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 celebrated portrait of Mirabeau, "mais, dans ma leçon je me bornais à ce qui concerne Mirabeau Orateur. C'est après l'analyse de ce morçeau, considéré surtout du point de vue du fond, de la disposition, de ce qu'on pourrait appeler la charpente qu'ont été faits les deux portraits que je vous donne." He went on to say that he had pointed out to them the fault in Victor Hugo's style as being exaggeration in conception, and, at the same time, he had made them notice the extreme beauty of his "nuances" of expression. They were then dismissed to choose the subject of a similar kind of portrait. This selection M. Héger always left to them; for "it is necessary," he observed, "before sitting down to write on a subject, to have thoughts and feelings about it. I cannot tell on what subject your heart and mind have been excited. I must leave that to you." The marginal comments, I need hardly say, are M. Héger's; the words in italics are Charlotte's, for which he substitutes a better form of expression, which is placed between brackets.

"Le 31 Juillet, 1842.

"De temps en temps, il parait sur la terre des hommes destinés à etre les instruments [prédestinés] de grands changements, moreaux ou politiques. Quelquefois c'est un conqué-


text: The Philippine Islands, 1493–1898/Volume 9/The Audiencia of Manila reëstablished

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/


text: The Philippine Islands, 1493–1898/Volume 9/Letter to Felipe II (L. P. Dasmariñas, 1595)


text: The Philippine Islands, 1493–1898/Volume 9/Documents of 1596


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 rant, un Alexandre ou un Attila, qui passe comme un ouragan, et purifie l'atmosphère moral, comme l'orage purifie l'atmosphère physique; quelquefois, c'est un révolutionnaire, un Cromwell, ou un Robespierre, qui fait expier par un roi, les vices de toute une dynastie; quelquefois c'est un enthousiaste réligieux comme Mahométe, ou Pierre l'Ermite, qui, avec le seul levier de la pensée soulève des nations entières, les déracine et les transplante dans des climats nouveaux, peuplant l'Asie avec les habitants de l'Europe. Pierre l'Ermite était gentilhomme de Picardie,, pourquoi donc n'a-t-il passé sa vie comme les autres gentilhommes ses contemporains ont passé la leur, à table, à la chasse, dans son lit, sans s'inquiéter de Saladin, ou de ses Sarrasins? N'est-ce pas, parcequ'il y a dans certaines natures, une ardeur [un foyer d'activité] indomptable qui ne leur permet pas de rester inactives, qui les force à se remuer afin d'exercer les facultés puissantes, qui même en dormant sont prêtes comme Sampson à briser les nœuds qui les retiennent?

"Pierre prit la profession des armes; si son ardeur avait été de cette espèce [si il n'avait eu que cette ardeur vulgaire] qui provient d'une robuste santé il aurait [c'eut] été un brave militaire, et rien de


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 plus; mais son ardeur était celle de l'âme, sa flamme était pure et elle s'élevait vers le ciel.

"Sans doute [Il est vrai que] la jeunesse de Pierre, était [fut] troublée par passions orageuses; les natures puissantes sont extrèmes en tout, elles ne connaissent la tiédeur ni dans le bien, ni dans le mal; Pierre donc chercha d'abord avidément la gloire què se flétrit, et les plaisirs qui trompent, mais il fit bientôt la découverte [bientôt il s'aperçut] que ce qu'il poursuivait n'était qu' illusion il retourna donc sur ses pas, il recommença le voyage de la vie, mais cette fois il évita le chemin spacieux qui méne à la perdition et il prit le chemin étroit qui méne à la vie; puisque [comme] le trajet était long et difficile il jeta la casque et les armes du soldat, et se vêtit de l'habit simple du moine. A la vie militaire succéda la vie monastique, car, les extrêmes se touchent et chez l'homme sincere la sincerité du repentir amène [necessairement à la suite] avec lui la rigueur de la penitence. [Voila donc Pierre devena moine!]

"Mais Pierre [il] avait en lui un principe qui l'empechait de rester long-temps inactif, ses idées, sur quel sujet qu'il soit [que ce fut] ne pouvaient pas être bornées; il ne lui suffisait pas que lui-même fût religieux, que


text: The Philippine Islands, 1493–1898/Volume 9/Coat-of-arms of the city of Manila


text: The Philippine Islands, 1493–1898/Volume 9/Decree regarding the bishopric of Nueva Segovia


text: The Philippine Islands, 1493–1898/Volume 9/Instructions for Governor Tello


text: The Philippine Islands, 1493–1898/Volume 9/Letter to Felipe II (L. P. Dasmariñas, 1596)


text: The Philippine Islands, 1493–1898/Volume 9/Letter to Felipe II (Antonio de Morga, 1596)


text: The Philippine Islands, 1493–1898/Volume 9/Letter to Felipe II (Francisco Tello)


text: The Philippine Islands, 1493–1898/Volume 9/Documents of 1597


text: The Philippine Islands, 1493–1898/Volume 9/Pacification of Mindanao


text: The Philippine Islands, 1493–1898/Volume 9/Memorial on navigation and conquest


text: The Philippine Islands, 1493–1898/Volume 9/Letter to Felipe II (L. P. Dasmariñas, 1597)


text: The Philippine Islands, 1493–1898/Volume 9/Bibliographical Data


text: The Philippine Islands, 1493–1898/Volume 9/Advertisements


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My Cocoon tightens—Colors tease—

 * "From the Chrysalis" in Poems (1890)
 * "My cocoon tightens, colors tease" in The Complete Poems of Emily Dickinson (1924)

title: My Cocoon tightens—Colors tease—


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 lui-même fût convaincee de la réalité de Christianismé (sic) il fallait que toute l'Europe que toute l'Asie partagea sa conviction et professât la croyance de la Croix. La Piété [fervente] élevée par le Génie, nourrie par la Solitude fit naitre une éspèce d'inspiration [exalta son âme jusqu'a l'inspiration] dans son ame, et lorsqu'il quitta sa cellule et reparut dans le monde, il portait comme Moise l'empreinte de la Divinité sur son front, et tout [tous] réconnurent en lui la veritable apôtre de la Croix.

"Mahomet n'avait jamais rémué les molles nations de l'Orient comme alors Pièrre remua les peuples austéres de l'Occident; il fallait que cette éloquence fût d'une force presque miraculeuse qui pouvait [presqu'elle] persuader [ait] aux rois de vendre leurs royaumes afin de procurer [pour avoir] des armes et des soldats pour aider [à offrir] à Pierre dans la guerre sainte qu'il voulait livrer aux infidéles. La puissance de Pierre [l'Ermite] n'était nullement une puissance physique, car la nature, ou pour mieux dire, Dieu est impartial dans la distribution de ses dons; il accorde à l'un la grace, la beauté, les perfections corporelles, à l'autre l'esprit, la grandeur morale. Pierre donc était un homme, petit d'une physionomie peu agréable; mais il avait ce courage,


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 "The bare title hardly conveys an idea of the interesting lore embraced in this admirably carried out study of the roads and their part in the development of the country."—Boston Globe.

A series of monographs on the History of America as portrayed in the evolution of its highways of War, Commerce, and Social Expansion.

Comprising the following volumes:

I—Paths of the Mound-Building Indians and Great Game Animals. II—Indian Thoroughfares. III—Washington's Road: The First Chapter of the Old French War. IV—Braddock's Road. V—The Old Glade (Forbes's) Road. VI—Boone's Wilderness Road. VII—Portage Paths: The Keys of the Continent. VIII—Military Roads of the Mississippi Basin. IX—Waterways of Westward Expansion. X—The Cumberland Road. XI, XII—Pioneer Roads of America, two volumes. XIII, XIV—The Great American Canals, two volumes. XV—The Future of Road-Making in America. XVI—Index.

Sixteen volumes, crown 8vo, cloth, uncut, gilt tops. A only printed direct from type, and the type distributed. Each volume handsomely printed in large type on Dickinson's hand-made paper, and illustrated with maps, plates, and facsimiles.

Published a volume each two months, beginning September, 1902.

, volumes 1 and 2, $2.00 net each; volumes 3 to 16, $2.50 net each.

, each numbered and signed by the author. Bound in cloth, with paper label, uncut, gilt tops. Price, $5.00 net per volume.

"The history of American trails and carries in colonial times; of paths, roads, and highways in our national beginnings; and of our great lake, river, and railroad traffic in later times is and has been of the first importance in our social and political history. Mr. Hulbert has shown himself abundantly able to investigate the subject and put in good form the results of his labors."—Professor William M. Sloane, Princeton University.

"Mr. Hulbert has evidently mastered his subject, and has treated it very ably and enthusiastically. History is too frequently a mere collection of dry bones, but here we have a book which, when once begun, will be read eagerly to the end, so vividly does the author bring scenes and personages before us."—Current Literature.

"As in the prior volumes, the general effect is that of a most entertaining series. The charm of the style is evident."—American Historical Review.

"His style is effective an invaluable contribution to the makings of American History."— New York Evening Post.

"Should fill an important and unoccupied place in American historical literature."—The Dial.


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 cette constance, cet enthousiasme, cette energie de sentiment qui écrase toute opposition, et qui fait que la volonté d'un seul homme devient la loi de toute une nation. Pour se former une juste idée de l'influence qu'exerça cet homme sur les caractères [choses] et les idées de son temps il faut se le representer au milieu de l'armée des croisées, dans son double rôle de prophète et de guerrier; le pauvre hermite vêtu du pauvre [de l'humble] habit gris est la entouré d'une [de la] multitude [abide]

"Dans ce moment le [mais ce] pauvre habit [froc] gris est pour lui comme le manteau d'Elijah; il l'enveloppe d'inspiration; il [Pierre] lit dans l'avenir; il voit Jerusalem delivrée; [il voit] le saint sepulchre libre; le croissant argent est arraché du Temple, et l'Oriflamme et la Croix rouge sont établi à sa place; non seulement Pierre voit ces merveilles, mais il les fait voir à tous ceux qui l'entourent, il ravive l'espérance, et le courage dans [tous ces corps epuisés de fatigues et de privations] La bataille ne sera livrée que demain, mais la victoire est décidée


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Rh :· · Shōsammi Sueyoshi

Fujiwara no Yasusue

Princess Shikushi (died 1201)

Princess Shikushi


text:
I like a look of Agony

 * "Real" in Poems (1890)
 * "I like a look of agony" in The Complete Poems of Emily Dickinson (1924)

title: I like a look of Agony


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 ce soir. Pierre a promis; et les Croisées se fient à sa parole, comme les Israëlites se fiaient à celle de Moise et de Josué."

As a companion portrait to this, Emily chose to depict Harold on the eve of the battle of Hastings. It appears to me, that her dévoir is superior to Charlotte's in power and in imagination, and fully equal to it in language; and that this, in both cases, considering how little practical knowledge of French they had when they arrived at Brussels in February, and that they wrote without the aid of dictionary or grammar, is unusual and remarkable. We shall see the progress Charlotte had made, in ease and grace of style, a year later.

In the choice of subjects left to her selection, she frequently took characters and scenes from the Old Testament, with which all her writings show that she was especially familiar. The picturesqueness and colour (if I may so express it), the grandeur and breadth of its narrations, impressed her deeply. To use M. Héger's expression, "Elle était nourrie de la Bible." After he had read De la Vigne's poem on Joan of Arc, she chose the "Vision and Death of Moses on Mount Nebo" to write about; and, in looking over this dévoir, I was much struck with one or two of M. Héger's remarks. After describing, in a quiet and simple manner, the circumstances under which Moses took leave of the Israelites, her imagination becomes warmed, and she launches out into a noble strain, depicting the glorious futurity of


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That short—potential stir

 * "The Funeral" in Poems (1890)
 * "That short, potential stir" in The Complete Poems of Emily Dickinson (1924)

title: That short—potential stir


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 the Chosen People, as looking down upon the Promised Land, he sees their prosperity in prophetic vision. But, before reaching the middle of this glowing description, she interrupts herself to discuss for a moment the doubts that have been thrown on the miraculous relations of the Old Testament. M. Héger remarks, "When you are writing, place your argument first in cool, prosaic language; but when you have thrown the reins on the neck of your imagination, do not pull her up to reason." Again, in the vision of Moses, he sees the maidens leading forth their flocks to the wells at eventide, and they are described as wearing flowery garlands. Here the writer is reminded of the necessity of preserving a certain verisimilitude: Moses might from his elevation see mountains and plains, groups of maidens and herds of cattle, but could hardly perceive the details of dress, or the ornaments of the head.

When they had made further progress, M. Héger took up a more advanced plan, that of synthetical teaching. He would read to them various accounts of the same person or event, and make them notice the points of agreement and disagreement. Where they were different, he would make them seek the origin of that difference by causing them to examine well into the character and position of each separate writer, and how they would be likely to affect his conception of truth. For instance, take Cromwell. He would read Bossuet's description of him in the "Oraison Funèbre de la Reine d'Angleterre," and show how in this he was


text:
The Clouds their Backs together laid

 * "Refuge" in Poems (1890)
 * "The clouds their backs together laid" in The Complete Poems of Emily Dickinson (1924)

title: The Clouds their Backs together laid


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 considered entirely from the religious point of view, as an instrument in the hands of God, pre-ordained to His work. Then he would make them read Guizot, and see how, in his view, Cromwell was endowed with the utmost power of free will, but governed by no higher motive than that of expediency; while Carlyle regarded him as a character regulated by a strong and conscientious desire to do the will of the Lord. Then he would desire them to remember that the Royalist and Commonwealth man had each their different opinions of the great Protector. And from these conflicting characters he would require them to sift and collect the elements of truth, and try to unite them into a perfect whole.

This kind of exercise delighted Charlotte. It called into play her powers of analysis, which were extraordinary, and she very soon excelled in it.

Wherever the Brontës could be national they were so, with the same tenacity of attachment which made them suffer as they did whenever they left Haworth. They were Protestant to the backbone in other things beside their religion, but pre-eminently so in that. Touched as Charlotte was by the letter of St. Ignatius before alluded to, she claimed equal self-devotion, and from as high a motive, for some of the missionaries of the English Church sent out to toil and to perish on the poisonous African coast, and wrote as an "imitation," "Lettre d'un Missionaire, Sierra Leone, Afrique."

Something of her feeling, too, appears in the following letter:—


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 "Brussels, 1842. "I consider it doubtful whether I shall come home in September or not. Madame Héger has made a proposal for both me and Emily to stay another half year, offering to dismiss her English master, and take me as English teacher; also to employ Emily some part of each day in teaching music to a certain number of the pupils. For these services we are to be allowed to continue our studies in French and German, and to have board, &c., without paying for it; no salaries, however, are offered. The proposal is kind, and in a great selfish city like Brussels, and a great selfish school, containing nearly ninety pupils (boarders and day-pupils included), implies a degree of interest which demands gratitude in return. I am inclined to accept it. What think you? I don't deny I sometimes wish to be in England, or that I have brief attacks of home sickness; but, on the whole, I have borne a very valiant heart so far; and I have been happy in Brussels, because I have always been fully occupied with the employments that I like. Emily is making rapid progress in French, German, music, and drawing. Monsieur and Madame Héger begin to recognise the valuable parts of her character, under her singularities. If the national character of the Belgians is to be measured by the character of most of the girls in this school, it is a character singularly cold, selfish, animal, and inferior. They are very mutinous and difficult for the teachers to manage; and their principles are rotten


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Not in this World to see his face—

 * "The First Lesson" in Poems (1890)
 * "Not in this world to see his face" in The Complete Poems of Emily Dickinson (1924)

title: Not in this World to see his face—


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 to the core. We avoid them, which it is not difficult to do, as we have the brand of Protestantism and Anglicism upon us. People talk of the danger which Protestants expose themselves to, in going to reside in Catholic countries, and thereby running the chance of changing their faith. My advice to all Protestants who are tempted to do anything so besotted as turn Catholics is, to walk over the sea on to the Continent; to attend mass sedulously for a time; to note well the mummeries thereof; also the idiotic, mercenary aspect of all the priests; and then, if they are still disposed to consider Papistry in any other light than a most feeble, childish piece of humbug, let them turn Papists at once—that's all. I consider Methodism, Quakerism, and the extremes of High and Low Churchism foolish, but Roman Catholicism beats them all. At the same time, allow me to tell you, that there are some Catholics who are as good as any Christians can be to whom the Bible is a sealed book, and much better than many Protestants."

When the Brontës first went to Brussels, it was with the intention of remaining there for six months, or until the grandes vacances began in September. The duties of the school were then suspended for six weeks or two months, and it seemed a desirable period for their return. But the proposal mentioned in the foregoing letter altered their plans. Besides, they were happy in the feeling that they were making progress in all the knowledge they had so long been yearning to acquire.


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 They were happy, too, in possessing friends whose society had been for years congenial to them; and in occasional meetings with these, they could have the inexpressible solace to residents in a foreign country— and peculiarly such to the Brontës—of talking over the intelligence received from their respective homes—referring to past, or planning for future days. Mary and her sister, the bright, dancing, laughing Martha, were parlour-boarders in an establishment just beyond the barriers of Brussels. Again, the cousins of these friends were resident in the town; and at their house Charlotte and Emily were always welcome, though their overpowering shyness prevented their more valuable qualities from being known, and generally kept them silent. They spent their weekly holiday with this family, for many months; but at the end of the time, Emily was as impenetrable to friendly advances as at the beginning; while Charlotte was too physically weak (as Mary has expressed it) to "gather up her forces" sufficiently to express any difference or opposition of opinion, and had consequently an assenting and deferential manner, strangely at variance with what they knew of her remarkable talents and decided character. At this house, the T.'s and the Brontës could look forward to meeting each other pretty frequently. There was another English family where Charlotte soon became a welcome guest, and where, I suspect, she felt herself more at her ease than either at Mrs. Jenkins', or the friends whom I have first mentioned.


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 An English physician, with a large family of daughters, went to reside at Brussels, for the sake of their education. He placed them at Madame Héger's school in July, 1842, not a month before the beginning of the grandes vacances on August 15th. In order to make the most of their time, and become accustomed to the language, these English sisters went daily, through the holidays, to the pensionnat in the Rue d'Isabelle. Six or eight boarders remained, besides the Miss Brontës. They were there during the whole time, never even having the break to their monotonous life, which passing an occasional day with a friend would have afforded them; but devoting themselves with indefatigable diligence to the different studies in which they were engaged. Their position in the school appeared, to these new comers, analogous to what is often called a parlour-boarder. They prepared their French, drawing, German, and literature for their various masters; and to these occupations Emily added that of music, in which she was somewhat of a proficient; so much so as to be qualified to give instruction in it to the three younger sisters of my informant.

The school was divided into three classes. In the first, were from fifteen to twenty pupils; in the second, sixty was about the average number—all foreigners, excepting the two Brontës and one other; in the third, there were from twenty to thirty pupils. The first and second classes occupied a long room, divided by a wooden partition; in each division were four long ranges of desks; and at the end was the estrade, or platform for the


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 Broussae family's avoué, has commissioned me to discover the reason for these interrupted tenancies; he desires me to build a dam against the flood of ill fortune which makes tenants scarce at the chateau and threatens to pauperize one of the oldest and most useless families of France."

"You say the tenancies were terminated by tragedies?" I asked, more to make conversation than from interest.

"But yes," he answered. "The cases, as I have their histories, are like this:

"Monsieur Alvarez, a wealthy Argentine cattle raiser, rented the château last April. He moved in with his family, his servants and entirely too many cases of champagne. He had lived there only about six weeks when, one night, such of the guests as retained enough soberness to walk to bed missed him at the good-night round of drinks. He was also missing the following morning, and the following night. Next day a search was instituted, and a servant found his body in the chapel of the oldest part of the château. Morbleu, all the doctors in France could not reassemble him! Literally, my friend, he was strewn about the sanctuary; his limbs tom off, his head severed most untidily at the neck, every bone in his trunk smashed like crockery in a china store struck by lightning. He was like a doll pulled to pieces by a peevish child. Voilà, the Alvarez family decamped the premises and the Van Brundt family moved in.

"That Monsieur Van Brundt had amassed a fortune selling supplies to the sale Boche during the war. Eh bien, I could not wish him the end he had. Too much food, too much wine, too little care of his body he took. One night he rose from his bed and wandered in the chateau grounds. In the place where the ancient moat formerly was they found him, his thick body thin at last, and almost twice its natural length—squeezed out like a tube of creme from a lady's dressing table trodden under foot by an awkward servant. He was not a pretty sight, my friend.

"The other tenants, too, all left when some member of their families or suites met a terrifying fate. There was Simpson, the Englishman, whose crippled son fell from the battlements to the old courtyard, and Biddle, the American, whose wife now shrieks and drools in a madhouse, and Muset, the banker from Montreal, who woke one night from a doze in his study chair to see Death staring him in the eye.

"Now Monsieur Luke Bixby, from Oklahoma, resides at Broussae with his wife and daughter, and—I wait to hear of a misfortune in their midst.

"You will come with me? You will help me avert peril from a fellow countryman?"

"Oh, I suppose so," I agreed. One part of France appealed to me as strongly as another, and de Grandin was never a dull companion.

"Ah, good," he exclaimed, offering his hand in token of our compact. "Together, mon vieux, we shall prove such a team as the curse of Broussac shall find hard to contend with."

sun was well down toward the horizon when our funny little train puffed officiously into Rouen the following day. The long European twilight had dissolved into darkness, and oblique shadows slanted from the trees in the nascent moonlight as our hired moteur entered the chateau park.

"Good evening, Monsieur Bixby," de Grandin greeted as we followed the servant into the great hallway. "I have taken the liberty to bring a


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 presiding instructor. On the last row, in the quietest corner, sat Charlotte and Emily, side by side, so deeply absorbed in their studies as to be insensible to any noise or movement around them. The school-hours were from nine to twelve (the luncheon hour), when the boarders and half-boarders—perhaps two-and-thirty girls—went to the refectoire (a room with two long tables, having an oil-lamp suspended over each), to partake of bread and fruit; the externes, or morning pupils, who had brought their own refreshment with them, adjourning to eat it in the garden. From one to two, there was fancy-work—a pupil reading aloud some light literature in each room; from two to four, lessons again. At four, the externes left; and the remaining girls dined in the refectoire, M. and Madame Héger presiding. From five to six there was recreation; from six to seven preparation for lessons; and, after that, succeeded the lecture pieuse—Charlotte's night-mare. On rare occasions, M. Héger himself would come in, and substitute a book of a different and more interesting kind. At eight, there was a slight meal of water and pistolets (the delicious little Brussels rolls), which was immediately followed by prayers, and then to bed.

The principal bed-room was over the long classe, or school-room. There were six or eight narrow beds on each side of the apartment, every one enveloped in its white draping curtain; a long drawer, beneath each, served for a wardrobe, and between each was a stand for ewer, basin, and looking-glass. The beds of the two Miss Brontës were at the extreme end of the room,


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CLEMENT WOOD

E. P. DUTTON AND COMPANY


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Afraid! Of whom am I afraid?

 * "Afraid? Of whom am I afraid?" in Poems (1890)
 * "Afraid? Of whom am I afraid?" in The Complete Poems of Emily Dickinson (1924)

title: Afraid! Of whom am I afraid?


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 MILDRED


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 compatriot of yours. Dr. Trowbridge, with me to aid in my researches." He shot me a meaning glance as he hurried on. "Your kindness in permitting me the facilities of the château library is greatly appreciated, I do assure you."

Bixby, a big. full-fleshed man with ruddy face and drooping mustache, smiled amiably. "Oh, that's all right, Monsoor," he answered. "There must be a couple o' million books stacked up in there, and I can't read a one of 'em. But I've got to pay rent on 'em, just the same, so I'm mighty glad you, or someone who savvies the lingo, can put 'em to use."

"And Madame Bixby, she is well, and the so charming Mademoiselle, she, too, is in good health, I trust?"

Our host looked worried. "To tell you the truth, she ain't," he replied. "Mother and I had reckoned a stay in one of these old houses here in France would be just the thing for her, but it seems like she ain't doin' so well as we'd hoped. Maybe we'd better try Switzerland for a spell; they say the mountain air there—"

Dr. Grandin bent forward eagerly. "What is the nature of Mademoiselle's indisposition?" he asked. "Dr. Trowbridge is one of your America's most famous physicians, perhaps he—" He paused significantly.

"That so?" Bixby beamed on me. "I'd kind o' figured you was one of them doctors of philosophy we see so many of round here, 'stead of a regular doctor. Now. if you'd be so good as to look at Adrienne, Doc, I'd take it right kindly. Will you come this way? I'll see supper's ready by the time you get through with her."

He led us up a magnificent stairway of ancient carved oak, down a corridor paneled in priceless wainscot, and knocked gently at a high-arched door of age-blackened wood. "Adrienne, darlin'," he called in a huskily tender voiee, "here's a doctor to see you—an American doctor, honey. Can you see him?"

"Yes," came the reply from beyond the door, and we entered a bedroom as large as a barrack, furnished with articles of antique design worth their weight in gold to any museum rich enough to buy them.

Pair-haired and violet-eyed, slender to the borderline of emaciation, and with too high a flush on her cheeks, Bixby's daughter lay propped among a heap of real-lace pillows on the great carved bed, the white of her thin throat and arms only a shade warmer than the white of her silk nightdress.

Her father tiptoed from the room with clumsy care and I began my examination, observing her heart and lung action by auscultation and palpation, taking her pulse and estimating her temperature as accurately as possible without my clinical thermometer. Though she appeared suffering from fatigue there was no evidence of functional or organic weakness in any of her organs.

"Hm." I muttered, looking as professionally wise as possible, "just how long have you felt ill, Miss Bixby?"

The girl burst into a storm of tears. "I'm not ill,” she denied hotly. "I'm not—oh, why won't you all go away and leave me alone? I don't know what's the matter with me. I—I just want to be let alone!" She buried her face in a pillow and her narrow shoulders shook with sobs.

"Friend Trowbridge," de Grandin whispered, "a tonic—something simple, like a glass of sherry with meals—is indicated, I think. Meantime, let us repair to the so excellent supper which waits below."

We repaired. There was nothing else to do. His advice was sound, I knew, for all the physician's skill is powerless to cheer a young woman who craves the luxury of being miserable.


text:
The Sun kept setting—setting—still

 * "Dying" in Poems (1890)
 * "The sun kept setting, setting still" in The Complete Poems of Emily Dickinson (1924)

title: The Sun kept setting—setting—still


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text:
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 Acknowledgment is due to the editors of Ainslie's, The Century, Collier's, The Conservator, Contemporary Verse, The Forum, The Independent, The Liberator, Life, The Lyric, McClure's, The Masses, The Midland, The Nation, The New York Call, Poetry, Smith's, The Touchstone, Good Housekeeping, and The World Tomorrow, for their permission to reprint certain of these poems, which have been copyrighted by them; and to the Newark Committee of One Hundred, for permission to reprint "The Smithy of God."


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text:
When I was small, a Woman died—

 * "Along the Potomac" in Poems (1890)
 * "When I was small, a woman died" in The Complete Poems of Emily Dickinson (1924)

title: When I was small, a Woman died—


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text:
No Rack can torture me—

 * "Emancipation" in Poems (1890)
 * "No rack can torture me" in The Complete Poems of Emily Dickinson (1924)

title: No Rack can torture me—


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text:
I lost a World—the other day!

 * "Lost" in Poems (1890)
 * "I lost a world the other day" in The Complete Poems of Emily Dickinson (1924)

title: I lost a World—the other day!


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Page:Kalevala (Kirby 1907) v2.djvu/33

Runo XXVII]

that I have broughtmy Kauko,

Carried Ahto Saarelainen,

Often past Death’s jaw expanded,

Past the very tongue of Kalma,

To the banquet held at Pohja,

And to the concealed carousal,

Now must I relate in detail,

And my tongue relate in fulness,

How the lively Lemminkainen,

He the handsome Kaukomieli,

To the homestead came of Pohja,

Halls of Sariola the misty,

Uninvited to the banquet,

To the drinking-bout unbidden.

Thus the lively Lemminkainen,

Ruddy youth, and arrant scoundrel,

In the room at once came forward,

Walking to the very middle;

’Neath him swayed the floor of linden,

And the room of firwood rattled.

Spoke the lively Lemminkainen,

And he said the words which follow:

“Greetings to ye on my coming,

Greetings also to the greeter!

Hearken, Pohjola’s great Master,

Have you here within this dwelling,

Barley for the horse’s fodder,

Beer to offer to the hero?“

title: Page:Kalevala (Kirby 1907) v2.djvu/33


text: The Earth Turns South/I Pass a Lighted Window


text:
Page:Alumni Oxonienses (1500-1714) volume 3.djvu/283

 Parry, Benjamin, cler. fil. ., matric 9 Dec., 1689, aged 17; student of Inner Temple 1691, as 2nd son of Benjamin, late bishop of Ossory, Ireland, deceased. See Foster's Inns of Court Reg.  Parry, Brian, s. George, of Eardisley, co. Hereford, minister. ., matric 24 May, 1661, aged 15; B.A. 1664; M.A. from 1667.  Parrye, Charles, of Sussex, gent. , matric. 4 Feb., 1591-2, aged 19; B.A. 17 July, 1595, M.A. 21 June, 1598; licenced to practice medicine 23 Oct., 1601.  Parry, Charles, s. Francis, of London, arm. . matric. 2 Aug., 1695, aged 15; student of Inner Temple 1697 (his father of Oakfield, Berks). See Foster's Inns of Court Reg.  Parry, David, of co. Cardigan, gent. ., matric. 9 March, 1581-2, aged 20.  [5]

Parry, David, of co. Cardigan, gent. ., matric. 11 April, 1617, aged 15.  Parry, David, "ser." ., matric. 20 July, 1654, B.A. 22 April, 1658, vicar of Syston, co. Leicester, 1660-72; and perhaps vicar of Llanrhaiadr-in-Mochnant, co. Denbigh, 1670, rector of Llanvapley, co. Monmouth, 1673, and vicar of Llanfihangel-ararth, co. Carmarthen. See Foster's Index Eccl.  Parry, David, s. D., of Llanvapley, co. Monmouth, pleb. ., matric. 1 July, 1670, aged 19.

Parry, David, s. William, of Cardigan (town), p.p. ., matric. 10 April, 1701, aged 19; B.A. 1705, M.A. 1708.

Parry, David, s. John, of Holywell, Flints, gent. ., matric. 22 March. 1704-5, aged 15; B.A. 1708, M.A. 1712; keeper Ashmolean museum 1709-14, rector of Nolton 1715, and of Bridell. co. Pembroke, 1719. See Foster's Index Eccl.
 [10]

Parry, Edward, of ., Cambridge; admitted B.A. 4 July, 1648 (Wood); M.A. from. 14 June. 1651, as Parys.

Parry, Edward, s. Rog., of Baguilt, Flints, pleb. ., matric. 10 Dec, 1680, aged 18; B.A. 13 Feb., 1685-6; vicar of Holywell, Flints, 1692. See Foster's Index Eccl.

Parry, Edward, s. Tho., of Welchpool, co. Montgomery, pleb. ., matric. 6 April, 1704, aged 16; B.A. 1707, M.A. 1712; vicar of Oswestry, Salop, 1713-36, sinecure rector of Darowen, co. Montgomery, 1720, and canon of St. Asaph 1722. See Thomas, 657; & Foster's Index Eccl.

Parry, Ellis, s. Hen. of Pwllhelli, co. Carnarvon, p.p. ., matric. 28 Feb., 1667-8, aged 20; vicar of Aberdaron, co. Carnarvon, 1671. See Foster's Index Eccl.

Parry, Farewell, of. 1711. See.

Parry, Francis, gent. ., matric. 12 Dec., 1653; B.A. from. 15 Oct., 1657, M.A. 4 March, 1660-1; "a violist and songster," afterwards a traveller and belonged to the excise office. See Ath. i. p. xxxv.
 [16]

Parry, Francis, s. F., of London, arm. ., matric 11 July, 1701, aged 16.

Parrie, Gabriel (nephew of Richard Parry, bishop of St. Asaph); B.A. from ., Cambridge, 1604-5, incorporated as M.A. 3 May, 1615; B.D. from 12 Dec., 1615; head master of Ruthin school 1607-9, rector of Llandegla 1608, vicar of Henllan 1609, and of Denbigh 1613, vicar of Abergele, all co. Denbigh, 1613, rector of Llysfaen, co. Carnarvon, 1613, cursal prebendary of St. Asaph 1614, rector of Llansannan (and portion), co. Denbigh, 1617, and of Llansantffraid-yn-Mechan, co. Montgomery, 1618, rector of Llanhychan 1628, of Llangynhafel 1633, and of Llanfwrog, all co. Denbigh, 1633, and precentor of Bangor 1663-4. See Thomas, 456; Foster's Index Eccl.; & ''Add. MS.'' 15,671, p. 135.

Parry, George, s. Henry, bishop of Worcester. ., matric. 14 March, 1616-17, aged 16; B.A. 3 Feb., 1618-19 (as William, in mistake); student of Inner Temple 1616; brother of Henry 1607. See Foster's Inns of Court Reg.

Parry, George, s. James, of Michael Church, co. Hereford, pleb. ., matric 17 Jan., 1633-4, aged 21; B.A. 4 Feb., 1633-4; perhaps M.A. from 23 June, 1638, and vicar of Dingestow, co. Monmouth, 1640, perhaps canon of Llandaff 1663. See Foster's Index Eccl.
 [20]

Parry, George, cler. fil. ., matric. 9 Dec., 1689, aged 18.

Parry, George, s. Fran., of London, arm. ., matric 26 June, 1703, aged 17; B.A. 21 March, 1706-7, fellow 1707, M.A. 1709; born at the excise office, London, 16 Aug., 1686, vicar of Stratfield Mortimer, Hants, 1735. See Rawl. iv. 309, & xviii. 175.

Parry, George, s. John, of Llandyssilio, co. Cardigan, pleb. ., matric. 12 July, 1712, aged 19; B.A. from. 1717.

Parry, Griffin; B.A. from. 12 Feb.. 1628-9; vicar of Bettws, co. Montgomery, 1631, See Foster's Index Eccl.

Parry, Henry, of Flints, pleb. ., matric. entry under date 20 March, 1578-9, aged 18; B.A. from 14 Jan., 1579-80, M.A. 23 March, 1582-3. B.D. from. 6 June, 1597; rector of Llandegla, co. Denbigh, 1596-8, of Rhoscolyn 1601, and of Trefdraeth, Anglesey, 1607, vicar of Llanrhaidr-yn-Mochnant, co. Denbigh, 1612-16, canon of Bangor 1613, rector of Llanfachraeth in Anglesey 1614, until his death in 1617; see 1582. See Ath. i. 666;, St. Asaph, 730; & Foster's Index Eccl.

Parrey, Henry, born in Wilts, about 20 Dec., 1561; s. Henry, s. William, of Wormbridge, co Hereford, scholar. 13 Nov., 1576, B.A. 25 Oct., 1581, M.A. 3 April, 1585, fellow 1586, B.D. 6 April, 1592, D.D. 14 Feb., 1595-6, Greek reader at Corpus, chaplain to Q. Elizabeth, vicar of Monkton 1591-4, rector of Great Mongeham 1594-6, and of Sundridge and Chevening 1596-1610 (all Kent), dean of Chester 1605, Bishop of Gloucester 1607, and of Worcester 1610, until bis death 12 Dec., 1616; father of George 1617, and Henry 1607. See Ath. ii. 192; & Lansdowne MS. 983, ff. 275, 309.
 [26]

Parrye, Henry; B.A. from. 17 Feb., 1583-4.

Parrie, Henry (? of Anglesea), gent. ., matric. 5 July, 1587, aged 20; B.A. 3 July, 1591; M.A. from 10 May, 1594.

Parry, Henry; B.A. from 5 Feb., 1596-7; perhaps rector of Llysfaen, co. Carnarvon, 1605-13, when he was succeeded by Gabriel. See Foster's Index Eccl.

Parry, Henry, born in Kent, and S.T.D. fil. ., matric. 28 March, 1607, aged 14; B.A. 23 Jan., 1609-10, M.A, 10 March. 1612-13, B.D. 1 July, 1622 (s. Henry, bishop of Worcester); admon. at Oxford 7 March, 1628; brother of George 1617. See Gutch, i. 408.
 [30]

Parry, Hugh, of co. Denbigh, pleb. ., matric. 18 May, 1604, aged 18; B.A. 20 May, 1607, M.A. 12 June, 1616, rector of Llanarmon Dyffryn-Ceiriog, co. Denbigh, 1619. See Foster's Index Ecclesiasticus.

Parry, James; B.A. from 6 June, 1616, M.A. 11 May, 1619, vicar of Lyonshall, co. Hereford, 1631, canon of Hereford 1631, rector of Tedstone Delamere, co. Hereford, 1631. See Foster's Index Eccl.

Parry, James, arm. ., matric. 28 March, 1655.
 [ 1120 ]


text: Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1500-1714/Parry, Benjamin (2)


text: Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1500-1714/Parry, James (2)


text: Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1500-1714/Parry, James (1)


text: Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1500-1714/Parry, Hugh


text:
Page:Knight's Quarterly Magazine series 1 volume 1 (June–October 1823).djvu/9

 The Raven, a Greek Tale Archibald Frazer 349

The Black Chamber, an Anecdote from the German Archibald Frazer 353

The first Songstresses in Town Edmund Bruce 361

On the English Character A Foreigner 369

Introductory Stanzas to the Second Canto of La Belle Tryamour Gerard Montgomery 378

La Belle Tryamour, Canto II. Gerard Montgomery 383

Damasippus Marmaduke Villars 427

On the Monopolies of Drury Lane and Covent Garden Theatres Paterson Aymer 419

On the cause of the Greeks Edward Haselfoot 435

What you Will, No. II. Edited by Peter Ellis 443

Egotism, I. II. and III. Edward Haselfoot 447

Preparations for the Battle of Salamis R. G. 449

To

Fragment

To a Great Coat Edward Haselfoot 450

Fragment

Enigmas, III. and IV. Vyvyan Joyeuse 452

Farewell

Sonnet to Minna  Murray 453

To Helen

To a Lady Gerard Montgomery 456


text: Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1500-1714/Parry, Henry (3)


text: Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1500-1714/Parry, Henry (2)


text: Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1500-1714/Parrie, Henry


text: Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1500-1714/Parrye, Henry


text: Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1500-1714/Parrey, Henry


text: Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1500-1714/Parry, Henry (1)


text: Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1500-1714/Parry, Griffin


text: Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1500-1714/Parry, George (5)


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Page:Knight's Quarterly Magazine series 1 volume 1 (June–October 1823).djvu/8

 What you Will. No. I. Edited by Vyvyan Joyeuse

Poems to Zoe Edmund Bruce 2

Sonnets Gerard Montgomery 2

I.—To Poesy

II.—To, on her Voyage to India

III.

Give me a low and humble mound Vyvyan Joyeuse 2

Oh Rosamond!

By thy love, fair girl of France. Author:Tristram Merton 2

Imitation of the Excursion

Complaint of a Poet

Now thou may'st not fickle be Hamilton Murray 2

When fortune forsakes me Davenant Cecil 2

Sonnet.—To a dream

To

Stanzas

Enigmas, I. and II. Vyvyan Joyeuse 22

Castle Vernon, No. II. Peregrine Courtenay 22

On Quadrilles Richard Mills 23

The Troubadour, a Poem. Canto I. Peregrine Courtenay 23

Crumbs of Criticism—On the Plays of Sir John Suckling 'Edward Haselfoot 259

My First Folly Vyvyan Joyeuse 264

My Maiden Brief William Payne 273

On the Pastoral Romance of Longus Hamilton Murray 277

The Staffordshire Collieries Martin D. Heaviside 295

Points Peregrine Courtenay 301

An unpublished Episode of Vathek, edited by Charles Pendragon 309

On the Idleness of Authors Oliver Medley 314

Horæ Albanæ Edward Haselfoot 310

Recollections of my Travels—Leonora Irvine Montagu 325

The Wreath Gerard Montgomery 328

Cockney Balaam—A Dias at the Johnson's Head, edited by Charles Pendragon 331

On Mosque and Tower John Tell 336

Lord Byron—Past and Present Davenant Cecil and Paterson Aymer 337


text: Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1500-1714/Parry, George (4)


text: Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1500-1714/Parry, George (3)


text: Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1500-1714/Parry, George (2)


text: Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1500-1714/Parry, George (1)


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Page:Kojiki by Chamberlain.djvu/89

I Yasumaro say:

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text: Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1500-1714/Parry, Edward (3)


text: Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1500-1714/Parry, Edward (2)


text: Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1500-1714/Parry, Edward (1)


text: Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1500-1714/Parry, David (6)


text: Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1500-1714/Parry, David (5)


text: Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1500-1714/Parry, David (4)


text: Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1500-1714/Parry, David (3)


text: Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1500-1714/Parry, David (2)


text: Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1500-1714/Parry, David (1)


text: Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1500-1714/Parry, Charles


text: Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1500-1714/Parrye, Charles


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User talk:LookLook36

Beeswaxcandle (talk) 02:20, 27 January 2024 (UTC)

title: User talk:LookLook36


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Page:Alumni Oxonienses (1500-1714) volume 2.djvu/432

 Jones, Thomas, 1d. Arth., of "Osbenton, co. Kildare," Ireland, equitis. ., matric. 29 Oct., 1696, aged 16; student of Inner Temple 1700; perhaps M.P. Kildare 1703, until his death 9 July, 1715. See Foster's Inns of Court Reg.  Jones, Thomas, s. John, of Chester city, gent. ., matric. 28 May, 1701, aged 16; bar.-at-law, Inner Temple, 1708. See Foster's Judges and Barristers.  Jones, Thomas, s. Evan, of LLanfair, co. Montgomery, gent. ., matric. 16 Oct., 1705, aged 16; perhaps rector of Llangadfan, ca Montgomery, 1711. See Foster's Index Eccl.  Jones, Thomas, s. Rice, of Bangor, co. Flint, cler. ., matric 6 April, 1709. aged 17; B.A. 1712, M.A. 1715, vicar of Llanasaph, Flints, 1729, See Foster's Index Eccl.  Jones, Thomas, s. Edw., of Llansamfraid, co. Brecon, arm. ., subs. 5 Dec., 1711, aged 16.  Jones, Thomas, s. Howell, of Brecon, gent. ., matric. 4 July, 1713, aged 16; student of Inner Temple 1713. See Foster's Inns of Court Register.  [6]

Johnes, Toby, of co. Glamorgan, pleb. ., matric. 8 Nov., 1594, aged 20, B.A. 1 March, 1594-5; M.A. from 7 Dec., 1597, but the entry is scored out. See O.H.S. xii. 190.  Jones, Walter (Joones); B.C.L. 8 July, 1558, D.C.L. (sup. May), 1563. rector of Bryngwyn, co. Radnor, 1559-80, and of Hodgeston, co. Pembroke, 1561-78, canon and archdeacon of Brecon 1561-67, rector of Aberporth, co. Cardigan, 1571-3, prebendary of Southwell 1562-77, and of York 1564, rector of Long Marston, Yorks, 1565, until his death in 1577. See Foster's Index Eccl.

Jones, Walter (Jhones); B.A. 15 Nov., 1570; possibly a student of Lincoln's Inn 1572, as of Oxon. See Foster's Inns of Court Reg.

Johnes, Walter, of co. Monmouth, pleb. , matric. 17 July, 1584, aged 16.
 [10]

Jones, Walter, of co. Monmouth, pleb. , matric. 22 Oct., 1591, aged 16.

Johnes, Walter, of co. Carmarth., gent. ., matric. 4 Feb., 1591-2, aged 14.

Jones, Walter, of co. Brecon, gent ., matric. 15 Feb., 1593-4, aged 15.

Jones, Walter, of co. Monmouth, cler. fil. ., matric. 26 April, 1616, aged 20; B.A. 1 July, 1616, M.A. 9 July, 1619, rector of Llanvayer Kilgedine, co. Monmouth, 1622, and of Christ Church, als. Trinity, co. Monmouth, 1633. See Foster's Index Eccl.

Jones, Walter, of Oxon, pleb. ., matric. 10 Nov., 1621, aged 16, B.A. 1 July. 1624, M.A. 17 April, 1627; B.D. from 26 June, 1640, D.D. 19 Oct., 1660, rector of Hulton, Essex, 1639-42, of Eisey, Wilts, 1643, and of Sunningwell, Berks, 1649-72, canon of Westminster 1660, and of St. Paul's 1660, subdean of the king's chapel and of Westminster Abbey, treasurer of Chichester 1667, until his death 12 July, 1672; buried in the abbey 15th; father of Henry 1668. See Chester's ''West. Abbey Reg. 177; & Foster's Index Eccl''.
 [15]

Jones, Walter, s. John, of Worcester city, gent. , matric. 24 Oct, 1634, aged 17; B.A. from 6 Nov., 1637, M.A. 30 June, 1640.

Jones, Walter, born in Worcestershire, s. Henry, of Chastleton, Oxon, gent. ., matric. 29 Jan., 1635-6, aged 18; student of Gray's Inn 1639; brother of Arthur 1632, and of Edmund 1641. see Foster's Gray's Inn Reg.

Jones, Walter, s. William, of London, pleb. ., matric. 2 July, 1683, B.A. 1687.

Jones, Walter, s. Richard, of "Thatcham" (4to.), Berks, gent. , matric. 3 July 1708, aged 15; B.A. 1712, M.A. 1715, incorporated at Cambridge 1728, D.D. (Comitiis Regiis) 25 April, 1728, chaplain to Geo. II, rector of Halford, co. Warwick, 1716, of Upton-upon-Severn, co. Worcester, 1717, and vicar of Powick, co. Worcester, 1724, rector of Woolston, co. Gloucester, 1729. See Rawl. vi. 154; & Foster's Index Ecclesiasticus.

Jones, William (Jonys), B.C.L. 12 July, 1540.
 [20]

Jones, William (Joones), of 1550; B.A. (sup.) 1551. M.A. 30 May, 1555, B.C.L. (sup. 16 Dec.), 1562, D.C.L. 28 June, 1574, possibly a student of Inner Temple 1558, vicar-general to the bishop of Bath and Wells, vicar of Evercreech 1561-74, canon of Wells 1564, vicar of Yeovil Jan.-June 1566, rector of Cucklington (all Somerset) 1567-80. See Foster's Inns of Court Reg. & Fasti, i. 196.

Jones, William (Jonis), B.A. (sup. 25 Jan.), 1555-6.

Jones, William (Jonys or Johns). B.A. 25 Oct., 1559; fellow of, 1561, from co. Carnarvon, M.A. 12 May, 1563; perhaps of ., 1564, M.A., B.C.L. 26 April, 1570. D.C.L. (sup. Feb.), 1570-1, possibly a student of Middle Temple 1565, and perhaps of Castelmarch, M.P. Beaumaris 1597-8, 1604-11, 1614, and co. Carnarvon 1601. See ''Lansd. MS. 981, f. 146; & Foster's Inns of Court Reg''.

Jones, William, B.A. (sup. 19 Feb.), 1564-5.

Jones, William (Joones). B.C.L. 8 May, 1566, vicar of Chew Magna 1573-89. rector of Alford 1574-5. and of Wraxall. Somerset, 1574, until his death in 1609. See Foster's Index Eccl.
 [25]

Jones, William, s. William, of Castellmarch, co. Carnarvon; of (? 1570), aged 14; bar.-at-law, Lincoln's Inn. 1595, bencher 1611, serjeant-at-law 1617, chief justice king's bench, Ireland, 1617-920, and knighted 10 March, 1617, a judge of common pleas England 1621, and of king's bench 1624, until his death 9 Dec., 1640, aged 74; buried under Lincoln's Inn chapel. See Ath. ii. 673; & Foster's Judges and Barristers.

Johnes, William, of Middlesex, gent. ., matric. entry under date 20 March, 1578-9, aged 18.

Johnes, William, of co. Brecon, pleb. ., matric. 26 Oct., 1582, aged 24.

Jones, William (Johns), of co. Monmouth, pleb. , matric. 17 June, 1586. aged 18; B.A. from. 26 Feb., 1589-90, and perhaps M.A. from 6 July, 1593. rector of Bryngwyn, co. Monmouth (as B.A.) 1597. See O.H.S. xii. 158; & Foster's Index Eccl.
 [29]

Jones, William (Johens), of co. Brecon, pleb. , matric. 23 Oct., 1590, aged 20; perhaps B.A. from 5 June, 1594.

Jones, William, of Wilts, pleb. , matric. 22 Oct, 1591, aged 17; B.A. 25 Nov. 1595.

Jones, William (Joanes), of Cheshire, pleb. ., matric. 4 Feb., 1591-2, aged 19; B.A. 8 July, 1595, M.A. 23 June, 1599, B.D. 24 Feb., 1608-9, licenced to preach in 1609.

Jones, William (Johns), of co. Carnarvon, pleb. ., matric. 12 Nov., 1592, aged 16; B.A. 21 Feb., 1595-6.

Jones, William, of Surrey, gent ., matric. 15 Feb., 1593-4. aged 13; perhaps B.A. from. 23 June, Z598. M.A. 7 July, 1608, then in orders.

Jones, William (alias Cooke), of co. Hereford, pleb. , matric. 27 Dec., 1595. aged 20; perhaps B.A. from 5 Feb., 1596-7, M.A. 2 May. 1599, then in orders.
 [35]

Jones, William, of co. Monmouth, pleb. , matric. 14 Oct, 1597, aged 17; B.A. 8 May, 1601, M.A. 5 July, 1606.
 [ 831 ]


text: Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1500-1714/Jones, Walter (1)


text: Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1500-1714/Jones, Walter (2)


text: Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1500-1714/Johnes, Walter (3)


text: Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1500-1714/Jones, Walter (4)


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Page:Kojiki by Chamberlain.djvu/90

4 Now when chaos had begun to condense, but force and form were not yet manifest, and there was nought named, nought done, who could know its shape? Nevertheless Heaven and Earth first parted, and the Three Deities performed the commencement of creation; the Passive and Active Essences then developed, and the Two Spirits became the ancestors of all things. Therefore did he enter obscurity and emerge into light, and the Sun and Moon were revealed by the washing of his eyes; he floated on and plunged into the sea-water, and Heavenly and Earthly Deities appeared through the ablutions of his person? So in the dimness of the great commencement, we, by relying on the original teaching, learn the time of the conception of the earth and of the birth of islands; in the remoteness of the original beginning, we, by trusting the former sages, perceive the era of the genesis of Deities and of the establishment of men. Truly do we know that a mirror was hung up,

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458 two thousand years, and die. In her old age she saw Rome built; she saw it overshadow the world with its power; she saw it perish. The few hundreds of years of Genoese and Venetian might and splendor were, to grave old Damascus, only a trifling scintillation hardly worth remembering. Damascus has seen all that has ever occurred on earth, and still she lives. She has looked upon the dry bones of a thousand empires, and will see the tombs of a thousand more before she dies. Though another claims the name, old Damascus is by right the Eternal City.

We reached the city gates just at sundown. They do say that one can get into any walled city of Syria, after night, for bucksheesh, except Damascus. But Damascus, with its four thousand years of respectability in the world, has many old fogy notions. There are no street lamps there, and the law compels all who go abroad at night to carry lanterns, just as was the case in old days, when heroes and heroines of the Arabian Nights walked the streets of Damascus, or flew away toward Breda on enchanted carpets.

It was fairly dark a few minutes after we got within the wall, and we rode long distances through wonderfully crooked streets, eight to ten feet wide, and shut in on either side by the high mud-walls of the gardens. At last we got to where lanterns could be seen flitting about here and there, and knew we were in the midst of the curious old city. In a little narrow street, crowded with our pack-mules and with a swarm of uncouth Arabs, we alighted, and through a kind of a hole in the wall entered the hotel. We stood in a great flagged court, with flowers and citron trees about us, and a huge tank in the centre that was receiving the waters of many pipes. We crossed the court and entered the rooms prepared to receive four of us. In a large marble-paved recess between the two rooms was a tank of clear, cool water, which was kept running over all the time by the streams that were pouring into it from half a dozen pipes. Nothing, in this scorching, desolate land could look so refreshing as this pure water flashing in the lamp-light; nothing could look so beautiful, nothing could sound so deli-


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Rh cious as this mimic rain to ears long unaccustomed to sounds of such a nature. Our rooms were large, comfortably furnished, and even had their floors clothed with soft, cheerful-tinted carpets. It was a pleasant thing to see a carpet again, for if there is any thing drearier than the tomb-like, stone-paved parlors and bed-rooms of Europe and Asia, I do not know what it is. They make one think of the grave all the time. A very broad, gaily caparisoned divan, some twelve or fourteen feet long, extended across one side of each room, and opposite were single beds with spring mattrasses. There were great looking-glasses and marble-top tables. All this luxury was as grateful to systems and senses worn out with an exhausting day’s travel, as it was unexpected—for one can not tell what to expect in a Turkish city of even a quarter of a million inhabitants.

I do not know, but I think they used that tank between the rooms to draw drinking water from; that did not occur to me, however, until I had dipped my baking head far down into its cool depths. I thought of it then, and superb as the bath was, I was sorry I had taken it, and was about to go and explain to the landlord. But a finely curled and scented poodle dog frisked up and nipped the calf of my leg just then, and before I had time to think, I had soused him to the bottom of the tank, and when I saw a servant coming with a pitcher I went off and left the pup trying to climb out and not succeeding very well. Satisfied revenge was all I needed to make me perfectly happy, and when I walked in to supper that first night in Damascus I was in that condition. We lay on those divans a long time, after supper, smoking narghilies and long-stemmed chibouks, and talking about the dreadful ride of the day, and I knew then what I had sometimes known before—that it is worth while to get tired out, because one so enjoys resting afterward.

In the morning we sent for donkeys. It is worthy of note that we had to send for these things. I said Damascus was an old fossil, and she is. Any where else we would have been assailed by a clamorous army of donkey-drivers, guides,


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460 peddlers and beggars—but in Damascus they so hate the very sight of a foreign Christian that they want no intercourse whatever with him; only a year or two ago, his person was not always safe in Damascus streets. It is the most fanatical Mohammedan purgatory out of Arabia. Where you see one green turban of a Hadji elsewhere (the honored sign that my lord has made the pilgrimage to Mecca,) I think you will see a dozen in Damascus. The Damascenes are the ugliest, wickedest looking villains we have seen. All the veiled women we had seen yet, nearly, left their eyes exposed, but numbers of these in Damascus completely hid the face under a close-drawn black veil that made the woman look like a mummy. If ever we caught an eye exposed it was quickly hidden from our contaminating Christian vision; the beggars actually passed us by without demanding bucksheesh; the merchants in the bazaars did not hold up their goods and cry out eagerly, “Hey, John!” or “Look this, Howajji!” On the contrary, they only scowled at us and said never a word.

The narrow streets swarmed like a hive with men and women in strange Oriental costumes, and our small donkeys knocked them right and left as we plowed through them, urged on by the merciless donkey-boys. These persecutors run after the animals, shouting and goading them for hours together; they keep the donkey in a gallop always, yet never get tired themselves or


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 Jones, Griffith, s. Gr(iffith). of Trewern, co. Radnor, gent. , matric 16 Oct., 1674, aged 17; student of Inner Temple 1674. M.P. New Radnor Nov. 1680. See Foster's Inns of Court Reg.  Jones, Griffin, s. "Jo. Roberts," of Carnarv. town, pleb. ., matric. 2 April, 1680, aged 17; B.A. 1683, as Griffith.  Jones, Griffin, s. "Joh. Owens," of Clynnog, co. Carnarv., pleb. ., matric. 10 March, 1686-7, aged 21; B.A. 23 Feb., 1690-1, M.A. 1697 (as Griffith); perhaps vicar of Llanrwst, co. Denbigh, and master of the school 1702, rector of Bodfari, Flints, 1715-26. and of Denbigh 1726, until his death 1749. See Rawl. iv. 321; &, St. Asaph, 566.  Jones, Griffin, s. Rowl., of Llanglany ("Llangalullny" in 4to.), co. Merion., pleb. ., matric. 20 Jan., 1702-3, aged 19; B.A. 9 March, 1707-8 (as Griffith). M.A. from ., Cambridge, 1719; one of these names rector of Llandowror, co. Carmarthen, 1716 until his death 9 April, 1761.  Jones, Henry (Joonys), chaplain, B.Can.L. 4 Feb., 1507-8.  [5]

Jones, Henry, fellow of. 1546, B.C.L. (sup.) 1549, D.C.L. 18 July, 1552, advocate of Doctors Commons 14 Oct, 1552, M.P. Hindon 1558 and 1559, rector of Llanwrst, co. Denbigh, 1554, cursal canon of St. Asaph 1560, sinecure rector of Llansnnan (1st portion), co. Denbigh, 1561, until he died, Feb., 1591-2; buried in St. Bennet's, Paul's Wharf. See, St. Asaph, 260; Fasti, i. 135; Coote's Civilians, 38; & Foster's Index Eccl.  Jones, Henry, of co. Denbigh, pleb. , matric. 23 Nov., 1581, aged 19; B.A. 18 March, 1582-3, M.A. 22 June, 1585.  Jones, Henry, of Oxon. pleb. ., matric. 1 Dec., 1581, aged 17, B.A. 12 June, 1585; M.A. from 3 July, 1588.

Johnes, Henry, of co. Denbigh, pleb. ., matric. 10 Aug., 1582, aged 20; subs. "scholaris Dr. Harvey"; B.A from. 12 Feb., 1585-6, as Henry (alibi Humphrey).

Jones, Henry, of co. Gloucr., gent. , matric. 14 Oct., 1596, aged 16.
 [10]

Jones, Henry, B.A. from 9 April, 1597; one of these names rector of Llanwerne, co. Monmouth, 1602. See Foster's Index Eccl.

Jones, (Sir) Henry (Johens), of co. Carmarthen, militis fil. ., matric. 28 April, 1598. aged 16; of Abermarles, co. Carmarthen (s. Sir Thomas), perhaps bar.-at-law, Lincoln's Inn, 1606; one of these names created a baronet 25 July, 1643; brother of Thomas same date. See Foster's Judges and Barristers.

Jones, Henry, of co. Worcester, arm. ., matric. May, 1598, aged 15, student of Lincoln's Inn 1599. See Foster's Inns of Court Reg.

Jones, Henry, B.A. from 28 June, 1603; M.A. from. 8 July, 1606.

Johnes, Henry, of Middx., pleb. , matric. 14 March. 1616-17, aged 17; B.A. 24 Feb., 1619-20, M.A. 21 June, 1622. See Al. West. 85.

Jones, Henry, s. John, of Bottwnog, co. Carnarvon, pleb. and subs. 8 May, 1635, aged 20.
 [16]

Jones, Henry, s. John, of Elverton, co. Gloucr., pleb. ., matric. 13 May, 1635, aged 16, B.A. 9 April, 1638; M.A. from 30 Jan., 1640-1, rector of St. Stephen, Bristol, 1641; perhaps rector of Compton Greenfield, co. Gloucester, 1x662, lather of Henry 1664. See Foster's Index Eccl.

Jones, Henry, s. Richard, of Oswestry, Salop, pleb. ., matric. 17 March, 1636-7, aged 18; B.A. 4 June, 1640.

Johnes, Henry, s. Thomas, of Beaumauris, co. Anglesey, gent. ., matric. 21 June, 1639, aged 16.

Jones, Henry, demy. 1640-5, from Oxon, B.A. 21 Nov., 1644, fellow 1645-8, 1660-1, M.A. 7 July, 1647, B. and D.C.L. 14 May, 1673, then chancellor diocese of Bristol. See Bloxam, v. 172; & Burrows, 512.
 [20]

Jones, Henry, gent. ., subs. 7 Nov., 1655; perhaps B.A. 16 Oct., 1662.

Jones, Henry, gent. ., matric. 9 Aug., 1658.

Jones, Henry, arm. ., matric. 25 Oct., 1659; possibly student of Gray's Inn 1663, as son and heir of Arthur, of Chastleton, Oxon. See Foster's Grays Inn Reg.

Jones, Henry, s. William, of Acton, co. Gloucester, gent. , matric. 15 May, 1662, aged 15.

Jones, Henry, s. Henr., of Bristol city, minister. , matric. 15 July, 1664, aged 16; B.A. from 1668. See Foster's Index Eccl.
 [25]

Jones, Henry, s. Walter, of Sunningwell, Berks, doctoris. , matric. 11 Dec., 1668, aged 18; B.A. 1672, M.A. 1675, rector of Sunningwell, Berks, 1673-90, and 1705-7; brother-in-law to William Lloyd, Bishop of Worcester. See Al. West. 165; Foster's Index Eccl.; Hearne, i. 161; & London Marriage Licences, ed. Foster.

Jones, Henry, s. Howel, of Brecon town, pp. ., matric. 4 June, 1674. aged 17; bar.-at-law, Inner Temple, 1683. See Foster's Judges and Barristers.

Jones, Henry, s. Joh., of Bodford, co. Anglesey, pp., matric. 2 March, 1675-6, aged 18. B.A. 1679; one of these names rector of Llanrhuddlad, co. Anglesey, 1699.

Jones, Henry, s. Hugh, of Senan, Cornwall, arm. ., matric. 11 May. 1676, ged 18.

Jones, Henry, s. Tho., of West Lavington, Wilts, cler. , matric. 8 Dec., 1682, aged 15; B.A. from 6 March, 1687-8.
 [30]

Jones, Henry (Johns), s. William, of Evesham, co. Worcester, cler. , matric. 22 March, 1685-6, aged 16; B.A. 1689, called "Johnson" in ''Mat. Reg.''

Jones, Henry, s. Henry, cler. , matric. 1 June, 1693, aged 17.

Jones, Henry, s. Sam., of Huntington, arm. ., matric. 9 March, 1705-6, aged 18.

Jones, Henry, s. Richard, of Sunningwell, Berks, gent. , matric. 15 March, 1713-14. aged 17; B.A. 1717, M.A. 1720; one of these names beneficed in Gloucestershire. See Foster's Index Eccl.

Jones, Herbert, eq. fil.; B.A. from 9 July, 1608, M.A. 15 April, 1611; rector of S. Davids alias Llanthewy Skerrid, co. Monmouth, 1613, and of Llangattock-juxta-Usk, co. Monmouth, 1614, prebendary of Llandaff 1633, and of Brecon 1634. See Foster's Index Eccl.
 [35]

Johnes, Hierome, s. Thomas, of Wootton, Oxon. sacerd. ., matric. 24 Oct.. 1634, aged 17; B.A. 29 May, 1638; rector od Ramsden Crays, Essex, 1646. See Foster's Index Eccl.

Jones, Howell; B.A. 11 Feb., 1567-8.

Jones, Howell, of co. Brecon, pleb. ., matric 4 Feb., 1591-2, aged 18.
 [ 821 ]


text: Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1500-1714/Jones, Howell (2)


text: Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1500-1714/Jones, Howell (1)


text: Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1500-1714/Johnes, Hierome


text: Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1500-1714/Jones, Herbert


text: Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1500-1714/Jones, Henry (30)


text: Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1500-1714/Jones, Henry (29)


text: Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1500-1714/Jones, Henry (28)


text: Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1500-1714/Jones, Henry (27)


text: Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1500-1714/Jones, Henry (26)


text: Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1500-1714/Jones, Henry (25)


text: Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1500-1714/Jones, Henry (24)


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Page:Mock Auctions Act 1973 (New South Wales).pdf/4

292 Mock Auctions.

(3) A sale of goods shall not be a mock auction by virtue of subsection (2) (a) if it is proved that the reduction in price or repayment or credit, as the case may be—
 * (a) was on account of a defect discovered after the highest bid in question had been made, being a defect of which the person conducting the sale was unaware when the bid was made; or
 * (b) was on account of damage sustained after that bid was made.

5. A director, within the meaning of the Companies Act, 1961, or an employee, of a corporation which commits an offence arising under the provisions of this Act is guilty of the same offence and may be punished accordingly unless he satisfies the court that—
 * (a) the offence committed by the corporation committed without his knowledge;
 * (b) he was not in a position to influence the conduct of the corporation in relation to the commission of the offence by it; or
 * (c) he, being in such a position, used all due diligence to prevent the commission of the offence by the corporation.

6. Notwithstanding any proceedings against any person for an offence against this Act (whether resulting in a conviction or otherwise) such person shall remain liable to all civil proceedings in like manner as if the proceedings for an offence had not been taken.


text: Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1500-1714/Jones, Henry (23)


text: Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1500-1714/Jones, Henry (22)


text: Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1500-1714/Jones, Henry (21)


text: Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1500-1714/Jones, Henry (20)


text: Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1500-1714/Jones, Henry (19)


text: Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1500-1714/Jones, Henry (18)


text: Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1500-1714/Jones, Henry (17)


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Page:Mock Auctions Act 1973 (New South Wales).pdf/5

293 Mock Auctions.

7. Proceedings for offences against this Act shall be disposed of in a summary manner before a court of petty sessions.

8. The Governor may make regulations, not inconsistent with this Act, for or with respect to all matters which by this Act are required or permitted to be prescribed or which are necessary or convenient to be prescribed for carrying out or giving effect to this Act.


text: Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1500-1714/Jones, Henry (16)


text: Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1500-1714/Johnes, Henry (15)


text: Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1500-1714/Jones, Henry (14)


text: Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1500-1714/Jones, Henry (13)


text: Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1500-1714/Jones, Henry (12)


text: Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1500-1714/Johnes, Henry (11)


text: Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1500-1714/Jones, (Sir) Henry


text: Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1500-1714/Jones, Henry (7)


text: Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1500-1714/Jones, Henry (6)


text: Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1500-1714/Jones, Henry (9)


text: Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1500-1714/Jones, Henry (10)


text: Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1500-1714/Johnes, Henry (5)


text: Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1500-1714/Jones, Henry (4)


text: Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1500-1714/Jones, Henry (3)


text: Mock Auctions Act 1973 (New South Wales)


text: Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1500-1714/Jones, Henry (2)


text: Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1500-1714/Jones, Henry (1)


text: Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1500-1714/Jones, Griffin (6)


text: Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1500-1714/Jones, Griffin (5)


text: Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1500-1714/Jones, Griffin (4)


text: Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1500-1714/Jones, Griffith (3)


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Page:History of the Sixth Regiment, United States Marines.djvu/13

8 the men that they were able to bear up under the strain of continuous fighting which later became their lot. The schedule included hikes, close order drill, extended order, bayonet fighting, games, practice in both rifle and hand grenade throwing, rifle range practice, storming trench systems, taking strong points, defense against gas attacks and all modes of signalling then in use. Up to that time the uniform had been campaign hats, but now came the equipment that men at the front were never without: helmets and gas masks. The men were required to become proficient in doing everything both with and without gas masks.

About the 1st of March it was rumored that the Regiment was going into the line for a period of training. Equipment began to come in, such as trench knives, trench boots and extra clothing. To further substantiate this rumor, practice billeting parties were sent out, which indicated that traveling would soon begin. On March 12th, 1918, the sea bags were packed and stored, the men keeping only such extra clothing as they could carry in their packs.

The regiment moved by rail to the Toulen sector, the movement beginning March 14, 1918, and on March 16, 1918, the Regimental Headquarters was established at Camp Boues. The 3rd Battalion was the first unit of the regiment to begin this move. This battalion marched to Breuvanne and entrained. It arrived at Dugny, ten kilometers from Verdan at noon March 15th, detrained and moved by companies. Orders were to clear the loading platform within two hours to avoid shelling. After marching approximately sixteen kilometers to the support position of the Toulon Sector companies of the 3rd Battalion were billeted in the following camps: 82nd Company, Camp Ronde Fontaine and Camp Richert; 83rd Company, Camp Marquenterre; 84th Company, Camp Massa; 97th Company. Camp Fontaine St. Robert. The 73rd Machine Gun Company was billeted at Camp Massa.

The 2nd Battalion began the move on March 17th by hiking to Bourmont, from which place it entrained for Souilly, France, where it detrained March 18th and hiked to Camp Massa.

The 1st Battalion left the training area on March 17th by train, detrained at Lommes on March 18th and marched eighteen kilometers to Sommedieue, where it was stationed in reserve behind a part of the French 1Oth Army Corps.

The 3rd Battalion went into line in the Mont-sous-lea-Cotes subsector, Bonchamp, on the evening of March 18th with the 82nd, 83rd, and 84th Companies in line and the 97th Company in reserve at Camp Fontaine St. Robert.

This sector was located about one kilometer north of Les Eparges, and was considered at that time to be a very quiet sector. The lines were far apart and there was little or no infantry action of importance.


text: Index:Succession to the Crown Act 2015 (Australia).pdf


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Page:Succession to the Crown Act 2015 (Australia).pdf/1

An Act to change the law relating to royal succession and royal marriages, and for related purposes

Note: An electronic version of this Act is available in ComLaw (https://www.comlaw.gov.au/)


text: Page:Succession to the Crown Act 2015 (Australia).pdf/2


text: Page:Succession to the Crown Act 2015 (Australia).pdf/4


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No. 23, 2015

An Act to change the law relating to royal succession and royal marriages, and for related purposes

[Assented to 24 March 2015]

Preamble

On 28 October 2011, representatives of nations of which Her Majesty is the Sovereign agreed that the rules on succession to, and possession of, the Crown should be changed so as to make succession not depend on gender and to end the disqualification arising from marrying a Roman Catholic.