese larch of ages from five to sixteen years, and in none could detect any sign of canker. There


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 search of Peggy. He took time to comfort the anxious women who crowded about him and then asked for Miss Gray. She was in her stateroom and would not come forth. When he knocked at the door a dismal, troubled voice from within told him to go away.

"Come out, Peggy; it's all over," he called.

"Please go away, Monty," she said.

"What are you doing in there?" There was a long pause, and then came the pitiful little wail: "I am unpacking, please, sir."

That night Brewster entertained on board the yacht, several resident French and English acquaintances being the guests of honor. The story of the day was told by Mrs. Dan DeMille, commissioned especially for the duty. She painted the scene so vividly that the guests laughed with joy over the discomfiture of the shieksheik [sic]. Peggy and Brewster found themselves looking sheepishly at one another now and then in the course of the recital. She purposely had avoided him during the evening, but she had gamely endured the raillery that came from the rest of the party. If she was a bit pale, it was not surprising. Now that it was over the whole affair appalled her more than she could have suspected. When several of the guests of the evening soberly announced that Mohammed


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 was a dangerous man and even an object of worry to the government she felt a strange catch in her throat and her now mirthless eyes turned instinctively to Brewster, who, it seemed, was the sheik's special object of aversion.

The next day she and Monty talked it over. The penitence of both was beautiful to behold. Each denied the other the privilege of assuming all the blame and both were so happy that Mohammed was little more than a preposition in their conversation so far as prominence was concerned. But all day long the harbor was full of fisher boats, and at nightfall they still were lolling about, sinister, restless, mysterious like purposeless buzzards. And the dark men on board were taking up no fish, neither were they minding the nets that lay dry and folded in the bottom of their boats.

Far into the night there was revelry on board the "Flitter," more guests having come out from the city. The dark hours before the dawn of day had arrived before they put off for shore, but the fisher boats still were bobbing about in the black waters of the harbor. The lights gradually disappeared from the port-holes of the yacht, and the tired watch was about to be relieved. Monty Brewster and Peggy remained on deck after the guests had gone


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Rh really using sound judgment, or else that they are all true, in which case the people of the United States are so unpatriotic, corrupt, disloyal, unjust, murderous, and venal that it makes tittle difference what is the result of any political struggle. And if we assume the standpoint of either political party and accept as true what it says of the other, then one-half of the population of this country are scoundrels so lost to honor and patriotism that no mere political victory could prevent bankruptcy in the national morals. If it is true of either party that no reform can be expected of it, then reform is impossible for the nation, for one-half of the people are at least indifferent to it. I discard all this argumentation, therefore, as the kind of appeal to passion and suspicion which befogs judgment. I regard the good sense, sound patriotism, and correct intention of the masses of the people in either party as substantially equal. I regard the evil elements in the parties as substantially equal, and I turn for my grounds of judgment to the considerations which I think genuine.

I find these in men. I cannot trust a party; I can trust a man. I cannot hold a party responsible; I can hold a man responsible. I cannot get an expression of opinion which is single and simple from a party; I can only get that from a man. A party cannot have character, or conscience, or reputation; it cannot repent, nor endure punishment or disgrace. I know very well that we are in the habit of predicating all these things of parties, but I should think our experience had offered the fullest proof that we cannot properly predicate any of these things of a party, except in a broad, half-metaphorical sense, under which all the sharpness and efficiency necessary to practical politics are lost. The proof is, at any rate, satisfactory to me.


text: Coming of Age in Samoa/Chapter 5

title: Coming of Age in Samoa/Chapter 5


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 over the side of the vessel. They were leaning over the rail aft listening to the jovial voices of the visitors as they grew fainter and fainter in the distance. The lights of the town were few, but they could plainly be seen from the offing.

"Are you tired, Peggy?" asked Brewster, with a touch of tenderness. Somehow of late he had often felt a strange desire to take her in his arms, and now it was strong upon him. She was very near, and there was a drooping weariness in her attitude which seemed to demand protection.

"I have a queer feeling that something awful is going to happen to-night, Monty," she answered, trouble in her soft voice.

"You're nervous, that's all," he said, "and you should get to sleep. Good-night." Their hands touched in the darkness, and the thrill that went over him told a truth of which he had been only vaguely conscious. The power of it made him exultant. Yet when he thought of her and her too quiet affection for him it left him despondent.

Something bumped against the side of the ship and a grating sound followed. Then came other gentle thuds combined with the soft swish of water disturbed. Peggy and Brewster were on the point of going below


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388 At Dunkeld there is a tree planted close to a common larch, from which seedlings were raised at my suggestion by the late D. Keir, which appear to be hybrids between the two species. His son, who succeeded him as forester to the Duke of Atholl, and who has watched the growth of these seedlings, considers them to be intermediate between the two species; but it is yet too soon to be certain.

At Abercairney, Perthshire, the seat of Col. Drummond Moray, there is a tree, raised from seed brought from Japan in 1883, which, measured by Henry in 1904, was 38 feet by 3 feet 5 inches. At Blair Drummond, in the same county, he measured ten trees planted in 1888, one of which was 44 feet high, and the average girth 2 feet 5 inches. They were all healthy though growing among common larch which was diseased.

At Cullen House, Banffshire, Mr. Campbell tells me that there is a tree 45 feet by 34 feet. At Kirkennan, near Dalbeattie, Kircudbrightshire, two larches sown in 1885 were in 1904 41 feet by 2 feet and 35 feet by 1 foot 11 inches. We are indebted for this information to the owner Mr. W. Maxwell.

In Germany at Schloss Lütetsburg, it seems to have grown faster than with us, for it is stated that trees thirty-five to forty years old are 17 to 20 metres high, with a girth at 1 metre of 1.80 to 2.70 metres.

A tree, attaining in the Himalayas about 60 feet in height, with thick brown bark, and wide-spreading, long and pendulous branches,

Young branchlets, reddish, covered with a dense wavy, more or less appressed pubescence, and girt at the base by a sheath of the previous season's bud-scales, the uppermost of which are very broad, loose, membranous, and reflected. Branchlets of the second year very stout, dull reddish brown, pubescent. Short shoots broad and stout, fringed above by very large, loose, reflected, pubescent, membranous bud-scales. Terminal buds broadly conical, non-resinous, with pubescent scales. Lateral buds ovoid, pointing outwards and forwards, non-resinous, pubescent. Apical buds of the short shoots conical, with loose pubescent scales,

Leaves light green in colour, about 1¼ inch long, ending in a short rounded point; upper surface rounded or flat, with one or two broken lines of stomata near the apex; lower surface deeply keeled with two bands of stomata, each of three


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 FOR PRESIDENT?

[1876]

returning to town last Saturday, and looking over the file of the Palladium, I found a letter by "Enquirer" in Thursday's issue which I may assume, without much danger of error, to refer to me. I find nothing discourteous or improper in the inquiry for whom I shall vote for President, and what my reasons are, if anybody cares to ask. I have never made any announcement of my opinions and intentions because it was not for me to assume that anybody cared about them, and also because my course was not, and is not yet, so thoroughly satisfactorily dear before myself that I care to bring my opinion voluntarily before the public. However, now that I am asked, I will reply.

I want to premise one thing. My first responsibility is to the University, and I propose to be true to that before anything else. I shall not compromise that for political influence, and if, as "Enquirer" says, a student and teacher of political science may fairly be asked to give his opinions and his reasons, it is also true that a man who occupies a university chair must be careful, in political activity, whether he pulls down the university or pulls up politics. I have, therefore, carefully limited my practical action in politics to such duties as are incumbent on every citizen, such as will not interfere with my university duties, and such as an independent scholar can pursue without any selfish interest or danger to that broadest influence which he ought to seek to obtain. I therefore write now the simple, frank


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390 1855, and that some had withstood the severe winter of 1854-5 without protection, though others were killed, a difference which he attributes to some of the seed having been gathered from trees which grew at 8000 and some from trees at nearly 13,000 feet. Hooker further states that hundreds of plants were raised and widely distributed by Kew, but in every case these succumbed in a few years to virulent attacks of Coccus laricis. As the climate of the Chumbi valley is much drier than that of Sikkim, it is quite possible that seed from that locality would give better results; but I have never been able to keep the tree alive at Colesborne for long, as it suffers from the dry climate, and seems to object to lime in the soil. Mr. Barrie, forester to the Hon. Mark Rolle, has been very successful in growing this tree from English-grown seed, and has sent me healthy young plants of it; but the seedlings I have raised at Colesborne both from imported and home-grown seed have always died, though protected by a frame.

The largest specimen of the Sikkim larch we know of in this country is one at Coldrinick, near Menheniot, Cornwall, the seat of Major-Gen. Jago-Trelawney. I have not seen this tree, but the gardener, Mr. Skin, informs me that in 1905 it measured no less than 57 feet by 4 feet 6 inches in girth. It has very spreading branches, the width from point to point of the lowermost branches being 43 feet. The cones were admirably figured in the Gardeners' Chronicle, and have produced fertile seed. The seedlings require careful treatment, as they easily "damp off."

A tree of the original introduction is growing at Strete Raleigh, Devonshire, the seat of H.M. Imbert Terry, Esg., who showed it to me in 1903, when it measured 40 feet high by 4 feet in girth. It is growing on poorish soil at a considerable elevation, where it is a good deal exposed to the damp south-west winds, and perhaps in consequence of this has thriven very well, and has borne fertile seed for some years past (Plate 109).

Another much smaller tree, which also bears cones, is growing at Leonardslee in Sussex. There is also an old tree at Pencarrow, in Cornwall, which in 1905 was only 12 feet high by 15 inches in girth, stunted and covered with lichen. It also bears cones.

Dr. Masters received flowering specimens in 1896 from The Frythe, Welwyn, Herts; but the tree from which they were obtained could not be found when Henry visited this place in 1906.


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366 opinion of an independent man, whose ambition and career lie entirely inside the sphere of the university teacher. Such a man is bound to be honest, dispassionate, and unprejudiced; to seek no friendships and fear no enmities. His opinion, if it is worthy of himself and his position, must be calm, broad, fair, and sincere. I shall aim in the present statement to fulfill this requirement and not to gain any other point.

I observe that most of the public discussions turn upon the antecedents, the acts, and the characters of the one and the other party. Those considerations have no force at all for my mind. I know my neighbors: one of them is a republican by habit and the other a democrat by habit, and neither of them can define his party name. The population is very equally divided between those who are ranged under one banner and those who are ranged under the other. When, therefore, I read the descriptions that party newspapers and party orators give of the opposite party, I look around me for the demons who seek the national ruin and I do not find them. I find neighbors, some of whom are under one banner and some under the other, but in their general tone, and will, and intention, those of one party are just as good and just as bad as those of the other. Especially when I remember that the social distribution of the two parties in the northern states is exactly opposite to what it is in the southern states, it seems to me that the national parties are very equally adjusted in regard to the social, intellectual, and moral elements which they contain. Now an historian, or a foreigner, reading the accounts which the parties give of each other, must infer either that these accounts are all false and that they simply constitute a depraved method of electioneering which obscures the issues and prevents the people from


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 Rh

province called by Mirza Haidar, 'Mangalai Suyah,' extended, as we have seen, from the western limit of Farghána as far east as the modern Kara Shahr, a town and district that, in his day, bore the name of Chálish, and more anciently that of 'Yanki' or 'Yen-Ki.' This district, and the larger one of Turfán, that lay beyond it to the eastward, formed, during the two centuries (or the greater part of them) that the Tárikh-i-Rashidi embraces, a Moghul principality which had an entirely separate government from that of the chief Moghul Khanate. During the latter half of the fourteenth century and the first quarter of the fifteenth, while the Dughlát Amirs were in power in the provinces of Kashghar, Aksu, Khotan, etc.—that is, in the whole of Alti-Shahr—there is nothing in the Tárikh-i-Rashidi, or in the work of any Musulman author that I am acquainted with, to indicate who were the rulers of these eastern districts, except Mirza Haidar's mention of their temporary conquest by Khizir Khwája. It seems probable, from what may be learned from the side of China, that the region was regarded as more or less under the power of the Moghul Khans, and the author of the Zafar-Náma, in narrating the wars between Timur and the Moghuls, seems also to imply that this was the case, as has been seen above. Later, again, towards the middle of the fifteenth century, when a division in the Moghul Ulus had taken place, Isán Bugha II., with the support of one section, set himself up in Chálish and Turfán, and there established a separate principality, or Khanate, which lasted down to, and even beyond, the date when Mirza Haidar's history closes.

Our author is fond, as will be found in the course of his narrative, of using copulate names, and therefore generally applies to this eastern Khanate, the form Chálish-Turfán, or


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368 The answer will probably here be made that the party elects the man, forms his "backing," will control his policy, and will not be ignored. I beg to call attention here to the illustration offered of the mischievous ambiguity in the word party. I have been speaking of parties as great bodies of voters, but those who present this objection mean by parties the group of professional politicians who control party machinery. In regard to parties in that sense I can only express my opinion, without entering on any accurate measurement of the heaps of dirt which each has piled on the other, that I, or any other similarly situated private and independent voter, have nothing to choose between them. I therefore pay little heed to platforms and letters; I have been deceived by them until I have lost all confidence in them and regard them much as I do sensational advertisements.

I look at candidates, and if the point be urged about the "backing" of each of the men now before us, I will state just how that appears to me. I have no information other than what the newspapers have given us all. From their story I do not see how any one can feel respect for the candidature of Governor Hayes. It appears that Mr. Cameron was piqued because some members of his delegation violated a sacred political tradition and did not throw the state vote as a unit, and he therefore refused to give the state vote as a unit for their candidate at the decisive moment. The senatorial aspirants could not see the prize go to either one of their own number and agreed only that it should not go to Blaine. These two things combined gave it to Hayes. At the time I expressed the opinion that this course of events, when one reflected that business in hand was the selection of a chief magistrate of the


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Rh nation, was a "farce." I did not then, and do not now deny the possibility that Hayes may be the man for the crisis. I cannot deny the possibility that, if you shake up the names of eight million voters in a box and draw one by lot, you may get the one out of the eight million who is best fitted for the Presidency; but we are assumed to be rational beings, making a selection on rational grounds, and I think we did ourselves little credit on that occasion in that point of view. Some of the gentlemen there came home rejoicing and triumphing over the party machine; they defeated the machine in its first intention, but it doubled upon them with its well-known suppleness and activity. Mr. Hayes seems to be the creature of the machine, and to have no other public claim to the Presidency. He must feel that his selection is arbitrary, that he has everything yet to do to justify public confidence that he is the recipient of an "honor." He cannot act with the assured independence of a man who has advanced by well earned steps, to whom the Presidency comes as the highest trust at the end of a career, to whom it is less an honor than a recognition and concession. If "backing" gives control, I should think that he was subjected to his backing from the outset.

I am well aware that Mr. Tilden has no long career of public service behind him and that the theory of our political system, as I have hinted at it, is not thoroughly fulfilled in him. It is a profound and melancholy reflection, well worth every man's consideration, that our public service does not furnish a number of tried statesmen from whom to select. I restrict myself now, however, to the choice which is the only practical question.

Mr. Tilden's nomination was opposed by all the worst elements of his party and was supported by as honest, pure, and intelligent men as ever led in any political


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Rh desire for instruction. He in turn entreats his master to teach him all the mysteries of the art of love.

The God then essays to Instruct his disciple, and lays his commands upon him, informing him, moreover, of the joys, sorrows, and perils that are inseparable from his service.

Love disappears, leaving his servant torn with conflicting emotions, but desirous above all things of overcoming the formidable hedge that surrounds the Rose-tree, and of possessing him self of the particular Rosebud on which he has set his heart.

While debating with himself whether he shall attempt to pass the formidable barrier, he sees coming towards him a gentle youth, who proves to be Fair-Welcome. He frankly offers to assist the Lover in overcoming the obstacle that separates him from the object of his passion. He promptly accepts the kind and generous offer. But, alas! he perceives Danger lurking beside the Rose-tree, and with him Evil-Tongue, Shame, and Fear, who are there to assist him as guardians of the Roses and Rosebuds. Fair-Welcome encourages the Lover to pluck a rose, and, in earnest of his happiness, presents him with a green leaf from off the tree, wherewith he decks his vestment. But when he proposes to pluck the Rosebud that he so greatly longs for, his


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 100 'Chálish and Turfán,' from its two central and principal districts. There were times, however, as he relates, when the province of Aksu also fell under the rule of the eastern Khan, though it belonged properly to Alti-Shahr. But on two occasions he mentions a country or province of Uighuristán, and in one passage, when describing the boundaries of 'Mangalai Suyah,' says that it marched, on the east, with the province of Uighuristán. It would appear, therefore, that the small eastern Khanate really bore that name down to the sixteenth century; and if this is the case, the survival is an interesting one.

Within the district of Turfán, and only some twenty-seven miles to the south-east of it, stands the little known, but ancient, town of Kara-Khoja, which has borne also, in the course of its history, several other names, the chief of them having come to us, through the Chinese, in the forms of Kao-Chang and Ho-Chao. The Chinese annals of the Sung and Yuan dynasties mention this place frequently, and make it clear that from the ninth century to within the twelfth, Kao-Chang was the capital of a Uighur kingdom which bordered on the north with another Uighur state, called Bishbálik (the modern Urumtsi), and on the west with a third known, anciently, as Kui-tze, Kus, etc., and now as Kuchar. These States, collectively, appear to have been the home and centre of the Uighur race, until a much later date than when, in the twelfth century, they lost their political independence and became subject to the Kara-Khitai. It would not be improbable, therefore, that the region having become known to neighbouring nations on the west as Uighuristán, when independent, should have retained that name long afterwards, though subject to foreign rulers.

On the partition of the empire of Chingiz Khan among his sons, we read of Uighuristán falling to the appanage of Chaghatai Khan, and we also learn, from Mirza Haidar, of Chaghatai having entrusted the province called 'Mangalai Suyah,' as far east as Chálish, to the care of the Dughláts, but not a word is said regarding the disposal of the districts to the eastward of Chálish. Referring to a later date—about 1320—Abul Gházi mentions Uighuristán as one of the countries, the inhabitants of


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Pages 43 to 45.

In the Samoan classification of relatives two principles, sex and age, are of the most primary importance. Relationship terms are never used as terms of address, a name or nickname being used even to father or mother. Relatives of the same age or within a year or two younger to five or ten years older are classified as of the speaker's generation, and of the same sex or of the opposite sex. Thus a girl will call her sister, her aunt, her niece, and her female cousin who are nearly of the same age, uso, and a boy will do the same for his brother, uncle, nephew, or male cousin. For relationships between siblings of opposite sex there are two terms, tuafafine and tuagane, female relative of the same age group of a male, and male relative of the same age group of a female. (The term uso has no such subdivisions.)

The next most important term is applied to younger relatives of either sex, the word tei. Whether a child is so classified by an older relative depends not so much on how many years younger the child may be, but rather on the amount of care that the elder has taken of it. So a girl will call a cousin two years younger than herself her tei, if she has lived near by, but an equally youthful cousin who has grown up in a distant village until both are grown will be called uso. It is notable that there is no term for elder relative. The terms uso, tufafine and tuagane all carry the feeling of contemporaneousness,


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 and if it is necessary to specify seniority, a qualifying adjective must be used.

Tamā, the term for father, is applied also to the matai of a household, to an uncle or older cousin with whose authority a younger person comes into frequent contact and also to a much older brother who in feeling is classed with the parent generation. Tinā is used only a little less loosely for the mother, aunts resident in the household, the wife of the matai and only very occasionally for an older sister.

A distinction is also made in terminology between men's terms and women's terms for the children. A woman will say tamā (modified by the addition of the suffixes tane and fafine, male and female) and a man will say atali, son and afafine, daughter. Thus a woman will say, "Losa is my tamā," specifying her sex only when necessary. But Losa's father will speak of Losa as his afafine. The same usage is followed in speaking to a man or to a woman of a child. All of these terms are further modified by the addition of the word, moni, real, when a blood sister or blood father or mother is meant. The elders of the household are called roughly matua, and a grandparent is usually referred to as the toa'ina, the "old man" or olamatua, "old woman," adding an explanatory clause if necessary. All other relatives are described by the use of relative clauses, "the sister of the husband of the sister of my mother," "the brother of the wife of my brother," etc. There are no special terms for the inlaw group.

Pages 60 to 65.

For the sake of convenience the households were numbered in sequence from one end of each village to the other. The


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 houses did not stretch in a straight line along the beach, but were located so unevenly that occasionally one house was directly behind another. A schematic linear representation will, however, be sufficient to show the effect of location in the formation of neighbourhood groups.

(The name of the girl will be placed under the number of the household. Adolescent girls' names in capitals, girls' just reaching puberty in lower case and the pre-adolescent children in italics.)

(Household 38 in Siufaga is adjacent to household 1 in Lumā. The two villages are geographically continuous but socially they are separate units.)


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 {| style="text-align: center; margin-right:auto; margin-left:auto;"
 * style="padding-left: 1em; padding-right: 1em;"|1
 * style="padding-left: 1em; padding-right: 1em;"|2
 * style="padding-left: 1em; padding-right: 1em;"|3
 * style="padding-left: 1em; padding-right: 1em;"|4
 * style="padding-left: 1em; padding-right: 1em;"|5
 * style="padding-left: 1em; padding-right: 1em;"|6
 * style="padding-left: 1em; padding-right: 1em;"|7
 * style="padding-left: 1em; padding-right: 1em;"|8
 * style="padding-left: 1em; padding-right: 1em;"|9
 * style="padding-left: 1em; padding-right: 1em;"|10
 * style="padding-left: 1em;"|Vina
 * style="padding-left: 1em;"|
 * style="padding-left: 1em;"|
 * style="padding-left: 1em;"|Tulima
 * Lusina
 * }
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 * style="padding-left: 1em;"|Tulima
 * Lusina
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 * Lusina
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 * Lusina
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 * Lusina
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 * Lusina
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 * Lusina
 * }
 * Lusina
 * }
 * Lusina
 * }
 * Lusina
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 * Lusina
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(Faleasao was separated from Luma by a high cliff which jutted out into the sea and made it necessary to take an inland trail to get from one seaside village to the other. This was about a twenty-minute walk from. Tau. Faleasao children were looked upon with much greater hostility and suspicion than that which the children of Lumā and Siufaga showed to each other. The pre-adolescent children from this village are not discussed by name and will be indicated by an x.)


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 Rh which, being without a Khan at that time, summoned Isán Bugha I. from Mávará-un-Nahr to reign over them. But although a region is often mentioned by this name subsequent to the time of Chingiz, no indication, as far as I am aware, is given of its situation, until we come to Mirza Haidar's incidental statement that it constituted the eastern neighbour of 'Mangalai Suyah,' and was, consequently, identical with the Khanate of 'Chálish and Turfán.' On the other hand, though the Khanate is mentioned by Erskine, he does not connect it with the Uighuristán of Asiatic authors, but speaks of it always as "the Eastern districts"—presumably of the Moghul Khanate in general.

Mirza Haidar, unfortunately, omits to apprise his readers of the extent of the Khanate of Uighuristán. At periods when Aksu was not comprised within its limits, it could not have been large. On the east it did not include Kumul (Hami) till as late as 1513, when Mansur Khan annexed that State and joined it on to Turfán, as we learn from Chinese sources of information. On the south it may have stretched to a considerable distance, but if so it could have enclosed, in that direction, only the sands of the desert. Northward, among the ranges of the Tian Shan, and along the valley of the Yulduz river, the inhabitants in the sixteenth century, at all events, and probably long before, appear to have been the Oirát or Kalmáks, but whether the Khans of Uighuristán counted these people among their subjects is, from the Tárikh-i-Rashidi, not clear. It is possible that they may have done so at some periods, if not always, and in this case their State may have extended to the upper waters of the Yulduz and to the northern slopes of the Tian Shan. In the days of Khizir Khwája of Moghulistan (about 1383 to 1399), the country of the Kalmáks would appear to have formed part of that Khan's possessions, and, for this reason evidently, was invaded by Timur in his expedition of 1388. According to Klaproth (who does not name his authorities in this instance) the region, thus limited, is almost exactly that which was occupied by the Uighurs at the latest period of their existence as a people, though this was long past the time when they had ceased to constitute self-contained or independent states. Indeed, he assigns to them


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Pages 123 to 125.

The first person singular of the verb "to know," used in the negative, has two forms:

and

The former of these expressions has a very different meaning from the latter although linguistically they represent optional syntactic forms, the second being literally, "I do not know," while the first can best be rendered by the slang phrase, "Search me." This "Search me" carries no implication of lack of actual knowledge or information about the subject in question but is merely an indication either of lack of interest or unwillingness to explain. That the Samoans feel this distinction very clearly is shown by the frequent use of both forms. in the same sentence: Ta ilo ua le iloa d'u. "Search me, I don't know,"

Page 126.

He is an untitled man. He works hard on the plantation. He is tall, thin and dark-skinned. He is not easily angered.


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 He goes to work and comes again at night. He is a policeman. He does work for the government. He is not filled with unwillingness. He is attractive looking. He is not married.

She is an old woman. She is very old. She is weak. She is not able to work. She can only remain in the house. Her hair is black. She is fat. She has elephantiasis in one leg. She has no teeth. She is not irritable. She does not hate. She is clever at weaving mats, fishing baskets and food trays.

She is strong and able to work. She goes inland. She weeds and makes the oven and picks breadfruit and gathers paper mulberry bark. She is kind. She is of good conduct. She is clever at weaving baskets and mats and fine mats and food trays, and painting tapa cloth and scraping and pounding and pasting paper mulberry bark. She is short, black-haired and dark-skinned. She is fat. She is good. If any one passes by she is kindly disposed towards them and calls out, "Po'o fea 'e te maliu i ai?" (a most courteous way of asking, "Where are you going?")

She is fat. She has long hair. She is dark-skinned. She is blind in one eye. She is of good behaviour. She is clever at weeding taro and weaving floor mats and fine mats. She is short. She has borne children. There is a baby. She remains in the house on some days and on other days she goes inland. She also knows how to weave baskets.

He is a boy. His skin is dark. So is his hair. He goes to the bush to work. He works on the taro plantation. He


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 102 this position until beyond the date of Timur, or within the fifteenth century, and speaks of them as a group of small but not independent principalities. In all probability the independence, or otherwise, of these Uighur communities, had no influence on the name which their country went by among neighbouring nations; it seems merely to have acquired the race-name of the inhabitants, as is often the case elsewhere, and (what chiefly concerns us here) to have preserved that name for some two hundred years, after a new and foreign principality had sprung up on its soil.

The only consecutive account of the history of Turfán, from the days of Chingiz and the Uighur chiefs onwards, would seem to be that contained in the Chinese chronicles of the Ming dynasty, and we are indebted to Dr. Bretschneider for an epitomised translation of them. The companion province of Chálish is not mentioned in the epitome, and for this reason, we may assume that no notice of it is contained in the Ming-Shi. Possibly the Chinese annalists may have regarded it as part of Turfán, and if this was the case, their account of that province may be taken to embrace the whole of the eastern Khanate of Uighuristán. The Ming record begins very shortly after the opening dates of the Tárikh-i-Rashidi, by relating how the prince of Tu-lu-fan (or Turfán), having repeatedly plundered foreign embassies proceeding through his dominion towards China, the Emperor, in 1377, despatched an army to punish him and ravage his territory—a task that seems to have been accomplished with success. No name is mentioned for this prince. The date would correspond with the reign, in Moghulistan, of Kamar-ud-Din, but I know of nothing that points to Uighuristán forming a part of Kamar-ud-Din's territory, unless perhaps the fact that Timur, shortly after the date in question, when oyerruning Moghulistan in the course of a punitive expedition, sent one of his columns as far east as Kara-Khoja, which lay well within Uighuristán. On the other hand, a few years later, on the death of Khizir Khwája, Timur's army, under Mirza Iskandar, laid waste the country only as far east as Kuchar, and then (for what reason is not stated)


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 likes every one. He is clever at weaving baskets. He sings in the choir of the young men on Sunday. He likes very much to consort with the girls. He was expelled from the pastor's house.

I am a girl. I am short. I have long hair. I love my sisters and all the people. I know how to weave baskets and fishing baskets and how to prepare paper mulberry bark. I]live in the house of the pastor.

He is a man. He is strong. He goes inland and works. upon the plantation of his relatives. He goes fishing. He goes to gather cocoanuts and breadfruit and cooking leaves and makes the oven. He is tall. He is dark-skinned. He is rather fat. His hair is short. He is clever at weaving baskets. He braids the palm leaf thatching mats for the house. He is also clever at house-building. He is of good conduct and has a loving countenance.

She is a woman. She can't work hard enough (to suit herself). She is also clever at weaving baskets and fine mats and at bark cloth making. She also makes the ovens and clears away the rubbish around the house. She keeps her house in fine condition. She makes the fire. She smokes. She goes fishing and gets octopuses and tu'itu'i (sea eggs) and comes back and eats them raw. She is kind-hearted and of loving countenance. She is never angry. She also loves her children.


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She is a woman. She has a son, is his name. She is lazy. She is tall. She is thin. Her hair is long. She is clever at weaving baskets, making bark cloth and weaving fine mats. Her husband is dead. She does not laugh often. She stays in the house some days and other days she goes inland. She keeps everything clean. She lives well upon bananas. She has a loving face. She is not easily out of temper. She makes the oven.

She is the daughter of. She is a little girl about my age. She is also clever at weaving baskets and mats and fine mats and blinds and floor mats. She is good in school. She also goes to get leaves and breadfruit. She also goes fishing when the tide is out. She gets crabs and jelly fish. She is very loving. She does not cat up all her food if others ask her for it. She shows a loving face to all who come to her house. She also spreads food for all visitors.

I am clever at weaving mats and fine mats and baskets and blinds and floor mats. I go and carry water for all of my household to drink and for others also. I go and gather bananas and breadfruit and leaves and make the oven with my sisters. Then we (herself and her sisters) go fishing together and then it is night.

Pages 132 to 133.

The children of this age already show a very curious example of a phonetic self-consciousness in which they are almost


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xxvi companion is much alarmed at his temerity. While they are discussing the subject, Danger suddenly awakes, and roundly rates Fair-Welcome for bringing the Lover within reach of the Rose-tree.

Danger chases Fair-Welcome and the Lover from out the close.

The Lover bitterly laments his hard lot, and declares that only those who have felt the pangs of disappointed love can understand and sympathise with his sufferings.

Wandering about the garden, a victim to despair, he is perceived by Reason from her high-built tower. She descends, and approaching him, asks the cause of his misery, tells him that Idleness did him but an ill turn when she admitted him to the garden, and counsels him to tear his mind away from the folly of love.

The Lover replies that he has made over his heart to the God of Love as his lord and master, who has locked and secured it. He then remembers that his master had counselled him to confide in a friend, and that he has one who is loyal and true of heart.

He seeks out his friend forthwith, and opens his grief to him.


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 as acute and discriminating as their elders. When the missionaries reduced the language to writing, there was no k in the language, the k positions in other Polynesian dialects being filled in Samoan either with a t or a glottal stop. Soon after the printing of the Bible, and the standardisation of Samoan spelling, greater contact with Tonga introduced the k into the spoken language of Savai'i and Upolu, displacing the t, but not replacing the glottal stop. Slowly this intrusive usage spread eastward over Samoa, the missionaries who controlled the schools and the printing press fighting a dogged and losing battle with the less musical k. To-day the t is the sound used in the speech of the educated and in the church, still conventionally retained in all spelling and used in speeches and on occasions demanding formality. The Manu'a children who had never been to the missionary boarding schools, used the k entirely. But they had heard the t in church and at school and were sufficiently conscious of the difference to rebuke me immediately if I slipped into the colloquial k, which was their only speech habit, uttering the t sound for perhaps the first time in their lives to illustrate the correct pronunciation from which I, who was ostensibly learning to speak correctly, must not deviate. Such an ability to disassociate the sound used from the sound heard is remarkable in such very young children and indeed remarkable in any person who is not linguistically sophisticated.

Pages 161 to 163.

During six months I saw six girls leave the pastor's establishment for several reasons: Tasi, because her mother was ill and she, that rare phenomenon, the eldest in a biological household, was needed at home; Tua, because she had come out lowest in the missionaries' annual examination which her


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 mother attributed to favouritism on the part of the pastor; Luna, because her stepmother, whom she disliked, left her father and thus made her home more attractive and because under the influence of a promiscuous older cousin she began to tire of the society of younger girls and take an interest in love affairs; Lita, because her father ordered her home, because with the permission of the pastor, but without consulting her family, she went off for a three weeks' visit in another island. Going home for Lita involved residence in the far end of the other village, necessitating a complete change of friends. The novelty of the new group and new interests kept her from in any way chafing at the change. Sala, a stupid idle girl, had eloped from the household of the pastor.


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It is impossible to present a single and unified picture of the adolescent girl in Samoa and at the same time to answer most satisfactorily the various kinds of questions which such a study will be expected to answer. For the ethnologist in search of data upon the usages and rites connected with adolescence it is necessary to include descriptions of customs which have fallen into partial decay under the impact of western propaganda and foreign example. Traditional observances and attitudes are also important in the study of the adolescent girl in present-day Samoa because they still form a large part of the thought pattern of her parents, even if they are no longer given concrete expression in the girl's cultural life. But this double necessity of describing not only the present environment and the girl's reaction to it, but also of interpolating occasionally some description of the more rigid cultural milieu of her mother's girlhood, mars to some extent the unity of the study.

The detailed observations were all made upon a group of girls living in three practically contiguous villages on one coast of the island of Taū. The data upon the ceremonial usages surrounding birth, adolescence and marriage were gathered from all of the seven villages in the Manu'a Archipelago.

The method of approach is based upon the assumption that a detailed intensive investigation will be of more value than a more diffused and general study based upon a less accurate knowledge of a greater number of individuals. Dr. Van Waters' study of The Adolescent Girl Among Primitive


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 hills covered for the most part with virgin forest, and interspersed with fertile plains, watered by the numerous rivers which wend their circuitous courses to the sea beyond. The coast, as a rule, is low and flat and is, to a large extent, lined with the handsome casuarina tree, broken by stretches of mangrove, denoting swampy ground or the mouths of rivers, and diversified by low sandstone cliffs, yellow from exposure to the weather, or patches of forest reaching to the water's edge.

At a short distance from the shore on the West coast, a very large area of country is denuded of trees, and lalang, a coarse grass (Andropogon caricosum), has spread over it, except where hero and there the plantations of the natives vary its monotony.

Many indentations occur on the coast, and the country is particularly rich in harbours, the principal being Gaya, Ambong and Usikan on the West coast, Kudat on the North, and Sandakan on the East. The importance of these harbours it needs but a glance at the map to realize, containing as they do, amongst other advantages, natural facilities for defence.

Sandakan harbour it will be seen, lies but a short distance from the track taken by trading vessels between Australia and China, and is indeed but five hours steaming distance from their course. It is extremely well protected, and contains anchorage for any number of vessels; having an extent of fifteen miles in length, by five miles in breadth.

Kudat and Gaya harbours are within a few hours steam of the route, through the Palawan passage, taken by ships trading from the West to China and Japan. The value of these harbours, therefore, as coaling stations, and refuges for our mercantile navy, in the event of a war with a naval power,


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 cannot be overrated, and it follows, that it is of the highest importance that they should not be in the hands of any foreign and possibly hostile power.

The value of these harbours, in addition to their strategical importance, is enhanced by the rich country lying at their back. This is especially the case with regard to Sandakan, into which flow some fifteen rivers, taking their courses, for the most part, through a country which is without doubt a field for large sugar and tobacco plantations, and containing a supply of timber which, from its easy access, should be a great source of revenue to the Government.

The principal rivers in the territory are the Kimanis, Papar, Putatan, Abai, and Tampasuk, on the West Coast, Paitan and Sugut on the North, and Sibueo and Kinabatangan on the East. Most of these rivers are navigable for steam launches of light draught, for although, as a rule, deep water is found inside the entrance, all the rivers are more or less barred. The Kinabatangan is navigable for some 200 miles. Rising in the ranges south of Kina Balu, it takes its course to the sea, emerging some twenty miles south of Sandakan harbour, after passing through a very thinly populated country covered for the most part with virgin forest, varied by occasional native plantations, or patches of secondary jungle denoting where former clearings have been. The quantity of floating timber met with, in the rivers, renders careful navigation necessary.

North Borneo as a new field for the crowded-out planters of Ceylon and Sumatra, is not to be surpassed, for in its bills and valleys will be found soil suitable to almost every tropical product. in the New Ceylon writes as follows, and his remarks are confirmed by experts from personal observations:—"The spurs and slopes of Kina Balu are peculiarly fitted for growing coffee, tea and cinchona, while the rich plains that


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 Peoples has exhausted the possibilities of an investigation based upon the merely external observations of the ethnologist who is giving a standardised description of a primitive culture. We have a huge mass of general descriptive material without the detailed observations and the individual cases in the light of which it would be possible to interpret it.

The writer therefore chose to work in one small locality, in a group numbering only six hundred people, and spend six months accumulating an intimate and detailed knowledge of all the adolescent girls in this community. As there were only sixty-eight girls between the ages of nine and twenty, quantitative statements are practically valueless for obvious reasons: the probable error of the group is too large; the age classes are too small, etc. The only point at which quantitative statements can have any relevance is in regard to the variability within the group, as the smaller the variability within the sample, the greater the general validity of the results.

Furthermore, the type of data which we needed is not of the sort which lends itself readily to quantitative treatment. The reaction of the girl to her stepmother, to relatives acting as foster parents, to her younger sister, or to her older brother,—these are incommensurable in quantitative terms. As the physician and the psychiatrist have found it necessary to describe each case separately and to use their cases as illumination of a thesis rather than as irrefutable proof such as it is possible to adduce in the physical sciences, so the student of the more intangible and psychological aspects of human behaviour is forced to illuminate rather than demonstrate a thesis. The composition of the background against which the girl acts can be described in accurate and general terms, but her reactions are a function of her own personality and cannot be described without reference to it. The generalisations are based upon a careful and detailed observation of a small group of sub-


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 mark the course of the Kinabatangau and other rivers lend themselves to the culture of indigo, tobacco, cotton, rice and the other well-known tropical products. Such villages as the traveller meets with on excursions in the interior, are fed and maintained by agriculture, the successful features of which, belong to the natural fertility of the soil, rather than to the science of the native farmer. You cross a plain of rice, bananas, cocoa-nut trees and other luxuriant vegetation. You see the native cultivator at work, his rude plough drawn by buffaloes, and flocks of white paddy birds sailing aloft, or a few solitary cranes adding an oriental touch to the picture. You halt on the river bank amidst tropical groves, here and there relieved by neatly kept gardens, fenced down to the water's edge, and containing plentiful supplies of sweet potatoes, cucumbers, maize and kaladi."

That the country is peculiarly adapted for the growth of tobacco, is demonstrated by the fact of its cultivation by the natives of both coasts, and that in spite of the want of care in its production, an excellent leaf is obtained. A sample of leaf from a newly opened plantation on the East Coast, has been pronounced by experts to be unsurpassed. Such being the case, and considering that the available land in the tobacco producing countries is becoming exhausted, it is reasonable to suppose that this country will, in a short time, take a prominent place as a large producer of tobacco.

Sugar is also cultivated to some extent and in some parts of the country; a primitive mill for crushing is used by the natives. Considering, however, the small profit returned, together with the known risks in cultivation, the substitutes for cane which are being brought into the market, and the comparatively low rate at which labour is obtained in the sugar producing countries, it is doubtful whether this product will he cultivated to any large extent.


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 jects. These results will be illuminated and illustrated by case histories.

The conclusions are also all subject to the limitation of the personal equation. They are the judgments of one individual upon a mass of data, many of the most significant aspects of which can, by their very nature, be known only to herself. This was inevitable and it can only be claimed in extenuation that as the personal equation was held absolutely constant, the different parts of the data are strictly commensurable. The judgment on the reaction of Lola to her uncle and of Sona to her cousin are made on exactly the same basis.

Another methodological device which possibly needs explanation is the substitution of a cross sectional study for a linear one. Twenty-eight children who as yet showed no signs of puberty, fourteen children who would probably mature within the next year or year and a half, and twenty-five girls who had passed puberty within the last four years but were not yet classed by the community as adults; were studied in detail. Less intensive observations were also made upon the very little children and the young married women. This method of taking cross sections, samples of individuals at different periods of physical development, and arguing that a group in an earlier stage will later show the characteristics which appear in another group at a later stage, is, of course, inferior to a linear study in which the same group is under observation for a number of years. A very large number of cases has usually been the only acceptable defence of such a procedure. The number of cases included in this investigation, while very small in comparison with the numbers mustered by any student of American children, is nevertheless a fair-sized sample in terms of the very small population of Samoa (a rough eight thousand in all four islands of American Samoa) and because the only selection was geographical. It may further be argued that the almost drastic character of the conclusions, the exceed-


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Gambier (the inspissated juice of Nauclea gambir, an astringent used in dying and tanning), the cultivation of which has met with such success in the neighbouring state of Sarawak, pepper, tea and coffea arabica, have all been proved suitable, and sago which is indigenous to the country would largely repay for planting in the low lying grounds at the entrances to rivers.

Especially is this country rich in natural jungle products, such as gutta percha, india rubber, camphor, canes, and an infinite variety of useful and ornamental woods, including the valuable bilian (iron-wood) and ebony.

The camphor of Borneo, (Dryobalanops camphora) is noted for its peculiar medicinal properties, and is highly valued by the Chinese, who will give, according to the variation of the market, from twenty to forty dollars a pound for the best.

Borneo, with its natural advantages in waterways, should export its timber largely to China, and no doubt when labour becomes more abundant, this will be the case.

A market for firewood has been already established in Hongkong, and the supply of mangrove which is unequalled for this purpose, is practically inexhaustible, and can be obtained without any difficulty. The bark of this tree, which has to be removed in its preparation as firewood, has its own special value as producing a reddish dye much used by the Chinese.

Another valuable and increasing product is the edible


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 birds'-nest, which is obtained in small quantities on the West coast, and adjacent islands, but is chiefly supplied from the Gomanton caves on the East coast. The following description of these caves is condensed from an account lately published in the Straits Times. The caves are situate on the Kinabatangan river, near the village of Malapi, which is some fifty miles from the month. The chief entrance Simud putih (white entrance) is on the Gomanton hill at an elevation of 500 feet, and is about 30 feet high by 50 feet wide. The ascent to it is very steep, in some parts almost perpendicular, but the nature of the jagged hard lime-stone rocks, affords holding points for one's hands and feet. From this entrance the ascent to the summit of the hill, is another 500 feet, and at the top is a smallish hole which leads into the great caves below, going straight down about 850 feet. Down this the natives descend by rattan ladders, fastened to the circumference of the hole, right into the abyss below, in scarch of the nests. At nightfall a remarkable sight is to be seen at the entrance, viz, the return of the swallows (Collocalia esculenta) to their nests, and the departure of the bats. With a whirring sound, multitudes of bats wheel round in spiral columns from the summit of which detachments break off and wheel away rapidly towards the mangrove swamps and the nipa palms. Amongst them the white bats are very conspicuous, and are termed by the natives, the Rajah, his wife and child. Soon after the bats emerge from the caves, the swallows return in countless numbers. Each morning the process is reversed, the swallows going out and the bats returning home. On entering the mouth of the cave as described above, the floor for the first part of the way slopes down at an angle of twenty-five degrees, to an enormous cave with several smaller ones leading out of it. From the side of this cave rises a high dome, from the top of which you can see the opening before-mentioned, some 850 above. The average height of the cave before coming to the dome is 150 feet. The next cave Simud itam (black entrance) is on a level with the river bank. The entrance is by a magnificent porch of 250 feet in height, opening out into a large and lofty chamber, beyond which an open space is reached, from which looking up can be seen the.