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 church. It is necessary also in order to defend the church itself against the unjust rebuke of the freethinkers that the church began to offer the doctrine about the three hypostases in God only with the fourth century, or with the First Ecumenical Council, but that before that time it was entirely unknown to the church, or was presented in an entirely different form. Consequently it is sufficient to take the thread of the tradition to the fourth century, or to the First Ecumenical Council, and to show whether and how the ancient Christian church taught about the Holy Trinity in the first three centuries.”

So we have learned from the Theology, that there are absolutely no proofs in Scripture in confirmation of the Trinity, except the polemics of the composer of the Theology; we have also learned that it is not even possible to assert that the church has always adhered to this tradition and that the only foundation of this assertion is left in the polemical art of the composer of the Theology. I have read all the proofs of Art. 28, which show in fifteen pages that the church has always professed the Trinity, but these arguments have not convinced me, not because I have read more exact and convincing proofs against it, but because my feeling revolts and I cannot believe that God, who has revealed himself to me in such a senseless, wild expression as that “I am one and three, and I am the Father and the Son, and I am the Spirit,” should not have given me in his Scripture, or in his Tradition, or in my soul, any means to understand what it signifies, but has condemned me, for the solution of the question about God and my salvation, to have recourse to no other means than believing the argument of the Orthodox Theology against the rationalists, and repeating, without comprehension of what I am saying, the words which the Orthodox Theology will dictate to me.

I was on the point of making my last conclusion about


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Index:A contribution to computer typesetting techniques - tables of coordinates for Hershey's repertory of occidental type fonts and graphic symbols (IA contributiontoco424wolc).pdf/styles.css

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license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/


text:
Hymn to Venus (Sappho)

 * "An Hymn to Venus, from the Greek of Sappho", translated by Ambrose Philips, in Pastorals, Epistles, Odes, and Other Original Poems, With Translations from Pindar, Anacreon, and Sappho (1748)
 * "Hymn to Venus", translated by John Herman Merivale, in Masterpieces of Greek Literature (1902)
 * "A Hymn to Venus", translated by Roby Datta, in Echoes from East and West (1909)
 * "To the Queen of Love", translated by Arthur S. Way, in Sappho and the Vigil of Venus (1920)
 * Several editions and translations, edited by Edwin Marion Cox, in The Poems of Sappho (1924):
 * the Greek text
 * "Immortal Aphrodite of the shimmering throne…", prose translation by Edwin Marion Cox
 * "Shimmering-throned immortal Aphrodite…", poetic translation by Edwin Marion Cox
 * "A Hymn to Venus", translated by Ambrose Philips (1741)
 * "Glittering-throned undying Aphrodite…", translated by John Addington Symonds (19th cent.)
 * "Splendour-throned Queen, immortal Aphrodite…", translated by Edwin Arnold (1865)
 * "Beautiful-throned, immortal Aphrodite…", translated by T. W. Higginson (1871)

title: Hymn to Venus (Sappho)


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Page:The problem of China - Russell 1922.pdf/23

the Chinese came from is a matter of conjecture. Their early history is known only from their own annals, which throw no light upon the question. The Shu-King, one of the Confucian classics (edited, not composed, by Confucius), begins, like Livy, with legendary accounts of princes whose virtues and vices are intended to supply edification or warning to subsequent rulers. Yao and Shun were two model Emperors, whose date (if any) was somewhere in the third millennium "The age of Yao and Shun," in Chinese literature, means what "the Golden Age" mean with us. It seems certain that, when Chinese history begins, the Chinese occupied only a small part of what is now China, along the banks of the Yellow River. They were agricultural, and had already reached a fairly high level of civilization—much higher than that of any other part of Eastern Asia. The Yellow River is a fierce and terrible stream, too swift for navigation, turgid, and full of mud, depositing silt upon its bed until it rises above the surrounding country, when it suddenly alters its course, sweeping away villages and towns in a destructive torrent. Among most early agricultural nations, such a river would have inspired superstitious awe, and floods would have been averted by human sacrifice; in the Shu-King,


text: Page:Echoes from East and West.pdf/155

title: Page:Echoes from East and West.pdf/155


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title: Page:Echoes from East and West.pdf/156


text: Echoes from East and West/A Hymn to Venus


text: Page:Sanâtana dharma - an elementary text book of Hindu religion and ethics (IA santanadharmae00centiala).pdf/292


text: Page:Sanâtana dharma - an elementary text book of Hindu religion and ethics (IA santanadharmae00centiala).pdf/318


text: Page:Sanâtana dharma - an elementary text book of Hindu religion and ethics (IA santanadharmae00centiala).pdf/319


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text: Page:Sanâtana dharma - an elementary text book of Hindu religion and ethics (IA santanadharmae00centiala).pdf/321


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Page:The Harveian oration (electronic resource) - Royal College of Physicians, 1881 (IA b20411911).pdf/5

 From the author.


text: Page:The Crowne of all Homers Workes - Chapman (1624).djvu/118


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164 and by the grant of considerable pecuniary aid. As the operations of the Society advanced, the prospect of useful labor became more and more enlarged—new and increasing demands on it’sits [sic] resources were made from various parts of the country: in it’sits [sic] anxiety to comply with them, it’sits [sic] funds became rapidly exhausted; yet naturally reluctant to relinquish it’s career of usefulness and to leave imperfect what appeared capable of such happy completeness, the Society adopted the resolution of representing it’sits [sic] exigencies to the Government. Graceful, however, and dignified was it’sits [sic] attitude of solicitation. There were no errors to correct, no precipitation to acknowledge, no improvident failure to lament. The Committee approached the Government with a representation of undeviating adherence to wise and avowed principles, of steady progress in beneficial plans, of eminent good already done, and the most promising prospects, if assisted, of future advantage.

It was not likely that an enlightened Government should be insensible to so forcible an appeal. On the contrary, the request of the Society was promptly acceded to with the most flatter-


text: Page:The Crowne of all Homers Workes - Chapman (1624).djvu/119


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Page:History, Design and Present State of the Religious, Benevolent and Charitable Institutions.djvu/177

Rh ing expressions of applause and confidence. After dwelling in terms of satisfaction at the combination of Europeans, Moosulmans and Hindoos in the noble cause of diffusing light and information throughout this land of ignorance, and praising the wise and unexceptionable principles and conduct of the Society, it was declared that the Institution had peculiar claims on the liberality of Government: that the pursuits, in which it was engaged, tended to fulfil an object of National solicitude, and that by extricating the Society from it’sits [sic] pecuniary difficulties, the Government, to a certain degree, would accomplish it’sits [sic] own views and wishes for the happiness of the people subjected to it’sits [sic] rule. The sum of 7,000 Rupees was granted to relieve the Society from it'sits [sic] immediate embarrassments, and a monthly contribution of 500 Rupees was assigned to it from the public Funds.

The union of Natives at the Presidency with Europeans as Members of the Society and of it’sits [sic] Committee, attracted notice in more remote quarters, and the King of Oude, a Moosulman Prince, and the Rajah of Bhurtpore, a Hindoo Chief of high rank and influence, well known as a former


text: The Crowne of All Homers Workes/A Hymne to Venus (2)


text:
A Hymn to Venus (Homer, 1)

 * "A Hymne to Venus", in The Crowne of All Homers Workes (1624), translated by George Chapman
 * "Homer's Hymn to Venus", in The Complete Poetical Works of Percy Bysshe Shelley (1884), translated by Percy Bysshe Shelley
 * "Hymn to Venus", in The Odyssey of Homer, with the Hymns, Epigrams, and Battle of the Frogs and Mice (1853), translated by Theodore Alois Buckley

title: A Hymn to Venus (Homer, 1)


text:
A Hymn to Venus (Homer, 2)

 * "A Hymne to Venus [titled To the same ] ", in The Crowne of All Homers Workes (1624), poetical translation by George Chapman

 * "Hymn to Venus", in The Odyssey of Homer, with the Hymns, Epigrams, and Battle of the Frogs and Mice (1853), prose translation by Theodore Alois Buckley

title: A Hymn to Venus (Homer, 2)


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 ed from the Depository of the Society. The aggregate of contribution realized since it’sits [sic] foundation is Rupees 1,03,500.


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 dah, the port of Mekka, or else to Tor or Sues, towns at the bottom of the gulf; and from thence by karrawans to Coptos, but three days journey distant, so down the Nile directly to Alexandria, where the  would be landed at the very foot of the great stair-case of the Alexandrian library,—and from that store-house it would be fetched.—Bless me! what a trade was driven by the learned in those days!

my father had a way, a little like that of Job's (in case there ever was such a man—if not, there's an end of the matter.—

Though, by the bye, because your learned men find some difficulty in fix-


text: The Life and Opinions of Tristram Shandy, Gentleman/Volume 5/Chapter 12


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Page:The life and opinions of Tristram Shandy (Volume 5).pdf/75

 ing the precise æra in which so great a man lived;—whether, for instance, before or after the patriarchs, &c.—to vote, therefore, that he never lived at all, is a little cruel,—'tis not doing as they would be done by—happen that as it may)—My father, I say, had a way, when things went extremely wrong with him, especially upon the first sally of his impatience,—of wondering why he was begot,—wishing himself dead;—sometimes worse:—And when the provocation ran high, and grief touched his lips with more than ordinary powers,—Sir, you scarce could have distinguished him from Socrates himself.—Every word would breathe the sentiments of a soul disdaining life, and careless about all its issues; for which reason, though my mother was a woman of no deep reading, yet the abstract


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 of Socrates's oration, which my father was giving my uncle Toby, was not altogether new to her.—She listened to it with composed intelligence, and would have done so to the end of the chapter, had not my father plunged (which he had no occasion to have done) into that part of the pleading where the great philosopher reckons up his connections, his alliances, and children; but renounces a security to be so won by working upon the passions of his judges.—"I have friends—I have relations,—I have three desolate children,"—says Socrates.—

—Then, cried my mother, opening the door,—you have one more, Mr. Shandy, than I know of.

By heaven! I have one less,—said my father, getting up and walking out of the room.


text: The Life and Opinions of Tristram Shandy, Gentleman/Volume 5/Chapter 13


text:
Author:Gulielma Lister

Works

 * (written with the assistance of Gulielma Lister)
 * 2nd ed. (1911), revised and expanded with coloured plates by Gulielma Lister.
 * 3rd ed. (1925), ibid.
 * (written with the assistance of Gulielma Lister)
 * 2nd ed. (1903)
 * 3rd ed. (1909), revised by Gulielma Lister.
 * 4th ed. (1919), ibid.

title: Author:Gulielma Lister


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which anticipates the progress of the nation, and admits of the formation of new constituencies, as the occasion and desire shall arise, must also contemplate, as has been already observed, the existence of many more constituencies than there can be members,—and, therefore, that one member may represent several constituencies. This is substantially the case at present in the contributory boroughs. The member for Ayr, for example, may be called with indifferent accuracy the member for Campbeltown or Irvine. So, in the proposed system, it would be unimportant, in point of nomenclature, whether a member who had been returned for several constituencies should, in the ordinary appellation by which he is addressed in the House, be styled as the member for one rather than the other, although it would be reasonable that he should be usually referred to as the representative of that constituency for which he had also been especially a candidate. Throughout the frame of this scheme it has been an object to create and maintain a connection between the member and the constituents, which shall be due to no selfish or sordid cause, but be solely owing to the estimation by the one of the virtues of the other. Under the existing system of majorities, every elector may throw upon others the blame of a contemptible choice. "Thou canst not say I did it," may


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22 however, there is little trace of superstition. Yao and Shun, and Yü (the latter's successor), were all occupied in combating the inundations, but their methods were those of the engineer, not of the miracle-worker. This shows, at least, the state of belief in the time of Confucius. The character ascribed to Yao shows what was expected of an Emperor:—

The first date which can be assigned with precision in Chinese history is that of an eclipse of the sun in 776 There is no reason to doubt the general correctness of the records for considerably earlier times, but their exact chronology cannot be fixed. At this period, the Chou dynasty, which fell in 249 and is supposed to have begun in 1122, was already declining in power as compared with a number of nominally subordinate feudal States. The position of the Emperor at this time, and for the next 500 years, was similar to that of the King of France during those parts of the Middle Ages when his authority was at its lowest ebb. Chinese history


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 be the answer to every remonstrance. But the case will be very different when every elector may personally acquire respect, or incur disgrace, by the selection which he makes. In addition to what is merely personal, another powerful feeling of an elevating character, which has already been spoken of, will be called forth. A collective or corporate feeling of pride is brought into existence,—for, although men readily discover reasons for not ascribing to themselves any part of the ignominy that attaches to an act which is disgraceful to the body they belong to, yet they are always prompt to claim a share of the credit their community may have gained, and which they commonly appreciate at the utmost of its worth. Dispositions such as these are moral levers. In them we have presented to us a field, both for merit and praise, boundless as the imagination; the civic honours which the people may confer on their more worthy countrymen, by placing them in the front ranks of the Commons of the kingdom, have no limits but the public appreciation of high desert and of the value of such a reward. In the proposed system of election the return of the same member may be double or multiple. The majority in every constituency will confer upon their chosen candidate the title of representative for their particular body; but as the purely political object ceases when the quota is made up, the majority, in placing one member rather than another in the first place, will commonly have no motive but the laudable one of showing the nation that they delight to honour one of its worthiest sons. The prevailing sentiment will be that which we observe to govern the members of ancient institutions and learned and scientific bodies, in nominating as their chancellors, their rectors, or their presidents, the eminent persons of their time. There is no borough, or electoral community, which may not be titularly represented by the most distinguished men, without, in any degree, interfering with their


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Page:Supplement to the fourth, fifth, and sixth editions of the Encyclopaedia Britannica - with preliminary dissertations on the history of the sciences - illustrated by engravings (IA gri 33125011196181).pdf/937

 ''in the year 1801; and containing Propositions for Determining the weights of the several sections which constitute an arch, inferred from the angles. Also containing a Demonstration of the angles of the several sections, when they are inferred from the weights thereof. To which is added, a Description of original experiments to verify and illustrate the principles in this treatise. With occasional remarks on the construction of an iron bridge of one arch, proposed to be erected over the river Thames at London. Part II. By the author of the first part''. 4to, Lond. 1804. Dated 24th Nov. 1803.

11. A Treatise on Optics is mentioned by Nichols as having been partly printed by Bowyer in 1776, but never completed.

It may be very truly asserted, that several of these works of Mr Atwood have materially contributed to the progress of science, by multiplying the modes of illustration, which experimental exhibitions afford for the assistance of the instructor; at the same time, they can scarcely be said to have extended very considerably the bounds of human knowledge, or to demonstrate that their author was possessed of any extraordinary talent or energy of mind in overcoming great difficulties, or in inventing new methods of reasoning. The Analysis of a Course of Lectures has been little read: and it bears evident marks of having been composed before Mr Atwood had acquired a habit of accurate reasoning on Physical subjects. In the first page, for example, the forces of cohesion and gravitation are completely confounded; and in the third we find the idea of perfect spheres touching each other in a greater or less number of points, notwithstanding the appearance of precision which the author attempts to maintain in his language.

The object of the paper on Reflection is, to illustrate and improve the construction of Hadley’s quadrant; and Mr Atwood proposes, for some particular purposes in practical Astronomy, two new arrangements of the speculums, by which the rays are caused to move in different planes, and which he considers as affording greater accuracy for the measurement of small angles than the common form of the instrument, although not of general utility, nor very easily adjusted for observation.

The treatise on Rectilinear motion and rotation exhibits a good compendium of the elementary doctrines of mathematical Mechanics; but it shows a great deficiency in the knowledge of the higher refinements which had been introduced into that science by Daniel Bernoulli, and Euler, and Lagrange. The properties of simply accelerated and retarded motion are first discussed, and the phenomena of penetration experimentally examined; the laws of varying forces are then investigated, and the properties of the pendulum demonstrated; the vibrations of an elastic chord are calculated, “considering the whole mass to be concentrated in the middle point,” as an approximation; and then, instead of imitating and simplifying the elegant but complicated demonstrations of the continental mathematicians, the author most erroneously repeats, in the words of Dr Smith, the exploded doctrine, that “the string, during any instant of its vibration, will coincide with the harmonic curve.” The subject of a resistance, varying as the square of the velocity, is next examined; and some useful experiments on the descent of bodies in water are stated in confirmation of the theory. On this occasion, the author observes, with regard to the formation of the different strata of the earth, that bodies disposed to break into large masses, though specifically lighter, may easily have descended more rapidly through a fluid, than denser but more brittle bodies, so that the natural order of densities may thus have become inverted. He next examines the theory of rotation, and relates some very interesting experiments on rectilinear and rotatory motions; and he shows that Emerson and Desaguliers were totally mistaken in asserting “that the momentum produced is always equal to the momentum which produces it.” The last section of the work, which is devoted to the subject of free rotation, is the most elaborate of the whole; but it exhibits no material extension of the earlier investigations of the Bernoullis and Professor Vince; nor does it contain the important proposition of Segner, relating to the existence of three axes of permanent rotation, at right angles to each other, in every body, however irregular.

Notwithstanding these partial objections, the work may still, in many respects, be considered as classical. The paper on Watch-balances is principally intended to show the advantages which may be obtained, in Mr Mudge’s construction, from the effect of subsidiary springs in rendering the vibrations isochronous, their actions being limited to certain portions of the arc of motion. If the author has here again omitted to follow the Continental Mathematicians in some of their refinements of calculation, it must be confessed that his view of the subject has, lt this instance, not only the advantage of simplicity, but also that of a nearer approach to the true practical state of the question, than is to be found in the more complicated determinations which had been the result of the labours of some of his predecessors.

But, whatever may be the merits of these investigations, they appear to be far exceeded in importance by the papers on Ships, the first of which obtained for its author the honour of a Copleian Medal. Its principal object is to show how much the stability of a ship will commonly vary, when her situation, with respect to the horizon, is materially altered; and how far the assumptions of theoretical writers, respecting many others of the forces concerned in Naval Architecture, will generally differ from the true state of these forces when they actually occur in Seamanship. In the second part of the investigation, some errors of Bouguer and of Clairbois are pointed out, and the theoretical principles of stability are exemplified by a detailed calculation, adapted to the form and dimensions of a particular vessel, built for the service of the East India Company.

The latter years of our author’s life do not appear to have been productive of any material advantage to Science. His application to his accustomed pursuits was unremitting; but his health was gradually declining. He had no amusement, except such as was afforded by the continued exercise of his mind, with


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Rh consists of a series of dynasties, each strong at first and weak afterwards, each gradually losing control over subordinates, each followed by a period of anarchy (sometimes lasting for centuries), and ultimately succeeded by a new dynasty which temporarily re-establishes a strong Central Government. Historians always attribute the fall of a dynasty to the excessive power of eunuchs, but perhaps this is, in part, a literary convention.

What distinguishes the Emperor is not so much his political power, which fluctuates with the strength of his personality, as certain religious prerogatives. The Emperor is the Son of Heaven; he sacrifices to Heaven at the winter solstice. The early Chinese used "Heaven" as synonymous with "The Supreme Ruler," a monotheistic God; indeed Professor Giles maintains, by arguments which seem conclusive, that the correct translation of the Emperor's title would be "Son of God." The word "Tien," in Chinese, is used both for the sky and for God, though the latter sense has become rare. The expression "Shang Ti," which means "Supreme Ruler," belongs in the main to pre-Confucian times, but both terms originally represented a God as definitely anthropomorphic as the God of the Old Testament.

As time went by the Supreme Ruler became more shadowy, while "Heaven" remained, on account of the Imperial rites connected with it. The Emperor alone had the privilege of worshipping "Heaven," and the rites continued practically unchanged until the fall of the Manchu dynasty in 1911. In modern times they were performed in the Temple of Heaven


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Page:Lawrence E A-first reader,1907.pdf/18

 elŝiris herban trunketon kaj tiklis per ĝi la malgrandulon, sed tio neniel efikis. Li kriegis kaj ĵuris, sed eĉ tio ne impresis la plorkrianton plej malmulte. Tiu ĉi daŭrigadis senĉese kaj lia vizaĝo fine fariĝis tiel punca, ke Brummer serioze ektimis por lia sano, jam antaŭvidante proceson pro malzorgo pri komisiita infano.

Fine li sukcesis per sia poŝhorloĝo altiri la atenton de l'brava junuleto. La knabo ekkaptis ĝin per siaj ambaŭ manoj kaj ekdormis kun vanaj penadoj por ĝin meti en la buŝon kaj manĝi ĝin.

Kion li do nun povis fari ?

Atendi ankoraŭ pli longe estis apenaŭ konsilinde. La suno jam bruligis lin varmege, dum ĉirkaŭ li— kion Brummer kun granda ĉagreno rimarkis—amase kolektiĝis grandaj avidaj formikoj, kiuj, kiel oni scias, estas specialistoj por homaj kruroj.

Se li forirus, li riskus, ke la patrino ne trovus lin, kaj tiel, li eble estus suspektata pri forrabo de infano. Tial li, malgraŭ ĉio, restis ankoraŭ paron da horoj en la sunbruligado (see page 15) ĝis lia zorgato, kiun li ŝirmis kontraŭ la radioj per sia pajla ĉapelo, revekiĝis (see page 15) kaj denove komencis sian pulmogimnastikon.

COMPOUND WORDS.

Plor-krianto, weeper, from plori, to weep, krii, to cry ; the participle ant, and the noun ending “o.”

Sen-ĉese, without ceasing, ceaselessly.

Antaŭ-vidante, foreseeing.

Poŝ-horloĝo, watch (pocket-clock).

For-rabo, abduction.

Pulmo-gimnastikon, lung-exercise.


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24 in Peking, one of the most beautiful places in the world. The annual sacrifice in the Temple of Heaven represented almost the sole official survival of pre-Confucian religion, or indeed of anything that could be called religion in the strict sense; for Buddhism and Taoism have never had any connection with the State.

The history of China is known in some detail from the year 722, because with this year begins Confucius' Springs and Autumns, which is a chronicle of the State of Lu, in which Confucius was an official.

One of the odd things about the history of China is that after the Emperors have been succeeding each other for more than 2,000 years, one comes to a ruler who is known as the "First Emperor," Shih Huang Ti. He acquired control over the whole Empire, after a series of wars, in 221, and died in 210 Apart from his conquests, he is remarkable for three achievements: the building of the Great Wall against the Huns, the destruction of feudalism, and the burning of the books. The destruction of feudalism, it must be confessed, had to be repeated by many subsequent rulers; for a long time, feudalism tended to grow up again whenever the Central Government was in weak hands. But Shih Huang Ti was the first ruler who made his authority really effective over all China in historical times. Although his dynasty came to an end with his son, the impression he made is shown by the fact that our word "China" is probably derived from his family name, Tsin or Chin. (The Chinese put the family name first.) His Empire was roughly co-extensive with what is now China proper.


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 Li nun tute malŝatis eĉ la oran poŝhorloĝon kaj kriegis tiel forte, ke li simple povus malesperigi ŝtonon.

Nun la bonkora profesoro fariĝis malkontenta. Ĉu la ciganino ne havis lakton ? ĉu ŝi tute forgesis sian infanon? En tiu ĉi lasta okazo li eble havas la dolĉan perspektivon konservi ĉe si la krieman ciganidon !

Li pene kolektis uzaĵojn, apartenaĵojn, forgesis kompreneble la infanon, kaj, timege rapidis reen por preni ĝin, sed kiam li kliniĝis, ĉiuj liaj ŝlosiloj falis el la poŝoj. . . . Fine li sukcesis kolekti ĉion kaj li foriris.

Sufiĉe rimarkinde! Ĉiuj liaj demandoj en la vilaĝaj dometoj restis sen rezultato. Neniu estis vidinta la ciganinon.

“Ŝi do certe forlasis al vi la idon !” opiniis la lasta vilaĝano, kiun li demandis.

—“Forlasis!” murmuris la profesoro, lacigita, falante sur benkon. “Kion vi volas diri ?”

—“Si certe rimarkis, ke vi estas bonkora viro kaj ke la infano ĉe vi havos pli agrablan vivon ol ĉe ŝi. Tial ŝi forlasis al vi la idon kaj malaperis.”— (see page 17).

“Aŭgusta!” ĝemis la profesoro malgaje. “Kion do Aŭgusta diros? Ŝi kompreneble povos imagi al si kion ajn! Ne. . . Ne, tia (such an) abomena patrino ne povas esti !”

—“Ĉu do ŝi ne estas ciganino?” demandis, levante la ŝultrojn, la vilaĝanino, ĵus reveninte kun pokalo da varma lakto. “Donu lakton al li. Li malsatas.”


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 further representation by the members to whom their votes have been specifically appropriated. The spontaneous testimony of public admiration thus offered will not,—because it is an unsolicited tribute to high qualities, adding only to the moral influence of him to whom it is given,—be therefore less honourable to the givers than to the receiver. In a time when every effort is devoted to the acquisition of material riches, nothing is without its worth that confers extrinsic dignity or power. We are too prosaic to clothe

with the symbolic value given to them by a more imaginative people in an earlier age; but we have not yet lost the estimation of what is great, and no means should be neglected which our institutions can offer of giving prominence to true worth, and impressing upon it the seal of the general approbation. That "virtue is its own reward" is for the individual a sublime truth, but for society it would be a niggard maxim. We cannot afford to part even with the faint and reflected gleams of human glory. Divinely taught wherein true heroism consists, we may restore again our long-forgotten shrines of hero-worship, and find something better and nobler than an universal idolatry of money. When we have undone the fetters of our electoral bodies,—shaken off, so far as any human arrangements can do so, all that is mercenary and degrading, and given them health and elasticity,—the free spirit, no longer enslaved by the lower desires and appetites, will ever rise and soar towards that which shall be more and more excellent; and the law should encourage a disposition in every constituency to nominate as their representative him whom they regard as the highest living model of worth.


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 Estis do vidaĵo rigardinda : la profesoro per kulero enigante la lakton en la kontente ridetantan kreitaĵon, murmurante de tempo al tempo: “ Kion do Aŭgusta diros ?”

Ĝuste en tiu ĉi momento la ministro, armita por ĉasado, alproksimiĝis sur la deklivo. Li sufiĉe longan tempon, videble tuŝata, konsideris la grupon : fine la profesoro okaze ekrigardis kaj pro timego faligis ĉion.

“Ha! mia kara Brummer, ĝojigis min treege, ke vi ricevis pliiĝon familian. Mi gratulas!”

“Sedmi ... mi... Via Ekscelenca Môsto. . .” balbutis la profesoro al la foriranta ministro. . . Poste, kun miksaĵo de furiozeco kaj malespero, li levis la kreitaĵon sur la brakon, por, kolektinte tutan sian kuraĝon, porti ĝin al sia Aŭgusta.

Li renkontis ŝin en la ĝardeno inter amaso da virinoj vizitantaj. Kompreneble li paŝis al ŝi kun la infano sur la brako kaj, dum la vizitantinoj ridetis kaj babiladis, la edzino surprizita demandis :

“Sed, Peĉjo! Kion vi alportas kun vi ?”

“Tio estas,” balbutis la malfeliĉulo, “estas la promesita Alpa Rozo ! ”

Poste li estis devigita raporti, kiel ĉio okazis.

“Bone!” diris la profesoredzino dolĉe. “Tio estas Alpa Rozo alia, ol mi imagis, sed ni povas konservi ĉe ni ankaŭ tiun ĉi.”

Li premis kortuŝite ŝian manon.

Rakontante por la 150a fojo la historion al siaj amikoj, li solene ĵuris, ke li neniam permesos al kiu ajn lasi al li infanon, ne eĉ por unu sekundo !

MAGNUS NORDENSVAN.

El “ Esperantaj Prozaĵoj.”


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Rh The destruction of the books was a curious incident. Shih Huang Ti, as appears from his calling himself "First Emperor," disliked being reminded of the fact that China had existed before his time; therefore history was anathema to him. Moreover the literati were already a strong force in the country, and were always (following Confucius) in favour of the preservation of ancient customs, whereas Shih Huang Ti was a vigorous innovator. Moreover, he appears to have been uneducated and not of pure Chinese race. Moved by the combined motives of vanity and radicalism, he issued an edict decreeing that—

It will be seen that the First Emperor was something of a Bolshevik. The Chinese literati, naturally, have blackened his memory. On the other hand, modern Chinese reformers, who have experienced the opposition of old-fashioned scholars, have a certain sympathy with his attempt to destroy the


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 brakon nigra kaj metis nun siajn kvin fingrojn samtempe en la inkon, Jam dekfoje Katarino glitigis la taseton de unu al alia rando de l' tablo, sed la knabeto estis tiel allogata de la inko ke estis neeble forteni lin de ĝi.

Tamen la du unuaj paĝoj de la papero estis plenskribitaj. Cedante al la postuloj de la virinoj, Katarino kun ia fiereco eklegis sian skribaĵon, kiu estis la jena :

Kara Johano,

“Kiel vi fartas nun? Dank' al Dio ni ĉiuj ankoraŭ bone fartas kaj la bovo kaj la bovino ankaŭ, esceptinte tamen la avon, kiu estas malsana, kaj ni, ĉiuj ni deziras al vi bonan tagon. Jam de ses monatoj ni nenion aŭdis pri vi. Sciigu do al ni, ĉu vi vivas ankoraŭ. Viaflanke ne estas ĝentile ke vi forgesas nin, kiuj tiel amis vin ke via patrino dum tuta la tago parolas pri vi, kaj ke mi ĉiunokte pri vi sonĝas ke vi estas malfeliĉa—kaj tiam mi aŭdas vian voĉon vokantan : Katarino, Katarino, tiel forte ke mi eksaltas en mia dormado. . . kaj la kompatinda bovo, kiu ĉiam el la stalo rigardas kaj tiel sopiras ke oni preskaŭ ekverŝus larmojn! kaj estas ega malĝojo tial ke neniu el ni ion scias pri vi : vi devas kompati je ni, Johano, ĉar via bona patrino pro tio certe ekmalsaniĝos ; kiam la kompatinda malfeliĉulino aŭdas eĉ nur vian nomon, ŝi ekĝemas kaj tiel ploras ke mia koro disrompiĝas. . .”

“Ho! tio estas nur la vero,” ĝemis la patrino de Johano. ““Ha! se li scius kion mi suferas en mia koro! . . . Daŭrigu vian legadon, kara Katarino ; mi miregas pro tio kion vi skribis : neniam io simila estis aŭdata ; viaj manoj estas certe tro lertaj por melki la bovinon aŭ labori en la kampo; sed Dio toleras multe en la mondo! . . . ”


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The effect of the law may be illustrated by supposing that James Watt had been a candidate for Birmingham, and that Glasgow, remembering the "frown severe" with which she had beheld his earlier exertions, desired to testify her sense of the debt the marvellous city of the Clyde owed to one who was, almost by inheritance, the tutelary genius of that river, by placing him in the front rank as her representative. James Watt might have been at the head of the poll, and returned for Glasgow as well as for Birmingham, whilst Glasgow would have, in addition, her complement of representatives under the general rule expressed in the succeeding law.

It is important in so great a national work as the election of a representative assembly, to secure the aid of all the better feelings and higher motives,—to bind the representative and the constituent by the ties of mutual respect and attachment, and thus render names subservient to things. With this view the designation of members is a subject of no slight moment. It is the sign, as well as the result of the intimate connection of the members with the various constituencies dispersed throughout the length and breadth of the land. The names by which the members are severally designated constitute the marks or imprint in the Parliament of the distinct vitality and force of every part of Britain. Still, all these distinct sources from which the members receive their appellation and derive their function and authority, are to be regarded, to use the words of Bacon, as lines and veins rather than as sections and separations. Or, to borrow an illustra-


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 Gaja pro tiuj laŭdoj la junulino diris kun fiera rideto :

“Se la skribarto estus nur tio! Ĉiu ajn venu: mi skribos pli bone ol iu! Nun mi trovis la bonan vojon. Nu, aŭskultu, mia letero ne estas ankoraŭ finita :

“Ho! Johano, se vi scius tion, tuj vi donus al ni sciigojn! La trifolioj malsukcesis pro la malbona semo kaj plie tial ke ili estas frostitaj. La kampogardisto edziĝis kun vilaĝanino el Pulderbosch, ŝi posedas multe da mono. Francisko la masonisto falis de la tegmento de la bierfaristo sur la dorson de nia maljuna forĝisto, kaj la forĝisto estis preskaŭ mortigita, malfeliĉe !”

La junulino silentis.

“Ĉu tio estas ĉio ?” demandis la patrino malĝoje.

“ Ĉu vi ne sciigus al li ke la bovino naskis idon ?”

“Ho jes! tion mi forgesis. . . . Jen, tio sin trovas jam sur la papero :

“ Nia flavruĝa bovino naskis idon ; ĉio bone sukcesis, kaj la bovido estas jam vendita.”

Ĉiuj gaje ekridis ; la knabeto, vidante la komunan ĝojon, bruege ekaplaŭdis, sed malfeliĉe lia maneto trafis tiel forte la taseton ke ĝi ruliĝis sur la tablo, elverŝante la inkon kiel nigran rivereton sur la belan leteron.

La rido tuj malaperis de ĉiuj vizaĝoj; unu rigardis la alian timeme kaj silente; oni levis la okulojn ĉielen dum Paŭĉjo, timegante la baton, jam ekploregis kaj kriis tiel forte ke la oreloj estis surdigitaj.

Dum longa tempo oni riproĉis la knabeton kaj oni plendis malĝojege pri la katastrofo, ĝis kiam oni konkludis per la demando :

“Dio! kion ni faros nun ?”

“Nu, nu,” diris Katarino kun decideco, ““la malfeliĉo ne estas tiel grava; mi intencis tamen reskribi la leteron, ĉar en la komenco la afero ne bone pros-


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26 innate conservatism of his subjects. Thus Li Ung Bing says:—

This passage is written from the point of view of Young China, which is anxious to assimilate Western learning in place of the dead scholarship of the Chinese classics. China, like every other civilized country, has a tradition which stands in the way of progress. The Chinese have excelled in stability rather than in progress; therefore Young China, which perceives that the advent of industrial civilization has made progress essential to continued national existence, naturally looks with a favourable eye upon Shih Huang Ti's struggle with the reactionary pedants of his age. The very considerable literature which has


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 peris ; la literoj estis tro grandaj kaj la skribaĵo estis tro malrekta. Nun mi faros tion pli bone, mi ja ekkuraĝiĝis. Lasu min rapide kuri al la vilaĝo por aĉeti paperon kaj inkon, kaj por ke oni ree tranĉu mian anserplumon ĉar ĝi fariĝis multe tro fleksebla.”

“Nun, tuj foriru, infano mia,” respondis la patrino, “jen estas la kvinfranka monero de la bovido: vi ŝanĝigu ĝin ĉe la instruisto, ĉar mi devos kredeble sendi al mia kompatinda Johano almenaŭ du frankojn.

“— Paŭĉjo, for! el la domo! kaj ne kuraĝu reveni antaŭ la vespero !”

Katarino, kun kontenta rideto sur la vizaĝo, elpaŝis rapide el la pordo, sin direktante al la vilaĝo. La triumfo kiun ŝi akiris, la konvinko ke de nun ŝi povos skribi al Johano kaj precipe ia fiereco pro sia scienco, plenigis ŝian koron je dolĉa ĝojo.

El “ Paĝoj el la Flandra Literaturo.”

PROVERBOJ DE M. F. ZAMENHOF.

Plej granda potenco kuŝas en la komenco.

Kiu semas venton, rikoltos fulmentondron.

Ne ĉio brilanta estas diamanto.

Kiu bojas, ne mordas.

Kastelo en aero—malsato sur tero.

Kiu por ĉiuj laboras, pri si mem ne memoras.


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Rh come down to us from before his time shows, in any case, that his edict was somewhat ineffective; and in fact it was repealed after twenty-two years, in 191.

After a brief reign by the son of the First Emperor, who did not inherit his capacity, we come to the great Han dynasty, which reigned from 206 to  220. This was the great age of Chinese imperialism—exactly coeval with the great age of Rome. In the course of their campaigns in Northern India and Central Asia, the Chinese were brought into contact with India, with Persia, and even with the Roman Empire. Their relations with India had a profound effect upon their religion, as well as upon that of Japan, since they led to the introduction of Buddhism. Relations with Rome were chiefly promoted by the Roman desire for silk, and continued until the rise of Mohammedanism. They had little importance for China, though we learn, for example, that about 164 a treatise on astronomy was brought to China from the Roman Empire. Marcus Aurelius appears in Chinese history under the name An Tun, which stands for Antoninus.

It was during this period that the Chinese acquired that immense prestige in the Far East which lasted until the arrival of European armies and navies in the nineteenth century. One is sometimes tempted to think that the irruption of the white man into China may prove almost as ephemeral as the raids of Huns and Tartars into Europe. The military superiority of Europe to Asia is not an eternal law of nature, as we are tempted to think; and our


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 KELKAJ AVENTUROJ DE BAGH, LA TIGRO.

VERA RAKONTETO DE TEOĜARDENO EN ASSAM.

Ni jam sciiĝis pri lia proksimeco je la ĝardeno, sed, dum multaj monatoj, liaj solaj faradoj estis la mortigado kaj manĝado de unu aŭ du ĝardenaj Kulioj (coolies).

De unu kompatinda viro nenio estis postlasita krom la kranio, kiu kuŝis mezvoje.

Sed la vilaĝanoj de tiu ĉi parto malfeliĉe tiel kutimiĝis je tia okazo, ke neniu forlasis la vojon. Kaj la kvar Angloj sur nia Ĝardeno kontente vivadis kaj trankvile. lli estis certegaj, ke la bestoj de Hindujo, kiel ankaŭ la popolo, timiĝus preni la sangon de siaj mastroj, la blankaj homoj.

Nu, venis sezono kiam la cervoj malmultiĝis, kaj maljuna Bagh, kun granda penado apenaŭ trovadis sufiĉan manĝaĵon por konservi sian vivon. Diris li : “Nunatempe estas malbone! Tage la vilaĝanoj promenadas multanombre, kaj dum la mallumo ne aperas. Ofte ili enmetas fajron en la longa herbo, kio tre timigas min.” Kaj, je la penso, li ruligis siajn okulojn, nudigis siajn dentojn kaj ekĝemis. "Iafoje, tuta semajno pasas, kaj mi ne vidas eĉ cervon, kvankam mi certe ne sopiras je tia malestimaĵo. Sed estas blanka viro kiu, ĉiutage, forrajdas, kaj ĉiuvespere revenas, preter la vojo. Li kaj lia ĉevalo fariĝus sufiĉa manĝaĵo dum tuta monato. Kiu timiĝas je la blanka viro? Ne mi! mi ankoraŭ trinkos lian sangon!” Kaj Bagh ŝmacis siajn lipojn.

Estas bonekonata fakto ke, post la unua gusto de homa sango, la tigro tre sopiradas je ĝi dum sia vivcetero. De tiam li nomiĝas “virmanĝulo” kaj fariĝas pli terura ol ia alia besto.


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 Tagon, je la krepusko, mi tre surpriziĝis vidi mian kolegon freneze rajdantan en la ĝardenon. Li alvenis senĉapele, senspire, kaj sia vizaĝo aperis kvazaŭ li estus vidinta la Diablon. Efektive granda tigro estis elsaltinta el la ĵunglo. Nature la ĉevaleto pro granda teruro ekforkuris, sed, feliĉe por li, mia amiko povis konservi egalpezon sur la selo. Alie, ni ankoraŭ estus senavizaj—kaj tiel ankaŭ estus la malfeliĉulo !

La sovaĝbesto do ĉasadis lin, sed la ĉevalisto fortege ĵetis sian kaskon poste en la vizaĵon de la besto. Tio videble, faris la deziritan efekton, ĉar li ne plu sekvadis. Sed la flugulo ne haltis antaŭ ol li alvenis ĉe siaj kolegoj. Niaparte, kvankam ĝi kompreneble estis okazo tro vera, ni ekopiniis la aferon kiel granda ŝerco, kiel bona ridindaĵo. Sed le nervoj de mia amiko estis kvazaŭ detruitaj, kaj eĉ nun ili estas iom malfortaj.

Proksimatage oni eliris por serĉi la kaskon, sed ĝi ne estis trovebla.

“ Kaj kion opiniis Bagh ?” vi demandas.

Tiu sinjoro estis kuŝinta en la fina stato de senpova frenezo. Pecetoj de la kasko ĉirkaŭis lin. Lia longa vosto batis la subaĵon. Eĉ la lacertetoj timigis montri sin, sed ili aŭdis liajn vortojn kaj laŭe tremadis.

“La blankaj viroj ja estas la mastroj de ĉio,” diris Bagh, penante senkulpigi sin. “Se tiu ĉi estus vere Hindo, mi certiĝas, ke mi estus kaptinta lin, ĉar la Hindoj rajdas sur malrapidaj ĉevaletoj. Sed kiu povas ĝiskuri la ĉevalon de la blankulo ?”

“Malbenu la blankan homaron!” li blekdiris. “Kial ili venas en tiun ĉi landon ? Mi scias, ke ili ne apartenas al ĝi, ĉar, anstataŭ kunloĝadi familie en vilaĝoj, ĉiu loĝas sole en aparta domo, kun multe da Hindoj por atenti lin. Denove, ili alvenas kaj foriras simile al la jar-sezonoj, kaj ĝis nun mi ne vidis iajn inojn aŭ idojn. Sed de kie ili venas, kaj kien ili iras


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 tion from physiology, they may be likened to the nervous centres whence the human frame is supposed to receive its impulse and power of harmonious action. It is the people, and not the surface of the earth, or the constructions which man has heaped upon it, which must be represented. The principle of personal representation is the great political doctrine of modem times.

Every project for the distribution of seats, and indeed every actual distribution has professed to have regard to the number of voters in the constituency. All schemes, except that of the Duke of Richmond, have proposed a distribution more or less grossly disproportionate, or if not, of divisions more or less arbitrary. It is obvious that a just and natural distribution throughout the kingdom of the sources of political power requires, as its basis, that the same rights of suffrage should exist in every part of the kingdom. A consideration of the great question of the suffrage is reserved for a subsequent chapter. It is sufficient here to remark, that a right of suffrage, extensive and impartial, is, as Mr. Calhoun says, "the indispensable and primary principle," and that in conferring it, in the language of M. Guizot:—"Le gouvernement représentatif considère quel est l'act auquel vont être appelés les individus ; il examine quelle est la capacité nécessaire pour cet acte ; il appelle ensuite les individus qui sont présumés posséder cette capacité, tous ceux-là, et ceux-là seuls. Il cherche ensuite la majorité parmi les capables. C'est ainsi, en fait, qu'on a presque toujours procédé partout, même quand on a cru agir en vertu de la souveraineté du peuple. Jamais on ne lui a été vraiment fidèle ; on a toujours exigé, pour les actes politiques, certains conditions, c'est-à-dire, les signes d'une certaine capacité. On s'est trompé en plus ou en moins, et l'erreur est grave, soit à exclure des capables, soit à appeler des incapables. Mais on a obéi au principe du droit mesuré selon la capacité, même quand on professait le principe du


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28 superiority in civilization is a mere delusion. Our histories, which treat the Mediterranean as the centre of the universe, give quite a wrong perspective. Cordier, dealing with the campaigns and voyages of discovery which took place under the Han dynasty, says:—

In our day, this provincialism, which impregnates all our culture, is liable to have disastrous consequences politically, as well as for the civilization of mankind. We must make room for Asia in our thoughts, if we are not to rouse Asia to a fury of self-assertion.

After the Han dynasty there are various short dynasties and periods of disorder, until we come to the Tang dynasty ( 618–907). Under this dynasty, in its prosperous days, the Empire acquired its greatest extent, and art and poetry reached their highest point. The Empire of Jenghis Khan (died


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 neniu scias! Ne, ili estas senrajtuloj! Krom ili, kiuj estus mastroj de tiu ĉi lando ? Tre certege, la tigroj !!”

“Kelkminute Bagh pripensadis pri tia feliĉa estado. Tiam li daŭris: “Sed la malbonuloj trairas la kampon sur elefantoj, kaj dissemas morton per tondro kaj fulmo. Kion! Ĉu ili estos permesataj, senrefrape, malsanktigi niajn proprajn loĝejojn? Ha! Mi havas ideon! Mi eĉ vizitos la hejmon de blankulo, kaj venĝos iliajn insultojn. Feliĉe la tuta lando ankoraŭ estas nia proprejo ĉiun nokton kiam ni povas iradi, maltime, kien ajn ni deziras.”

Tiel okazis ke, la proksiman noktomezon mi miregis trovi min tute veka—tre neordinara okazo por mi.

Subite mi sciiĝis pri laŭta nazspirado ekster la maldikaj muroj. La bruo movadis de pordo al fenestro, de fenestro al pordo, tute ĉirkaŭ la domo. Kelkafoje profunda bleko sonoris—nur bleko de la gorĝo, mi supozas. Nu, estas unu afero moki sian amikon ĉar li forkuris de tigro dum la taglumo. Sed, kredu min, estas tute alia afero esti vekata noktomeze de malsata besto, precipe kiam oni memoras ke, se ĝi scius, ke puŝado de sia frunto aŭ unu bato de sia piedo kontraŭ la fenestro donus al si la deziritan manĝaĵon ! Sed la tigro ne atakis la malfortan konstruaĵon kaj mi hodiaŭ povas skribi tiujn ĉi vortojn. Tamen ŝajnis al mi multaj horoj antaŭ ol li foriris.

Post kelkaj tagoj la blankaj viroj venis kun pafiloj kaj elefantoj kaj multe da Hindaj servantoj. Kia glora vidaĵo estis vidi ok grandegajn elefantojn majeste promenantajn tra la longa herbo.

Sed Bagh sukcese kaŝadis sin kaj ne plu estis vidita. Li jam estis forlasinta la ĉirkaŭaĵon, neniam (espereble) por reveni.

A. T. SIMPER.

El la “ Esperantist.”


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Rh 1227) was considerably greater, and contained a great part of China; but Jenghis Khan was a foreign conqueror. Jenghis and his generals, starting from Mongolia, appeared as conquerors in China, India, Persia, and Russia. Throughout Central Asia, Jenghis destroyed every man, woman, and child in the cities he captured. When Merv was captured, it was transformed into a desert and 700,000 people were killed. But it was said that many had escaped by lying among the corpses and pretending to be dead; therefore at the capture of Nishapur, shortly afterwards, it was ordered that all the inhabitants should have their heads cut off. Three pyramids of heads were made, one of men, one of women, and one of children. As it was feared that some might have escaped by hiding underground, a detachment of soldiers was left to kill any that might emerge. Similar horrors were enacted at Moscow and Kieff, in Hungary and Poland. Yet the man responsible for these massacres was sought in alliance by St. Louis and the Pope. The times of Jenghis Khan remind one of the present day, except that his methods of causing death were more merciful than those that have been employed since the Armistice.

Kublai Khan (died 1294), who is familiar, at least by name, through Marco Polo and Coleridge; was


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 droit dérivé de la simple qualité d'homme." It may be assumed that in any law regulating the suffrage, to the extent in which it is given, it will be founded on the supposition of capacity; and to the extent to which it is restricted, it will be restricted on the supposition of incapacity. Any statesman who shall attempt to carry an electoral law on a narrower basis than this—even if any party combinations should give him a temporary success,—will most assuredly prepare the way for future political difficulties. If a standard of capacity be once adopted—whatever be its elements—the next question for the consideration of statesmen in this country is,—whether any ground exists for disturbing this general standard of capacity by exceptional privileges or restrictions dependent on the place in which the individual elector resides? It is only in a social condition which is become highly artificial that such a question could be seriously proposed. No one will gravely argue that the residents of one district of the United Kingdom, when subjected to the same tests, are so inferior in capacity or character to those who reside in another district, that a different and exceptional standard of electoral capacity should be adopted. No reasons for such a difference, founded on intellect, opinion, disposition, or any other conceivable quality, are applicable to the people of these islands within any specific geographical or other line. The same general standard applies to the Englishman in Cornwall and in Cornhill. None will probably deny that in scientific acumen and courageous enterprise the county may fearlessly sustain a comparison with the city.

Those who would refuse to the inhabitants of the country districts their equal title to electoral power, will, when subjected to close scrutiny, be found to be a class of small weight or influence. The remarks of a leader of the reformers on this subject are significant. He observed:—"I know no good reason why the franchise in counties should


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 not be as extensive as in boroughs; but there appears to have been an understanding of late years, that the next step with regard to the county suffrage shall be short of that, and I shall not quarrel with any measure on that ground." It is true, that the inhabitants of the towns who have agitated the subject of parliamentary reform, not only have not thought it desirable to advocate the interests of those who reside in the counties, but have given little support to the principle of residential equality. The people residing beyond the limits of towns and boroughs have comparatively small means of combining to forward their own claims. "The very nature of a country life, the very nature of landed property, in all the occupations and all the pleasures they afford, render combination and arrangement (the sole way of procuring and exerting influence) in a manner impossible amongst country people. Combine them by all the art you can, and all the industry, they are always dissolving into individuality. Anything in the nature of incorporation is almost impracticable amongst them. Hope, fear, alarm, jealousy, the ephemerous tale that does its business and dies in a day,—all these things, which are the reins and spurs by which leaders check or urge the minds of followers, are not easily employed, or hardly at all, amongst scattered people. They assemble, they arm, they act with the utmost difficulty and at the greatest charge. Their efforts, if ever they can be commenced, cannot be sustained. They cannot proceed systematically." It might have been expected, by a foreigner unacquainted with the working of our representative institutions, that the landed proprietors, who are in a condition to make themselves heard in Parliament, would have been the efficient protectors of their neighbours, the inhabitants of the country,—that they would have indignantly repelled any insinuation of mental or physical inferi-


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 LA HIMNO "ESPERO"

En la mondon venis nova sento, Tra la mondo iras forta voko; Per flugiloj de facila vento Nun de loko flugu ĝi al loko.

 * Ne al glavo sangon soifanta
 * Ĝi la homan tiras familion:
 * Al la mond' eterne militanta
 * Ĝi promesas sanktan harmonion.

Sub la sankta signo de l' espero Kolektiĝas pacaj batalantoj, Kaj rapide kreskas la afero Per laboro de la esperantoj.

 * Forte staras muroj de miljaroj
 * Inter la popoloj dividitaj;
 * Sed dissaltos la obstinaj baroj,
 * Per la sankta amo disbatitaj.

Sur neŭtrala lingva fundamento, Komprenante unu la alian, La popoloj faros en konsento Unu grandan rondon familian.

 * Nia diligenta kolegaro
 * En laboro paca ne laciĝos,
 * Ĝis la bela sonĝo de l' homaro
 * Por eterna ben' efektiviĝos.

Do L. L. ZAMENHOF.


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 {|
 * Word.||Affixes.
 * Arb-et-aĵ-oj, bushes
 * et denotes diminution of degree.
 * (literally, little tree things).
 * aĵ denotes something which has the quality of, a concrete thing, not an abstract idea.
 * Vizaĝ-et-o, little face.
 * et denotes diminution of degree.
 * Rid-et-is, smiled, from ridi, to laugh.
 * et denotes diminution of degree.
 * Ĉarm-iĝ-is, charmed, from ĉarmi, to charm.
 * iĝ denotes to become.
 * Mal-grand-ul-on,
 * mal denotes the opposite of.
 * little one.
 * ul denotes person characterised by.
 * Vek-iĝ-is, woke up, from veki, to awake (intrans. ).
 * iĝ denotes becoming
 * Vid-aĵ-o, sight, from vidi, to see.
 * aĵ denotes something which has the quality of.
 * Kri-eg-i, to howl or shout, from krii, to cry.
 * eg denotes increase of degree.
 * Mal-pli, less, from pli, more,
 * mal denotes the contrary.
 * Ek-ĝemante, sighingly, from ĝemi, to groan.
 * ek marks the beginning of an action; a sigh is not usually so prolonged as a groan.
 * Mal-facila, difficult, facila, easy.
 * mal denotes the contrary.
 * Respond-ebl-a, answerable, from respondi, to answer.
 * ebl Pli malfacila respondeblan is equivalent, to “more difficult to answer.”
 * Kviet-ig-i, to quiet (make quiet).
 * ig denotes causing to be, and it, therefore, makes the verb transitive, its object taking the accusative “n.”
 * Cigan-id-on, gipsy child, from cigano, a gipsy
 * id denotes offspring.
 * Lul-kant-et-on, a lullaby, from luli, to lull, and kanto, a song.
 * et shows diminution in degree; the word is literally a little lulling song.
 * Bedaŭr-ind-e, from bedaŭri, to regret.
 * ind denotes worthiness; the equivalent English expression is “unfortunately.”
 * }
 * Mal-facila, difficult, facila, easy.
 * mal denotes the contrary.
 * Respond-ebl-a, answerable, from respondi, to answer.
 * ebl Pli malfacila respondeblan is equivalent, to “more difficult to answer.”
 * Kviet-ig-i, to quiet (make quiet).
 * ig denotes causing to be, and it, therefore, makes the verb transitive, its object taking the accusative “n.”
 * Cigan-id-on, gipsy child, from cigano, a gipsy
 * id denotes offspring.
 * Lul-kant-et-on, a lullaby, from luli, to lull, and kanto, a song.
 * et shows diminution in degree; the word is literally a little lulling song.
 * Bedaŭr-ind-e, from bedaŭri, to regret.
 * ind denotes worthiness; the equivalent English expression is “unfortunately.”
 * }
 * et shows diminution in degree; the word is literally a little lulling song.
 * Bedaŭr-ind-e, from bedaŭri, to regret.
 * ind denotes worthiness; the equivalent English expression is “unfortunately.”
 * }
 * }


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 ority and demanded for them at least, an equality of political rights. He would be surprised to learn, that, so far from finding advocates in their territorial and natural chieftains, it is from some of them that the attempt to confer upon the inhabitants of counties a franchise, nominally of an equal, but really of a greater, amount than that existing in the towns, has met with the greatest opposition. Mr. Bright gave utterance to what a correct sense of truth prompted, when he characterised the indifference to the rights of the county inhabitants, as an "understanding," and with an equal sense of justice he informs them beforehand, that it is not his province to become their champion. An "understanding" every lawyer knows is a covert expression, generally introduced when one person wishes to impose upon another terms which have not been agreed upon between them. One party is sufficient for an understanding, but two are required to an agreement The understanding has not yet been ratified by the persons whose political equality it menaces.

It will be said, that the distinction between the electoral standard in the boroughs mi in the counties is founded not on any inferiority in capacity or in any consideration of danger in the opinions or dispositions of the people in the country districts, but on the constitutional necessity of guarding in this manner the interests of the proprietors of the land. The argument, of course, assumes—first, that there exists in the country an antagonism between the proprietors and those who are occupiers, and not proprietors, of houses or lands; and secondly, that the constitution affords no adequate protection to the proprietary class, except by the exclusion as far as possible of county voters who are not proprietors. In the long discussions on representation which took place before the Reform Bill, the antagonistic bodies were supposed to be the landed and the mercantile classes; and it is a doctrine of


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 Translation.

A new sentiment has come into the world, A mighty voice goes through the earth, On wings of light wind Let it now fly from place to place.

 * Not to the blood-thirsty sword
 * Does it draw the human family :
 * To the ever-warring world
 * It promises a holy harmony.

Beneath the sacred banner of hope Peaceful warriors gather, And the work shall spread rapidly By the labours of the hopeful.

 * The walls of centuries firmly stand
 * Between the divided peoples ;
 * But the obstinate bars shall give way
 * Beaten down by holy love.

Upon the foundation of a neutral language, Understanding one another, The peoples will form, with one accord, One great family circle.

 * Our diligent adherents
 * Will not become weary in their peaceful labour
 * Till the fair dream of humanity
 * Is realised as an eternal blessing.

The oficial music was composed by M. de Menil, and is to be obtained at the British Esperanto Association, 13, Arundel Street, Strand.


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xiv


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 a very recent date, which places the landed proprietors and rural population in supposed hostility to each other. In truth, the antagonism is perfectly imaginary. By giving health and activity to all the fibres which grow out of interests in land, and which stretch their roots deeply and widely, and take more or less hold on every class in society, the proprietors of land will always find that their true interests and just rights are too firm to be shaken. It may, indeed, be possible for the great proprietors of land to insist upon upholding a system which will sever all these multitudinous ties, and leave them isolated and exposed.

It may well be hoped that when our representative institutions shall come under revision, there will be found in their places in both houses of Parliament some at least of the hereditary leaders of the yeomanry of the kingdom, demanding for them, as county inhabitants, individually and collectively, the same measure of political justice as shall be given to the inhabitants of the towns.

The fidelity and adequacy of the county representation is one of the chief points on which every one who may take a part in the business of parliamentary reform, with a single-minded view to the establishment of a system universally just and true, ought resolutely to insist. The title of the county inhabitants to an equal representation to those of the towns, according to their numbers, measured by the same rule, is alike indefeasible and undeniable. Cheshire, with its 16,000 electors, increased by the extension of the suffrage perhaps to 20,000, would unquestionably be entitled to return ten members, if every constituency of 2000, on the average, returned one member. Yorkshire, with its 56,000 electors, increased to 70,000 by the extension of the franchise, would, on the same rule, be entitled to thirty-five members; and so


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 with the rest of the counties. What is the objection to this demand? There should be no shrinking on any side from principle of indisputable justice. It is the duty—and duty is always true policy—of the ministry who may conduct the affairs of the State,—of the peers, who are, by tradition and constitution, hereditary guardians of justice and liberty,—of every member of the lower House who can rise above mere party attachment, to insist upon this measure of justice for those whose position do not enable them to combine for the purpose of demanding it. If, in the discussions to arise, they shall be led by rectitude of principle to the conception of political wisdom, they will insist upon perfect and equal rights for the dwellers in the counties, regulated by the same measure, to the uttermost fraction,—abating not one jot or tittle from what is conceded to those who live in towns,—and demanding nothing more. If their demands be tainted with a desire to secure a monopoly, or an unjust partition of influence or power, they deserve to fail; but, in requiring equality, their position is impregnable. The English people, from the impromptu-crowd which gathers in the street, to the most august court in the land, are lovers of fairness and justice, and they will scorn the sophistry which shall attempt distinctions between their countrymen, founded upon the difference of the spot on which they may happen to live.

An equal measure of justice must be extended to the towns. On this point, the metropolis seems to appal even some of the most extreme reformers. On calculating its vast population, and the corresponding share which it may claim in the representative assembly, the agitation for reform, like fear, "recoils at the sound itself has made.". An extensive metropolitan representation, framed as it has hitherto been, may well be dreaded; but, constructed on a system which is freed from the ties of parish or boundary, it might be the strength and anchor of the constitution, if such a character or office could be attributed to any part of the kingdom rather


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 than to another. A true representative reflex of all the better elements which are found in the metropolis, should present a body of men as illustrious as any in the world.

Of what does the metropolis consist? It contains the abode of the sovereign, and of the regal house and household, and of all who compose the court and council of the Queen. It contains the mansions of an ancient and powerful nobility, and their numerous connexions and dependents. In it are all the chief military and civil departments of the army, the navy, the ordnance, and the control of their vast equipments; the public treasury, the mint, and the multitude of offices which are concerned with the receipt of the revenues of the kingdom from foreign and inland trade, and all the subjects of taxation, and for the appropriation and liquidation of the principal and interest of a public debt equal in amount to the value of the fee-simple of the dominions of some not insignificant monarchs,—and with the collection and audit of the public accounts of the empire. In the metropolis are the chief stewardships of the great estates of the crown and its palatinates. In it reside all the functionaries connected with the imperial Parliament,—the secretaries, councils, and officers engaged in communications between the government and its dependencies,—the Canadas, Australasia, Africa, and the Indies,—and with foreign nations. In it are the immense establishments of the Post-office, the great triumph of civilisation,—sowing, daily and hourly, with its myriad hands, the seeds of public and private intelligence gathered from every part of the habitable globe. In the metropolis are the seats of the Courts of Equity and Law, and to it are brought all appeals, in the last resort, from every territory and colony. Here reside the bar, and the other professors of legal science concerned in the supreme administration of justice, and in the settlement and transfer of most of the great properties in the kingdom. In this detail is comprehended but a few of the multitude of conditions and occupations engaged on the affairs


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 there have been great "outlaw" strikes.

The economic consequences of the period, in their effect upon the working class, may be illustrated in the following brief items:

In short, ten per cent less workers have been employed, but the intensity of their exploitation has been increased so that they produce approximately the same as the number formerly employed. At the same time the total amount of wages paid has decreased sharply.

The explanation of this unexampled collapse of the labor movement, its complete failure to protect the gains of past years altho conditions were exceptionally favorable for struggle, lies in the systematic betrayal of the labor organizations by the officials.

This betrayal is not an accidental thing, a matter of the personal corruption of individuals, but arises out of the very life and material conditions of the working class and their organizations, which developed this officialdom into a special class. During the period of expansion of American capitalism, this officialdom found that it could obtain concessions of a minor nature from the employers by entering into close collaboration with them. These concessions to the workers, in the way of slightly higher wages out of the abundant riches flowing from the tremendous natural resources of America under the highly developed industry, were sufficient to keep the labor officials in power; while they were made the basis


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 for establishing a tradition of immensely high salaries for these same officials from the unions. Added to their high salaries was the graft that unprincipled officials could extort from the employers. But more important than all was the opportunities given to the labor officials to make money "on the side" thru speculation, etc., which came from their association with the employers. It is much simpler to give a tip on the stock market than to give a bribe, as the employers soon learned. The net result of all these influences, the effect of which was multiplied tenfold during the war period, was to produce in the officialdom of the labor movement of America a definite sub-class of the bourgeoisie, a bureaucracy which had become a distinct instrument of the ruling class of America. Long before 1920 it was the usual thing for "labor leaders" to become wealthy, to leave the labor movement in order to head large industrial corporations, or to enter capitalist political life. What was true of the higher strata was true in a smaller way of the lower grades. Labor leadership had become a lucrative profession, vying with capitalist law and politics.

Then came the world-wide capitalist offensive against the labor movement. American capitalism, establishing its imperialist hegemony abroad, also proceeded to intensify exploitation at home. The labor movement had been sufficiently corrupted and weakened that the unions could be safely disregarded. Wage slashes and union-smashing campaigns became the order of the day. And, under the leadership of the corrupted bureaucracy, under the systematic betrayal of their own leaders, the unions suffered demoralization and disaster.

It was at this point in the history of American labor that the Trade Union Educational League, organ of the fighting left wing of the labor unions, began its active operations. The conditions described above furnished the basis and generated the motive force of this left wing movement. The T. U. E. L. gave, for the first time,


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 of the empire. There is the Bank of England, and the other companies and firms of bankers. whose money transactions represent no small portion of the dealings and commerce of every quarter of the earth. Here are the managers, directors, and staff of the principal associations which, by ships and railways, conduct the intercourse of the people of all nations. There are classes almost beyond the possibility of recapitulation,—merchants, shipowners, brokers, manufacturers of an infinite variety of fabrics,—traders, capitalists, composed of companies and individuals, having ramifications of business with every port, inland town, market, and village. Here are associations, academies, and museums, for the promotion of learning, and science, in all their developments. Ireland sends its brilliant imagination and its romantic bravery; Scotland, its keen intellect and its untiring perseverance. The metropolis attracts to itself much that the kingdom produces of high talent or superior energy; it gathers together the diversities of gifts with which nature endows her most favoured sons. Here the learning of Johnson, the erudition and wisdom of Burke, the genius of Eeynolds, of Lawrence, of Flaxman, and Chantrey, found their home. Here the eloquence of Erskine, of Copley, and of Brougham, had their appropriate theatre. It is here that Wren achieved his triumphs; and here it may be given to Scott to realise his conception of what Gothic architecture is capable. Davy brings hither from Cornwall his researches in chemistry; Stephenson, from Northumberland, his applications of mechanics; Herschel, from Somersetshire, his astronomical observations. Here, Abemethy, and Cooper, and Brodie, held their daily levees. From the rapidity of communication and of travel, the metropolis has now robbed the old provincial capitals of much of their lustre. It is the dwelling of the gentry of the kingdom. Hither thousands, whose skill aod industry have been crowned with success, retire, and bring their acquired wealth, and find repose in contemplating that


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 a national direction and a rallying center to the class conscious elements in the trade unions. The growth of the left wing as a result has been phenomenal.

William Z. Foster was the organizer and directing head of this great movement. For many reasons he was particularly fitted for his task, only one of which shall be dealt with here, the part he played in the two great organization campaigns which brought the packing house workers and the steel workers into the unions and in leading the great steel strike of 1919–20. The two organization campaigns which Foster conceived, organized, and executed, marked the highest point in the American labor movement and were the last great effort along the lines of strictly trade union endeavor to save the unions from degeneration. The steel strike was not alone a struggle of half a million workers against the steel corporation, it was at the same time the supreme effort of the proletarian forces in the American labor movement to break the strangle-hold of the bureaucracy, which was choking the life out of it, by means of action along the traditional lines of trade unionism. The failure of these efforts, with the black reaction that followed, laid the basis for the modern left-wing movement, while the experience of Foster in these struggles and his outstanding leadership in them, made him the logical leader of the new movement.

Characterizing the first period in the work of the Trade Union Educational League, leading the militant rank and file of the unions, is the tremendous sweep of sentiment and demand for amalgamation of the antiquated craft unions into powerful industrial unions one of the basic slogans of the T. U. E. L. This was the period of agitation and education, the preparation of the ground for real work to come, for organization and struggle. It was the most dramatic phase of the left-wing movement in the last three years.

In March, 1922, the famous Chicago Amalgamation


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 progress in the labour of which they have ceased actively to participate, and in the society of kindred minds. From the metropolis flows that comprehensive literature, the seemingly ever-increasing and inexhaustible stores of which are daily poured forth in article and volume, to feed and guide the realm of thought.

Foreigners should behold in the representation of this mighty community a condensed picture of the greatness of our country, and be compelled to recognise in it a triumphant display of the dignity and virtue of its institutions. Instead of this, the product which our political chemistry extracts from this abundant wealth of material is so immeasurably small that it may well create the deepest alarm in the mind of any statesman, looking to the future, and beholding the shoals into which the representative institutions, even in a highly-intelligent age, may be permitted to drift. With an accidental exception or two, we are unable to refer to the metropolitan constituencies as having given to the senate any members to whom the nation can point, not to say with pride,—but with even the shadow of satisfaction, as illustrating a single ennobling feature of the national character. Under a system which forces every man either to submit to political extinction or to make one of a majority, in which he utterly sacrifices all that in which he differs from the rest in judgment or opinion, it cannot be otherwise. An electoral community formed of thousands of persons, including every diversity of thought, intelligence, education, and feeling, is driven together, and told, — what is, in effect, a cruel irony,—to elect a representative. K it be only that the person chosen is to support this or that minister,—or this or that dogma which the majority in its caprice or its ignorance has set up, the representation may be enough,—but if it be to exercise a judgment on all the subjects which at this day become matters of legislation, then it may be confidently said, that no fable, legend, or allegory, has personified a creature capable


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 Kanto de studentoj

(GAUDEAMUS (see page 10)).

Ĝoju, ĝoju ni, kolegoj, Dum ni junaj estas! Post plezura estanteco, Post malgaja maljuneco — Sole tero restas.

Vivu la akademio Kaj la profesoroj! Vivu longe kaj en sano Ĉiu akademiano, Vivu sen doloroj!

Vivu, floru nia regno Kaj regnestro nia! Kaj amikoj mecenataj, Protegantoj estimataj De l' akademio

Vivu ĉiuj la knabinoj Belaj kaj hontemaj! Vivu ankaŭ la virinoj, Amikinoj kaj mastrinoj, Bonaj, laboremaj.

Mortu, mortu, malgajeco, Mortu la doloro! Mortu ĉiu intriganto Kaj malamon konservanto Longe en la koro!

L. L. ZAMENHOF.


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 Resolution was adopted by the Chicago Federation of Labor.

Immediately Gompers sounded the alarm. He opened a barrage of abuse and denunciation against Foster and the Trade Union Educational League in his own press, and in the capitalist daily papers. He traveled over the country, rallying the cohorts of the bureaucracy to combat this new "menace." The issue of "Amalgamation" became the most talked of subject thruout the labor movement almost overnight.

But the bureaucrats, unfit for any kind of struggle because of their soft and parasitic existence, could not even struggle effectively against the amalgamation movement. In the four months, June to September, 1922, the left wing had swept thru seven state conventions with the amalgamation program, carrying them by huge majorities. These states were Minnesota, Wisconsin, Washington, Indiana, Nebraska, Utah and Michigan. Dozens of the most important city central councils, particularly in the West, fell into line. The Moulders, the Typographical Union, the Amalgamated Clothing Workers, with several independent unions, also joined in the demand for amalgamation. The great railway workers' movement was launched, co-incident with the collapse of the shopmen's strike, carrying with it thousands of local unions. By October four more state federations, Ohio, Oregon, South Dakota, and Colorado, also went on record for amalgamation, and shortly after Montana and Pennsylvania. The great convention of the railway maintenance men in Detroit, with over a thousand delegates, overwhelmingly adopted the measure. In all sixteen state federations and fourteen international unions endorsed amalgamation during the campaign. It was a veritable landslide.

An oustandingoutstanding [sic] achievement of this period was the great movement among the railroad workers. At the convention of the Railway Employes' Department of the


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 LA CELO ESPERANTA.

“ Unu lingvo, unu koro ! ”—jen deviz' de nia cel'; Ni elfaru veran eston al antikva la fabel' Kiam per la sama lingvo paroladis hom' kun hom' Pace, iu al alia, el diversa gent' aŭ dom.'

Tio eble estis fablo; tamen ĉe la nuna scen', Pleje la malpac' ekkreskas nur el akra malkompren' ; «Scii estas senkulpigi ”—baldaŭ ĉesus militad', Se nacioj kunparolus per komuna parolad'.

Do klopodu ni konstante por nacia amikec', Per la lingva unuiĝo de la homa frata spec'; Plimultigu ni la penojn kaj la simpation, ĝis Plenumiĝos rev' poeta per la tutamonda kis'.

El la “ British Esperantist.” BEN ELMY.

[Sung to the tune of the Austrian National Hymn (Glorious Things of Thee are Spoken).

For the tune of “Gaudeamus” see Farmer's Student Songs, or enquire of MISS LAWRENCE. ]


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 of adequately representing such a heterogeneous combination of men. The result is inevitable. The crowd of electors is persuaded by the more cunning to apply some test, which affords no more proof of the fitness of the candidate for a legislator than if they had taken him by weight or measure,—something which the most ignorant man may answer. The small degree in which he differs from the lowest and commonest order of mind amongst them may be his recommendation. The chance of any candidate of a higher order of intelligence is so small, that no man will waste his fortune upon it; and the very considerable number of components of the electoral body, who, with delight, would have chosen a superior man, have no opportunity of judging by comparison, or of making a better selection.

It can hardly admit of doubt that, if our statesmen would offer to the metropolitan electors the opportunity of adopting, in the metropolitan constituencies alone, the system proposed in this treatise, it would be regarded as an incalculable boon by a very large number of the intelligent inhabitants; probably by almost all, excepting those who are able by the present arrangements to acquire some profit, or some undue advantage over their fellow-voters. Let us suppose that all the eighteen members are to be elected at one poll, and that the candidates are not liable to be charged with any election expenses beyond a deposit of £50 apiece. There would be probably not less than forty or fifty candidates, including men of eminence in science and literature, in political life, in the army or navy, and at the head of various departments of manufacture and trade. Every elector would have this vastly increased extent of choice, and selection, and in the method of contingent voting may place on his voting paper the names of all, or any, that he may approve of, rejecting as many as he pleases. The whole number of votes being divided by eighteen will give the quota, and the excess being struck off from the more popular candidates would be carried to the next


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 A. F. of L., held in Chicago in May, 1922, the left wing delegates had presented a resolution for amalgamation as the first necessity to win the shopmen's strike then looming up. They actually convinced a majority of the delegates, but the officialdom coerced enough of them into line to defeat it by a small margin. The necessity for rank and file pressure to force any action from the official machinery of the unions was apparent.

This task was taken up by the Railway Shop Crafts' Legislative Committee, of St. Paul, Minnesota, of which Otto Wangerin was the secretary and leading spirit. This body adopted a comprehensive plan of amalgamation, published it as a leaflet, and sent it out with a ballot to every local union of railroad workers in the United States and Canada.

The "Minnesota Plan," as it is called, was greeted with enthusiasm. The plan was first published in July, 1922. Within a few months more than a thousand local unions had adopted it. The committee then called a conference of delegates from local nuionsunions [sic], to consider ways and means of bringing amalgamation about, and to set up the necessary organizational machinery. This conference met in December, 1922, in Chicago. There were over 400 delegates in attendance, from all over the United States and Canada, from as far south as Birmingham, west to the Pacific coast, and east to the Atlantic. Every union of railroaders was represented. It confirmed the Minnesota Plan, set up an organization known as the International Committee for Amalgamation in the Railroad Industry, and launched a paper, the Within six months the Minnesota Plan had been endorsed by 3,377 local railroad workers' unions in the United States and Canada.

How the bureaucracy damned up this flood of amalgamation sentiment, and defeated the will of the rank and file, is illustrated by the case of the Brotherhood of Railway Carmen. The laws of this union provide for a referendum vote on propositions submitted by five locals in


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 as many different states. An amalgamation proposition was adopted under this referendum law, supported by more than local unions. It was thrown out by the executive of the union without the slightest pretext of legality. The referendum was tried again, with even more local unions in support. Again it was thrown out. Then a vote was taken on whether a convention should be held. The reactionaries defeated the calling of a convention by making the ballots in such a manner that to vote for a convention required also voting for an assessment of $5, altho the union had in its treasury more than two millions of dollars at the time.

The situation in the railroad unions was paralelled to a greater or lesser extent, in practically every union and industry in the country. The rank and file was overwhelmingly in favor of amalgamation. But their organizations were in the hands of the corrupt labor bureaucracy, agents of the enemies of the workers, and the rank and file had not yet forged the instruments of struggle necessary in order to take possession of their own organizations and make of them fighting instruments against the capitalist class.

Early in its organized activity, the left wing began to understand from experience and from the propaganda of the T. U. E. L., the absolute necessity of clearly combining labor union and industrial struggle with political struggle in its widest sense. At the same time a movement, vague and undefined but with large potentialities, for a labor party based upon the same general lines as that of Great Britain, was taking shape and expressing itself in America. There was an opportunity, by working within this movement and hooking it up with the more immediate and acute struggles of the workers, to direct it toward the class struggle and develop the political consciousness of larger masses of workers. The T. U. E. L., acting in agreement with the policy of the Workers (Communist) Party, launched a great campaign


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 names. The deficient votes would be dealt with in like manner, and thus the sympathies of all would be awakened and called into exercise. The electors in the metropolis, emancipated from the trammels by which they are now restricted, and having before them a field of choice, including many men amongst their contemporaries whose names they have been accustomed to admire or venerate, would gather together members certainly not less eminent than those of any other constituency in the kingdom. In an equal system of suffrage in counties and boroughs—and of individual independence—it is probable that the county electors between the Humber, the Mersey, and the Tees—or the county electors south of the Severn, would be entitled to nearly the same number of members as the electors of the metropolis; and a competition between the metropolis, the north, and the south, to be represented in the state by the most distinguished of contemporaneous statesmen, would impart a new and incalcu-


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 along this line. The labor party campaign of the left wing had a deep effect for the time upon the trade unions.

In December, 1922, the T. U. E. L. issued a statement entitled "A Political Party for Labor," in which it laid down a program for drawing the trade unions directly into the political struggle against the capitalist state in alliance with the Communists. It called upon all its followers to carry out a campaign of education and organization along the lines laid down.

In March, 1923, the league conducted a referendum on the question in a circular letter and ballot sent to 35,000 local unions in the United States, accompanying the letter with a copy of the league statement. The response was wide-pread and resulted in intense agitation and discussion, in which the idea of a labor party received wide acceptance, and the impulse toward political action was stimulated greatly.

A reflex of this stirring appeared in May, in a call for a national farmer-labor convention, issued by the Farmer-Labor Party of which John Fitzpatrick was the head, for July 3, in Chicago. The left-wing elements supported this call and made of the convention a great gathering of over 600 delegates from all over the country.

The tremendous left-wing sentiment at that gathering, on the one hand, and the collapse of the so-called progressive leaders who bolted and returned to the Gompers camp, on the other hand, presaged the acute struggle that was ahead, and the realignment of forces that would be necessary before any effective left wing, industrial or political, could forge ahead.

The T. U. E. L. participated actively, thereafter, in the building up of local and state labor parties, and in the preparation of the convention of June 17, 1924, at St. Paul, which it was hoped would put a working class ticket in the presidential election and unify wide masses of workers in the political struggle. But the LaFollette


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 lably higher tone of life to our national politics. A few thousand electors might still make choice of men who could do them no honour, but the system thus affords a kind of safety-valve, by which deficiency of judgment or public spirit is drawn off,—for every quota that makes a mean selection is thus prevented from lowering the tone and character of any other constituency, which such a number of voters is now able to do; and the objects of their choice will find their proper level.

Another condition of the population of London, and one which may be expected to operate to an immense extent in a system of individual independence, must also be taken into account. At the census of 1851, of 1,395,000 persons above twenty years of age, then in London, 588,000 were born in other parts of England, including every English county, 14,000 in Wales, 26,000 in Scotland, and 89,000 in Ireland. It is a habit of mankind to cling tenaciously to early associations. A native of Scotland or Ireland, or of a distant county, whom a profession or a trade has drawn to London, retains still his attachment to his birthplace. His sympathies are with it, as his mind dwells on the memories of home, and of youth or early manhood. Not in London alone would the attachment to country and early associations operate. It would be found throughout the kingdom, especially in all the great centres of industry. Lancashire contained, at the same census, 378,000 persons not born within that county. Of these, 26,000 had their birthplaces in Scotland, and 190,000 in Ireland. Of the inhabitants of Yorkshire, about 8,000 were born in Scotland, and 43,000 in Ireland. In Wales, there were 2,200 from Scotland, and upwards of 20,000 from Ireland. Scotland contained 75,000 born in Ireland, and 45,000 in England. The extent to which the means of travelling have been facilitated within the last few years will operate, in a degree which has never before been felt, to preserve the connection between individuals and the places of their more cherished associations,


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 illusion, which blinded the eyes of the backward workers and enabled self-seeking leaders to break up the support of the ticket elected at St. Paul, finally destroyed the farmer-labor party movement and liquidated it into the petty-bourgeois class collaborationist movement of LaFollette. The Workers (Communist) Party nominated Foster and Gitlow, and the T. U. E. L. supported the Communist campaign with all its power.

During the two years of its participation in the political struggles and education of the workers for a labor party the T. U. E. L. achieved one great thing: It learned, and it made clear to the class conscious workers, that there is only one working class party, and that is the Workers (Communist) Party.

We in America were not to be spared the experience of all left-wing movements the world over in the struggle against class collaboration—the experience of expulsions of militants from the unions by the bureaucracy in order to prevent the winning of the rank and file.

In the second year of the league these began as a systematic campaign, as a definite policy of the reactionaries. Already there had benbeen [sic] resort to this weapon, as © early as the spring of 1922, by John L. Lewis, when he expelled Howat from the Miners' Union to prevent that sturdy battler from winning the miners to a policy of struggle. The storm broke in the summer of 1923, immediately after the split with the fake progressives in the farmer-labor party convention in Chicago.

Logically enough, in spite of the seeming contradiction, the first campaign of expulsions against the left wing came in one of the more "advanced" unions, the International Ladies' Garment Workers. Dominated by yellow socialists, the union learned from the Amsterdam fakers more quickly, being also spurred on by the more active, better organized and intelligent, left wing in the union thru which that organization was rapidly being won over to the left wing policies. The reaction-


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 and from which, notwithstanding their business may employ them at a distance, they can scarcely be said now to be permanently removed. Under a system of individual independence, fall scope would be given to every local attachment,—a regard which, if it exists at all, must be of free and spontaneous growth. Scotland would not complain of neglected interests, for every Scotchman, wherever his lot in life had cast him, would, in the choice of his representative, turn with filial love to the land of his sires. Ireland would complain of no cold disregard, for it would find friends in every spot in which the warm-hearted and unchanging faith of her sons, and the exquisite loveliness of her daughters, had won affection.

It is obvious that causes arising out of country, of property, and of every species of actual or possible association, would all operate materially on the votes which would be given in the metropolis and in other populous cities. To a large number of persons, the success of the local candidate would be a matter of less importance than that of some candidates for distant places, in which they may feel a greater interest. The desire and temptation to achieve a party triumph would be encountered by feelings and motives more wholesome and genuine. Instead of local interests being neglected, they will receive, by the accession of voluntary strength from without, greatly increased impulse and power; the impediments which merely local jealousies create being at the same time softened or removed.

It will be seen that the system of individual independence is consistent with the most perfect devotion to local objects, whilst, on the other hand, a geographical or territorial system is perfectly inconsistent with individual independence. The geographical system constrains every man's will, and destroys all personal independence. On the other hand, the power of voting for whom he thinks proper, permits every man to make the place in which he lives, or in which his


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 an unceasing supply of ridicule to the essayists of the time; a denunciation of the corruption of modern youth, who learn nothing but new forms of vice in the grand tour; and a fresh assault upon Toland, Tindal, and other freethinkers of the day. There were some passages marked by Pope's usual dexterity, but the whole is awkwardly constructed, and has no very intelligible connexion with the first part. It was highly admired at the time, and, amongst others, by Gray. He specially praises a passage which has often been quoted as representing Pope's highest achievement in his art. At the conclusion the goddess Dulness yawns, and a blight falls upon art, science, and philosophy. I quote the lines, which Pope himself could not repeat without emotion, and which have received the highest eulogies from Johnson and Thackeray.

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