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 and lastly, but probably, in Comenius’ eyes, the most important of all, a printing-press, well supplied with type, and some printers to work it.

To these conditions the Count agreed, and Comenius then proceeded to draw up and submit to him a detailed scheme for the school, which he published in the following year under the title Sketch of the Pansophic School. This sketch, of which we give a full description elsewhere, proves Comenius to have been a master of organisation. In scope and breadth of view, the scheme was centuries in advance of its time, while many of the suggestions that it contains are but imperfectly carried into effect at the present day.

Leaving his wife, his son Daniel, and his daughter Susanna at Lissa, Comenius, accompanied by his son-in-law Figulus, settled definitely at Saros-Patak in October (1650), and set about his task without any delay. With the object of exciting the sympathy of the residents in the town, he commenced a course of lectures on Education. The first of these, On the cultivation of the intellect, was delivered in the lecture-room of the school on the 24th of November, and was followed, four days afterwards, by another on Books as the chief instrument of culture. But his ingrained tendency to theorise was as displeasing to his Hungarian friends as it had been to de Geer. “Your schemes,” they said, “are too ambitious. While you lecture to us and talk about your seven-class Gymnasium, the education of our sons is neglected. Make a modest commencement and open a few classes at once.”

Under this pressure, therefore, Comenius wrote a short sketch of a three-class Gymnasium, which he dedicated to Sigismund Rakoczy, and in accordance with this sketch the lowest or Vestibular class was opened on the 13th of


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Author:Johann Wilhelm Ludwig Gleim

Works

 * "The Present Moment" translated anonymously (1839)
 * "The Bee" translated by John Oxenford (1853)

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Author:Johann Wilhelm Ludwig Gleim


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 but which still does not strain and escape their imaginative grasp.

The statesman, both for himself and others, must recognise this inadequacy of grasp, and the necessity for real and imaginary aggregations to sustain men in their practical service of the order of the world. He must be a sociologist; he must study the whole science of aggregations in relation to that World State to which his reason and his maturest thought direct him. He must lend himself to the development of aggregatory ideas that favour the civilising process, and he must do his best to promote the disintegration of the aggregations and the effacement of aggregatory ideas that keep men narrow and unreasonably prejudiced one against another.

He will, of course, know that few men are even rudely consistent in such matters, that the same man in different moods and on different occasions is capable of referring himself in perfect good faith, not only to different, but to contradictory larger beings, and that the more important thing about an aggregatory idea from the State-maker's point of view is not so much what it explicitly involves as what it implicitly repudiates. The natural man does not feel he is aggregating at all, unless he aggregates against something. He refers himself to the tribe; he is loyal to the tribe, and quite inseparably he fears or dislikes those others outside the tribe. The tribe is always at least defensively hostile and usually actively hostile to humanity beyond the aggregation. The Anti-idea, it would seem, is inseparable from the aggregatory idea; it is a necessity of the human mind. When


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Author:Zacharias Lund

Works

 * "Shepherd Song" translated by John Oxenford (1853)

title: Author:Zacharias Lund


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Author:Friedrich Heinrich Himmel

Works

 * "Ada to Alexis, with a rose" translated by John Oxenford (1834)

title: Author:Friedrich Heinrich Himmel


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 a man who had made an ottoman out of an old packing-case.

The friend glanced round the carriage apologetically about the middle of this story, with an expression that said:

"I'm awfully sorry, gentlemen; but it really is not my fault. You see the position I'm in. Don't blame me. Don't make it worse for me to bear than it is."

And we each replied with pitying, sympathetic looks that implied:

"That's all right, my dear sir; don't you fret about that. We see how it is. We only wish we could do something to help you."

The poor fellow seemed happier and more resigned after that.

B. and I hurried on board at Dover, and were just in time to secure the last two berths in the boat; and we were glad that we had managed to do this, because our idea was that we should, after a good supper, turn in and go comfortably to sleep.

B. said:

"What I like to do, during a sea passage, is to go to sleep, and then wake up and find that I am there."

We made a very creditable supper. I explained to B. the ballast principle held by my seafaring friend, and he agreed with me that the idea seemed reasonable; and, as there was a fixed price for supper, and you had as much as you liked, we determined to give the plan a fair trial.

B. left me after supper somewhat abruptly, as it appeared to me, and I took a stroll on deck by myself. I did not feel very comfortable. I am what I call a moderate sailor. I do not go to excess in either direction. On


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 we think of the class A as desirable, we think of Not-A as undesirable. The two things are as inevitably connected as the tendons of our hands, so that when we flatten down our little fingers on our palms, the fourth digit, whether we wish it or not, comes down halfway. All real working gods, one may remark, all gods that are worshipped emotionally, are tribal gods, and every attempt to universalise the idea of God trails dualism and the devil after it as a moral necessity.

When we inquire, as well as the unformed condition of terrestrial sociology permits, into the aggregatory ideas that seem to satisfy men, we find a remarkable complex, a disorderly complex, in the minds of nearly all our civilised contemporaries. For example, all sorts of aggregatory ideas come and go across the chameleon surfaces of my botanist's mind. He has a strong feeling for systematic botanists as against plant physiologists, whom he regards as lewd and evil scoundrels in this relation; but he has a strong feeling for all botanists, and indeed all biologists, as against physicists and those who profess the exact sciences, all of whom he regards as dull, mechanical, ugly-minded scoundrels in this relation; but he has a strong feeling for all who profess what is called Science as against psychologists, sociologists, philosophers, and literary men, whom he regards as wild, foolish, immoral scoundrels in this relation; but he has a strong feeling for all educated men as against the working man, whom he regards as a cheating, lying, loafing, drunken, thievish, dirty scoundrel in this relation; but so soon as the working man is comprehended together with those others as Englishmen


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 turned, and applied to gratify unchast Desires.

is greatly wanted that our Governours and constituted Powers should take notice of such Things, and, as far as lies in them, prevent the turning and inverting the End of these nice Institutions, that they may not be apply'd to wrong Purposes, or debauched by Men of vitious Inclinations, to such Ends as are scandalous to Religion, and to humane Society.

' true, it would be hard to make a Regulation which should suit to every Circumstance which might happen, and to the nature of the Thing too; yet something might be done; for Example, I think there might be a Law made which should limit the Rule of Decency in the Case of second Marriages, binding the Parties surviving to a certain Time, in which it should not be lawful for the Man or the Woman to marry after the Death of the Wife or Husband that went before, and if any did marry within that Time, it should be esteemed not only unlawful but shameful and odious, done in meer sensuality, and to gratify the worst Part, not the Christian Part; it should, in short, be a Brand of Infamy on the Person, whether Man or Woman, either to marry, or even to treat of, or about Marriage, within that Time.

a Law would, at least, distinguish People one from another; they would be known and mark'd out; and if that Law was duly and exactly executed, the Offence would, in time, grow out of use, be really scandalous, no Body would be guilty of it that had


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MY LORDS,

HEN contemplating the vast importance of the present question, I feel concerned and perplexed that it should fall to my lot to open a discussion of such magnitude. It would have been fortunate indeed for those materially interested, had some of your Lordships undertaken the arduous task—Some of your Lordships who are much older than myself, consequently from years, knowledge, and experience,


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 much abler and better calculated to form a correct judgment of the subject.

The Noble Secretary of State (Lord Grenville) has frequently thrown out the idea, that the delay originated with those Peers who had taken a decided part against the Bill. If professional knowledge and local experience have extended the examination at the Bar to a length that may, in the opinion of some Noble Lords, have been much more than what was satisfactory, I, for one, plead guilty. It was my wish, by the most minute research, to produce such a body of evidence as would convince your Lordships of the rectitude and policy of those with whom I have the happiness to act. We have not been the cause of unnecessary delay. The delay has, in fact, originated with the Noble Secretary himself; for on the day appointed for the second reading of this Bill—upon which I had intended to have submitted a motion to your Lordships—he


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 presented a petition from the Sierra Leone Company in favour of it. I beg, therefore, that the delay may be attributed to those who have actually produced it.

Having, on every occasion, when the subject of the Slave Trade has been mentioned in this House, declared, that I never would act but in the most open, honourable, and candid manner; and it being the intention of those Noble Lords with whom I have the honour to agree, to persevere firmly in their resistance of any plan of Abolition, I did not, although fully empowered, object to the Petitioners being heard by counsel at the bar. It is not my most distant intention to throw any censure upon the Noble Secretary of State, whose general conduct, during the present critical situation of Europe, has been such as to prove his affection to the King and country. To him I impute no blame upon the subject of the Petition in favour of the Bill; but far differently do I think of


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 those Gentlemen who drew it.—When the Bill was first brought up to this House, my Lords, I own I did not conceive it possible for its supporters to defend the measure, but upon the general grounds of Abolition; and indeed, thanks to Mr. Plomer, he took care to defend it upon the principle of total and complete Abolition. I may, therefore, be permitted to enter with the same firmness into the general principles of the whole question.

To persons so well acquainted with the history of this country as your Lordships, it would be too great presumption on my part to engage your attention, by a detailed account of the African Trade carried on by the European nations; suffice it to say, that in the year 1442, the Portuguese began it. In 1471, the Portuguese built the first forts on the Gold Coast, and had thirty-seven vessels in the trade. In 1502, the Spaniards commenced the same trade; and in 1517,


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 Charles V. allowed the Portuguese to furnish Hispaniola, Cuba, Jamaica, and Porto Rico, With 4000 slaves annually.

That able navigator, Hawkins, in 1562, first sailed to Sierra Leone; and at that time the African Trade was considered of such importance in this country, that Queen Elizabeth, the ensuing year, sent Hawkins to trade there. He gives an account of their barbarity, and states, that the people were at that time mere slaves. He also mentions, that he found the French trading in that quarter of the world; so that your Lordships may perceive, that even so early as the latter part of the sixteenth century, the different nations of Europe that had possessions in the West Indies, considered the Slave Trade as absolutely necessary for the existence of these colonies. It is said, that Queen Elizabeth gave the first charter, and I believe the fact, as it comes from a very respectable channel. In 1618, James I. granted a charter to Sir


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 Robert Rich and others. In 1631, Charles I. granted another; but the troubles opened the trade till 1660.

The dreadful events of the Civil War, during the latter part of the reign of the unfortunate Charles, and the capture of the Island of Jamaica, during the Protectorate of Cromwell, are historical facts well known to your Lordships. But even these calamities did not annihilate the trade. Upon the capture of Jamaica, Cromwell promised to send a supply of Africans; and highly requisite indeed it was, for the British settlers would not undertake to cultivate the lands in Jamaica, unless encouraged and protected by this promise of the Usurper. To confirm the settlers in their opinion of that necessity, those of Barbadoes had, by fatal experience, ascertained the impossibility of carrying on labour in tropical climates by Whites. In 1662, Charles II. granted a new charter to the African Company; his brother, the Duke


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 of York, was at the head of it. In 1665, the Company's factors settled at Jamaica. In 1672 another African Company was formed, the King himself, the Duke of York, Prince Rupert, with others, appeared as the patrons, and many of high rank, amongst whom was the celebrated Mr. Locke.

In 1688, the Revolution put an end to the Company, because all monopolies were contrary to its spirit and principles. In 1698, the first Assiento Contract was entered into with the Spaniards, and encouraged by King William. In the same year the famous Act was passed by King William, entitled, "An Act for the Protection of that Trade, and for the Advantage of England, and the Preservation of its Colonies." This Act is considered by the West Indians as their birth-right. Now, my Lords, who were the men that passed this famous Act? They were those great and illustrious characters, who, under the blessings of Divine


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 Providence, secured to this country the happiness of the constitution under which we now live, and many of whose descendants I have the honour of addressing.

During the latter part of King William, and the whole of the reign of Queen Anne, the Parliament was engaged in the African trade. In the proceedings of Parliament from 1707 to 1713, are records to support the trade. Your Lordships may recollect the long, the great, and glorious war, the war of succession, carried on in the reign of Queen Anne, and your Lordships may also have impressed on your minds, that the treaty of Utrecht was the consequence of that war. The Commissioners appointed by her Majesty for the peace, were the Earl of Strafford and the Bishop of Winchester. In their instructions, the Assiento Contract was one of the articles of peace; and I cannot suppose that a Right Reverend and Learned Prelate would have undertaken to go as a Commissioner with


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 such an article in his instructions, had he considered the Slave Trade as contrary to the benign dictates of the Christian religion. Queen Anne, in her most gracious speech of June 6th, 1712, from the throne of the very House in which I have now the honour of addressing your Lordships, mentions this essential advantage in favour of Great Britain.

Now, my Lords, I have ever understood the speech of the Sovereign to be the speech of the Minister; I am therefore to suppose that the then Ministry considered the Assiento Contract, as a matter of the highest advantage to the Queen and her subjects, and an article to be insisted upon, in consequence of the glorious termination of the war. But a reference to the speech itself may serve to dissipate any doubts which may arise in your Lordships minds. In one passage Queen Anne says—"The apprehension that Spain and the West Indies might be united to


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 France, was the chief inducement to begin this war; and the effectual preventing of such an union was the principle I laid down at the commencement of this treaty."

Again, "The division of the Island of St. Christopher between us and the French, having been the cause of great inconveniency and damage to my subjects, I have demanded to have an absolute cession made to us of that whole island; and France agrees to this demand."

And lastly, which is by far the most essential passage of the speech, her Majesty most emphatically states: "But the part which we have borne in prosecuting this war entitling us to some distinction in the terms of peace, I have and, That the  or , shall be made with us for the term of thirty years, in the same manner as it


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 has been enjoyed by the French for these ten years past."

After these pertinent quotations, I need scarcely farther impress on the minds of my auditors the vast importance of the West India Settlements. Here I might make my stand, were it not that the spirit of perversion and falsehood, ever hostile to the rights of the Liverpool Merchant and West India Planter, demanded my most serious and active interference.

The Treaty to supply the Spaniards with 4800 Negroes annually, lasted till 1750. Upon the Peace of 1763, the Assiento Contract was not renewed; and, my Lords, a Right Honourable and eloquent Author, now no more (Mr. Burke) wrote in the strongest manner possible against the impolicy of the peace of 1763, because this country not only neglected to supply the Spaniards, but even the French, with Negroes;


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 and in 1765, upon the change of Administration, the Right Honourable Gentleman brought in his first Free-Port Act, and which has continued to be adopted by the Government down to the present moment. It may, my Lords, be thought singular, that in the latter part of Mr. Burke's life, he should have voted for an Abolition of the Slave Trade; but in his character, like that of many other great men, there are several shades irreconcilable with the prominent features. I perfectly well remember, my Lords, that when I thought it my duty as a Member of Parliament to take a decided part in this important business, I had occasion to mention to the Right Honourable Gentleman his change of sentiments. He acknowledged that my observation was just, as referring to his former conduct; and emphatically concluded—"My own words must rise up in judgment against me." It recur to this great and enlightened authority for the rectitude of my position; and if in the vale of life he chose


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 to deviate from his previous principles, sanctioned by years and fortified by experience, I have yet to learn the cause of his conversion.

But we shall, my Lords, take a more minute survey.—At the very moment in which I address your Lordships, the state of the African Trade is thus: One hundred and eighty-three vessels, measuring 49,065 tons, navigated by 6276 seamen.

Having given this account of the African Trade, and brought it down to the present moment, I beg leave to call your Lordships attention to the Sierra Leone Company, who are the Petitioners in favour of this Bill. Mr. Stevens has informed us, that the object of the Company was not so much that of commerce, as a total and complete Abolition. I approve of his confession, and admire his candour: but while I bestow encomiums on the power of his talents, and the honesty of


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 his avowal, I implore your particular attention, my Lords, to the interest of the West India Merchants and Planters, who adventure in Colonial Commerce, on the solemn pledge and honour of the British Government.

From what I have submitted to your Lordships, relative to the History of the Trade, it is evident that the traffick in Slaves is congenial with and suitable to the manners, laws, and customs of Africa. No wonder, therefore, that the chiefs, princes, and the different native powers of that country, should set their faces against the New Settlers at Sierra Leone.

Mr. Dawes and Mr. Macaulay, the only two evidences produced at the Bar in favour of the Bill, are men, it must be confessed, of the most accommodating memories. It is difficult to follow them through all their various digressions. When it is convenient,


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 they appear to possess the most tenacious and perfect recollection; and when it suits their purpose, their memories, with remarkable facility, totally fail them. Mr. Dawes, a marine officer, who had the honour of serving the King the whole of the last war, and the greater part of it in America, does not recollect what both these gentlemen chose to call the Nova Scotia Blacks! These Blacks were Slaves in the American Colonies, and promised their freedom by Royal Proclamation, upon condition of serving the whole war with the army; in which situation they acted as guides and pioneers; and in every menial capacity that an army requires. On the Peace of 1783, these Negroes were carried to the remaining part of the British settlements in North America, where the government of this country, with great liberality, gave them tools and utensils for the erection of houses and the cultivation of their lands; in addition to these cherishing acts, they were also supplied the first year with


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 twelve months provisions; the second year with a sufficiency for six months; and the third year with what would answer for three months consumption. But in this instance, the fostering hand of government was stretched out in vain; these Negroes, after the irregular and Wanton conumption of the provisions so humanely bestowed upon them, sold their utensils of husbandry, relapsed into a state of idleness and dissipation, and by various stratagems arrived in this country, where they were taken up by the Sierra Leone Company, to be transplanted as a Colony on their part of the African shore.

Can your Lordships be surprised, that with all the ingenious and logical arguments of Mr. Stevens, the learned counsel should be obliged to admit, that the Imports from the establishment of the Colony of Africa is 4000l. per annum, while their expence is 10,000l. Your Lordships will observe, that the Sierra Leone Company set out with a


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 capital of 250,000l.; that Mr. Stevens has laboured to prove, that at present they are worth 50,000l. though I have the strongest reason to believe that they are not worth more than 30,000l. By Mr. Stevens 's own account, there is an annual deficit of 6000l. a year; so that these great and flourishing colonists, as they wish to be thought, must shortly dissolve partnership, or continue trade at an immense loss, and consequently increase their capital, or become bankrupts.

Considering, my Lords, the manner in which this investigation has been carried on by those Noble Peers who support the Bill, I am confident, that if Mr. Mungo Park had been favourable to the Abolition of this Trade, he would have been brought to your Lordships Bar. I am, therefore, not a little surprised to hear Mr. Stevens quote certain pages in Mr. Park's very excellent work. And, my Lords, nothing could so completely refute Mr. Stevens's different quotat-


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 tions, as the simple but elegant and forcible passage, quoted from the same author, by my valuable and learned friend, Mr. Law. The interior of Africa, my Lords, is at best but very little known to Europeans; nor indeed can it be a matter of astonishment, when, with one exception, or two, the only occasions on which that coast has been visited by Europeans, were for the purposes of traffic; and it is well known, that on such adventures, the whole time of the Merchants and Masters of Vessels is occupied by objects of commerce. But, my Lords, it is to me highly gratifying, that the plain, undigested, and simple account, presented at your Lordships Bar, both on the present investigation, and on the general inquiry made some years ago by the African Merchants, agrees with the statement of Mr. Mungo Park, relative to the intended prohibited district. It is therefore but fair to presume, that had Mr. Mungo Park, or any other unprejudiced and impartial traveller, visited


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 the other parts of the Slave Coasts, the evidence produced upon the general investigation, at your Lordships Bar, by the African Merchants, would have proved equally true and correct. For the sake of humanity, therefore, my Lords—and I repeat it—for the sake of humanity—this Trade ought to continue; for how many thousands, how many millions of lives have been saved in the Kingdom of Dahomy! and how much bloodshed has been spared amongst the wretched and miserable victims in that quarter of the globe, thus rescued from the knife.

Mr. Macaulay, that very accommodating Witness, who sometimes inadvertently glances at the truth, has entered into the different causes of Slavery in Africa, and has given a very minute account on the subject of kidnapping, in which, my Lords, he does not dare to insinuate that the British Trader is indirectly concerned. As for war's being


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 the cause of Slavery, it is proved by Mr. Park, that whether upon the Coast or the Interior, so far from that being favourable to the Slave Trade, that in either situation the Trade for the time is utterly suspended: therefore it is not the interest of the British Trader to encourage wars amongst the natives. But I beg pardon of the Commercial World.—I have too great a respect for the character of a British Trader, to suppose that he would be guilty of such infamy. His conduct is distinguished by plain dealing and honest meaning; and he has too much pride of character to deviate from the paths of honour.

In all climates, where food is easily obtained, cultivation is little attended to. Mr. Park bears strong testimony to that fact. For having been in the East Indies, on mentioning to the inhabitants of the interior of Africa the advantageous uses to which the Elephant and Bullock are applied on that


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 continent, the natives laughed at him, and observed, that the only beast of burden was the ass. Whenever a famine arises in any country where cultivation is little known, the consequences must indeed be fatal; and during dearths, Mr. Park mentions several instances of the natives selling themselves for food.

As for crimes being the cause of Slavery in Africa, it is, my Lords, even no more than the law of this country; for what are the Convicts that are annually transported to Botany Bay but Slaves? The last cause of Slavery in Africa, and which Mr. Stevens has, with his usual candour and close argument, dwelt largely upon, is the crime of Witchcraft. Now, my Lords, though this country has been for many centuries under the benign influence of Christianity, it is a fact well ascertained, that at the close of the last century, people were tried and convicted of Witchcraft, Can your Lordships, therefore,


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 be astonished, that the wild, ferocious, and ignorant African, unenlightened by the Christian Religion, should frequently consider persons conversant with, and consequently guilty of a communication with evil spirits? Indeed, my Lords, though the civilization of Africa was professed to be, together with the Abolition of the Slave Trade, the principal object of the Sierra Leone Company, it does not appear that any great benefit can soon arise from the propagation of Christianity under the influence of this Colony; for even Mr. Macaulay has acknowledged, that for the last three years no Clergyman of the Church of England has been within the Settlement; and indeed, notwithstanding that the salary of Chaplains was 140l. per annum, no clergyman, after earnest solicitation, could be procured to venture to this pernicious climate.

I have heard that the staple commodity of Africa is Slaves. Every other article of Com-


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 merce, even including ivory, is very small; and many of these articles, it has been satisfactorily proved at your Lordships Bar, have lain upon the hands of the merchants of this country at a considerable loss. It has been stated by Mr. Macaulay, and likewise by Mr. Dawes, that the Grumattes, or domestic Slaves, who attend the caravans of Slaves down to the coast, must be in great numbers, in order to carry back the different British Manufactures bartered for a ton of ivory. It is a very specious, though a very fallacious argument, in support of the idea intended to be impressed upon your Lordships minds by the friends of the Bill, that the Slave Trade is not so materially an object With the natives, as that of other productions in Africa. Mr. Macaulay and Mr. Dawes are obliged to admit, that the ivory brought down to the markets is suspended upon the backs of the Slaves for sale, and, consequently, that it cannot be brought down from the interior in any other


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 manner: From my own experience, my Lords, amongst the Indians in North America, the use of any beast to carry burthens is equally as unknown as in Africa. The reason, my Lords, I take to be the same with the Indians as with the Africans; namely, that the conveyance is water-carriage; and that the Africans, as well as the North American Indians, have only a few carrying places between their great water communication: Therefore, my Lords, it is evident, that these goods, bartered in lieu of ivory, are only carried short distanees by men, and transported chiefly by water. Far be it from me, my Lords, to draw any insidious inference from the evidence of Mr. Macaulay or Mr. Dawes, relative to Grumattes, or Domestic Slaves, employed by the Colony, notwithstanding that the charter does not permit such a conduct, directly or indirectly; but Slavery is so congenial to the laws, habits, and customs of Africa, that even Mr. Park, with his extensive knowledge of that


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 territory, was not able to distinguish the Freeman from the Slave.

I do not wish to make any wrong impression on the minds of your Lordships; but a man less suspicious than myself might have good grounds for insinuating, that some Members of the Sierra Leone Company view, with an envious eye, the advantageous traffic now carried on between the African and British Trader. If the grand object of the Sierra Leone Company, like every other Commercial Association, be gain rather than loss, I have a right to think that some of the Members lament their exclusion from the Slave Trade. If there be no cause for this suspicion, why molest and annoy the British Trader in the exercise of that traffic sanctioned for such a long series of years by custom and by Parliament? Surveying the subject in this view, I have a right to maintain, that the British Legislature, on the passing of the Act for Incorporating and Establishing the Sierra


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 Leone Company, renewed and confirmed all their former Acts in favour of the Slave Trade. So tender was the Parliament of that period, namely, that of 1790, about the acknowledged right of the British Trader to Africa, that fearful of affecting the interest of the West India Merchants and Planters, by the monopoly or prohibition of the Slave Trade, they cautiously introduced in the Bill, for the Establishment of the Sierra Leone Company, the following protecting Clause:

"Provided also, and be it further enacted, That it shall not be lawful for the said Company, either directly or indirectly, by itself or themselves, or by the Agents or Servants of the said Company, or otherwise howsoever, to deal or traffic in the buying or selling of Slaves, or in any manner whatsoever to have, hold, appropriate, or employ any person or persons, in a state of slavery, in the service of the said Company."


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 —which includes, in this case, I may remark, the Scottish and Welsh—he holds them superior to all other sorts of European, whom he regards, etc

Now one perceives in all these aggregatory ideas and rearrangements of the sympathies one of the chief vices of human thought, due to its obsession by classificatory suggestions. The necessity for marking out classes has brought with it a bias for false and excessive contrast, and we never invent a term but we are at once cramming it with implications beyond its legitimate content. There is no feat of irrelevance that people will not perform quite easily in this way; there is no class, however accidental, to which they will not at once ascribe deeply distinctive qualities. The seventh sons of seventh sons have remarkable powers of insight; people with a certain sort of ear commit crimes of violence; people with red hair have souls of fire; all democratic socialists are trustworthy persons; all people born in Ireland have vivid imaginations and all Englishmen are clods; all Hindoos are cowardly liars; all curly-haired people are good-natured; all hunchbacks are energetic and wicked, and all Frenchmen eat frogs. Such stupid generalisations have been believed with the utmost readiness, and acted upon by great numbers of sane, respectable people. And when the class is one's own class, when it expresses one of the aggregations to which one refers one's own activities, then the disposition to divide all qualities between this class and its converse, and to cram one's own class with every desirable distinction, becomes overwhelming.


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 And here, my Lords, I have additional proof to offer concerning the protecting wisdom of the Parliament in favour of the British Trader to Africa. In another part of the same law is a Clause, expressly "securing the British Merchants to Africa from the operations of the Act." What am I, my Lords, to conclude from this protecting Clause, but that the wisdom of Parliament, penetrating into futurity, had resolved that all the former Acts of the Legislature should be respected and confirmed beyond the possibility of a doubt? If I am wrong in my conclusion, then why pass such a Clause in an Act of such vast importance to the interest of the Sierra Leone Company? Why attempt to fix a stigma upon their future conduct, by supposing that they would infringe upon the rights of the British Trader in the Slave Trade? Why introduce such a protecting Clause? If found requisite to check and control future avarice and ambition, my argument is fortified in an im-


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 pregnable manner. If useless and of no avail, this part of the act is an exposure of the folly and absurdity of Parliament. It is a mere piece of waste paper, and serves to commemorate the weakness of the legislature. But, my Lords, I have too great respect for the proceedings of a British Parliament to entertain for a moment such an opinion. In acts framed and passed by the collective wisdom of the British empire, by whom every consequence is fully weighed, it would be a libel on Parliament to suppose that it could pass a Clause without some specific object in view. The object, my Lords, was certainly the protection of the right of the trader, acknowledged and established for time immemorial. I confess, my Lords, my astonishment at the presumption of the men calling themselves the Sierra Leone Company. They audaciously appear at your Lordships Bar, and arrogantly insinuate, that you are incapable of deciding on the merits or demerits of an important case of


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Author:Jean-Nicolas Bouilly

Works

 * Fidelio (1805–1814), composed by Ludwig van Beethoven, libretto by Bouilly, adapted by Joseph Ferdinand Sonnleithner and Georg Friedrich Treitschke
 * Extracts translated by John Oxenford (1835)

title: Author:Jean-Nicolas Bouilly


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 legislation. On the ill-founded plea of humanity, they desire you to relinquish your colonial wealth, the sinews of our commercial existence, and sink into insignificance and contempt in the eyes of Europe and the world, by the adoption of their new system of philosophy and humanity! They call upon you to disfranchise the West India Merchants and Planters—to depopulate Liverpool—and to deprive some thousands of industrious and respectable men of their birth-right as British subjects. These are incontrovertible facts; but your Lordships penetration will easily discover the true aim of the petitioners, who labour so anxiously to destroy your former acts of Parliament. From principles of honour and justice to the West India Planters, I appeal to the protecting Clause alluded to. But do not, my Lords, take my ipse dixit—let the Clause speak for itself:


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 "Provided always, and be it enacted, That nothing in this act contained shall extend, or be construed to extend, to affect the rights of any other British subjects trading to Africa, so as to prevent, or in any manner to obstruct the ships or vessels belonging to British subjects from anchoring in Sierra Leone or Camaranca Rivers, or in any of the creeks, bays, or harbours within the limits specified in this act, for the purpose of refitting and repairing as heretofore, with full liberty to the same to erect temporary tents, huts, or sheds, on the shores of the said peninsula, for the security of the stores and accommodation of the persons employed upon such occasions."

It has been falsely asserted, and an attempt has thence been made to mislead the public mind, that European nations only carry on the Slave Trade with Africa. Even Mr. Stevens allows that Blacks are carried into Tur-


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 key, for the purposes of state, of luxury, and even for the seraglios of Mahometans. As to the fact, I will admit that gentleman to be right; but he is erroneous as to numbers; for, my Lords, the numbers annually transported by the Eastern channels to Turkey, to Egypt, to Russia, and to the East Indies, are immense. I will not shock your Lordships minds by the horrid cruelties and barbarities which the miserable and devoted wretches experience from the gratification of their Mahomedan and Eastern masters. And here, my Lords, I have a right to draw a contrast between the humanity of the West India Traders, and the atrocity of those now described. In one case, we find the milk of human kindness; in the other, acts of turpitude and violence which outrage the sensibilities of nature, and mortify and disgrace mankind.

The Portuguese transport 40,000 annually to the Brazils. The French, previous to the revolution, during the last peace, supplied


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 their own islands with Negroes, from the eastward of the Cape of Good Hope. I beg leave, my Lords, to impress upon your memories a few stubborn facts. The Portuguese and native merchants in India, carry on at this time the Slave Trade through Bombay. Since that period, a tax has been laid upon the importation of Negroes into that place by British merchants. I am the last man in the world, my Lords, to detract from the merits of those concerned in the management of this business; and I dare say, the Court of Directors of the East India Company were actuated by the most laudable and humane motives, when they imposed a duty upon the importation of Negroes in British bottoms.

But with all deference to that high and respectable Association, I think it a matter of great national importance, seriously to consider, how far it is prudent to encourage not only the Portuguese, but even the native


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 powers, in efforts for the improvement of navigation, and the consequent increase if seamen, in seas so remote from our home possessions. And here, my Lords, I wish to remark, that this observation arises from pure motives of patriotism, as I am fearful of impolicy and danger from such rival powers, when usurping and armed with the authority of the moment.

Permit me, my Lords, to illustrate these observations by some additional truths. It is a fact, perhaps well known to every British Officer of the army and navy who has been at Gibraltar, that the Emperor of Morocco has a very large black army within his dominions, the number of which he regularly maintains by sending down armed Moors to bring away, by force, the negroes from their wives and families, without the advantage of barter, and without the most distant respect to the customs and manners of the Africans.


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 I have said thus much, my Lords, upon the subject of Africa, upon its trade, and upon the state of the petitioners in favour of the Bill, namely, the Sierra Leone Company. I shall therefore conclude my remarks on Africa with the strong and memorable words of Mr. Park:—

"Such are the general outlines of that system of slavery which prevails in Africa; and it is evident from its nature and extent, that it is a system of no modern date. It probably had its origin with remote ages of antiquity, before the Mahomedans explored a path across the desert. How far it is maintained and supported by the Slave Traffic, which, for two hundred years, the natives of Europe have carried on with the natives of the coast, it is neither within my province, nor in my power to explain. If my sentiments should be required concerning the effect which a discontinuance of that


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 any Value for their own Character, because it would expose the Crime, as well as the Fact.

I grant, that the Respect to the Dead is not the thing that makes the Crime, but that Respect being a Debt of Decency, why is it not paid? Let the Reason be enquired into, the Answer must be natural, because the Party has a secret Inclination to gratify, and which is to be obliged in spight of that Pretence. Now all Matrimony that is meerly enter'd into to gratify the Inclination, that is undertaken meerly for the sensual Part, is, in my Sense, a debauched Matrimony, because Sensuality is not the true End and Design of the Ordinance of Matrimony, but a Corruption of it, and an Abuse.

is for the Honour of Matrimony, and to dignify the Ordinance in a due Manner, that those Things should be avoided which bring Scandal upon it, tho' it be but in the Circumstances, not the essential Part: To see a Couple come together meerly and openly to gratify the vitious and Brutal Part, and satisfy their Sensuality, and then take the sacred Name of in their Mouths, and tell us, they do come together according to  holy Ordinance. This is making, not a Jest of Religion only, but 'tis Prophaneness, 'tis turning sacred Things to debauched Purposes, 'tis giving religious Titles to corrupt Undertakings, and sanctifying Crimes by the Mask of Innocence.

Protestants and Christians, or those who would be esteemed such, look back upon the Purity which they profess, and no longer study to cover and conceal Crime under the Appearance of Religion, but honestly explode the vitious Part, and distinguish rightly between


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 commerce would produce on the manners of the natives, I should have no hesitation in observing, that in the present unenlightened state of their minds, my opinion is, the effect would neither be so extensive nor beneficial, as many wise and worthy persons fondly expect."

Having, in what I have already had the honour of submitting to your Lordships, stated, that I should discuss this business upon the general question of Abolition, and being indeed supported by the arguments used both by Mr. Plomer and Mr. Stevens, I naturally come, having left the African Coast, to the Middle Passage, This subject having lately been much debated before your Lordships, I shall not labour under the unpleasant necessity of taking up a great deal of your time. I have declared, and I always shall declare, that I have been, that I am, and that I always shall be, a sincere friend to wise and humane regulations


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 in transporting the Negroes from Africa to the West Indies.

The noble Earl, my friend, (Liverpool) who so advantageously for the King and Country, and so honourably for himself, presides at the head of the trade of this kingdom, in the year 1788, brought in the first Carrying Bill—very wise and useful measure: For, my Lords, should the British merchants, under any false principle of gain, crowd the slave ships to that degree so as to produce pestilence and disease among the Negroes on board, it is humane, it is wise and praiseworthy of this Great Commercial Nation, to prevent diseased and infected Negroes from being imported into the British West India Plantations. Let foreign nations, my Lords, if they choose it, make no regulations for their own vessels, and let them import into their own islands, disease and discontent amongst the slaves brought from the coast of Africa; but we,


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 God, are actuated by other considerations than mere gain. We are actuated by principles of humanity. To prove to your Lordships the wisdom and the efficacy of my noble friend's arrangement upon the subject of the Middle Passage, I will beg leave to call your Lordships attention to the following statement and calculation:—

By an account delivered by Mr. Cock, the very able and intelligent Commercial Agent for Liverpool, in a paper already much commented upon, it appears, that out of 15,508 Negroes, shipped in the year 1706, 559 died, being about 3 ½ per Cent.

That according to the New Carrying Bill, the above 15,508 Negroes will be reduced to 10,352, which is a reduction of one third; besides that a great many ships will be altogether excluded from the trade, wherein


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 the slaves have been carried in most health, as will be seen from a calculation made on a number of ships which traded in the

Several of these vessels were altered to their present heights, at a very great expence, in consequence of an Act passed in the year 1797, for regulating the height between decks, which will not bear further elevation.

Your Lordships will therefore perceive, that every attention has not only been paid to the health of the slaves, but by the expe-


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 rience of eleven years, and by the documents I have already shewn, that that object has been completely and fully established.

Much having been said in a former debate upon the subject of the height between decks, and a vessel named the Plumper, particularly alluded to by the Noble Secretary of State, I have to observe, that the Plumper being only two feet seven inches between decks, as stated by the Secretary of State, shipped 140 slaves, out of whom only two died.

Great stress has been laid upon the evidence of Captain Schank; and, my Lords, to prove that my words and my actions shall always be the same, and that upon this grand and important question I shall always act with liberality and candour, I did not propose to Captain Schank certain questions relative to the height between decks of


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 vessels, though I was possessed of his sentiments, that the height between decks, by his experience, was a matter of no moment to the health of men on board of the ship. Being myself an advocate for height between decks, I had at all times, where the vessel would admit, wished it as high as possible. But, my Lords, I always shall oppose any proposition brought forward for the mere purpose of harassing and distressing the British Slave Trader, after every wise and good regulation has been established for the health and comfort of the Negroes by the Bill of 1788. In short, my Lords, the Carrying Bill just passed, is merely for the purpose of harassing and distressing the British Merchant; and it is not more conducive to the health or comfort of the Negro. Even the Bounty Clause, as an inducement for the Master and Surgeon to take care of the health of the Negro, is omitted. We are, my Lords, and it is with pleasure I affirm it, the ablest sea-faring nation on the globe;


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 and it is therefore to be presumed, that the health of the Negro Slave, whilst on board British ships, is as much attended to as on board the ships of any other nation, and Mr. Park corroborates my opinion in the following words:—

"The mode of confining and securing Negroes in American Slave ships (owing chiefly to the weakness of their crews) is abundantly more rigid than in British Vessels."

Having now brought your Lordships to the West Indies, I trust I may be allowed for a moment to pause, and consider a little who are the West India Proprietors: They are our fellow-subjects—they are Englishmen—they are, if not born, at least educated in this country. From local knowledge, and personal experience, I must bear testimony to the affection and to the loyalty they entertain for their and the Mo-


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 ther Country. It has been frequently, my Lords, mentioned, whenever this question has been agitated in this House—the riches and flourishing state of the West Indies. I admit it, and rejoice at the fact; and may therefore fairly assert, that in a free country, where, thank God, every thing is to be attained by individuals, it cannot be supposed that a West India proprietor pays less attention to the education of his child than any other British subject; and indeed, your Lordships know, that the great schools of Eton, Westminster, Harrow, and Winchester, are full of the sons of the West Indians. It would be a reflection indeed, which the Right Reverend and Learned Prelates I am sure would contradict, to say, that young men quitting these great public schools, to complete their educations at the seminaries of Oxford and Cambridge, and the universities of Scotland and Ireland, should turn out disgraceful to human nature, and destitute of heart and common feeling. It is not to your


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 Lordships that I address this observation, because it is with real pleasure I observe, that all the idea of inhuman treatment from the British planter to the slave was done away in the opinion of your Lordships, shortly after the investigation first took place, by the examinations at the Bar of this House. I mention this, my Lords, that as an eye witness and a resident for some years amongst those West India planters, I may bear witness to their good conduct, to their humanity, and to the care and attention of their Slaves.

Facts, my Lords, speak for themselves:—Since the year 1792, and since the commencement of the French War, three events have arisen in the British West India islands. The first, the Maroon War, in the island of Jamaica. A tribe of Coromantine Negroes (part of the Maroons) in amity with the British Nation, unjustly made war upon the inhabitants of Jamaica. From the British officers employed in that war, I understand


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 these Maroons, notwithstanding constant intercourse of more than a century with christians, to be totally void of all religion whatsoever; to be completely savage and barbarous, and to go entirely naked, with the exception of short trowsers. Neither have they, though surrounded by the British plantations, shewn any degree of cultivation excepting by the provisions which they grow for their own use. During this Maroon War, my Lords, the slaves on the island of Jamaica remained quiet, peaceable, loyal, and affectionate. The war was soon concluded, and the slaves had the warmest approbation of their masters.

In the Island of St. Vincent the second event took place, namely, the Carib War. The Caribs are the Aborigines of the country, and were permitted to remain in quiet possession upon the mountains of that island. It was not till the peace of 1763 that St. Vincent was entirely ceded to the King of Great


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 Britain; and the Caribs, previous to this cession to England, having had communication with the French, maintained it during the whole of the peace. The island was consequently captured last war with the assistance of the Caribs; and this war, at the instigation of the French, the Caribs began a new rupture with the British inhabitants of St. Vincent's. Hostilities were fortunately concluded, and the Caribs, since that time, have been removed off the island. During this war, the slaves upon the different estates have remained steady and quiet, and still continue loyal and dutiful to their masters.

The third and last event was, I confess, an insurrection of slaves in the Island of Grenada; but, my Lords, it was an insurrection of French slaves belonging to French masters, tainted with French principles; for even at that time, the slaves belonging to the British never joined in the revolt, but remained quiet upon the plantations of their owners.


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 I trust, my Lords, that these three material circumstances will hear me out in my assertion respecting the general good treatment of the British Planters to their slaves in the West Indies. I may also with truth, my Lords, affirm, that the treatment of the Negro slaves in the British Islands, is far superior to that of all foreign nations.

In the year 1788, I was in the island of Jamaica, when the first consolidated Slave Act was passing; and an honourable Gentleman, a member of the Assembly of Jamaica, who had just then arrived from England, bit by the rage of the day for the Abolition of the Slave Trade, was desirous of introducing additional clauses whilst in the committee. I was at Spanish Town on the morning of the day on which the Bill was to be committed; and was told by this Gentleman of his intention to add clauses; and that he was going to Kingston to attend the debate, after having sold a particularly fine able-bodied Negro


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 to a French gentleman, to carry to the island of St. Domingo; because, as this slave was an ill-behaved man, whom he would not punish upon his own estate, he meant to part with him. This gentleman, upon his return from Kingston, came up to me—having myself had frequent conversations with him upon the folly of the Abolition, and the absurdity of going against the common usage in the British islands as to the treatment of the Negroes—and said, that the slave was returned to his estate, and should be punished in the usual manner; for, upon his offering him to sale to the French gentleman, the latter asked him if he was mad; and upon the Honourable Gentleman mentioning that his reason for selling this slave was to avoid punishing him, the French gentleman made this answer: "Si nous avions cet Negre chez nous, nous assemblierons les Negros de quartier, et nous le ferrions mourir a coups de fouet." The Englishman, consequently, in-


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 stead of proposing his amendments, voted for the Bill as it stood.

In the session of 1797, the House of Commons presented an Address to his Majesty, and a Circular Letter was sent out to the different Governors in the British West Indies, to recommend colonial regulations, and to pass different acts of the Legislature for the amelioration of slaves. It is, my Lords, with real pleasure I can observe, that the British Planters in the different islands have, with that proper deference which is due to their King and the Mother Country, given the most satisfactory answers upon that subject. All the islands indeed have taken some steps, except the island of Dominica, where the Assembly happened to be dissolved. However, my Lords, it is but justice due to the Proprietors of the British West India islands to observe, that all that has been gained upon the subject of the amelioration of the state of the Negro is, that that is now made law


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Author:Joseph Ferdinand Sonnleithner

Works

 * Fidelio (1805–1814), composed by Ludwig van Beethoven, libretto by Jean-Nicolas Bouilly, adapted by Sonnleithner and Georg Friedrich Treitschke
 * Extracts translated by John Oxenford (1835)

title: Author:Joseph Ferdinand Sonnleithner


text:
Author:Georg Friedrich Treitschke

Works

 * Fidelio (1805–1814), composed by Ludwig van Beethoven, libretto by Jean-Nicolas Bouilly, adapted by Joseph Ferdinand Sonnleithner and Treitschke
 * Extracts translated by John Oxenford (1835)

title: Author:Georg Friedrich Treitschke


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 which before was an universal and established custom. In confirmation of my remark, I must refer your Lordships to Mr. President Thompson of St. Kitt's, who, in his Letter to the Duke of Portland, says—

"I have the satisfaction to observe to your Grace, that one sentiment seemed to pervade the whole of the Members who composed the General Council and Assembly, which was a sincere desire to adopt such measures as they thought would tend to make the Negroes happy and contented, and thereby promote the desired object of increasing their numbers by propagation."

I must bear my public testimony to the character of Mr. Thompson, who is an active, popular, and intelligent servant of the Crown. I trust, therefore, my Lords, that I have said enough to prove the superior good treatment of the British Planter to his slaves, when compared with that of foreign nations.


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 To prove to your Lordships how very little can be effected by men who are unacquainted with the prejudices and customs of those who bear the relationship of master and slave, I am to inform your Lordships, from the most undoubted and respectable authority, that the East India Directors have lately sent out, certainly from the best and most laudable motives, a new code of laws to observed on the Island of St. Helena, relative to the treatment of Slaves. So far, my Lords, from producing any good effect, that the Slaves themselves are rendered unhappy by it; and if a remonstrance has not already arrived in England from the inhabitants, a very serious one may shortly be expected.

A few more words, my Lords, on the subject of Abolition. In the year 1787, the Island of Jamaica was in extreme distress for provisions, and the Assembly presented an Address to the then Governor, to induce him to allow supplies to be imported in American


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 vessels. They therein state, that between 1780 and 1787, from the dreadful effects of hurricanes, and their disagreeable consequences, such as famine and disease, that notwithstanding the annual importation of Negroes from the coast of Africa into Jamaica, at the time of presenting the Address, the Negro population was 15,000 short of what it was in 1780. It is true, that upon some estates, the Negro population may and does increase; and it is equally clear, that upon many others it rapidly diminishes: consequently the planters are obliged to purchase Slaves annually. In the Island of Jamaica, a particular friend of mine has two adjoining estates, both in Montego Bay. On the one the Negroes increase; and on the other, though adjacent, they are obliged, by the decrease of population, to make annual purchases. Some estates in St. Vincent's increase, whilst in Tobago there is little probability of an increase; and as the latter, in most cases, diminish, there is consequently a very great


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 inconvenience. In case the Abolition should unfortunately take place, the English Planter, more active and more fertile at expedients of commerce than any other, would inevitably, upon those estates that increase in Negro population, turn Slave-breeder, and then supply different states and different islands. The consequences that have been so often drawn,—the tearing of the Slave from his country and family, would indeed, in this case, take effect, for the civilized and domiciliated Slave would be torn from his family and connections, to supply the deficiencies on those estates and islands where the Negro population does not increase.

To give, my Lords, the sentiments of foreigners, even upon the subject of Abolition, and to prove that they are congenial with those of the British Planter, I beg leave, to quote a memorial presented to the States General by the Dutch inhabitants of Essequibo


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 and Demarara, upon being precluded from the importation of Negroes by foreign ships. The words are:

"It is impossible to inform your High Mightinesses of the real annual diminution of our Slaves, but it is generally calculated at in the, or a . This is little felt the  year: nineteen Negroes hardly perceive that they do the work which the preceding year employed ; but the second year, the same work falls to ; and if another year passes without any augmentation by purchase,  must do the work  allotted to twenty. This must give rise to , , and ; or if the Negroes put up patiently with this surcharge of labour, , and , must be the consequence; or lastly, if the Planters seek to avoid these inconveniencies, they must gradually contract the limits of their plantations, and of course diminish their produce.”


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 Whenever, my Lords, I have the honour of addressing your Lordships, God forbid that I should say any thing that could do the smallest injury to any single individual, or to society collectively considered; but it is necessary, on a subject of such importance, to make a fair and candid statement of the various circumstances requisite for the illustration of the subject. It is not for me, my Lords, to dwell upon what may be the conduct or the disposition of the British West India Islands, should the Abolition of the Slave Trade take place. I cannot, however, help calling to your Lordships attention the Address to the King from the Assembly of Jamaica

"We can with truth assure your Majesty, that no opportunity, no circumstance, which may enable the Assembly of Jamaica to make further provisions to secure to every person in this island the certain, immediate, and active protection of the law, in propor-


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 tion to their improvement in morality and religion, shall be neglected; but we must at the same time declare, that we are actuated by motives of humanity only, and not with any view to the termination of the Slave Trade.

"The of obtaining  from Africa is secured to Your Majesty's faithful subjects in this colony BY, and by  of Your Majesty's Royal Ancestors. They, or their predecessors, have emigrated and settled in Jamaica, under the  of this (absolutely necessary) assistance, and they can never give up or do any act that may render doubtful their essential right.

"We have the utmost reliance on Your Majesty's paternal goodness, that this right shall remain inviolate, as long as they shall remain faithful to Your Majesty, and


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 true to the allegiance they owe to the Imperial crown of Great Britain."

Much more, my Lords, might be said upon that subject; but I shall avoid all unnecessary illustration, either by facts or arguments. All European nations are anxious to wrest this valuable trade out of our hands. I shall not, like some advocates for the measure, advance as an argument that the French have abolished the trade, because they have at time no settlements in the West Indies. That is a specious but a weak position. I have every reason to believe, that the motive for the removal of from the Island of Guadaloupe, by the French Directory, was for the express purpose of re-establishing the Slave Trade in that island, which, since the passing of the Abolition, had been found very beneficial in a state point of view. The new opinions adopted in France, engendered in the madness of the moment, and productive of the anarchy and confusion observable by every


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 wise man, were certainly consonant to the sudden impulse for the Abolition. By the circumstances stated, respecting the Island of Guadaloupe, it is evident, that there is a considerable change of opinion on this subject in France; and that opinion, report mentions, has been strongly corroborated by a reference to the policy of the Portuguese, who carry on that trade with great advantage and profit.

Much stress has been laid upon the Abolition of the Trade by the Danes. But, my Lords, I beg leave to state that I now hold in my hand a Bill received this day, drawn upon the Danish Consul in this country, in payment for Slaves bought so late as the 12th of February 1799; and it is equally well ascertained, that the Danish Factors have, within these last twelve months, returned to the Coast of Africa. In these instances, my Lords, which I have as great a right to impress upon your Lordships minds as the supporters of the Abolition have to statements of


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 a contrary nature, I am warranted by the evident acknowledgment of error on the part of the two countries mentioned.

Some enthusiasts for Abolition have endeavoured to maintain, that America has abandoned the Slave Trade; but it is a fact upon record, that the Americans are now carrying it on for the Spaniards; and it is a truth as well known, that notwithstanding an Act of Abolition has passed the Congress, the government of that country is not sufficiently strong to enforce its own laws on this particular subject. This spirit of resistance to the American Legislature is not a little heightened and inflamed by the many advantages obtained under the sanction of the Spanish Government. So far back as the 24th of January 1793, the Court of Madrid issued the following Declaration in favour of foreigners who may chuse to supply the Spanish Settlements with Negroes:


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"His Excellency Don Diego de Guardoli has communicated to this Consulate, under date of the 24th of January last past, the following Royal Order:

The Spanish nation, being one of those which most frequented the Coast of Africa to obtain Negroes, before the first contract was made with the English, and his Majesty knowing the advantages that may arise to the State from our Merchants recommencing this traffic direct, has been pleased to grant, in order to promote so important an object, the following indulgences:

"That all Spaniards may undertake these expeditions from any of the Ports of Spain or America:

"That the Crews of the Negro Vessels may be half foreigners, provided the other


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 half—and the Captain in particular—are Spaniards:

"That every thing shipped for this trade, direct, shall be free of duties:

"That the vessels of foreign build, that shall be purchased expressly for the African Commerce, shall be exempted from paying the foreign and every other duty:—All which I communicate to you for your information, and that of the Commercial world."

These are the sentiments of the Court of Spain in favour of the Slave Trade; and by another Edict of a more recent date, from the same high authority, still greater encouragement is given to adventurers in that trade. It has been proved at the Bar of this House, that even the Spanish frigates carry on this trade; and that at present there are cargoes of Slaves now waiting on the coast of Africa


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 to be conveyed to the Spanish part of America.

Having said thus much upon the West Indies, and upon the subject of Abolition, I beg leave to conclude this part with the words of an able writer:

"You have invited and persuaded us to purchase and occupy Crown lands in the islands; you have undertaken and promised to furnish us with labourers sufficient for the cultivation of those lands; you have encouraged us to invest our fortunes in these plantations; you have encouraged not only your merchants, but foreigners, to advance their money in loans, to a vast amount, for the improvement and extension of this culture. If you now put a stop to the cultivation, we and our creditors have a right, upon every principle of justice, to demand from you a full indemnification."


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 I come, now, my Lords, to the last, though not the least, part of the subject, namely, the importance of the West Indies. However much I may regret the difference of opinion with any noble Lord upon this great and important question, I am confident that the documents which shall have the honour of submitting to the House respecting the present flourishing state of our West India Settlements, must be a picture highly gratifying to every well-wisher of this country. It is highly gratifying, indeed, that I can attract your Lordships attention with this agreeable object, after we have for seven years experienced all the difficulties and dangers of a widely-extended and expensive war—a war, my Lords, in Which our naval and military prowess has rivalled, if not surpassed, the most brilliant periods of antiquity.

I shall proceed, my Lords, to the statements which I promised, with assurances that they all are extracted from the best and most incontrovertible authorities:


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 Permit me, my Lords, to make some few additional remarks. Since the year 1788, at which period I trust I have proved that the British West India capital amounted to 70,000,000l. sterling, great political events have happened. Early in the year 1793, war took place between this country and France; and by the characteristic bravery and active exertions of our army and navy, the islands of Martinique, St. Lucia, and Tobago, have been conquered from the French; the island of Trinidad from the Spaniards; and the settlements of Demarara and Essequibo from the Dutch. Hence our additional wealth and splendour in the West Indies; and hence that unbounded influence which commands the peace of our settlements, and protects them from the introduction of that political phrenzy that has outraged and convulsed the civilized society of Europe.

I cannot give your Lordships a more clear or demonstrative proof, than that the trade in 1796 required 350,230, tons, navigated by 24,000 seamen.


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After describing our national happiness and prosperity in the West Indies, resulting from the united efforts of our commercial and military enterprize, it may not be amiss, by way of contrast, to demonstrate to your Lordships what the French, during the same period, have lost and sacrificed at the shrine of folly and infamy. This is no digression, my Lords, for every circumstance connected with the existence of our West India Settlements is also essentially connected with the existence of the Slave Trade. The French commerce, at the moment of the Revolution, stood thus:


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 {| class=table-financial
 * class=table-financial-cell-header | Tons.
 * class=table-financial-cell-dotted | The French, excluding the foreign tonnage, employed
 * 350,000
 * class=table-financial-cell-dotted | Seamen (French),
 * 50,000
 * class=table-financial-cell-indented | About fourteen seamen to every 100 tons.
 * class=table-financial-cell-dotted | Their West India commerce alone, 600 ships at 350 tons each
 * 29,000
 * class=table-financial-cell-dotted | Seamen, fourteen to 100 tons
 * 29,000
 * }
 * class=table-financial-cell-dotted | Their West India commerce alone, 600 ships at 350 tons each
 * 29,000
 * class=table-financial-cell-dotted | Seamen, fourteen to 100 tons
 * 29,000
 * }
 * class=table-financial-cell-dotted | Seamen, fourteen to 100 tons
 * 29,000
 * }

From these estimates I have clearly proved, that in the year 1788 the British property in the West Indies amounted to £.70,000,000 sterling. Admitting that the price of Negroes, since the commencement of the war, has risen from £.50 to between £.80 and £.90 sterling per head, the improvement of property in the same period much more than counterbalances the advance; and hence I am perfectly well warranted in saying, that the whole capital of the Old British West India property amounts to at least


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 £.80,000 sterling. If allowed to add the value of the New West India property, namely, the conquests from the French, Spaniards, and Dutch, amounting to at least £.20,000,000, I may safely assert, that the present British Capital in the West Indies, is equal, upon a fair calculation, to ! A sum, my Lords, which demands your most serious consideration, before you consent to the Abolition of a that Trade without which it could not exist. When I say, that, on the proof of this interesting fact I repose the whole strength of my argument, I am confident that your Lordships will pause, and fully weigh the consequences of your vote this evening.—I am confident that, as the hereditary guardians of British subjects, you will stretch out your hands to protect, not to destroy—I am confident that, as hereditary councillors of the crown, you will give life and spirit, instead of dejection and death, to a most numerous and most loyal description of subjects.


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 I now, my Lords, beg leave to return warmest thanks for the great indulgence which I have experienced this evening. The sentiments which I have delivered against the Bill are the pure dictates of my conscience; and I am highly flattered by the patient hearing, which your Lordships have given me in the discharge of the duty which I owe to my and.

After a long and interesting debate, the numbers were,


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Author:Carl Gottlieb Reissiger

Works

 * "The Brook's Lullaby" translated by John Oxenford (1836)

title: Author:Carl Gottlieb Reissiger


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Author:Ulrich von Liechtenstein

Works

 * "A Spring Song" translated by John Oxenford (1836)

title: Author:Ulrich von Liechtenstein


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 Things sincere, and Things shameful and hypocritical.

Matrimony is pretended, let it be as it ought to be, according to its Institution, according to s holy Ordinance; and as after joining Christians are still bound by the Laws of Decency and Modesty, let their coming together be so too; let it be without the Reproach of Crime, without the Brand of Indecent and Immodest, which are the Offspring of a most infamous Principle. They that fix the Blame upon themselves thus at first, may depend that the Brand of it, like burning in the Hand, will be Indelible, the Blot never wears out; whatever their Characters are afterward, the History is told with this Hesitation, But He or But She did so or so, married in a most scandalous Way, immediately after the Death of the former Wife or Husband; and with this Reproach they must be content to go on to their Graves.

easily may People avoid these Reproaches? And how much is it every Christian Man's Duty to avoid them, if possible? A little mortifying of the Flesh, with its Affections and Lusts, would do it, especially as to the religious Part; a little Prudence in restraining their Inclination; a little Government of the corrupt Flame; a little Concern for Reputation, for Character, and for the Honour of Posterity, would smooth the Way; that's the civil Part.

wretched Conduct! How are all these Things laugh'd at? How are all the Obligations of Decency and Modesty forgot? When the Vice prompts, when the sensual Part stirs, the Voice of Reason is drown'd and still'd by the


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4 lasting from a few hours to a day or two, and separated from the next attack by fever-free intervals. This kind of fever is called intermittent fever, and the intervals are called intermissions.

It often happens that the attacks of intermittent fever succeed each other with great regularity. When they come on every day, we have a quotidian fever; when they come on every other day, we have a tertian fever; and where they occur every third day, a quartan fever.

It was shown by Torti some centuries ago that a remittent fever is really nothing but an intermittent fever in which the successive attacks are so frequent or prolonged that, so to speak, they run together and pro- duce a continuous fever. Most patients suffer at first from the remittent type of fever, which, after a week or more, tends to break up into the intermittent type.

We should here be careful to note that the symptoms may be much modified if the patient has been taking quinine. Large doses of this drug will generally cut short the succession of attacks; while moderate doses will shorten them and prolong the inter- missions. Thus a patient who has been taking quinine as a precautionary measure may have only a few slight attacks of fever, in place of the severe illness described above.

If the patient cannot or does not take sufficient quinine, the progress of the case is often as follows:-- After some weeks (if the patient lives) the fever goes away of itself, leaving the sufferer very weak and anaemic. It may be absent for weeks or months, during which he often flatters himself that he is cured; but suddenly it comes on again as violently as before. This is called a relapse; and it is followed by another period of improve- ment called a rally. These rallies and relapses may follow


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 Clamour of the Senses; Nature rebels against Principle, Vice gets the better of Virtue, and the wicked Appetite sinks all the Resolutions of Abstinence and Moderation.

what is all this Scandal heap'd up for? How mean, how sordid a Thing, if it be consider'd, abstracted from that specious Pretence? And what is the Difference betwixt this and Whoring, if there was not this Refuge of a scandalous Marriage? Would such Men scruple quenching the Flame a more irregular Way? How long would Virtue restrain them, if Modesty and Decency will not? How long will they be afraid of Crime, that are not afraid

Scandal?

Man, outrageous in his Appetite, must have a Relief, his sensual Part teazes and importunes him: How long would he hold out against it, if there was not this Relief under the Colour of Law? As if the Letter of the Law would defend him, where the Essence, the intent and meaning of the Law is against him.

I can never hope for such a Man, that he would restrain himself for fear of the Sin, who will not for fear of the Scandal, especially where the Scandal brings Crime along with it too: 'Tis a Crime upon himself; 'tis a Sin against himself, against his Fame, and against his Family and Posterity; it lays an indelible Blot upon them, and he Brands himself with such a Mark of Infamy, that not only his Children after him shall bear a Share of, but such as his Children themselves shall reproach him with in their Turn, and when 'twill be too late for him to Blush, if it should not be too late for him to Repent of it.


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 It is part of the training of the philosopher to regard all such generalisations with suspicion; it is part of the training of the Utopist and statesman—and all good statesmen are Utopists—to mingle something very like animosity with that suspicion. For crude classifications and false generalisations are the curse of all organised human life.

Disregarding classes, cliques, sets, castes, and the like minor aggregations, concerned for the most part with details and minor aspects of life, one finds among the civilised peoples of the world certain broad types of aggregatory ideas. There are, firstly, the national ideas, ideas which in their perfection require a uniformity of physical and mental type, a common idiom, a common religion, a distinctive style of costume, decoration, and thought, and a compact organisation acting with complete external unity. Like the Gothic cathedral, the national idea is never found complete with all its parts; but one has in Russia, with her insistence on political and religious orthodoxy, something approaching it pretty closely, and again in the inland and typical provinces of China, where even a strange pattern of hat arouses hostility. We had it in vigorous struggle to exist in England under the earlier Georges in the minds of those who supported the Established Church. The idea of the fundamental nature of nationality is so ingrained in thought, with all the usual exaggeration of implication, that no one laughs at talk about Swedish painting or Ameri-


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14 Hon. Dr. Strachan are dealing with the disease on a large scale in Lagos. Dr. Logan Taylor and myself (Liver- pool School Expedition), with the assistance of the governor, Sir Charles King Harman, are undertaking the reduction of mosquitoes in Freetown, Sierra Leone, with a considerable degree of success already obtained. In Havana, the chief sanitary officer, Major Gorgas, during 1901, has entirely banished yellow fever, reduced malaria by one-half, and diminished the number of mosquitoes by 90 per cent. approximately. Much work of the same kind is said to have been done in Italy.

All these laborious investigations have resulted in giving us a very complete and exact knowledge of malarial fever; so much so that we can now, generally, both prevent and cure the disease with something like certainty. Thus for example, of the numerous scientific men who have been studying the disease for years in the most deadly places, nearly all have escaped anything like serious illness, and most have escaped infection.

It is necessary to add here that as soon as the difficult problem regarding the exact mode in which malarial fever is propagated was solved, a number of foreigners made the usual efforts to pirate the whole discovery. As a matter of fact the problem was solved solely and simply by my researches of 1895-9, based upon the profound inductions of Manson and Laveran. Koch and Daniels were the first to confirm my work by really honest and reliable researches.

The relation between elephantiasis and mosquitoes was discovered by Manson more than twenty years ago; but quite recently Low, under Manson's guidance, and James in India added a most important fact.

The relation between yellow fever and mosquitoes was discovered by Finlay, Reed, Carroll, Lazear, and Agramonte.


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62 2. Try to get a doctor. 3. Give only the softest foods-milk if possible; or milk puddings; and broth and soft bread, or boiled rice.

If in spite of treatment the fever continues with- out a break for a fortnight, the case is almost certainly not malarial, and may be typhoid, or undulant, or hyperpyrexial fever. Reduce the quinine to five or ten grains a day; give soft food, and do your best to get a medical man.

XXVIII. TREATMENT OF OLD CASES

The reader may be called upon to treat a patient who has had several previous attacks, and now has a relapse (section II). Whether he has taken quinine or not, the treatment is practically the same. He must have the parasites in his blood, and they must be ex- terminated. Put him through a three or four months' course of quinine.

It is, however, necessary to use one precaution. Do not commence suddenly with twenty-grain doses of quinine daily. Begin with only five grains daily for a week; then increase this to ten and twenty grains for the second and third weeks, and afterwards proceed as in other cases. This is for fear lest sudden large doses should bring on blackwater fever.

If the case is a very old one, if the patient has been having fever on and off for months, it will, perhaps, suffice to work up daily doses of only fifteen or even ten grains. But the medicine must be continued for months.

If the patient is very sallow and anaemic and has a large spleen, five grains of quinine daily, with an occasional dose of aperient mineral water, and plenty of fresh milk or other good diet are called for. Such cases


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 can literature. And I will confess and point out that my own detachment from these delusions is so imperfect and discontinuous that in another passage I have committed myself to a short assertion of the exceptionally noble quality of the English imagination. I am constantly gratified by flattering untruths about English superiority which I should reject indignantly were the application bluntly personal, and I am ever ready to believe the scenery of England, the poetry of England, even the decoration and music of England, in some mystic and impregnable way the best. This habit of intensifying all class definitions, and particularly those in which one has a personal interest, is in the very constitution of man's mind. It is part of the defect of that instrument. We may watch against it and prevent it doing any great injustices or leading us into follies, but to eradicate it is an altogether different matter. There it is to be reckoned with, like the coccyx, the pineal eye, and the vermiform appendix. And a too consistent attack on it may lead simply to its inversion, to a vindictively pro-foreigner attitude that is equally unwise.

The second sort of aggregatory ideas, running very often across the boundaries of national ideas and in conflict with them, are religious ideas. In Western Europe true national ideas only emerged to their present hectic vigour after the shock of the Reformation had liberated men from the great tradition of a Latin-speaking Christendom, a tradition the Roman Catholic Church has sustained as its modification of the


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67 water bottles placed round him. The warm bath may be repeated if it agrees well with the patient.

6. The diet should be a few mouthfuls of broth every two hours while the fever lasts. Do not hope to keep up his strength' by stuffing him with all kinds of foods, which, as a matter of fact, he will not digest. Nor do I advise constant doses of alcohol.

7. Remember that nature may be a better physician than you are.

8. Jaundice is almost sure to appear after a few days, and may be left alone.

9. It is a bad sign if the urine becomes very black or very scanty.

10. After he recovers (if he does so) wait for several days, and then commence to give him quinine, very cautiously, before meals. Begin with not more than five grains daily (in two doses of two-and-a-half grains each), continued for a week. If he bears this well, increase the dose gradually up to ten grains daily; and then proceed as laid down in section XXVII. Let him see a medical man as soon as possible.

It is scarcely advisable for those who have once had blackwater fever to return to the tropics-at all events to countries where blackwater abounds.

XXXII. NOTE ON CAMPS

In the case of camps which are moved from day to day, it is useless to attempt drainage or destruction of mosquitoes, and we must fall back upon mosquito netting and quinine. The careful traveller will probaby be largely repaid if he makes arrangements to protect his whole party, carriers and servants included, by nets. It is easy to devise methods for making tents mosquito- proof; and details can safely be left to the reader's


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  civilization. The best will remain, while the rest will be destroyed.

As a remedy against the Mormon evil, many plans have been put forth. "Send an army and wipe them out," say the unthinking masses. An army was sent once, but when it came to Utah there was nothing at hand to wipe out. But should an army go and find them there, it would hardly be prepared to enter upon the wholesale slaughter of 140,000 men, women, and children while in pursuit of their daily vocations. Education has been urged. This means is already employed; but while there are gentile schools, the Mormons still teach Mormonism, and the more they educate, the stronger and more widely extended becomes their faith. Senator Hoar suggested seizing the perpetual emigration fund, but this appeared too much like robbery. Make marriage a civil compact, give the wife the right of dower, and so make her less dependent on the husband, some have said. Amend the constitution, prohibiting polygamy, others have urged. But if congressional enactment fails, what can constitutional amendment do ? Admit Utah as a state, and let the people split into parties, and so fight out their own issues. But they will not split into parties, is the reply. If they were like other people, this might be the result; but they are not like other people. For the people to differ from their chiefs on matters of government, or on any other matters, would throw them outside the category of Mormons. Such a thing cannot be. Their government, ecclesiastical and civil, is a government of God ; their chief is God's prophet and vicegerent, and his will is God's will and cannot be questioned.

By the Edmunds act, approved March 22, 1882, congress made polygamy punishable by disfranchisement, and a fine of not more than five hundred dollars, with imprisonment for not more than three years, the children to be deemed illegitimate. There have

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