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But before leaving the loving commemoration of our great benefactor, I wish to point out some evidences of his genial and even humorous temper, which must have made the lectures pleasant to listen to.

P. 16. Speaking of the position of the abdominal organs, he says: “ Situs omnium partium certus partim incertus.” Then, breaking into familiar English, he notes: “ Natura Romidges (sic) as she can best stow, as in ships.” While still on the same topic, he points out that malposition of organs occurs in “ yeoung (sic) girls by lacing; unde cutt there laces.”

P. 53. In another place, in describing an irreducible hernia, he says it may be filled “ cum maxima quantitate aquae et flatus.” “The man behind Covent Garden ‘Bil.’ ”

P. 35. The spleen is described in man “ as washous to the kitchin,” and its absence in lower organisms, “ Inferior kitchins need noe washhous.”


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 Lastly, “in quibus vitiatum temperamentum, Lien Major the washhous exceed ye kitchin.”

P. 54. It is difficult to believe that the passage which follows, “ Mas a vigore spiritus higher sett, unde Bastards brave men, quia magno fervore geniti vetito concubitu ” is not a reflection of Shakespeare’s bastard, Faulconbridge, a character which Harvey may have seen represented, even by its creator himself, at any time in the eighteen previous years.

P. 50. But perhaps the quaintest entry is one speaking of some rather controvertible anatomical assertions which he thus records “ W. H., a little staggerum in these.”

Lastly, “ in quibus vitiatum temperamentum, Lien Major the washhous exceed ye kitchin.”

And a little farther on, speaking of some idle controversy of previous writers, he describes it “est de lana capriâ,” which is obviously a note jotted down from the Horatian line, “ Alter rixatur de lana sæpe caprinâ.” In an excellent account of the signs of asphyxia, he says:

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 already named, how many students have their attention specially drawn to Donders's and Landolt's optical researches on the eye and eyesight, or to Helmholtz's account of the mechanism of the ear Such a course, moreover, would in no way clash with other courses given elsewhere on different branches of the same great subject, and it would eminently fulfil the exact purpose even to the very words of the great man whom we are to day met to commemorate.


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 year the Committee of Delegates appointed by this College and the Royal College of Surgeons of England reported:

1. That it is desirable to utilise the vacant ground adjoining the Examination Hall for scientific purposes, under the control and management of the two Colleges.

2. That the “scientific purposes” be, in the first place, the investigation and exposition of such branches of science connected with medicine and surgery as the two Colleges may from time to time determine.

The College has subsequently adopted the report.

Now I submit with the utmost respect, but with the greatest earnestness, to those here assembled that a course of physiological physics to be delivered in the new college of science would be a read boon to all students of medicine, whether they had succeeded in obtaining their diploma or not. The human body is a mass or congeries of separate machines, susceptible of mechanical explanation; but, setting aside the heart and lungs


text: Life of William Blake (1880), Volume 1/Chapter 32


text: Life of William Blake (1880), Volume 1/Chapter 33


text: Index:Harvey and his successors - the Harveian oration delivered at the Royal College of Physicians, October 18, 1892 (IA b24974638).pdf


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HARVEY AND HIS

14

SUCCESSORS. HARVEY AND HIS SUCCESSORS. heart with blood was the efficient cause of the blood's motion, this being produced, as we have seen, by the boiling up of the blood when exposed to the imaginary heat residing in the heart. He insists emphatically that the contraction of the heart was a mere collapse due to a temporary cessation of the boiling process. In death the collapse, he remarks, is complete; in the moribund it is nearly complete. To attribute any expulsive force to the heart in this condition would therefore be out of the question. Thus the pulse results not from systole, but from diastole. Indeed, the consideration of the pulse is the main subject in this chapter of Cesalpino, the question of the heart and its motions being quite secondary. It may be stated broadly that the conception of a complete cir- culation of the blood and the conception of the heart as a contractile organ exercising mechanical energy were alike foreign to him.

Nothing is more interesting than the vivid, pithy way in which the true view both of the heart and of the blood is expressed in Harvey's MS. notes. "The heart, when contracting, moves like a muscle," he says. "By the impulse of the heart there is a perpetual movement of the blood in a circle." Again, if I may quote the quaint mixture of Latin and English, "Constat per fabricam cordis sanguinem per pulmones in aortam transferri as by two clacks of a water- bellows to rayse water." The imaginary furnace that had been set up for so many centuries within the human thorax disappeared, and in its place there was an organ of definite construction, comparable with one of Galileo's machines, exercising a measurable amount of energy.


text: Life of William Blake (1880), Volume 1/Chapter 35


text: Life of William Blake (1880), Volume 1/Chapter 36


text: Life of William Blake (1880), Volume 1/Chapter 38


text: Life of William Blake (1880), Volume 1/Chapter 39


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 during the years that have elapsed since Harvey's institution of it by some of the most illustrious Fellows on our roll-by Garth (1697), Arbuthnot (1727), and Akenside (1759); by Mead (1723), Heberden (1750), and Warren (1768), not to mention others of more recent date, men whose names will ever remain fresh in the history of the literature and medicine of our country. I have no claim to be asso- ciated with these great names, nor with the many learned and eloquent men who have addressed you in recent years, and I should have shrunk from attempting the task your favour has imposed on me had I not felt that in asking me to undertake it you were mindful of the position which it is my lot to hold in connection with the great hospital to which the immortal Harvey was thirty-four years physician, in which he exercised an influence over its governing body that remains to this day, and where his memory is yet held in reverential remembrance.

I wish it were possible for me to bring forward from the records of St. Bartholomew's Hospital any new facts illustrating either Harvey's life or works; but many years ago


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 fire; the aliment we take in las in it in a fixed state the real life, and this does not become active until it has got into the lungs, for there it is freed from its prison."1

Note v, p. 35.

An amusing instance of the sort of attacks which were made on Harvey is to be met with in a pamphlet dedicated to Sir Thos. Mayerne, to be found in Somer's Tracts, second collection, vol. ii, p. 423. The pamphlet is entitled "A most certaine and true Relation of a strange Monster or Serpent found in the left Ven- tricle of the Heart of Johu Pennant, Gentleman of the Age of 21 years. By Edward May, Doctor of Philosophy and Physick, and Professor elect of them in the College of the Academy of Noblemen called the Museum Minerve. Physician also extra- ordinary unto her most sacred Majesty Queen of Great Britain, &c," 1639. The attack on Harvey is in a fool-note, and runs as follows: Ilere those men may be handsomely questioned who say that the pulse is nothing else but the impulse of the blood into the arteryes or the systole of the heart; what was become of the pulse in this man all the while, that the whole blood betooke itself into the heart? here was either a living man without pulse or pulse without the systole of the heart. For what could the arteries receive when nothing was to be received? Or how could there be pulse when there was no impulse into the arteryes? The pulse then doubtless is om another eause, and is a farre other matter than most men conceive: for there are in a sound man 4-150 pulsations in an houre, in a sick man, some percute ferers and diseases, above 35,600 and more, which cannot be from so many several expressions or receptions of the blood; for it is im- possible the heart should make compression and the arteryes apertion so often in that space. Nay, in Dicrot, Caprizant, and other inordinate pulses, diverse pulses strike in lesse space than the open mouth of an artery can open, shut, and open again, which

Essays and Observations, edited by R. Owen, vol. i, p. 113.


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 year 1559 Dr. Geynes was refused the Fellow- ship because he had ventured to doubt the infallibility of Galen; and in our annals it is stated that Dr. Hook was not granted admit- tance to the examination for the licence because he had the honesty to say that he had not read Galen. The revival of anatomy had by Harvey's time somewhat undermined the authority of Galen, which was still further impaired by Har- vey's own discoveries. Nine years after Harvey's death appeared Sydenham's Methodus curandi Febres Propriis Observationibus Superstructa, &c., and the world became aware that one had arison who brought independent thought, un biassed by the traditions and views of the various schools of medicine, to bear on the study of disease.

Our ignorance of the details of Sydenham's life renders it difficult to express an opinion as to the position he occupied in society or among his professional brethren in the year 1666, when the Methodus first appeared. He had then been settled in Westminster for ten years, (w) and his intimacy during his Oxford life with Locke and Boyle (to whom he dedicates the work) makes it probable that from his first


text:
Life of William Blake (Gilchrist)

 * Life of William Blake (1863), 1st edition by Alexander Gilchrist
 * Life of William Blake (1880), 2nd edition edited by Anne Gilchrist (Vol. I.) and Dante Gabriel Rossetti (Vol. II.)

title: Life of William Blake (Gilchrist)


text: The New Monthly Magazine/Volume 11/The Spectre Unmasked


text: The New Monthly Magazine/Volume 11/Fragment of a Projected Ode


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 there was a terrible famine, which brought in its wake the deaths of several hundred thousands from hunger and fever. And during this time Ireland continued to export corn for large sums of money. Even today, after the agrarian reform, such periods of famine are still possible, as was proved by the famine in Ireland in the winter of 1924–25, which was particularly rampant among the peasants in the West.

The result of this condition of the peasantry were voiced in many peasant risings and revolts, in which the peasantry supplied the mass of the troops until the time of the development of the industrial proletariat. In the famine years, in 1848, and in the '70's under the leadership of «the "Land League" these peasant risings were particularly widespread.

The year 1848 was also marked as a year of disgraceful weakness and treachery on the part of the petty bourgeoisie and the betrayal of a powerful and specially hopeful revolutionary mass movement. Connolly writes bitterly and with contempt of the leaders of the "Young Ireland" movement, who from fear of the social land demands of the peasantry lost a favorable possibility for revolution and separation from England. Our Irish Girondists sacrificed the Irish peasantry on the altar of private property. With scorn he writes ("Labor in Irish History") about these "revolutionaries" who wanted to carry out the rising in a "respectable" manner:

"English army on one side, provided with guns, bands and banners; Irish army on the other side, also provided with guns, bands and banners, 'serried ranks with glittering steel,' no .mere proletarian insurrection, and no interference with the rights of property … But the crowning absurdity of all was the leadership of William Smith O'Brien. He wandered through the country telling the starving peasantry to get ready, but refusing to allow them to feed themselves at the expense of the landlords who had so long plundered, starved, and evicted them; he would not allow his fol-


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 lowers to seize upon the carts of grain passing along the roads where the people were dying for want of food; at Mullinahone he refused to allow his followers to fell trees to build a barricade across the road until they had asked permission of the landlords who owned the trees."

As a counterpart to this Connolly writes full of appreciation of the Fenians who in their struggle for national freedom and social liberty of the workers joined with the Land League, i. e., the peasants in the struggle for the land:

This union of the workers and peasants Connolly declared to be the basis and inspiration of the modern Labor movement, and in full recognition he points out that the principles of the Land League were not only recognized as Communist, but that the organ of the Land League in America, "The Irish World," bore the sub-title of "American Industrial Liberator."

The agrarian reform was introduced. The causes therefore were the pressure brought to bear by the Land League movement and the circumstance that the investment of capital in industrial undertakings, because of the competition of American corn, had become more profitable than agriculture in Ireland. For this reason, the British Parliament, at the close of the last century and the beginning of the present, decided upon a series


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 of laws enabling the peasants to purchase their land from the landlords. The peasants were able to secure the land on credit advanced by the State at 49 years' purchase at the rate of four per cent (later three and a quarter per cent). The landlords received in addition to the market price of their land an additional sum from the State varying between three and eight per cent. The result of these reforms, or rather this buying out of the landlords, was the transformation of Ireland gradually from a country of tenants to that of a country of small peasants who owned their own farms. In 1914 there were 348,855 peasants who owned their own land and 217,282 tenant farmers. This latter figure has been reduced still more since that time, and today only about one-third of the land is held on lease.

In spite of these reforms the overwhelming majority of peasants even today do not employ hired labor. That is to say, the overpowering mass of the Irish country folk is composed of laboring peasants (petty peasants and tenant farmers). This peasantry is oppressed by the heavy weight of debt. It is obliged to pay twice as much for its own land as it is worth, as a result of all this interest, extras and land speculation.

In addition to this, there was a further nuisance, the "Gombeen men," traders and bank capitalists, who in the small rural places acted as veritable leeches on the rural population and were hand in glove with the former landlords.


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 monasteries, and Latin was the language of Christendom. After the Renaissance, Latin was the language of culture and opened the door to a more perfect literature than any that existed in the vernaculars. After the Reformation, though banished from the services of Protestantism, it still remained a most important medium of communication between nation and nation. At the present day great stress is laid on the practical value of modern languages, but in the sixteenth century a man furnished with a good colloquial knowledge of Latin might have travelled over Europe with nearly as great comfort as if he had been thoroughly acquainted with the language of each country through which he passed. To write English fluently and well is now of infinitely more value to a man than to have acquired the same proficiency in Latin; but in the sixteenth century the advantage was greatly on the side of the Latin scholar. By sending his son to learn Latin an uncultured parent immediately raised him into a higher sphere of society and placed in his hands a passport which secured admission where the language of the country invited rebuff.

But the study of Latin in the latter half of the sixteenth century was very different both in manner and method from that of the monkish schools. Up to the time of Comenius, and indeed till very recently, grammar was allowed to usurp far more than its due share of the school programme; but in medieval schools it was the chief subject taught, sometimes indeed the only one. A slight knowledge of arithmetic sufficed to enable the future monk to make the computus or calculation necessary for ascertaining on which days the festivals of the church should fall, and the remainder of his energies he was forced to devote to Priscian or Donatus. The work of the latter, De partibus orationis pars minor had been arranged in 2645 leonine hexameters by Alexander de Villa dei in 1199, and under the name of the Doctrinal was the staple grammar for nearly 300 years. The school-books bought for the Dauphin in 1484 consisted of "Ung A, B, C, Ungs


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 Connolly cherished no illusions about the land "reform." He showed up the fact that the mass of the peasantry was still steeped in misery and that the necessity for joint struggle with the workers still existed, was even still greater than hitherto. The opponent and exploiter had only changed his shape. Formerly that shape was that of a feudal capitalist landlord and now the peasantry was faced with trade and bank capital and the collector of the British government.

Connolly wrote on the effects of the reforms on the land question:

The correctness of this analysis was proved by the role which the peasants played in the civil war, 1919–1921,


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 during which agrarian unrest and arbitrary expropriation by the peasants took place.

According to Connolly, Co-operation was one of the most important forms of joint work between peasants and workers. Larkin couched his and Connolly's program thus: To organize the workers into unions according to industry, to join them together into one political unit and at the same time to unite the agricultural workers with the urban workers through Co-operation.

As we will see from the quotation given below, Connolly went still further. To his mind Co-operatives did not only constitute contact between workers and peasants but also provided the possibility of a joint Labor Party (as we would say today a Farmer-Labor Party).

His genius penetrated still further. He understood that the Co-operatives provided the only way of transforming agriculture under conditions of private ownership to Socialism and after the overthrow of capitalism the Co-operatives would act as a means by which the conflict between town and country would be overcome, and both would be joined together in a unified Socialist economy. And Connolly emphasizes:


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Connolly was proud to declare himself a Marxist. He makes frequent reference to Marx in his book, "Labor and Irish History," which in itself represents an attempt to apply Marxist method to Irish history. He speaks of Marx as "the greatest of modern thinkers and the first scientific Socialist."

Connolly was enabled to follow a real Marxist tactic by the fact of his profound understanding of Marxism. He pursued a real Marxist policy, between the open reformists on the one hand and the pure military revolutionaries (no rarity in Ireland), the rigid trade unionists and the sectarian pseudo-Marxist Socialists on the other.

Constitutional Fabianism earned his contempt. He was fully aware of the advantage of utilizing all legal possibilities and of the necessity of spending years in organizing, agitating for the daily struggle on behalf of partial demands. But he would countenance no infringement of the recognition that the final issue of all great political and social questions could only be decided by force, and that Ireland's liberation from the British imperialist yoke and the social emancipation of its workers was only possible through revolutionary channels. He, the organizer of industrial trade unions, fought political sectarianism at the same time. He invited his comrades of the Scottish Social Democratic FederataionFederation [sic] to drop their sectarian scruples (amongst which was the oath of allegiance to king and constitution) and to enter Parliament as a political party.

Connolly was a revolutionary to the core. McManus once wrote (1919) that Connolly was the only Socialist he had met who judged the social position or political crisis from the standpoint of its revolutionary possibili-


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 ties. As was worthy of a revolutionary, he occupied himself seriously with the political, tactical, and military questions of a rising in Ireland. He understood very well the Leninist conception that a rising is an "art" which has got to he "studied."

During the war his journal. "The Workers' Republic," gave the place of honor to studies about risings, street fights in Moscow in 1905, Paris in 1830 and in 1848. the rising in the Tyrol in 1905. and guerilla warfare in India, revolutionary struggles in Mexico, and similar happenings. At a meeting of the officers of the revolutionary Irish Volunteer Army. Connolly was asked during his lecture on street fights how it happened that he understood so much about revolutionary and military questions. He smilingly replied "You forget that revolution is my business." (Ryan, "J. Connolly.")

It is very worthy of note that Connolly grasped the conception of the Soviet idea. Daniel De Leon influenced him very much in this, he had worked jointly with him in America. Just as he, so too did Connolly declare that the future government and the future division of the country would be based not on territory but on production and its component parts and branches.

It is a platitude to state that Connolly as a revolutionary fighter against imperialism was also an ardent fighter against the last imperialist war. The breakdown of the Socialist International oppressed him greatly. To this was added the complete treachery of the Irish bourgeois and petty bourgeois Nationalists. The former, the Home Rulers, under Redmond's leadership, went over completely to the camp of the British Imperialists; the latter, weak and vacillating, expected to get all assistance from the Germans. From the very beginning Connolly was quite clear that only by a rising of the workers could the war be put a stop to, and also that such a great revolutionary rising would take place. On August


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was a clay country of small fields that rose and fell slightly, not in curves, but in stiff lines which ended abruptly in the low, dividing hedges. Here and there we passed small woods of oak, hardly more than overgrown hedges, where keepers shot the jays. There were few streams—and those polluted. North and south the land rose up in some pomp to steep hills planted with oak and beech and fir, and between these, broad meadows and hop gardens, which now and then caught the faint light on their dry brown or moist green and gleamed desirably. The wind was in the north; it had rained in the night, and yet the morning was dull and the sun white and small. There was some vice in the wind or in the foliage or in the grass that now began to be long—some vice that made the land sad and cold and unawakening, with the surliness of a man who cannot sleep and will not rise.

The woods became more dense as we walked; not far ahead the oaks closed in and expounded the contours of the land by their summits. But our path led away from them, and we were about to lose sight of them when, gently as the alighting of a bird, the sunlight dropped among the tops of the oaks, which were yellow and purple with young leaves, and blessed them. We turned. There was the sun held fast among the fresh leaves and

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 15. 1914, he wrote to this effect in the Glasgow "Forward." He expressed to the Scottish comrades the wish to take active part in such a co-ordinated international struggle of the workers.

It is not clear why Connolly's Party which had affiliated to the Second International had had so little contact with the Left Wing of this International. It is quite possible that the isolation of Ireland through England during the war was responsible for this.

There was no doubt in Connolly's mind that the war as far as Ireland was concerned would not end without a decisive revolutionary struggle and rising. He understood only too well that this war intensified the crisis to a great extent, and must one way or another lead to a decision in Ireland. Further, he declared, that there never was a more favorable moment than the present for Ireland to fight for its freedom. "England's difficulty is Ireland's opportunity." In this sense Connolly preached open revolutionary defeatism.

This declaration shows the Leninist spirit which permeated Connolly's policy.

Connolly looked forward to the pending revolutionary struggle in Ireland not merely as an Irish affair, but he hoped that it might form the beginning of the international revolution.

"Starting thus, Ireland may yet set the torch to a European conflagration that will not burn out until the last throne and the last capitalist bond and deben-


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 ture are shrivelled up on the funeral pyre of the last war lord."

This brings us to the Easter of 1916, the first upheaval in Ireland.

Irish bourgeois nationalists and British Socialists sought and seek still in vain for an explanation of Connolly's leadership of the Easter rising. Much as these latter sympathized with Connolly as a labor leader and Socialist they could not understand how he could take part in such an act and thus we see the strangest endeavors to explain, or rather to excuse Connolly's attitude during the Red Easter of 1916. It is no small wonder that the Irish rising was either rejected toy the British Labor movement, or in the most favorable instance was received with a lack of general understanding.

Some attributed Connolly's attitude to the influence of his comrade, Pearce, the Republican, who is said to have believed in a mystic manner that every generation of Ireland must offer up a blood sacrifice! The others explained the rising as a result of Connolly's depression and despair caused by the war and the position of Ireland. His decision was also attributed to the fact of his bitter sorrow at the breakdown of the Socialist International and his mental rejection of the mutual slaughter of the workers of all countries, which impelled him to deal a blow, no matter how few people he could win to his side.

Others explained the rising as a demonstration of the wish to show that Ireland was not loyal and did not relinquish her demands.

Others again simply declared the rising was a "Putsch."

Of course, all these explanations are so much nonsense: meant to excuse Connolly, they accuse their originators by showing that they are at loggerheads with the principles of revolutionary struggle, or that they


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 green trunks, as if Apollo had changed into a woodland god, and forsaken the long lonely ways of heaven, and resolved no more to spend a half of his days in the under world. How the nymphs clapped their hands at this advent, abandoning Pan, and bringing to the new lord all choicest herbs and highest fair grasses and golden flowers that should make him content to be away from the clouds of sunset and dawn, and blue flowers on which his feet should tread without envy of the infinite paths of the sky, and white flowers that should suffice for his shepherding in place of the flocks of the high desolate noon! How they drove up grey dove and green woodpecker to shake their wings and shine about the new god's head as they flew among the branches! How Pan himself, that does not heed dark hours, crept away from his light-hearted nymphs and hid in the sombre reeds! "Ever-young Apollo! Eternal Apollo! Young Apollo!" were the cries. "Why have we ever served a goat-foot god?" And so they made haste to serve him with the clearest honey of the wild bees, the cream from the farm that was most clean, the fruits that yet preserved flavours of a past summer and autumn in the granary close by, and fresh cresses from the spring; nor would some of the little satyrs forget the golden ale and amber bread and cheese of the colour of primroses; and all seemed assured that never again would Apollo forsake the red and yellow leaves of the full oaks or the mid-forest grasses or the lilied pools standing among willow and alder and ash. And we saw that the light was passing in triumph slowly, and accompanied by the cooing of doves, along the wood from oak top to oak top.

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On the 4th August, 1914, the Workers' International breathed its last, and that watchword of Socialism: "Death to militarism," which should have rung out clear and strong above the tumult of mobilisation and the clash of arms, was unheard by the peoples of the world. No doubt this cry of revolt from a workers' movement animated by a true solidarity of the exploited against their task masters would have been promptly stifled by the death-dealing implements of war, and by the weight of censorship and martial law, but ere its defeat it would have awakened the consciences of thousands, who, in their turn, would have awakened thousands more.

Thus the opposition of the workers to militarism would have swiftly followed on the declaration of war, instead of supervening years later, and the governing classes would have had to reckon from the start with an opposing force to whose ranks every additional day of warfare would have brought fresh recruits, until they assumed revolutionary strength. But, instead of this, the International remained silent.

The International, that is to say its executive and its representatives rather than its component sections, has never, unto this day, refuted the shameful conduct ta which its members had to submit, and which subsequent events have fully shown up. The men who were pledged to denounce capitalism and all its crimes suddenly forgot their sacred trust. They gleaned from the columns of the capitalist press reasons, which, in their minds, would exonerate them from blame in becoming traitors to their cause, by exchanging their sense of human solidarity for " patriotism." They forsook their Socialist credo: "Proletarians of the World Unite!" Endevouring to make others forsake it also, commanding their victims; "Proletarians destroy one another!"


text: The Heart of England/Chapter 3

title: The Heart of England/Chapter 3


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 Pretexts must be found in order to send men to slaughter, but these were easily available. In Austria, Pan-Serbianism served as an excuse. In Russia they advertised the need of helping Serbia. In Germany they denounced the Cossack menace. In France they made much of the threatening Prussian militarist caste. In England they appealed for aid for stricken Belgium. In all countries they voiced loudly such catchwords as; "Right," "Liberty," and "Civilisation." Everywhere "National Defence" was a commanding reason for men to shoulder the burden of war, to obey the ruling classes, to suffer and to die for their country.

The "leaders " of European Socialism such as Jules Guesde, Hyndman, Plekhanov, Victor Adler, Scheideman, Vandervelde, who had taught us the principles of the class struggle and of the solidarity of class, soon found bonds which would link together the exploiters and exploited of the same country, and of the interests common to both masters and slaves. Thus did the masses become identified with the "nation," thanks to these specious sophisms and to the degradation of the most outstanding Socialist truths.

Thus was the proletariat won over to crime in order to safeguard the interests of an oligarchy which Socialism has ever denounced as a robber and a usurper. And yet these "leaders" of the International were in no wise unaware that war, under whatever pretext it may be fought, is but the result of the imperial politics of all the ruling castes in Europe. They well knew that the happenings of the week previous to August 4th, 1914, were of only secondary importance, they were but the immediate provocation and not the causes of the war. Had these "leaders " not taught us themselves to discern the deep and tremendous reasons which make the capitalist management of the world nothing less than a war-generating machine? Is not modern warfare but the violent interpretation of rival interests and economic jealouses which modern capitalist society has split into opposing camps?

Up to the eve of war the words "general strike" and "direct action" were for them the supreme interpretation of the popular desire for peace. "Not an ounce of


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 and of our knowledge of them. This is also the quality of the light in showing colours, and of our seeing them. So God has very fittingly named himself Light. When it is said that He is Light then there remains no doubt as to His Vision on the Day of Judgment. From these it must have become clear to you what the primary belief of the Law was about this attribute, and what are the innovations which rose in it afterwards. The Law is silent about it because there is not found in the universe anything unseen without a body, except that which is found by arguments among things seen as existent with this quality, and that is the soul. As the belief of the soul was impossible for the masses, it was also impossible for them to understand the existence of a Being who exists without a body. Hence they cannot understand it about God.

This is a quality which all the people learned in Law have tried to prove,


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 our flesh, not a drop of our blood, not a man, not a cent will we yield you" said they, not deeming the causes of conflict worthy of the life either of a French infantryman or of a German grenadier. And those who did not believe in the efficacy of a general strike, said to the masses: "Shoulder your gun, but turn it against your exploiters."

Suddenly the Socialist creed completely changed its colour to such a degree as to be unrecognisable. Within twenty-four hours it was identifying itself with "national duty" and its words of command were directly opposed to those tenets with which we were all so familiar. They exacted allegiance to the war from all Socialists, even insisting on their becoming combatants. They forbade any "disturbance" whether at the front or in the rear, meaning thereby either agitation or revolt. Opposed to militarism as the workers were in times of peace yet had they to submit to it during the war.

Such was the attitude suggested by the behaviour of the "leaders" of the International, at the most crucial period in the life of the people when the revolution through which Europe was passing should have forced Socialists to stand loyally by those ruling principles which justify their existence. But this treachery was not the result of the weakness of a day, but was unavoidable owing to the previous policy of those forever disqualified "leaders" whose shameful conduct we have already hinted at and mean to discuss later. The confusion caused by the declaration of war on August 4th, 1914, might have excused a temporary slackening of their beliefs, for which we should not have blamed them unduly, had they subsequently repudiated their action and repaired some of the damage they had caused. But instead, they wished to justify themselves in their sudden change of camp, and out of their error even founded a new political creed, which amounted to nothing less than perfidious treachery to their old flag.

In collaborating with the bourgeoisie, in sharing the responsibilities of the capitalist policy of the war, in becoming members of the "Sacred Union," in accepting the aims of Imperialism, in resisting every hint of Proletarian Revolution other than in the "enemy countries,"


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 adopts a method other than that laid down by the Law in this respect, certainly goes astray. If you look a little intently it will become clear to you, that in spite of the fact that the Law has not given illustration of those things for the common people, beyond which their imagination cannot go, it has also informed the learned men of the underlying meanings of those illustrations. So it is necessary to bear in mind the limits which the Law has set about the instruction of every class of men, and not to mix them together. For in this manner the purpose of the Law is multiplied. Hence it is that the Prophet has said, "We, the prophets, have been commanded to adapt ourselves to the conditions of the people, and address them according to their intelligence."

He who tries to instruct all the people in the matter of religion, in one and the same way, is like a man who wants to make them alike in actions too, which is quite against apparent laws and reason.


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 From the foregoing it must have become clear to you that the divine vision has an exoteric meaning in which there is no doubt, if we take the words of the Quran about God as they stand, that is, without proving or disproving the anthropomorphic attribute of God. Now since the first part of the Law has been made quite clear as to God's purity, and the quantity of the teaching fit for the common people, it is time to begin the discussion about the actions of God, after which our purpose in writing this tractate will be over.

In this section we will take up five questions, around which all others in this connection revolve. In the first place a proof of the creation of the universe; secondly, the advent of the prophets; thirdly, predestination and fate; fourthly, Divine justice and injustice; and fifthly, the Day of Judgment.

First Problem: the Creation of the


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 in all these ways have they done more than merely sever their connexion with Socialism—they have passed over into the class camp of the enemy.

Many Socialists are not well informed on these points, and that is our reason for writing thus. We propose to study the causes of the death of the Second International and to deduce therefrom any lessons which are to be gained. We wish to combat the infection with which its carcass is surrounded; namely, the miasma of misconceptions, of spurious sophisms which have survived it, and which nothing can disinfect or purge.

Finally we propose to define the organisation and working of the Third International, which rejects those men and those ideas that war has poisoned, which calls to its councils all revolutionary workers and all Socialists whose creed was undamaged by the crisis of August 4th, 1914; the Third International is born of the war, baptised by trials and sufferings, sanctified by revolutions, and its young strength will be to-morrow irresistable.

If the downfall of the Second International and its leaders was rendered inevitable by the policy it adopted after August 4rh, 1914, its former policy had rendered that defeat inevitable.

Eaten out by an opportunism which was disseminated by a revolutionary Marxist interpretation, undermined by doubt in the presence of essential problems, content to delve in equivocal terms and in contradictory solutions which solved nothing, this organisation of International Labour crumbled at the first shock. We certainly recognise the merits of its work during the last twenty years, and in no way ignore either its considerable educational propaganda or the spiritual influence which it exercised on Europe and upon the world. None but the members of the bourgeois regime would deny its beneficial work for peace and for the liberation of Labour. But the salvation of the proletariat, to which cause Socialists have dedicated their lives, makes it necessary that we should sternly judge our faults. The future


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 commands us to sever the bonds which link us to the past, and the new International has torn us from that International which is a thing of the past.

If that great organisation of the past is dead, it has not been killed by the war, rather has it held within itself the festering germs of its own decomposition. The historico-political conditions wherein it was born and bred contaminated it with poisonous ferments. As Charles Rappoport has justly said of the Second International: "It possessed from the start a defeated soul."

The defeat of the Paris Commune, the implacable bourgeois repression and the discouragement which ensued, overshadowed it and became at last an obsession.

The First International was that of theorists and of dissolutions. The Second was that of recruiters and of unity. The desire for a large membership obsessed the Socialists during the eighties. To this task they especially applied themselves, endeavouring to increase the membership of the various parties, and were wholly preoccupied with the avoidance of a new proletarian disaster. The idea of the invincibility of numbers was their pole-star, and thus it was that they underestimated the importance of economic crises which might confer political supremacy on the revolutionary elite, nor did they value sufficiently the homogeneous doctrine enabling that elite to realise their programme and thus gain the support of the masses.

Keen in recruiting, eager to give their supporters a field of immediate satisfaction, the Second International gradually lost sight of the final aim of Socialism. They forgot the luminous doctrines of Marx and Engels which exhort their disciples at all times when the proletariat grows restless to emphasise the necessity of a radical change in the present laws of property.

Under the cloak of realism it repudiated "illegal" action as dangerous, and regarded a revolutionary seizing of power in catastrophic circumstances as a mere Utopia. Under the pretext of educational and preparatory activity it sacrificed the revolutionary training of the masses. It made the vote and parliamentarism the essential weapons of the proletariat, at the same time teaching that the action of the masses as a means of help-


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 ing forward the movement, was a dangerous method to employ.

Nevertheless, if Socialism decided to carry on the political struggle, there was nothing to indicate that this struggle must of necessity be identified with parliamentarism. On the contrary our interpretation only looked upon electoral action as a means of agitation, and parliamentary action as an adjunct to direct action.

Electoral appeals and parliamentarism were only to be means of propaganda, only special aspects of political action.

Jules Guesde, at the period when he still drew his inspiration from Marxism, remarked that the struggle at the ballot box was only the preparation for the armed struggle (Congress of Nancy, 1907). This formula and many others remained merely platonic.

Reformism, which had been apparently overcome at the International Congress of Amsterdam, triumphed over those who had overthrown it, by inoculating them with it. Electoral successes intoxicated the parties to the extent of giving them a sort of feeling of security and of assurance of certain victory by means of the normal and progressive growth of votes, and of the number of elected Socialists. They forgot the lessons of history which Marx had underlined, the decisive role of "midwife helping the new order in its birth pangs," the ever-increasing oppression of the State, as day by day the transference of power from one class to another becomes more imminent, the inevitability of a gesture of conservative will power on the part of the privileged on the approach of real danger.

Lulled into false repose, they did not give to imperialism and to the threats of war the attention that a more rigorous logic should have demanded. Instead of looking upon imperialism as an attribute of capitalism, inseparable from the régime to which its fate is linked, our parliamentary chiefs looked upon it merely as an error of bourgeois politics, a mistake which the governing classes would renounce whenever we should prove to them that it was harmful to their interests. Reformism was the cause of the birth of a vague sub-conscious, but real notion, that it was possible to reform bourgeois society and politics.


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 Many were the Socialists who awaited from the hands of the bourgeoisie both disarmament and peace, as later, in a paroxysm of aberration, they awaited from President Wilson's influence those benefits which Socialism expects solely from the mission of the proletariat. Such a heresy proves that we must not play with reformism: Socialism must eliminate it or perish.

Inspired by this spirit which respected the form of the Marxian interpretation whilst emptying it of its revolutionary content, which extinguished the flame and only preserved the ashes, Socialists held as legitimate colonial expansion, that detestable aspect of imperialism, by affirming the need for the colonies to traverse the phase of capitalist production prior to the abolition of their subjection. The most cynical confirmation of this thesis was that of the Italian reformers who were banned from the party at the time of the expedition to Tripoli.

Finally,when faced by the prospect of a European war, the misinterpretation of the fundamental principles of the class war was disclosed, side by side with the theoretical affirmation of the responsibility of the regime, formulated as if to rid themselves of a painful task, the Second International proclaimed the necessity of "national defence" and the "defence of an invaded country."

To borrow thus the bourgeois phraseology which Socialist language would have expressed as "defence of capitalist privileges" and "sacrifice of the proletariat to the interests of the class oppressing them, to a country they did not yet own," was this not renouncing revolutionary opposition, a renunciation by which the possessing oligarchy were soon to benefit?

It is true that the International further proposed a popular agitation as a means of ending the war, and hastening the fall of capitalism. But this is precisely an absolute contradiction.

To defend the bourgeois mother-country excludes all hypothesis of revolution: events have amply proved this.

The adhesion to "national defence" subordinates all proletarian schemes to the victory of one imperialism over all other competitive imperialisms, the collaboration of classes for the benefit of a privileged class, the participation in power, the credit votes, etc., etc., all diminish the


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 sept pseaulmes, Ung Donast, Ungs accidens, Ung Caton, and Ung Doctrinal.”

Another famous Grammar was the Græcism of Ebrard, written in 1212. It was still in use at Deventer when Erasmus was at school there in 1476, and was popular in the Parisian schools until the end of the fifteenth century. This work, a bulwark of linguistic training in the fourteenth century, commences with a metrical treatise on grammatical forms, each of which is labelled with a Greek name. This is followed by chapters nominally on the declensions and the conjugations, but really on the exact meanings of words that resemble one another. Its editor, Johannes Vincentius Metulinus, who had a high opinion of its merits, introduces it as follows:—

Here is a sample of the draughts of grammar that he who stands on the brink may quaff. In chap. i., De figuris, we are informed that:

Pages of this stuff had to be learned by the unfortunate scholar, nor was his case much better when he came to the grammar proper. In chap. xvi., under the heading De verbis secundæ conjugationis, he was given the following information:—


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Rh dren respond readily to such work, the entire psalm or portions thereof may be committed to memory. This is, however, altogether optional. In this way the children will become somewhat familiar with other, little studied portions of the Bible. Finally, in connection with each lesson a number of stories from the Midrash are given, that great, spiritual treasure-house of post-Biblical tradition and legend. These stories, so far as possible, deal with the Biblical character or incident under discussion. But in the main they are selected chiefly because they, too, illustrate, though not infrequently from a slightly different standpoint, the same spiritual truths as the Biblical stories and readings, and serve to show how these truths and principles continued and developed in the post-Biblical period, and found expression at the hands of the rabbis.

In all this work it must be constantly borne in mind that it is the teacher's task, not to preach to children, but merely to tell the stories and read the Biblical selections; but to do this so effectively that the children will catch almost unconsciously the spirit of the lesson, and will make a part of their own belief and practice the principles of Judaism which the lessons convey. In this indirect way alone can moral instruction be given and moral impulses awakened. Children will not listen patiently to preaching. But they will hearken with pleasure if the stories be well told, and will remember the stories and, even more, the spiritual truths they express, and thus they will acquire a steadily growing and expanding knowledge of the fundamental teachings of Judaism. This, we believe, should be the real aim of the Jewish religious school.


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 probability of a rising "before the enemy."

The fumes of nationalism have long obscured these truths; to-day they appear in so crude a light that the simple exposure of events constitutes the most damning evidence against opportunism and its champions.

When the first days of August, 1914. saw the irreparable accomplished, that is to say when the Socialist previsions announcing the inevitable transformation of capitalist competition into imperalistimperialist [sic] war were realised, the two fractions of the International, on whom should have fallen the task of resistance to the enterprises of the governing classes, renounced all resistance.

The German fraction, which had denounced the policy of the Empire, and of its Austrian ally, which had held up to scorn Chancellors and Ministers, Pan-German squireens and junkers, which had vehemently condemned the ultimatum to Serbia as a provocation to war, accepted the accomplished fact, and submitted to the war, to its methods, to the régime. Its representatives in the Reichstag unanimously voted the war credits, with the exception of one member, Fritz Kunert, who deliberately walked out of the chamber. (This fact was not allowed to leak out till after the termination of the war).

The French faction, which had denounced the policy of the Republic and of its Russian ally, which had abused President Poincaré and his ministers, together with the nationalist diplomatists and financiers, which had vehemently condemned the alliance with Russia as likely to lead to war, accepted likewise the accomplished fact, and submitted to the war, to its methods, and to the régime. Its representatives in the chamber unanimously voted the war credits.

The vows of the past were forgotten, the International solidarity of the workers had disappeared. The solidarity of the exploiters and of the exploited was established.

In Germany and in France there were a few opposing


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 THE

AND

L.

VOL. XI.

ORIGINAL PAPERS.

LONDON:

1824.


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18 HARVEY AND GALEN often quite unintelligible. To the mediaeval practitioner who wanted an authority to quote from rather than to understand, this defect was less conspicuous. Then many of the best Greek works were either untranslated or practically unknown. It has been said that many a mediaeval school- man called himself a staunch Aristotelian though he knew no more of the master than two short logical treatises ', and many a mediaeval physician who swore by Galen often went no further than his smaller therapeutical work known as the Liber Tegni, or Ars Parva. Moreover, as time went on, the popularity of the translated Greek works evidently diminished, while Avicenna and other Arabians became predominant, especially in the Universities. Along with them the mediaeval compilers and copyists known as the Arabists or Neoterics (whom Harvey is recorded to have spoken of with great contempt) gradually became the most popular of all, being naturally more easily understood by their contemporaries. The scholars began to complain that the Arabians and their followers (the Neoterics and writers of so-called Practica) reigned in all the schools, while the pure fountains of Greek medicine were neglected *. Linacre

1 Sir Alexander Grant’s Aristotle, 1877, P- 59-

2 Mr. Hastings Rashdall, in his most valuable History of the Uni- versities of Europe in the Middle Ages (Oxford, 1895), has given a list of the medical books prescribed for study in the University of Mont- pélier. He observes : ‘In the books prescribed by Statute in 1309 and 1340 the works of Galen predominate over Avicenna. A later series of documents, extending from 1488 to 1555, Show a greatly increased pro- portion of Arabic books. In 1494, of eight courses, five are upon Avi- cenna, two upon Galen, and only one upon Hippocrates. It is not till 1534 that the tidebegins to turn, under Re- naissance influence, in favour of the Greeks again’ (vol. ii. pp. 117, 123).

8 Janus Cornarius (Hagenbut), an eminent scholar and physician, thus expresses himself in 1535: ‘Et sane consultum esset ut omnes publicae scholae semel agnito errore, omnia tum Arabum tum Italorum ac Gallo- rum barbarorum medicorum opera, aut potius onera quorum iugo non aliter quam vilissima servitute gravis- sime premuntur, excuterent et ex- terminarent, et se Hippocrati vero artis medicae Timotheo formandos concrederent.

‘At vero non penitus desperandum quando nuper adeo una Florentina Academia resipiscendo aliquando etiam aliis spem nobis exhibuit, quae excusso Arabicae et barbarae servi- tutis medicae iugo, ex professo se Galenicam appellavit et profligato barbarorum exercitu, unum totum et

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REVIVAL OF GREEK MEDICINE 19 and his fellow-humanists doubtless thought that if they could return to those uncorrupted springs and present the best works of antiquity in a classical form without barbarous corruptions medicine might go back to the glory of ancient Greece, and Hippocrates and Galen have worthy modern successors. In a certain sense they were right, though the ultimate success of their efforts came in a different form from what they anticipated.

At all events the revival of the Greek medical classics led to a declaration of war against the Arabians. With some enthusiasts it became a sort of crusade in which, strangely enough, Hippocrates and Galen were counted on the Christian side. One fantastic writer, Symphorien Champier of Lyons, imagines that St. Luke, the Evangelist Physician, whose day we commemorate in this meeting, by his intercession with the Almighty secured divine aid for the holy war which was intended to liberate the heroes of Greek medicine from their captivity among the infidels!.

solum Galenum, ut optimum artis medicae authorem, in omnibus se sequuturum pollicita est. Quod quum fecit non exclusit utique Hippo- cratem super cuius scripta ... omnia Galeni opera sunt extructa ’ (in the introduction to Marcellus de Medica- mentis, published in the collection called Medicae Artis Principes, by H. Stephanus, Paris, 1567).

1 Symphonia Galent ad Hippo- cratem, &c., Lyons, 1528 :—‘ Non possum non indolere tantam vecor- diam in nostrae disciplinae profes- soribus, tot seculis viguisse: ut reiectis purgatioribus literis, hoc est Graecis Romanisque, sordidissimas nebulonum quorundam nenias, tan- quam coelitus demissas, excaeperint. Indignum facinus, nullis bobus, nul- lisque victimis expiandum. Iam eo insolentiae ac temeritatis devenerant Arabi principes, ut nobis medicam artem funditus auferre audacissime conarentur; quandoquidem astra

solventes in Graecos et Latinos omnem belli impetum convertebant, multaque millia processerant, cum Deus Opt. Max. (cuius est hominum repente et consilia et animos im- mutare) ut auguror sanctissimi Lucae precibus et orationibus flexus, auxili- arios milites demisit, qui obsidione miseros, Hippocratem, Galenum, Dioscoridem, Paulum Aeginetam, et nostrum Celsum Cornelium, iam de- ditionem cogitantes, eriperent ac liberarent ; idque quanta sit con- fectum diligentia, in confesso est. Hippocrati non pauci auxilio fuere, Galeno ab Arabum principe oppresso strennue adfuit Vicentorum dux [Nicolaus Leonicenus] : praeterea ex Gallia Copus, ex Anglia Linacrus, bone deus! quo studio, qua alacri- tate. Porro Dioscoridi Gallorum virtus ac ferocia, Venetorum pru- dentia, Florentinorum divitiae opem tulerunt. Qua propter factum est, ut disciplinae omnes multo purga-

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20

HARVEY AND GALEN These were extravagancies. The scholars, however, had more serious views, so that in about one generation, or say, roughly, by the middle of the sixteenth century, a large number of physicians had adopted the revived Greek medicine in preference to the Arabian, though the older school was not at all superseded.

Now it is noticeable that the name which the new school adopted and was called by was Galenical or the Galenists. A small society of young physicians in Florence called themselves, in imitation of the well-known Platonic Academy, the Galenical Academy of Florence. Our own College, one of the first-fruits of the Renaissance, was, as might be expected from its history, strongly Galenical. This revival of Galenical medicine, then, was the work accomplished by the school and generation to which Linacre belonged, the first stage of the Hellenic revival. We may conveniently connect it with the name of Linacre, but of course there were many others associated in the work, as Copus of Paris, Winter of Andernach, Leoniceno in Italy, and Cornarius (Hagenbut) in Germany. It was assisted also by such men as Michael Servetus, the theologian, and Francis Rabelais, the great humorist. I have called this school elsewhere the Medical Humanists.

Now it might be thought that the only result of this change would be to confirm the rule of Galen more strongly than ever. New Galenism would only be mediaeval Galenism ‘writ large.’ To a certain extent and for a short time this was the case. Galen was still thought infallible. If any error was detected in his anatomy it was said either that the text was corrupt or that the structure of the body had changed since his time. The history of our own College shows that Galenical orthodoxy could rival the

tiores, ac synceriores in lucem pro- dierint, et ut tanta generi humano commoda accesserint, ut qui olim Arabs medicus unum aut alterum sanitati restituisset, nunc veritate patefacta, decern posset.’

(p. 46.) ( Lector amice, abducito te

quantum potes ab Arabum lectione, qui omnia depravarunt. Viros autem doctos in colloquium ascisce, inprimis autem Hippocratem et Galenum facito tibi familiares. Hi tibi habendi sunt semper in sinu nocturna manu ver- sandi, versandi diurna.’

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THE REVIVAL OF SCIENCE

21 theological in its rigour. But this was not for long. When the leaven had had time to work, and a second generation of Galenists had assimilated the new doctrines more com- pletely, a totally different spirit began to prevail. All over Europe this phenomenon presented itself, that the medical humanists and Galenists, especially those well skilled in Greek, were turning to the investigation of nature. The sciences of anatomy and botany were especially cultivated by them, and, it would seem, by them alone. Clinical medicine owed its revival to the Galenists. It was evident that the revived Hellenism, so far from perpetuating the reign of dogma, had an inspiring and vivifying influence. This spirit of independent investigation was the special note of the second generation of the medical humanists, who belonged to the second stage of the Greek revival, a period and school sufficiently denoted for us by the name of John Caius, but including other and greater names which must be briefly referred to.

Let us first trace the rise of anatomy. One of the earliest anatomists at this time was Jacobus Sylvius, professor at Paris, an ardent student in the original Greek of Galen’s works,, in which he would see no error, but also an independent dissector. Among his pupils were Servetus, a typical scholar of the Renaissance 1 ; Charles Etienne or Stephanus, belonging to the family of printers of that name, renowned for their learning ; and the celebrated Vesalius, who was an ardent Greek scholar. Caius has told us how, when he lived in the same house at Padua with Vesalius, the latter would bring out his Greek manuscripts to clear up some passage in Galen or some difficult point

1 Servetus, under the pseudonym of Villanovanus, wrote a little book called Syruporum universa ratio, ad Galeni censuram expolita, Paris, 1537. In the preface he thus speaks of Galen : ‘ (Galenus) renascitur vero felici nostro seculo, ut seipsum turpius deformatum in pristinum candorem restituens illustret ; ut ab

Arabum copiis occupatam arcem, velut postliminio reversus, eripiat ; et ea, quae corruptis barbarorum sordibus fuerant conspurcata, re- purget. Quae omnia, cum sint liquido a recentioribus demonstrata, non est quod ego, causis illorum me im- miscens, hie referam, aut eorum dictis sententiis calculum adiiciam.’

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22

HARVEY AND GALEN in anatomy 1. Vesalius has been chiefly praised for correcting the errors of Galen, and rightly so praised. But his researches were based upon the system which he destroyed, and, though it is rash to say what might have happened had things been different, it is hard to see how anatomy would have arisen when it did, had Galen’s works perished. What anatomy there had been in the Middle Ages from Mondino to Berengario Carpi was based on rude compilations of anatomy derived from Galen; but when his works were studied in the original we see the difference : modern anatomy began. Even to this day every student who goes down to the dissecting-room, his text- book in his hand, has reason to be thankful that in the fifteenth century men began to read Greek manuscripts.

Botany and the allied science of drugs owed their renovation to the revival of Dioscorides and in a minor degree of Galen. The great German herbalists, whose beautifully illustrated works superseded the rude herbals of the Middle Ages, were all Greek scholars ; some, such as Fuchs, original and learned editors of the Greek classics. The works of the Italian Matthioli, the most popular of all books of plants, were based on Dioscorides, Cesalpino, considered the first botanist of his age, was a profound Aristotelian scholar. Conrad Gesner, the first naturalist in a wide sense since Aristotle, was, at the same time, Professor of Greek and an editor of Galen. Nor was this activity confined to men of eminence. The young physicians of the Galenical Academy at Florence, before referred to, thus describe their pursuits. I give you nearly their own words. In the winter they studied from Dioscorides the history and forms, and from Galen the uses, of plants. So soon as the season permitted and the snows began to disappear from the Apennines they made excursions into the country and on the mountains to gather herbs useful in medicine. In this way they hoped to restore the ancient medicine of Hippocrates and Galen, and thus only they thought could

1 See Galeni libri aliquot, per Joannem Caium, Basel, 1544, p. 286 and elsewhere.

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 Quran contains, about beliefs and actions, is of divine origin? We would answer that the first principle can be known by the information which these men give about the existence of things, which were not found before, but come into existence after they have informed the people about them, and in a specified time; and by their command for doing certain things, and teaching certain precepts which do not resemble the common things and actions, which can be taught by human agency. This is so because if the miracles be of the kind of laying down Laws, proving that they cannot be laid down by human education, but only through divine revelation, then it is prophecy. But the miracles which do not take the form of laws, as the dividing of the sea, etc, do not necessarily prove the prophecy of anyone. But they can only be used as supplements to the former, if they fall very near to it. But standing alone they cannot prove it, and so by themselves alone they do not lead to a cognizance of the prophets, if the other


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 kind of miracles, which are its conclusive proofs, be not found in them. So according to this principle must be understood the proofs of prophecy afforded by miracles, that is, the miracles of knowledge and deeds are its conclusive proofs while others only make it strong, and can be used as witnesses. So now it has become clear to you that men of this kind do exist, and bow can men be sure of them, except by their repeated appearence; as is the case with physicians and other kinds of men. If it be asked: How can it be proved that the Quran is a conclusive proof that is a miracle which is the business of the prophets to perform, as curing is the business of a physician, we would say that this can be known in many ways:First, the precepts which it contains about knowledge and deeds, cannot be acquired by learning, but only by divine revelation; secondly, by the information which it gives about hidden things; and thirdly, by its poetry, which is quite different from that which can be achieved


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Session 6B: System and Network Security #2 the state-changes that occur in the component need to be different between the two web application states (which result in two different responses). Concretely, this means that the differential component state of at least one component needs to be non-empty: $$(\exists C_i, i)(C^{'}_{i} \cdot {\sigma}_{{s}_{0}} \oplus C^{'}_{i} \cdot {\sigma}_{{s}_{1}} \ne \emptyset)$$ or simplified: $$(\exists C_i, i)(C^{'}_{i} \cdot \Sigma \ne \emptyset)$$. The other prerequisites for a successful XS-Leaks attack is that it needs to be possible to extract this differential state from the component. This means that there needs to exist a leak technique, $$t$$, for which the state-retrieval function returns a non-empty set of detectable state-differences. Formally, we can express this as follows: $$(\exists C_{i}, i, t) [sr (t, Ci, C^{'}_i ) , \emptyset]$$. These detectable state-differences can be either valuative differences or differences in the time domain: $$L, \emptyset \Longleftrightarrow \Delta, \emptyset \land \Theta, \emptyset$$. Using this extended representation of the XS-Leaks model, we can better reason about the cause of the different attacks that are known to date (Section 4), determine various methods to detect new attacks (Section 5), analyze the different strategies used for defenses (Section 6), and whether these are sufficient to provide a complete protection (Section 7).

Although the term XS-Leaks is relatively new, the issues have been known for more than two decades, e.g. in 2000, Felten and Schneider described how the time to request a resource leaked information about its cache status. Prior work on categorizing XS-Leaks has mainly focused on enumerating the different known techniques and grouping them by the technique that is used [46], or based on the differences in the resource that can be detected [18, 49]. In this section we introduce a new classification method that is based on our model and aims to capture the intrinsic properties of XSLeaks; namely the component to which the web application state is transferred, the inclusion method that is used for this state-transfer, and the technique that is used to finally extract this state.

Based on our model of XS-Leaks we now propose a classification that can be used to uniquely distinguish different XS-Leak attacks. This classification allows us to capture which types of XS-Leaks have already been found, and can thus be used as a means to guide future research (which we explore in more detail in Section 5). We determine several attributes that can be appointed to an XS-Leak, most of which originate directly from the model.

Component group As described in our model (Section 3), this attribute captures the group of components in which the relevant state-change occurs that eventually leads to the XS-Leak. Inclusion method This property reflects the inclusion method that is used to trigger the state-transfer. For reasons of clarity, we divided these in groups: iframe (where the attacker embeds the state-dependent resource in an iframe), other window (where the resource is rendered in a different tab, using window.open or window.opener), and direct (using a DOM API, e.g. or fetch, to include the resource – here we also indicate whether a specific API or any API is used).

State difference For this attribute we also summarized the possible values in three different groups: event fired (when an event is fired that can be observed by the attacker), change of a property (when the value of a certain property within the component changes, e.g. a new entry being added to the cache), and consumption of a limited resource (when there is a resource in the component that can only be consumed a limited amount of times, e.g. the Cache API has a global quota).

Leak technique The leak techniques extract the altered states from the components. These can be as straightforward as observing the time that an event occurs, or reading out the value of a certain property. Leak techniques may also be more complex, and may require probing. For instance, it is not possible to directly determine the cache status of a resource, but instead a timing attack needs to be used. Information in timing For certain XS-Leaks the state-change that occurs does not leak any sensitive information about the resource. Instead, the time that the state-change occurs is what leaks the information. With this attribute we indicate whether the XS-Leaks only has detectable differences in the time domain; formally: $$\Delta = \emptyset \lor \Theta \ne \emptyset$$.

Idempotency When after inclusion the state of certain components changes permanently and irreversibly, the XS-Leak is considered to be non-idempotent. For example, once a resource has been cached, it will remain cached until it becomes invalid. Consequently, the attack can only be executed once (unless there exists a technique to revert the state-changes). In other words, an XS-Leak is idempotent if there exists a method that can revert the statechanges made to the affected component: $$(\exists p) [p (C^{'}_i \cdot \sigma) = C_n \cdot \sigma]$$.

Differentiating aspect Finally, we capture the various aspect(s) of the state-dependent resource that are detectable. For brevity, we categorize these in four groups: headers, content, metadata (such as size of the response), and generation process.

We now apply our classification to all the different XS-Leaks that we found in the systematic literature review. We group together attacks based on the core mechanism that is used to leak the information. For instance, Bortz and Boneh showed that the time to download a response relates to the size of that response [4]. Gelernter and Herzberg introduce an amplification attack where the difference in response size grows extensively [10, §3.1], making the attack significantly more accurate, but still uses the original mechanism to leak the information. Similarly, in another attack introduced by the researchers, the execution time on the server is amplified [10, §4], which is similar to what Van Goethem et al. measure in their timeless timing attacks [54]. The classification of known XS-Leak attacks is shown in Table 1, and a brief summary of each attack is provided in the Appendix, Section A. Based on these results, we can make several observations. We find that there is a lot of diversity in the attacks: each component group is responsible for at least one attack. Furthermore, the majority of the leaks are caused by state-changes in the attacker page. We believe the reason for this is twofold. First, most mechanisms that can be used to include remote cross-site resources originate from the attacker page, and any resource-dependent parsing or processing is likely to introduce a leak. Secondly, the state-changes that occur in the attacker page are mostly directly observable and


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 by imagination or repetition of verses, that is, it is known that it is of quite a different kind from the poetry of Arabic speaking people, whether the language be acquired and learned, as is the case with non-Arabs, or it be the mother-tongue, as it is with the Arabs themselves. The first reason is the most weighty one. If it be asked how can it be known that the laws which contain both knowledge and precepts about deeds are of divine origin, so much so that they deserve the name of the word of God, we would say also that this also can be known in many ways. First, a knowledge of the laws cannot be acquired except after a knowledge of God, and of human happiness and misery; and the acts by which this happiness can be acquired, as charity and goodness and the works which divert men from happiness and produce eternal misery, such as evil and wickedness. Again the knowledge of human happiness and misery requires a knowledge of the soul and its substance, and whether it has eternal happiness or not


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 If it be so, then what is the quantity of this happiness, or misery; and also what amount of good would be the cause of happiness. For the case of goodness and evil is just the same as with food, which does not give health, if taken in any quantity and at any time; but must be used in a specified quantity and at an appointed time. For this reason we find these limited in the religious laws. All this, or a greater part of it, cannot be known but by divine revelation, or at least a knowledge through it would be better. Again a perfect knowledge of God requires a knowledge of existent things. Then a law-giver must know the quantity of this knowledge which would be good to be imparted to the common people, and the method to be adopted in teaching them. All this, or at least a greater part of it, cannot be acquired by education, learning or philosophy. This can be clearly known from imparting learning, and especially the giving of laws, making regulations, and giving information


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 his own people. He has disclosed to him that there are interpretations which God and His Apostle have not ordered. May there be the most perfect blessings upon the Trusty of His inspiration, and the Seal of His prophets, and upon his family and relations.

We have already described in the foregoing tractate the conformity of philosophy with the Law, and its other relations. We have said there that the Law is of two kinds: exoteric and esoteric. The duty of the common people is to follow the exoteric law; while the duty of learned men is to follow the esoteric one. So the duty of the common people is to follow the meanings of the Law in their literal sense, leaving aside every interpretation of it. The learned men are not permitted to expose their interpretations to the common people, as Ali, (upon whom be peace) has said, "Tell the people what they can understand. Do you wish to give the lie to God and His Apostle?"


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THE INFLUENCE OF GALEN 23 they become worthy to be called true Galenists}, The story is everywhere the same. The Galenists were the students of nature, which indeed need not surprise us, since there was no more genuine student of nature than Galen himself. Thus modern natural science grew out of the ancient science of the Greeks, and in what way it could have arisen otherwise is only a matter of speculation.

Clinical medicine may be thought to be that department in which the study of the ancients could be of the least use, and in which observation alone, without any reference to books, would have been the surest guide. But here, again, we find that the Greek scholars led the way. Da Monte (Montanus), first distinguished by his editions of Galen, was the earliest clinical teacher of medicine in the modem sense. His lectures at Padua attracted crowds of students from all parts of Europe. Yet Da Monte’s method of learning and teaching medicine, on which he wrote special books, was avowedly based on Galen. His pupil, our own

John Caius, followed in his steps.

1 This society issued a little book which I have not found mentioned in any history of medicine, but which is interesting as a sign of the times, entitled Novae Academiae Florentinae opuscula, adversus Avicennam et me- dicos neotericos qui Galeni disciplina neglecta barbaros colunt (Lyons, 1534, 8vo). It contains a dialogue called Barbaromastix, in which a young Galenist defendshisprinciples against adherents of the older school; also a treatise adversum Avicennam, and another adversum Mesuem et vulgares medicos omnes. The society does not appear to have been a large one; not more than four members can be distinctly traced, and none of these appear to have become eminent. In the dialogue it is needless to say that the older physicians have the worst of the argument; and it is insinuated that they cared for nothing but money and notoriety, considera- tions to which the young Galenists

Caius was a zealous

were quite superior: a distinction between young and old physicians which will probably continue to be drawn so long as physicians exist. coepere ex Dioscoride historias et vultum plantarum observare; ex Galeno vero earum vires: uterque enim liber iugiter eis praesto erat. Porro ut oculata fides dictis attes- taretur, saepius rura montesque petiere : Novissime vero cum primum per nives licuit, dum alii notas domos salutant ac nobilium exosculantur dextras, alii convalescentes nedum aegros crebra visitatione fastidiunt, alii negociosos se populo ostentant, ac generosa per urbem mula ve- huntur, purpurati, quasi spectaculum aliquod populo praebituri; dum alii demum modis omnibus lucro inhiant; hi Apennini iuga montesque peragra- runt; atque adeo profecerunt, ut plan- tas plurimas ex nobilissimis et sus- citarint et ad usum verterint ’(p. 10).
 * ‘Ideoque per totam hanc hyemem

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 So I thought that in the present book I should examine the exoteric meanings which the Law intends the common people to follow, and in those, search the real purpose of the Law-giver, (on whom be peace) according to my ability and knowledge. For the people of His Law have been extremely disturbed, so much so that many misguided sects and different divisions, have been produced, every one of winch thinks that it is following the best Law, and that he who disagrees is either an innovator or an infidel whose life and property is at stake. All this is directly opposed to the purpose of the Law-giver. Its cause lies in the misleading things about the Law which have been put forward.

In our own times, there are four of these sects which are famous. In the first place, there is the sect of the Asharites, and these are the people who are commonly taken to be men of Sunna. Then there are Mutazilites, the sects of the Batinites, (Esoteric), and the sect


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 of the Bombasts. Every one of these sects has its own peculiar beliefs about God, and has turned many an exoteric word of the Law to interpretations, which they have applied to those beliefs. They think that theirs was the original Law which all the people are asked to follow, and he who deviates from it is either an innovator or an infidel. But when you look into all their views and then examine the purpose of the Law, it would appear that a great part of them are recent opinions and innovating interpretations. Of them I will mention here those indispensable beliefs in the Law, without which Faith does not become complete, and will search, in every one of them, the real purpose of the Lawgiver, (peace be upon him,) beyond that which has been made the basis of the Law, and its beliefs before the coming into use of incorrect interpretations. I will begin by explaining the intention of the Law-giver as to the beliefs which should be held by the common


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 people about God, and the methods which Ho adopted towards them. All this is contained in the Divine Book. We will begin by an exposition of the methods which leads to the knowledge of the existence of the Creator, for this is the first thing which a student ought to know. But before this, it is necessary that we should mention the opinions of the well-known sects.

The Bombasts hold that the method of obtaining knowledge of the existence of the Creator is by hearing and not by reason, that is, the belief in His existence, the verification of which is incumbent upon all men, is enough to be taught by the Law-giver, and believed as an article of Faith, as is the case with his teachings about the condition of the Day of Judgment, and others with which our reason has no power to deal. This is obviously a misleading sect, for it Falls short of the purpose of the Law, as regards the method adopted towards all the people, leading them to


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24 HARVEY AND GALEN editor and commentator of Galen, and supplied emendations of his text, which I am told are still valued. He also wrote a Methodus Medendi according to the system of Galen. But it was Caius again who made in his admirable works on the Sweating Sickness the first original contribution to clinical medicine of which our country can boast. Indeed, the best of the numerous writings on this disease were due to men who were distinguished for their scholarship. The same was true of syphilis, a disease in which the direct teaching of the ancients could be of no service, but of which men trained in Greek scholarship, such as Leoniceno of Vicenza and others, whom it would be tedious to mention, have left the best descriptions.

The study of Galen again led inevitably to that of Hippocrates, the great master of clinical description. Cornarius and many of the great humanists edited and translated his works ; Rabelais gave lectures at Montpélier on Hippocrates and Galen, which we may hope were lively 1. These labours, together with the long-forgotten work of Celsus, prepared the way for the revival of Hippo- cratic medicine in the seventeenth century, with which will always be connected the illustrious name of Sydenham.

It will then appear that the revival of medicine in all its departments was essentially a revival of Greek science. For the third time in history the Greek spirit gave new life to the intellectual progress of another race ; as it had before to the Romans and then to the Arabs, so now to the modern Europeans. Out of this great revival grew the new birth of medicine, which through the scholars and the anatomists led up to what was in anatomy its culminating point, the

1 Rabelais lectured in 1531. In author of two Latin verses on the

the next year he published the subjects of his lectures, viz. the Aphorisms of Hippocrates, and the Ars Medica of Galen, with other treatises, in Latin, and a new recen- sion of the Aphorisms in Greek. They form a tiny volume beauti- fully printed by Gryphius of Lyons, Rabelais himself was apparently the

title-page—

artis,
 * Hic medicae fons est exundantissimus

Hine, mage ni sapiat pigra lacuna, bibe’—

and a Greek epigram. (Eiippocratis et Galeni libri aliquot,

ex recognitione Fr. Rabelaesi, Lyons,

1532.)

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THE INFLUENCE OF GALEN

25 great discovery of Harvey. With his momentous innovation the wave of the Greek revival had spent its force, and the era of modern medicine began. But still Harvey was in an intellectual sense the heir of Aristotle and Galen.

If the sketch which has now been given of the two generations antecedent to Harvey be correct, his discovery of the circulation was the climax of that movement which began a century and a half before with the revival of the Greek medical classics and especially of Galen ; for without Galen’s insistence on the all-importance of anatomy in every branch of medicine and surgery the anatomical revival would probably never have taken place. What honour or gratitude has Galen received for this signal service ? In modern times scanty praise or none. The great physician whom Harvey speaks of as divinus ille vir seems to be often thought good for little better than to point the moral of erroneous science. In some modern works, nay, sometimes even in a Harveian Oration, we hear only of the astounding errors of Galen. There is, perhaps, no other instance of a man of equal intellectual rank who has been so persistently misunderstood and even misrepre- sented — a reaction doubtless from the extravagant homage formerly paid him. Some have thought it would have been better if Galen had been forgotten and the medical revival had started direct from Hippocrates. I cannot think so. In that case there would probably have been no anatomy, which is little regarded in the Hippocratic treatises, and the great discovery of Harvey might not have been made. Medicine would probably have lapsed into pure empiricism, and might not for centuries have been placed upon a scientific basis.

Still less can we wish that medicine had followed Paracelsus in his violent revolt against Galen and the ancients. Paracelsus equally repudiated anatomy ; and, moreover, experience shows that blank denial and contra- diction are not the best means of dealing with traditional doctrines. The school of Paracelsus, though it did some service to medicine by way of chemistry, remained a sort

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26

HARVEY AND GALEN of side-stream or back-water, no part of the great river of scientific progress which took its rise from the revival of learning. European medicine passed, in fact, through the same three stages which we now think necessary in medical education, of general, of scientific, and of practical training. First it was disciplined by Linacre and the humanists in accurate knowledge of the medical classics ; next by the anatomists and botanists in the revived Greek sciences ; and thus it was prepared for the right appreciation and study of practical medicine. We cannot wish that the order of progress should have been different.

If Harvey’s discovery grew, though not immediately, out of the Renaissance or Greek revival, it will be interesting to compare his work with that of the Greeks, and more especially with that of Galen. The intervening generations of anatomists — Vesalius, Colombo, Fabricius, and the rest — added much to the older knowledge of the structure of the body, but, except in the explanation of the pulmonary circulation, little to the knowledge of physiology. On this field Harvey stands face to face with Galen, nor is there any third figure that can be compared with them except that of the founder of biological science, Aristotle himself. Galen and Harvey seem at first sight such different per- sonalities that it might be easier to find in them features of diversity than of likeness, but there was between them at least one point of contact — their love for anatomy, including what neither of them ever conceived of as a distinct science, the study of function which we now call physiology. If Galen had written nothing else than his works treating of these subjects he might not have received almost divine honours, as he did for a thousand years ; but he would still be one of the greatest anatomists and physiologists of the world.

In speaking of Galen we are impressed with a sense of the immensity of the subject. His works form one vast encyclopaedia of ancient medicine, comprising anatomy, physiology, practical medicine and surgery, therapeutics with the knowledge of drugs, and practical hygiene and professional ethics, Then we have materials towards the

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THE WRITINGS OF GALEN

27 history of medicine which can be found nowhere else, while nearly all that is valuable in the Hippocratic writings could be recovered from Galen. Philosophy and logic are largely discussed, though most of Galen’s works on those subjects are known to be lost. No one could better deserve to be called an encyclopaedist. But what Galen most prided him- self upon was his method. He claimed to have organized medical science and practice so that his disciples could find their way through the tangled maze of medicine, and compared himself to Trajan, who by improving the roads through Italy had made government as well as communica- tion easier. Here we have the clue to the one element in Galen which is not Greek, something of the organizing and governing faculty of Imperial Rome, which he might have derived from personal acquaintance with the rulers of the Latin world 1. His ideal was rather an empire of medicine than a group of republics. This very spirit of system, while it aided his supremacy through so many centuries, is in modern eyes his weakness. For systems are essentially temporary and doomed to decay, while the objective state- ment of original observation will always possess a certain value. It must not be supposed, however, that Galen’s works contain no original observations. There are many and of great value ; but often they have to be dug out of his theoretical expositions like fossils from a rock. The other great fault which both ancients and moderns find in his works is his immense prolixity ; Galen in a way confesses this. But he says, naively, ‘ If I do write long books it is not my fault ; it is the fault of the other people, who will write books full of so many wretched arguments.’ His obscurity often results from extreme subtlety of thought 2.

1 See De Methodo Medendi, lib. ix.

cap. 8 ; Ktihn, x. p. 633. Galen was born 131 a.d., and died probably soon after 200 a.d. He was physician to the joint emperors Marcus Aurelius and Lucius Verus, and also to the young Commodus, afterwards emperor. He mentions

Consuls, Praetors, and other dis- tinguished persons as being among his patients, or hearers of his anato- mical lectures, and witnesses of his experiments on animals.

2 De Placitis, iv. 1 ; Kuhn, v. p.

360-

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28

HARVEY AND GALEN Few physicians or even scholars in the present day can claim to have even read through this vast collection; I certainly least of all. I can only pretend to have touched the fringe, especially of the anatomical and physiological works. Even a cursory survey, however, is enough to give a clear notion of the point to which I desire to draw special attention ; his methods of inquiry, his standard of evidence and of scientific proof. In these respects I think he will not be found wanting, even judged from a modern standpoint.

Galen’s great anatomical work, De Administrationibus Anatomicis, or manual of dissections, consists of fourteen books, of which the last five are not accessible in either Greek or Latin, but exist only in a manuscript Arabic version which has not been published. Unfortunately the lost books contain part of his account of the nervous system l. His chief physiological work, De Usu Partium , might almost be called a treatise on natural theology, being intended to show the wisdom of the Creator in the adapta- tion of the parts of the body to their functions. These relations, he says, truly constitute the basis of a perfect theology, which is far greater and more to be honoured than the whole of medicine. For Galen, it may be observed, was a devout monotheist ; he was evidently acquainted with part of the Old Testament, and had probably heard some echoes of Christian teaching. What he may have said in confidential moments about Jupiter and the Olympian deities we do not know. This theological bias gives a certain warp to the book, for, feeling bound to show the perfection of arrangements which he imperfectly under- stood, he was naturally led into many errors. Still, it contains a full account of the functions of all organs of

1 The last five books of this treatise are unknown either in Greek or Latin, but exist in an Arabic MS. version in the Bodleian, which has never been published- It was one of the objects in life of our late member, Dr. Greenhill, one of the most learned physicians in Europe,

to bring out these books in a modern version. But various circumstances, and especially his fastidious standard of perfection, prevented him from completing or at least publishing his task. It is hoped, however, that his version may some day appear,

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A word of explanation is due the readers of this book, to whom it may seem at first glance that it is intended to reach two altogether different publics. The book spreads constantly of Jewish children and their instruction, yet it contains much that is far beyond the comprehension of children, and that may seem technical even to the religious school teacher and trained Bible student. No one realizes this better than I, and no one appreciates more the difficulty, and even the danger, of writing for more than one body of readers.

However, circumstances make this condition unavoidable. The preparation of this book was undertaken four years ago, at the request and under the supervision of the Board of Editors of the Department of Synagogue and School Extension of the Union of American Hebrew Congregations. The intention of the Board of Editors was that this work should not be published, but should serve only as the basis for a series of lessons on the stories of Genesis, to be prepared by a Jewish religious school teacher, able and thoroughly experienced in just this particular field of instruction. These lessons were not to be given into the children's hands, but were to constitute a text-book for teachers, and were to indicate the actual material to be presented in teh class-room, and the best method of presentation. This book was to be accompanied by a children's text-book or Bible reader, containing the stories of Genesis in the language of the Bible itself, but simplified so far as possible by the omission of all matter unessential to the main narrative or unsuitable for children. This plan involved a reduction of