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42

For nothing ever suits so well

As simple frock for demoiselle,

And that in which Franchise was dight,

Linen of pure and spotless white,

By dyes unstained, did well express

The maiden’s inward loveliness.

Beside Franchise a stripling stood,

Of noble port and lustihood,

But how he named him knew I not,

Yet one so fair of mien I wot,

And gaily clad as bird in spring,

Were well the son of Windsor’s king.

ND next stood gracious Courtesy,

Who ne’er midst men can fail to be

Welcome: strangers to her are pride

And folly. Straightway to her side

She summoned me with kindly call

To join the gladsome dance withal.

Frank-eyed she was, and no deal shy

Or timid, but most graciously

Spake forth to me in friendly wise,

With pleasant words and quaint replies,

Wherein one found no poison lurk.

Her form was nature’s perfect work,

And e’en as stars like candles mean

Beside the moon’s bright rays are seen,


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 Rh tone for those who have the Tolstoy feeling in them.

From the poisoning of Peter, the husband, in the beginning, to the murder of the baby in the middle, and Nikita's arrest at the end, the piece is full of horrors which most people, who do not look at things from Tolstoy's point of view, find it wellnigh impossible to endure. To them the play appears to be one of unmitigated blackness. To Tolstoyans it is not so. The lies, the crimes, the horrors are there, as in real life; but in the play one sees more clearly than in common life the clue to the meaning of it all. When Nikita's conscience begins to be touched; when Mitritch, the old soldier, teaches him not to be afraid of men; and finally, when Akim, the old father, rejoices that his son has confessed, the heavens open and the purpose of life—the preparing for what is yet to come by getting things straight here and now—is revealed, and the effect of the play, instead of being sordid or painful, becomes inspiring.

The play was founded on fact, though what happened in real life was even more gruesome, for in actual fact Nikita's prototype, when on the point of driving off to Akulina's wedding, suddenly seized a large wooden wedge and aimed a tremendous blow at her younger sister; and he

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 == II. ADAM (pp. 49–101)==

$undefined$ Abot 5. 1; ARN 31, 90 (second version 36, 90); Rosh ha-Shanah 32a; BR 17. 1; PR 21, 108 (whence Mahzor Vitry 535); PRE 3; Lekah, Gen. 1.5; Tikkune Zohar 70; the commentators of the Mishnah quoted by Schechter on 2 ARN. The number 10 (on the significance of this number comp. Lekah, loc, cit .; Tehillim 5, 19; Ma'aseh Torah 10) is computed in various ways. In Gen. 1. 3-29 the expression "and God said" occurs only nine times, but the prevalent view is that the very first beginning of creation likewise resulted from God's utterance (on the doctrine of creatio ex nihilo comp. Excursus I), so that there were ten utterances corresponding to the ten acts of creation. The Gnostic Manoismus also speaks of the ten creations; comp. Hippolytus, Haeres., 8. 7. The expression "God's word is an act" occurs frequently in Jewish and Christian writings; comp. BR 44. 22; Tehillim 107, 461-462; Enoch 14. 17; 2 Enoch 33.4; Philo, Sacrif. Caini, 18. Comp, further Apocalypse of Baruch 14. 17; 4 Ezra 6. 38; Heb. 11. 3; 2 Peter 3. 5; Clemens Alexandrinus, Hortatio, 4.  $undefined$ Tosefta Sanhedrin 8. 7-8; Babli 38a; Yerushalmi 4 (end). Comp, note 8.  $undefined$ Alphabet of R. Akiba 59, whence Rashi borrowed his remark on Gen. 1. 27. This assertion is found much more frequently in Christian sources; comp. Theophilus Ant., Ad Autol., II, 18; Aphraates, 240; Clementine Homilies, II, 52; III, 20; IV, 34 (the last pas¬ sage is a quotation from Is. 41. 20); Athenagoras, Legat., 33; Irenaeus, Haer., 5. 5, 1, and 2. 58 (the hands of God = the Holy Ghost and the Son); Apocalypse of Ezra (beginning); Tertullian, De Resurrectione, 5; Adversus Marcionem, 2; ps.-Tertullian, on Gen. 35-40; Origen, Con¬ tra Celsum, 4, 37 (the biblical passages referring to this subject, as Job 10. 8 and Ps. 119. 73, are not to be taken literally, but have a hidden meaning); Clemens Alexandrinus, Instructor, 1, 3; Emerson, Leg¬ ends of Cain ( Publications of Modern Languages Association of America, XXI, 41) shows the continuance of this conception in Christian literature of the latter part of the Middle Ages. Comp, further Ginzberg, Hag-


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 12 did this not out of malice, but because he felt so sure that it is a misfortune to be alive in a world where things have gone so wrong as they have done in the world we live in. Fortunately his blow, which seemed certain to kill the girl, glanced aside, and merely stunned her without doing her any permanent injury.

The Power of Darkness was prohibited by the Dramatic Censor, and throughout the reign of Alexander III. its public performance in Russia was forbidden.

It was produced for the first time at the Théâtre Libre in Paris in February 1888. Among its most enthusiastic admirers was Zola, who was as anxious about it as he could have been had it been his own work. "Above all, do not strike out a single scene or a single word, and do not fear for its success," said he at one of the rehearsals ; and he was quite right. The piece had a tremendous success, and was played at one and the same time at three different Paris theatres, as well as at the Freie Bühnen in Berlin, where it had a similar triumph. After the accession of Nicholas II. it was acted in Russia, and took rank at once as one of the greatest masterpieces of Russian dramatic art, and as such holds a place in the repertory of the best Moscow and Petersburg theatres.


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 Rh Many Englishmen who have seen it have been immensely impressed by it. Laurence Irving wrote me: "I suppose England is the only country in Europe where The Power of Darkness has not been acted. It ought to be done. It is a stupendous tragedy; the effect on the stage is unparalleled." Bernard Shaw, writing to Tolstoy, said: "I remember nothing in the whole range of drama that fascinated me more than the old soldier in your Power of Darkness. One of the things that struck me in that play was the feeling that the preaching of the old man, right as he was, could never be of any use—that it could only anger his son and rub the last grains of self-respect out of him. But what the pious and good father could not do, the old rascal of a soldier did as if he was the voice of God. To me that scene where the two drunkards are wallowing in the straw and the older rascal lifts the younger one above his cowardice and his selfishness, has an intensity of effect that no merely romantic scene could possibly attain." Arthur Symons wrote: "More than any play I have ever seen, this astounding play of Tolstoy's seems to me to fulfil Aristotle's demand upon tragedy: 'Through pity and fear effecting the proper purgation of these emotions.' I had never read it; my impression was gained directly from seeing it on the


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 14 stage. Well (though as I listened to it I felt the pity and fear to be almost insupportable) I left the theatre with a feeling of exultation, as I have left a concert room after hearing a piece of noble and tragic music. How out of such human discords such a divine harmony can be woven I do not know—that is the secret of Tolstoy's genius, as it is the secret of the musician's. Here, achieved in terms of naked horror, I found some of the things that Maeterlinck has aimed at and never quite rendered through an atmosphere and through forms of vague beauty. And I found also another kind of achievement, by the side of which Ibsen's cunning adjustments of reality seemed either trivial or unreal. Here, for once, human life is islanded on the stage, a pin-point of light in an immense darkness; and the sense of that surrounding darkness is conveyed to us as in no other play that I have ever seen, by an awful sincerity and by an unparalleled simplicity. Whether Tolstoy has learnt by instinct some stage-craft which playwrights have been toiling after in vain, or by what conscious and deliberate art he has supplemented instinct, I do not know. But out of horror and humour, out of the dregs of human life and out of mere faith in those dregs, somehow, as a man of genius does once in an age, Tolstoy has in this play made for us the


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 Rh great modern play, the great play of the nineteenth century."

That Tolstoy should thus have begun successful play-writing at a time when he was supposed to have turned aside from art, and when he was nearly sixty years of age, was remarkable; but at any rate The Power of Darkness was a serious piece, obviously dealing with moral questions which stirred his soul profoundly at the time: and, moreover, he wrote it for the People's Theatre, started to provide first-rate drama for the peasants. It came, therefore, as a yet greater surprise to many people when, three years later, he was persuaded by his daughters to write a comedy for them to perform at home, at Yásnaya Polyána.

One knows pretty well how it happened. The taste for play-writing was strong upon him. After more than twelve years devoted to didactic work which gave his sense of humour little or no scope, it was in the nature of things that he should feel some reaction.

At first the play was to have been only a short two-act affair. He did not like to refuse his daughters' request, and thought that if they must act something, it was better that they should act a play voicing his contempt for the follies and extravagance of society and his consciousness of the peasants' needs. Once started on the work,


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 16 however, it took hold of him, and grew and grew till it became a full-fledged four-act comedy with over thirty speaking characters in it, and with the didactic purpose overwhelmed by the fun, the bustle, and the stage-craft of it.

After many rehearsals this play, Fruits of Culture, was performed at Yásnaya Polyána on December 30, 1889, with immense success. Tanya, Tolstoy's eldest daughter, took the part of her namesake in the play very successfully, and Mary, his second daughter, played the cook most admirably.

Tolstoy himself heartily enjoyed the performance. One greatly respects his thirty-year struggle to live a simple life, consuming little and giving much; but one does not love him the less for the occasional lapses into whole-hearted gaiety which light up the record of his life, and show us how very human was this giant. Yásnaya Polyána on New Year's Eve 1889, crammed with guests all in the highest spirits, the large upstairs room full of spectators laughing till their sides ached at Tolstoy's comedy, is a scene those who would understand Tolstoy should by no means forget or despise. Yet even then the other side of his nature, which never let him rest, caused him to note in his Diary: "I am ashamed of all this expense in the midst of poverty."

The whole company threw themselves into the


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 Rh piece with enthusiasm, and acted really well. In particular, V. M. Lopatin, a neighbouring Justice of the Peace, extracted from the part of the Third Peasant so much more than its author had anticipated, or even intended, that Tolstoy, in ecstasies, slapped his thighs and laughed till the tears rolled down his cheeks; for he was always extremely susceptible to anything really good, whether in acting or in other forms of art.

I well remember meeting at Yásnaya Polyána, on two different occasions, the sculptor Ginzburg, who was an admirable mimic. He could keep a room full of people entranced while he enacted a Jew tailor stitching clothes, or a nurse tending or neglecting an imaginary baby. None of those present expressed warmer admiration of these performances than did Tolstoy himself, and when he went for a walk with us afterwards, he said to Ginzburg with great animation:

"Ah, if our theatre realists could only be got to understand that what is wanted is not to put real babies on the stage or show the real messes they make, but to convey, as you do, by voice and feature, the real feeling that has to be expressed!"

No blunder made by Tolstoy's critics is more gratuitous or indefensible than the pretence that he was indifferent to the form of art, or de-


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 18 manded of it that it should always have a directly didactic intention.

Not without express purpose did he, in "What is Art?" write: "Art is a means of union among men, joining them together in the same feelings, and indispensable for the life and progress towards well-being of individuals and of humanity;" and he then goes on to say: "Thanks to man's capacity to be infected with the feelings of others by means of art, all that is being lived through by his contemporaries is accessible to him, as well as the feelings experienced by men thousands of years ago, and he has also the possibility of transmitting his own feelings to others.

"If men lacked this capacity of being infected by art, people would be more separated and hostile to one another, and more savage than wild beasts. Therefore the activity of art is a most important one—as important as the activity of speech itself, and as generally diffused." And in a memorable passage he adds: "We are accustomed to understand art to be only what we hear and see in theatres, concerts, and exhibitions ; together with buildings, statues, poems, novels. … But all this is but the smallest part of the art by which we communicate with each other in life. All human life is filled with works of art of every kind—from cradle-song, jest, mimicry, the


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 Rh ornamentation of houses, dress, and utensils, up to church services, buildings, monuments, and triumphal processions. It is all artistic activity."

He insists again and again on the value and prevalence of art, and when speaking of those primitive Christians and others who have wished to repudiate art, he says, "Evidently such people were wrong in repudiating all art, for they denied that which cannot be denied—one of the indispensable means of communication without which mankind could not exist."

Tolstoy knew very well that a performance must be excellent in its form and method of expression in order to be a work of art. In the illustration he gives of the performance of music, for instance, he says that for musical execution to be artistic and to transmit feeling, many conditions are necessary, of which the three chief are the pitch, the time, and the strength of the sound, and he adds: "Musical execution is only then art, only then infects, when the sound is neither higher nor lower than it should be—that is, when exactly the infinitely small centre of the required note is taken, when that note is continued exactly as long as needed, and when the strength of the sound is neither more nor less than is required. The slightest deviation of pitch in either direction, the slightest increase or decrease in time, or the


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 never could be taught to understand how two and two make four. If he was asked, he would say, four and four make three, or ten, or something: he was shown with money, and with beans, and in every possible way, but all to no purpose. The fact was, that that particular faculty was not yet developed: but now, there is no better calculator anywhere. The most difficult sums he will do on his fingers; and he is besides a very great mathematician. There was a son of Lord Darnley's, a little boy, who was only big enough to lie under the table, or play on the sofa, and yet he could make calculations with I don't know how many figuresthings that they have to do in the Treasury. Now, if that boy had gone on in the same way, he would by this time have been Chancellor of the Exchequer. But I hear nothing of him, and I don't know what has become of him; so I suppose he has not turned out anything extraordinary.

"But nature was entirely out of the question with us: we were left to the governesses. Lady Stanhope got up at ten o'clock, went out, and then returned to be dressed, if in London, by the hair-dresser; and there were only two in London, both of them Frenchmen, who could dress her. Then she went out to dinner, and from dinner to the Opera, and from the Opera to parties, seldom returning until just before daylight. Lord Stanhope was engaged in his philoso-


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 20 slightest strengthening or weakening of the sound beyond what is needed, destroys the perfection, and, consequently, the infectiousness of the work. So that the feeling of infection by the art of music, which seems so simple and so easily obtained, is a thing we receive only when the performer finds those infinitely minute degrees which are necessary to perfection in music. It is the same in all arts: a wee bit lighter, a wee bit darker, a wee bit higher, lower, to the right or the left, in painting—a wee bit weaker or stronger in intonation, or a wee bit sooner or later, in dramatic art—a wee bit omitted, over-emphasized, or exaggerated, in poetry—and there is no contagion. It is only obtained when an artist finds those infinitely minute degrees of which a work of art consists, and only to the extent to which he finds them."

Confronted by words such as these, it is amazing that any one can pretend that Tolstoy was indifferent to quality in the forms of art; but not less amazing is the assertion that only what is directly moralizing was considered by him fit subject-matter for art. On this point his words are decisive when he includes among the subject-matter suitable for good art "the simplest feelings of common life."

The truth is that, in spite of certain prepossessions which tend to confuse the matter, and in


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 Rh spite of his pugnacious controversial methods, which often led to recrimination rather than to elucidation, Tolstoy's greatness as an artist was increased by the fact that he thoroughly understood the aim and purpose of art; and he was able to speak with authority on the philosophy of art just because he was one of the most intellectual and intelligent of the world's artists.

As mentioned in my "Life of Tolstoy," the main theme in Fruits of Culture was drawn from Tolstoy's acquaintance with the Lvóvs, a wealthy and aristocratic family, the head of which wished to convert Tolstoy to spiritualism. The latter sturdily maintained a sceptical attitude, arguing that since mankind has been at the pains to discriminate between matter (which can be investigated by the five senses) and spirit (which is an affair of the conscience, and cannot be investigated by the senses), we must not again confuse the two by attempting to find physical evidence of spiritual existence. If the phenomena we are investigating is cognizable by the senses, then, he argued, such phenomena are, ipso facto, not spiritual, but material. In this, as in certain other matters, Tolstoy, seeking clearness, painted in black and white, and shunned those delicate shades which often elude and perplex us—but without which, after all, it is not always possible to get a true picture.


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 phical pursuits: and thus we children saw neither the one nor the other. Lucy used to say that, if she had met her in the streets, she should not have known her. Why, my father once followed to our own door in London a woman who happened to drop her glove, which he picked up. It was our governess; but, as he had never seen her in the house, he did not know her in the street.

"He slept with twelve blankets on his bed, with no nightcap, and his window open: how you would have laughed had you seen him! He used to get out of bed, and put on a thin, with a pair of silk breeches that he had worn overnight, with slippers, and no stockings: and then he would sit in a part of the room which had no carpet, and take his tea with a bit of brown bread.

"He married two wives; the first a Pitt, the second a Grenville; so that I am in two ways related to the Grenvilles.

Lady Hester continued: "As I grew up, Lady Stanhope used to chuck pie under the chin, and cry, 'Why the kurl (girl) is like a soap ball; one can't pinch her cheek:' and I really used to think there was something very strange about me. Soon after Horne Tooke took notice of me, and pronounced flatteringly on my talents. And when Mr. Pitt followed, and kindly said, 'Why I believe there is nothing to find


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 heightened the brilliancy of my features. Nor were the roses wanting in my cheeks; and to all this was added a permanency in my looks that fatigue of no sort could impair."

I am now writing when disappointments and sickness have undermined her health, and when she has reached her 54th year. Her complexion had now assumed a yellow tint, but her hands were still exceedingly fair, and she had the very common though pardonable fault of often contriving to show them. There were moments when her countenance had still something very beautiful about it. Her mouth manifested an extraordinary degree of sweetness, and her eyes much mildness.

She never would have her likeness taken, when in the bloom of her beauty, and it is not probable it can be ever done now. There is a sort of resemblance between her and Mr. Pitt, (if I may judge from his portraits.) She has told me also, that she was like the late Duchess of Cumberland. Her head, seen in front, presented a perfect oval, of which the eyes would cover a line drawn through the centre. Her eyebrows were arched and fine, I mean slender; her eyes blue, approaching to gray; her nose, somewhat large, and the distance from the mouth to the chin rather too long. Her cheeks had a remarkably fine contour, as they rounded off towards the neck; so that


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 ervations, p. 155. Law is nothing ele but the will of him that hath the power of the upreme father, Obervations, p. 223. It was God's ordinance that the upremacy hould be unlimited in Adam, and as large as all the acts of his will; and as in him o in all others that have upreme power, Obervations, p. 245.

§. 9. I have been fain to trouble my reader with thee everal quotations in our author's own words, that in them might be een his own decription of his fatherly authority, as it lies cattered up and down in his writings, which he uppoes was firt veted in Adam, and by right belongs to all princes ever ince. This fatherly authority then, or right of fatherhood, in our author's ene, is a divine unalterable right of overeignty, whereby a father or a prince hath an abolute, arbitrary, unlimited, and unlimitable power over the lives, liberties, and etates of his children and ubjects; o that he may take or alienate their etates, fell, catrate, or ue their perons as he pleaes, they being all his laves, and he lord or proprietor of every thing, and his unbounded will their law.

§. 10. Our author having placed uch a mighty power in Adam, and upon that uppoition founded all government, and all power of princes, it is reaonable to expect, that he hould have proved this with arguments clear and evident, uitable to the weightines of the


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10


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 the caue, that ince men had nothing ele left them, they might in lavery have uch undeniable proofs of its neceity, that their conciences might be convinced, and oblige them to ubmit peaceably to that abolute dominion, which their governors had a right to exercie over them. Without this, what good could our author do, or pretend to do, by erecting uch an unlimited power, but flatter the natural vanity and ambition of men, too apt of itelf to grow and encreae with the poeion of any power? and by peruading thoe, who, by the conent of their fellowmen, are advanced to great, but limited, degrees of it, that by that part which is given them, they have a right to all, that was not o; and therefore may do what they pleae, becaue they have authority to do more than others, and o tempt them to do what is neither for their own, nor the good of thoe under their care; whereby great michiefs cannot but follow.

§. 11. The overeignty of Adam, being that on which, as a ure bais, our author builds his mighty abolute monarchy, I expected, that in his Patriarcha, this his main uppoition would have been proved, and etablihed with all that evidence of arguments, that uch a fundamental tenet required; and that this, on which the great tres of the buines depends, would have been made out with reaons ufficient to jutify the confidence with


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my days between mist and mist, according to the Martial saying, not infrequently in excursions more or less extensive and adventurous, in which I could but seldom ask Eveena's company, and did not care for any other. Comparatively courageous as she had learned to be, and free from all affectation of pretty feminine fear, Eveena could never realise the practical immunity from ordinary danger which a strength virtually double that I had enjoyed on Earth, and thorough familiarity with the dangers of travel, of mountaineering, and of the chase, afforded me. When, therefore, I ventured among the hills alone, followed the fishermen and watched their operations, sometimes in terribly rough weather, from the little open surface-boat which I could manage myself, I preferred to give her no definite idea of my intentions. Davilo, however, protested against my exposure to a peril of which Eveena was happily as yet unaware.

"If your intentions are never known beforehand," he said, "still your habit of going forth alone in places to which your steps might easily be dogged, where you might be shot from an ambush or drowned by a sudden attack from a submarine vessel, will soon be pretty generally understood, if, as I fear, a regular watch is set


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 upon your life. At least let me know what your intentions are before starting, and make your absences as irregular and sudden as possible. The less they are known beforehand, even in your own household, the better."

"Is it midnight still in the Council Chamber?" I asked.

"Very nearly so. She who has told so much can tell us no more. The clue that placed her in mental relations with the danger did not extend to its authorship. We have striven hard to find in every conceivable direction some material key to the plot, some object which, having been in contact with the persons of those we suspect, probably at the time when their plans were arranged, might serve as a link between her thoughts and theirs; but as yet unsuccessfully. Either her vision is darkened, or the connection we have sought to establish is wanting. But you know who is your unsparing personal enemy; and, after the Sovereign himself, no man in this world is so powerful; while the Sovereign himself is, owing to the restraints of his position, less active, less familiar with others, less acquainted with what goes on out of his own sight. Again I say we can avenge; but against secret murder our powers only avail to deter. If we would save, it must be by the use of natural precautions."

What he said made me desirous of some conversation with Eveena before I started on a meditated visit to the Palace. If I could not tell her the whole truth, she knew something; and I thought it possible on this occasion so far to enlighten her as to consult with her how the secret of my intended journeys should in future


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 be kept. But I found no chance of speaking to her until, shortly before my departure, I was called upon to decide one of the childish disputes which constantly disturbed my temper and comfort. Mere fleabites they were; but fleas have often kept me awake a whole night in a Turkish caravanserai, and half-a-dozen mosquitos inside an Indian tent have broken up the sleep earned on a long day's march or a sharply contested battlefield. I need only say that I extorted at last from Eveena a clear statement of the trifle at issue, which flatly contradicted those of the four participants in the squabble. She began to suggest a means of proving the truth, and they broke into angry clamour. Silencing them all peremptorily, I drew Eveena into my own chamber, and, when assured that we were unheard, reproved her for proposing to support her own word by evidence.

"Do you think," I said, "that any possible proof would induce me to doubt you, or add anything to the assurance I derive from your word?"

"But," she urged, "that cannot be just to others. They must feel it very hard that your love for me makes you take all I say for truth."

"Not my love, but my knowledge. 'Be not righteous overmuch.' Don't forget that they know the truth as well as you."

I would hear no more, and passed to the matter I had at heart

Earnestly, and in a sense sincerely, as upon my second audience I had thanked the Camptâ for his munificent gifts, no day passed that I would not thankfully have renounced the wealth he had bestowed if I


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We have always lived as Your Honor’s subjects, but now, wholeheartedly, we are living as Your Honor’s subjects. Thus we desire to speak to Your Honor.

Many white men’s chiefs have been sent here, but we have not seen anyone like Don Tiecu. And many other white men's chiefs live here, but we have not seen anyone like him. By this being so, because of God, we say we will be giving our thanks. We, all the chiefs and all the many subjects, have been covered in many clothes, and we live here with happiness. And had what the other white men's chiefs have done to us been like what is done to us, we would be many more Christians. We would be even more Christian. We have been spoken for with justice. His Honor has, during the great misery, visited Christian lands for us, yet the Mass was not abandoned by him because of this misery. He has become even more of a Saint; yes, we think this. And he has spoken to us of the Fathers that are to be honored; we live here with happiness. And he has finished teaching us of the Masses that are to be heard; we live here with happiness. And by this being so, because of God, we request of Your Honor this white man's chief living here. We want to say all this as well: may God give him life. We are speaking to Your Honor in San Mateo, January, the twenty-eighth day of the year 88.

By this, Don Francisco speaks, and Francisca Martine. Don Pedro, chief of San Pedro. Don Diego, chief of Machaua. Bentura, chief of Asile. Gregorio, chief of San Juan.


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 could at the same time have renounced what was, in intention and according to Martial ideas, the most gracious and most remarkable of his favours. On the present occasion I thought for a moment that such renunciation might have been possible.

The Prince had, after our first interview, observed with regard to every point of my story on which I had been carefully silent a delicacy of reserve very unusual among Martialists, and quite unintelligible to his Court and officers. To-day the conversation in public turned again upon my voyage. Endo and another studiously directed it to the method of steering, and the intentional diminution of speed in my descent, corresponding to its gradual increase at the commencement of the journey—points at which they hoped to find some opening to the mystery of the motive force. The Prince relieved me from some embarrassment by requesting me as usual to attend him to his private cabinet.

He said:—"I have not, as you must be aware, pressed you to disclose a secret which, for some reason or other, you are evidently anxious to preserve. Of course the exclusive possession of a motive power so marvellous as that employed in your voyage is of almost incalculable pecuniary value, and it is perfectly right that you should use your own discretion with regard to the time and the terms of its communication."

"Pardon me," I interposed, "if I interrupt you, Prince, to prevent any misconception. It is not with a view to profit that I have carefully avoided giving any clue whatever to my secret. Tour munificence would render it most ungrateful and unjust in me to haggle over the price of any service I could render you; and I should


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 be greedy indeed if I desired greater wealth than you have bestowed. If I may say so without offending, I earnestly wish that you would permit me, by resigning your gifts, to retain in my own eyes the right to keep my secret without seeming undutiful or unthankful."

"I have said," he replied, "that on that point you misconceive our respective positions. No one supposes that you are indebted to us for anything more than it was the duty of the Sovereign to give, as a mark of the universal admiration and respect, to our guest from another world; still less could any imagine that on such a trifle could be founded any claim to a secret so invaluable. You will offend me much and only if you ever again speak of yourself as bound by personal obligation to me or mine. But as we are wishful to buy, so I cannot understand any reluctance on your part to sell your secret on your own terms."

"I think, Prince," I replied, "that I have already asked you what you would think of a subject of your own, who should put such a power into the hands of enemies as formidable to you as you would be to the races of the Earth."

"And I think," he rejoined with a smile, "that I reminded you how little my judgment would matter to one possessed of such a power. I have gathered from your conversation how easily we might conquer a world as far behind us in destructive powers as in general civilisation. But why should you object? You can make your own terms both for yourself and for any of your race for whom you feel an especial interest."

"A traitor is none the less a despicable and loathsome wretch because his Prince cannot punish him. I am


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Always have we been vassals of Your Majesty, but now we are so with great reason and with a full heart, and thus we wish to speak.

Your Majesty has sent many governors, but we have not seen anyone like Don Diego. Others who have been governors are here, but like this we have not seen anyone, and for this reason we give Your Majesty thanks. We have been helped, the caciques and poor vassals of Your Majesty, with clothes, for which we are very grateful; may God bless Your Majesty. And if the lord governors who have come here had been like him, now we would have been greater Christians and there would be even more Christians. His Grace has labored much for our good during the very bad times, and by this has visited all the places of the Christians and the heathens, such as Basisa had been, and has given us much consolation; and in all this labor has never missed hearing Mass, and thus we say he is a holy man. He has charged us greatly that we give reverence to the priests that are to assist us, like His Grace has done in front of us. We beseech Your Majesty that he continue to serve for many years, this Lord Governor who is here, because he seeks goodness for us, counseling us like a good Christian that we hear Mass and listen well to what the religious teach us. We return to beseech Your Majesty to keep for us the Lord Don Diego our Governor for our consolation. May our Lord in all give Your Majesty all joy and health, as these poor vassals here desire. Written in San Mateo in the month of January, the twenty-eighth, of the year one thousand six hundred and eighty-eight. Written and signed by the caciques who find ourselves present.

I certify, as the friar Francisco de Rojas, religious father of the order of our seraphic father St. Francis, son of this holy Province of Santa Elena de la


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 Florida, interpreter of the Timucuan language in this city of San Augustín, and minister of the residents that attend in the said language in the said city, that I translated this letter from the Timucuan language into our Spanish language, and have faithfully translated it per the petition of the Lord Governor and Captain-General Don Diego de Quiroga y Lozada. And in truth, I sign this in this Convent of San Augustín de la Florida, on the sixteenth of February of the year one thousand six hundred and eighty-eight.

It agrees with the translated letter that remains in my power that was referred to me, and for the record of the order of His Grace the Lord Governor and Captain-General, I give the present in San Augustín de la Florida on the twenty-first day of the month of February of the year one thousand six hundred and eighty-eight. It is written on a sheet of plain paper as the stamped kind does not circulate here, and in witness thereof:

I place my signature ✕ in witness to the truth.


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 bound by no direct tie of loyalty to any Terrestrial sovereign. I was born the subject of one of the greatest monarchs of the Earth; I left his country at an early age, and my youth was passed in the service of less powerful rulers, to one at least of whom I long owed the same military allegiance that binds your guards and officers to yourself. But that obligation also is at an end. Nevertheless, I cannot but recognise that I owe a certain fealty to the race to which I belong, a duty to right and justice. Even if I thought, which I do not think, that the Earth would be better governed and its inhabitants happier under your rule, I should have no right to give them up to a conquest I know they would fiercely and righteously resist. If—pardon me for saying it—you, Prince, would commit no common crime in assailing and slaughtering those who neither have wronged nor can wrong you, one of themselves would be tenfold more guilty in sharing your enterprise."

"You shall ensure," he replied, "the good government of your own world as you will. You shall rule it with all the authority possessed by the Regents under me, and by the laws which you think best suited to races very different from our own. You shall be there as great and absolute as I am here, paying only an obedience to me and my successors which, at so immense a distance, can be little more than formal."

"Is it to acquire a merely formal power that a Prince like yourself would risk the lives of your own people, and sacrifice those of millions of another race?"

"To tell you the truth," he replied, "I count on commanding the expedition myself; and perhaps I care more


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 for the adventure than for its fruits. You will not expect me to be more chary of the lives of others than of my own?"

"I understand, and as a soldier could share, perhaps, a feeling natural to a great, a capable, and an ambitious Prince. But alike as soldier and subject it is my duty to resist, not to aid, such an ambition. My life is at your disposal, but even to save my life I could not betray the lives of hundreds of millions and the future of a whole world."

"I fail to understand you fully," he said, abandoning with a sigh a hope that had evidently been the object of long and eager day-dreams. "But in no case would I try to force from you what you will not give or sell; and if you speak sincerely—and I suppose you must do so, since I can see no motive but those you assign that could induce you to refuse my offer—I must believe in the existence of what I have heard of now and then but deemed incredible—men who are governed by care for other things than their own interests, who believe in right and wrong, and would rather suffer injustice than commit it."

"You may be sure, Prince," I replied, perhaps imprudently, "that there are such men in your own world, though they are perhaps among those who are least known and least likely to be seen at your Court."

"If you know them," he said, "you will render me no little service in bringing them to my knowledge."

"It is possible," I ventured to observe, "that their distinguishing excellences are connected with other distinctions which might render it a disservice to them


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 to indicate their peculiar character, I will not say to yourself, but to those around you."

"I hardly understand you," he rejoined. "Take, however, my assurance that nothing you say here shall, without your own consent, be used elsewhere. It is no light gratification, no trifling advantage to me, to find one man who has neither fear nor interest that can induce him to lie to me; to whom I can speak, not as sovereign to subject, but as man to man, and of whose private conversation my courtiers and officials are not yet suspicious or jealous. You shall never repent any confidence you give to me."

My interest in and respect for the strange character so manifestly suited for, so intensely weary of, the grandest position that man could fill, increased with each successive interview. I never envied that greatness which seems to most men so enviable. The servitude of a constitutional King, so often a puppet in the hands of the worst and meanest of men—those who prostitute their powers as rulers of a State to their interests as chiefs of a faction—must seem pitiable to any rational manhood. But even the autocracy of the Sultan or the Czar seems ill to compensate the utter isolation of the throne; the lonely grandeur of one who can hardly have a friend, since he can never have an equal, among those around him. I do not wonder that a tinge of melancholo-mania is so often perceptible in the chiefs of that great House whose Oriental absolutism is only "tempered by assassination." But an Earthly sovereign may now and then meet his fellow-sovereigns, whether as friends or foes, on terms of frank hatred or loyal openness. His domestic relations, though never secure


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 and simple as those of other men, may relieve him at times from the oppressive sense of his sublime solitude; and to his wife, at any rate, he may for a few minutes or hours be the husband and not the king. But the absolute Ruler of this lesser world had neither equal friends nor open foes, neither wife nor child. How natural then his weariness of his own life; how inevitable his impatient scorn of those to whom that life was devoted! A despot not even accountable to God—a Prince who, till he conversed with me, never knew that the universe contained his equal or his like—it spoke much, both for the natural strength and soundness of his intellect and for the excellence of his education, that he was so sane a man, so earnest, active, and just a ruler. His reign was signalised by a better police, a more even administration of justice, a greater efficiency, judgment, and energy in the execution of great works of public utility, than his realm had known for a thousand years; and his duty was done as diligently and conscientiously as if he had known that conscience was the voice of a supreme Sovereign, and duty the law of an unerring and unescapable Lawgiver. Alone among a race of utterly egotistical cowards, he had the courage of a soldier, and the principles, or at least the instincts, worthy of a Child of the Star. With him alone could I have felt a moment's security from savage attempts to extort by terror or by torture the secret I refused to sell; and I believe that his generous abstinence from such an attempt was as exasperating as it was incomprehensible to his advisers, and chiefly contributed to involve him in the vengeance which baffled greed and humbled personal pride had leagued to wreak


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33. The Relation Between the Color of the Illuminant and the Color of the Illuminated Object. ''Trans. of the Illum. Eng. Soc.'', 7, pp. 62-72; 1912.

34. Studies in the Photometry of Lights of Different Colors. ''Phil. Mag.'', 24, pp. 170-173, 178-181; 1912.

35. Suggested Definitions of Photometric Quantities. Lighting Journal, 1, Oct. 1913.

36. The Transformation of Color Mixture Equations from One System to Another. ''Jour. of the Franklin Inst.'', 180, 673-701; 1915.

37. The Units and Nomenclature of Radiation and Illumination. ''Astrophys. Jour.'' 45, pp. 39-49; 1917.

38. The Photometric Scale. ''Jour. of the Franklin Inst.'', 188, 217-235; 1919.

39. Jones, H. C. and Anderson, J. A., The Absorption Spectra of Solutions, Washington, 1909.

40. Jones, L. A., The Color of Illuminants. ''Trans. of the Illum. Eng. Soc.'', 9, 687-709: 1914.

41. A New Standard Light Source. ''Trans. of the Illum. Eng. Soc.'', 9, pp. 716-728; 1914.

42. The Fundamental Scale for Pure Hue and Retinal Sensibility to Hue Differences. ''Jour. of the Opt. Soc. of Amer.'', 1, pp. 63-77; 1917.

43. A Colorimeter Operating on the Subtractive Principle. ''Jour. of the Opt. Soc. of Amer.'', 4, pp. 420-431; 1920.

44. Kohlrausch, F. W. K., Beitrige zur Farbenlehre. ''Physik. Zeitsch.'', 21, pp. 396-403, 423-426, 473-477.

45. Kohlrausch, F., Lehrbuch der Practischen Physik. 12th Ed., pp. 370-373.

46. Köllner, H. Die Störungen des Farbensinnes, ihre klinische Bedeutung und ihre Diagnose. Berlin, 1912.

47. König, A., Das Leukoskop und einige mit demselben gemachte Beodachtungen. ''Ann. der Physik'', N. F., 17, pp. 990-1008.

48. König A. and Dieterici, C., Die Grundempfindungen in Normalen und Anormalen Farbensystem und ihre Intensititsverteilung im Spektrum. ''Zeitschr. für Psychol. und Physiol. der Sinnesorg.'', 4, 241; 1892.

49. Külpe, O., Outlines of Psychology. 1893; Eng. Trans., London, 1895.

50. Kries, J. v., Article: Die Gesichtsempfindungen in W. Nagel’s Handbuch der Physiologie des Menchen. Bd. I, Braunschweig, 1906.

51. Ladd, G. T. and Woodworth, R. S., Elements of Physiological Psychology. New York, 1911.

52. Ladd-Franklin, C., On Theories of Light-Sensation. Mind, N. S. 2, pp. 473-489; 1893.

53. Lovibond, J. W., Measurement of Light and Color Sensation, London, 1894.

54. Luckiesh, M., Color and Its Applications, New York, 1915.

55.Light and Shade and Their Applications, New York, 1916.

56.The Physical Basis of Color Technology. ''Jour. of the Franklin Inst.'', 184, 73-93, 227-250; 1917.

57. Maxwell, J. C., On the Theory of Compound Colors and the Relations of the Colors of the Spectrum. Scientific Papers, 1, pp. 410-444.

58. Mees, C. E. K., An Atlas of Absorption Spectra. London, 1909.

59. Merwin, H. E., Optical Properties and Theory of Color of Pigments and Paints ''Proc. Amer. Soc. Test. Materials'', 17, Pt. 11; pp. 496-530; 1917.

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3.. London, 1895.

4.. London, 1913.

5. Abney, W. de W. and Watson, W.,. ''Phil. Trans. of the Royal Soc.'', London, 1915-16, Ser.A, 216, 91-128.

6. Ames, A., Jr.,. ''Jour. of the Opt. Soc. of Amer.'', 5, pp. 160-170; 1921.

7. Arons, L., Das Arbeiten mit dem Farbenweiser (Chromoskop) ''Ann. der Physik'', 39, pp. 545-568; 1912.

8. Ein Chromoskop. ''Ann. der Physik'', 33, pp. 799-832; 1910.

9. Baldwin, J. M.,, New York, 1901.

10. Bezold, J. F. W. v.,. Eng. Trans. by Koehler, S. R., Boston, 1876.

11. Bloch, Kennzeichung der Farbe des Lichtes. ''Electrot. Zeitschr.'' 46, 1306; 1913.

12. Blondel, M., Rapport sur les Unités photometriques. L’Eclairage Electrique, 8, 341-366; 1896.

13. Brown, W.,, Cambridge. (Eng.) 1911.

14. Church, A. H.,. London, 1905.

15. Dove, H. W.,. Berlin, 1853.

16. Edridge-Green, F. W.,. London, 1909.

17. Exner, F., Über die Grundempfindungen im Young-Helmholtz’schen Farbensystem. ''Sitzungsber. k. Acad. der Wiss., Wien, Math.-Nat. Cl.'', III, (2a), pp. 857-877; 1902.

18. Field, C. T.,, London, 1885.

19. Forsythe, W. E., ''Jour. of the Opt. Soc. of Amer.'', 4, pp. 305-336; 1920.

20. Hagen, J. G., Various Scales for Color Estimates. Astrophysical Jour., 34, pp. 261-276; 1911.

21. Helmholtz, H. L. v., Sensations of Sight, Popular Lectures, Eng. Ed., London, 1873.

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24. Grundzuge der Lehre vom Lichtsinn, in Graefe-Saemisch Handb. Th. I. bd. 3. Chap. 12; 1905.

25. Hitchens, A. B., Maintaining Photographic Standards. ''Jour. of the Franklin Inst.'', 184, pp. 179-203; 1917.

26. Hurst, G. H.,. London, 1900.

27., and Forsythe, W. E., Color Temperature Scales for Tungsten and Carbon. Physical Rev., 10, pp. 395-411; 1917.

28. Hyde, E. P. and Forsythe, W. E., The Quality of Light from an Illuminant as Indicated by its Color Temperature. ''Jour. of the Franklin Inst.'' 183, pp. 353-354; 1917.

29. Ives, H. E., A New Color Meter., ''Jour. of the Franklin Inst.'', 164, pp. 47-56; 1907.

30. A Color Screen Color Meter. ''Jour. of the Franklin Inst.'' 164, pp. 421-423; 1907.

31. The Ives Colorimeter in Illuminating Engineering. ''Trans. of the Illum. Eng. Soc.'', 3, pp. 627-635; 1908.

32. Color Measurements of Illuminants—A Résumé. ''Trans. of the Illum. Eng. Soc.'', 5, pp. 189-207; 1910.

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 the slave trade days; perhaps they are right, and it's time this dear child came out. So Loanda, Angola, was ordered street lamps—stylish things street lamps!—a telephone, and a water supply. Now, say what you please, Loanda is not only the finest, but the only, city in West Africa. "Lagos! you ejaculate—you don't know Lagos." I know I have not been ashore there; nevertheless I have contemplated that spot from the point of view of Lagos bar for more than thirty solid hours, to say nothing of seeing photographs of its details galore, and I repeat the above statement. Yet for all that, Loanda had no laid-on water supply nor public street lamps until she was well on in her 400th year, which was just before I first met her. During the past she had had her water brought daily in boats from the Bengo River, and for street lighting she relied on the private enterprise of her citizens. The reports given me on these endeavours to develope were as follows. As for the water in its laid-on state, it was held by the more aristocratic citizens to be unduly expensive (500 reis per cubic metre), and they grumbled. The general public, though holding the same opinion, did not confine their attention to grumbling. Stand-pipes had been put up in suitable places and an official told off to each stand-pipe to make a charge for water drawn. Water in West Africa is woman's palaver, and you may say what you please about the down-troddenness of African ladies elsewhere, but I maintain that the West African lady in the matter of getting what she wants is no discredit to the rest of the sex, black, white, or yellow. In this case the ladies wanted that water, but did not go so far as wanting

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 to pay for it. In the history given to me it was evident to an unprejudiced observer that they first tried kindness to the guardian officials of the stand-pipes, but these men were of the St. Anthony breed, and it was no good. Checked, but not foiled, in their admirable purpose of domestic economy, those dear ladies laid about in their minds for other methods, and finally arranged that one of a party visiting a stand-pipe every morning should devote her time to scratching the official while the rest filled their water pots and hers. This ingenious plan was in working order when I was in Loanda, but since leaving it I do not know what modification it may have undergone, only I am sure that ultimately those ladies will win, for the African lady—at any rate the West coast variety—is irresistible; as Livingstone truly remarked, they are worse than the men." In the street lamp matter I grieve to say that the story as given to me does not leave my own country blameless. Portugal ordered for Loanda a set of street lamps from England. She sent out a set of old gas lamp standards. There being no gas in Loanda there was a pause until oil lamps to put on them came out. They ultimately arrived, but the P.W.D. failed to provide a ladder for the lamplighter. Hence that worthy had to swarm each individual lamp-post, a time-taking performance which normally landed him in the arms of Aurora before Loanda was lit for the night; but however this may be, I must own that Loanda's lights at night are a truly lovely sight, and its P.W.D.'s chimney a credit to the whole West Coast of Africa, to say nothing of its Observatory and the weather reports it so faithfully issues, so faithfully and so scientifically that it makes one deeply regret that Loanda has not got a climate that

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 22 Fruits of Culture found its way on to the public stage in Russia before The Power of Darkness, and both there and abroad the two plays have been almost equally successful. It is often treated as pure comedy, and the peasants presented as simply comic characters. This Tolstoy did not intend, and did not like. He meant the hardness of their lot and their urgent need of land to stand out in sharp contrast to the waste of wealth by the cultured crowd.

During the last thirty years of his life Tolstoy himself used, as is well known, to dress much like a peasant, though never in the beggar-pilgrim garb in which he is made to figure in a "Life" of him recently published in this country; and it happened that one winter's day, when Fruits of Culture was being rehearsed in Túla (the nearest town to Yásnaya Polyána), he went, by request, to the hall where it was being staged. Wearing his rough sheepskin overcoat, he attempted to enter, but was roughly shoved out by the doorkeeper, who told him it was no place for the likes of him!

The same year the play was presented at Tsarskoye Selo by amateurs drawn from the highest circles of Court society, and was witnessed by a dozen Grand-Dukes and Grand-Duchesses as well as by the Tsar himself, who warmly thanked the performers for the pleasure it had given him.


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 will of course depend upon the scope of the given comparator system and in general will be only approximate.

In will be found color excitation values for various Munsell pigments as seen under average noon sunlight. The equivalents of certain Ridgway colors in terms of monochromatic analysis have been given in. As already noted, the excitation equivalents of many colors in Ostwald’s pigment system have been computed very carefully by Kohlrausch in a recent article. In subsequent reports the committee will endeavor to provide values for further standards, both in these two and other systems, such as that utilized in the Lovibond tintometer.

The above report, being a more or less pioneer effort of its kind, must naturally be regarded as incomplete and tentative. However, the purpose of the report is an earnest one and is directed towards at least four ends; (1) the clarification and standardization of color terminology, (2) the compilation of data which are fundamental to color science, (3) the specification of standard stimuli and conditions, for use in practical color work, and (4) the encouragement of discussion and research along these lines. An outline of the contents of the present report is given at the beginning in the form of a Table of Contents. It is hoped in later reports by the present Committee to deal more specifically with details in the terminology and application of the various methods for colorimetry as well as with the design of instruments for the utilization of these methods. Finally, the Committee desires to express once more its wish that workers in the field of color science communicate freely their criticisms and specific needs.

 * No attempt is made here to summarize the progress in color science during the years, 1920-21, since this topic has been treated by the Chairman of the Committee in general summaries published in the American Journal of Physiological Optics, October 1921, pp. 316-391, and forthcoming.

1., , 3, p. 135; and also Letter of Nov. 17, 1917, to the Bureau of Standards. 2. . London, 1891.

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 Rh So the whirligig of time brought it about that Tolstoy, who twenty-three years before had just missed his chance of acting at the Imperial Court, now had a play of his own performed there, while he himself was being mistaken for a peasant, and on that account treated with gross indignity.

We have Tolstoy's word for it that he would have written more plays had it not been for the Censor. He once said: "I feel certain the Censor would not pass my plays. You would not believe how, from the very commencement of my activity, that horrible Censor question has tormented me! I wanted to write what I felt; but at the same time it occurred to me that what I wrote would not be permitted, and involuntarily I had to abandon the work. I abandoned, and went on abandoning, and meanwhile the years passed away."

He once expressed surprise that in Fruits of Culture the drunken man-cook's monologue on the ways of the rich folk was allowed to be performed.

Of the three plays left by Tolstoy for publication after his death, one is a short two-act Temperance play called in English The Cause of it All (the Russian title is a colloquialism difficult to render, but "From it all evil flows" is as near as one can get to it). It does not claim to be a


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 Mr. Brummell, as has been related, once said to her in a party, “For God’s sake, do take off those earrings, and let us see what is beneath them.” Her figure was tall (I think not far from six feet), rather largely proportioned, and was once very plump, as I have heard her say. Her mien was majestic; her address eminently graceful; in her conversation, when she pleased, she was enchanting; when she meant it, dignified; at all times, eloquent. She was excellent at mimickry, and upon all ranks of life. She had more wit and repartee, perhaps, than falls to the lot of most women. Her knowledge of human nature was most profound, and she could turn that knowledge to account to its utmost extent, and in the minutest trifles. She was courageous, morally and physically so; undaunted, and proud as Lucifer.

She never read in any book more than a few pages, and there were few works that she praised when she looked them over. History she despised, considering it all a farce: because, she said, she had seen so many histories of her time, which she found to be lies from beginning to end, that she could not believe in one. She had a great facility of expression, and, on some occasions, introduced old proverbs with wonderful appositeness. Conversation never flagged in her company. But to return to Lady Hester’s own account of herself.


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 24 of much importance, but if ever it is staged it should act easily and well.

Another of these posthumous plays is The Man who was dead (The Live Corpse), a powerful piece, in which Tolstoy introduces one of those gipsy choirs which had such an influence on him (and still more on his brother Sergius) when he was a young man of twenty to twenty-three, before he went to the Caucasus and entered the army.

The position of the gipsy choirs in Russia is a peculiar one. Reputedly Egyptian in origin ("Pharaoh's Tribe," one of the characters in the play calls them), they live a life quite distinct from that of the Russians, yet not at all resembling that of the itinerant gipsies one meets travelling about with caravans in England. They possess a remarkable musical talent, having a kind of music, both vocal and instrumental, all their own. They perform at special restaurants in the suburbs of Moscow, and also give concerts in public halls and at private houses. It is no more unusual for Russian noblemen to marry gipsy girls than it is for English noblemen to marry Gaiety girls. The songs referred to in Scene II, are all well-known gipsy songs; and if staged with a real gipsy choir to perform them, this should be one of the most striking scenes in the play.

Tolstoy himself held that gipsy music deserved


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 Rh to rank among the best kinds of music, on account of its genuine spontaneity, the depth of feeling in it, and the exquisite perfection with which it is rendered by the gipsies. His own daughters used to play and sing gipsy songs admirably.

The main plot of this play, like that of The Power of Darkness, was supplied to Tolstoy by his friend N. V. Davýdov, a Judge and a Lecturer on Criminal Law at Moscow University, who frequently drew his attention to cases that occurred in the Law Courts, and which Davýdov thought might provide suitable subjects for a story or a drama.

Curiously enough, after Tolstoy had written this play, he was visited first by the stepson of the "live corpse," and then by the "live corpse" himself. The latter had been convicted, had served his time, and had returned to Moscow. He had given up drink and was seeking means of subsistence, when he heard of the play Tolstoy was writing, and that it was founded on his own case. Tolstoy questioned him carefully, and as a result of the conversation rewrote the play in order to set the conduct of the corpse in a more favourable light than before. In this revised version Tolstoy makes him finally commit suicide, whereas in an earlier version the law took its course as it did in real life, and matters only settled down and adjusted them-


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 26 selves after its victims had served their sentences and justice had ceased to meddle.

Tolstoy also gave the "corpse" a letter to Davýdov, who obtained for him some small post at the Law Courts, where he served till his death, no one but his benefactors and his own family knowing who he was. Some time after his death Davýdov told me this about him.

Part of the attraction of the story for Tolstoy lay in the fact that the intervention of the law did no good to any one, but only harm to all concerned; for it was part and parcel of Tolstoy's non-resistant theory that Law Courts and the Administration of Justice are purely noxious.

The Man who was dead has already been staged at the Artistic Theatre in Moscow, and it is to be hoped that we shall see it in London; but the last of Tolstoy's plays, The Light that shines in Darkness, was left unfinished, and is hardly likely to be produced, unless by the Stage Society or some similar organization. In Russia it is prohibited on account of its allusions to the refusal of military service.

Yet it is in some ways the most interesting of Tolstoy's posthumous works. It is obviously not strictly autobiographical, for Tolstoy was not assassinated, as the hero of the piece is, nor was his daughter engaged to be married to a young


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 Rh prince who refused military service. But, like some of his other writings, the play is semi-autobiographical. In it not only has Tolstoy utilized personal experiences, but, more than that, he answers the question so often asked: Why, holding his views, did he not free himself from property before he grew old?

Some people, and especially some of those most devoted to Tolstoy's memory, are sure to suppose, and to declare, that he intends Nicholas Ivanovich Sarintsev to be taken as a faithful portrait of himself. But to understand Tolstoy one has to recognize the duality of his character, which he never concealed and often mentioned; and the hero of The Light that shines in Darkness has none of this duality. He represents only one side of Tolstoy, and is not at all the sort of man, for instance, who would have written or enjoyed Fruits of Culture.

Not only are the facts different to the real ones, and the character of the hero much simpler than Tolstoy's own, but the problem at issue between Sarintsev and his wife is not quite the same as the one at issue between Tolstoy and the Countess. With that unerring artistic tact which Tolstoy never lost, he causes Nicholas Ivanovich Sarintsev to make a definite proposal to retain "fifty acres and the kitchen garden and the flooded meadow," which would "bring in about £50 a year." Now


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 28 what in real life most frightened the Countess was not that she was asked to accept poverty, but that she was asked to manage a household in which there should be no limit to the giving up.

Tolstoy held, as he says in The Demands of Love, that if people begin giving up and set any limits thereto, then "life will be hell, or will become hell, if they are not hypocrites. … Where and how can one stop? Only those will find a stopping-place who are strangers to the feeling of the reality of the brotherhood of man, or who are so accustomed to lie that they no longer notice the difference between truth and falsehood. The fact is, no such stopping-place can exist. … If you give the beggar your last shillings, you will be left without bread to-morrow; but to refuse, means to turn from that for the sake of which one lives."

Had that point, and the need of admitting to one's cottage "the tramp with his lice and his typhus," and giving away the children's last cup of milk, been pressed home in the play as it was in Tolstoy's teaching, some of the readers' sympathy would go over to the side of the wife called on to face such conditions for herself and her family; and that is why Tolstoy's artistic instinct induced him to introduce a definite proposal quite at variance with the demands of his own teaching.

And again, the conflict in the play is between


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 Rh the husband on the one side and the wife and family on the other. There is no mention of a friend urging the husband on in opposition to the wife; but those who closely followed Tolstoy's own fate well know that on this point also the play does not describe his own case.

Not the less on that account does the play most touchingly present to us the intense tragedy of Tolstoy's later years, and the impossibility in which he found himself of acting so as neither to violate his own conscience nor to evoke anger in the hearts of those nearest to him. His religion had brought "not peace, but a sword;" and it was because he believed in it so firmly, and yet shrank from treating those of his own household as his foes, that his struggle was so intense, and that for more than thirty years he hesitated before he decided to leave wife and home, the scenes endeared to him by childhood's memory, and the spot where he hoped to be (and eventually was) buried—the spot where his brother had hidden the green stick on which he said was inscribed the secret of how to banish from the world all sin, bitterness, discord, and evil—all, in short, that makes us sad or sorry.

Plays Tolstoy found more difficult to write than stories or novels; for in the novel or story it is


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User:Aaron Liu/LineComb.js

// Removes all linebreaks except for double ones and hopefully combines OCR hyphens function autoEdLineComb( str ) { const pars = str.split( '\n\n' ); return pars.map( par => {		par = par.replaceAll( /\n(?!)|/g,  );		par = par.replaceAll( '¬ ',  );		par = par.replaceAll( '¬', '' );		return par;	} ).join( '\n\n' ); } // Fixes common spacing issues function autoEdSpacer( str ) { str = str.replaceAll(/(’|”|\.|!|\?|;|.|:|,) /g, '$1 '); str = str.replaceAll(/(“|‘) /g, '$1'); str = str.replaceAll(/ (’|”|\.|!|\?|,|;|:)/g, '$1'); return str; }

title: User:Aaron Liu/LineComb.js


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 30 possible to stop and explain, and gradually to prepare an incident or develop a character, whereas in a play the situations and clash of characters and wills have to be presented ripe and ready. Novel-writing he compared to painting, in which many shades may be employed; plays he compared to sculpture, where all must be clear-cut, definite, and compact.

He often remarked that subjects suitable for novels are not suitable for plays, and vice versâ; and he expressed satisfaction that he had never been obliged to witness the dramatized versions of "Resurrection" or of "Anna Karénina" which have been staged. He had nothing at all to do with those productions, and quite disapproved of them.

Of his plays in general Tolstoy once remarked to me, "When writing them I never anticipated the importance that has been attributed to them." While he fully recognized, and perhaps at times overrated, the value of his didactic and propagandist writings, he was often inclined to underrate the value of the artistic work, which during his later years he sometimes undertook more or less as a recreation, and on that account was the more ready to treat lightly.

AYLMER MAUDE.


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Cruz v. Beto/Opinion of the Court

PER CURIAM.

The complaint, alleging a cause of action under 42 U.S.C. § 1983, states that Cruz is a Buddhist, who is in a Texas prison. While prisoners who are members of other religious sects are allowed to use the prison chapel, Cruz is not. He shared his Buddhist religious material with other prisoners and, according to the allegations, in retaliation was placed in solitary confinement on a diet of bread and water for two weeks, without access to newspapers, magazines, or other sources of news. He also alleged that he was prohibited from corresponding with his religious advisor in the Buddhist sect. Those in the isolation unit spend 22 hours a day in total idleness.

Again, according to the allegations, Texas encourages inmates to participate in other religious programs, providing at state expense chaplains of the Catholic, Jewish, and Protestant faiths; providing also at state expense copies of the Jewish and Christian Bibles, and conducting [p320] weekly Sunday school classes and religious services. According to the allegations, points of good merit are given prisoners as a reward for attending orthodox religious services, those points enhancing a prisoner's eligibility for desirable job assignments and early parole consideration. Respondent answered, denying the allegations and moving to dismiss.

[p321] The Federal District Court denied relied without a hearing or any findings, saying the complaint was in an area that should be left "to the sound discretion of prison administration." It went on to say, "Valid disciplinary and security reasons not known to this court may prevent the 'equality' of exercise of religious practices in prison." The Court of Appeals affirmed. 445 F. 2d 801.

Federal courts sit not to supervise prisons but to enforce the constitutional rights of all "persons," including prisoners. We are not unmindful that prison officials must be accorded latitude in the administration of prison affairs, and that prisoners necessarily are subject to appropriate rules and regulations. But persons in prison, like other individuals, have the right to petition the Government for redress of grievances which, of course, includes "access of prisoners to the courts for the purpose of presenting their complaints." Johnson v. Avery, 393 U.S. 483, 485; Ex parte Hull, 312 U.S. 546, 549. See also Younger v. Gilmore, 404 U.S. 15, aff'g Gilmore v. Lynch, 319 F. Supp. 105 (ND Cal.). Moreover, racial segregation, which is unconstitutional outside prisons, is unconstitutional within prisons, save for "the necessities of prison security and discipline." Lee v. Washington, 390 U.S. 333, 334. Even more closely in point is Cooper v. Pate, 378 U.S. 546, where we reversed a [p322] dismissal of a complaint brought under 42 U.S.C. § 1983. We said: "Taking as true the allegations of the complaint, as they must be on a motion to dismiss, the complaint stated a cause of action." Ibid. The allegation made by that petitioner was that solely because of his religious beliefs he was denied permission to purchase certain religious publications and denied other privileges enjoyed by other prisoners.

We said in Conley v. Gibson, 355 U.S. 41, 45-46, that "a complaint should not be dismissed for failure to state a claim unless it appears beyond doubt that the plaintiff can prove no set of facts in support of his claim which would entitle him to relief."

If Cruz was a Buddhist and if he was denied a reasonable opportunity of pursuing his faith comparable to the opportunity afforded fellow prisoners who adhere to conventional religious precepts, then there was palpable discrimination by the State against the Buddhist religion, established 600 B.C., long before the Christian era. The First Amendment, applicable to the States by reason of the Fourteenth Amendment, Torcaso v. Watkins, 367 U.S. 488, 493-493, prohibits government from making a law "prohibiting the free exercise" of religion. If the allegations of this complaint are assumed to be true, as they must be on the motion to dismiss, Texas has violated the First and Fourteenth Amendments.

The motion for leave to proceed in forma pauperis [p323] is granted. The petition for certiorari is granted, the judgment is vacated, and the cause remanded for a hearing and appropriate findings.

So ordered.

MR. JUSTICE BLACKMUN concurs in the result.

title: Cruz v. Beto/Opinion of the Court


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 deserves them, but only one she might write down as dry and have done with it.

The present position of the Angola trade is interesting, instructive, and typical. I only venture to speak on it in so far as I can appeal to the statements of Mr. Nightingale, who is an excellent authority, having been long resident in Angola, and heir to the traditions of English enterprise there, so ably represented by the firm of Newton, Carnegie and Co. The trade of Ka Kongo, the dependent province on Angola, I need not mention, because its trade is conditioned by that of its neighbours Congo Français and the Congo Belge.

The interesting point—painfully interesting—is the supplanting of English manufactures, and the way in which the English shipping interest at present suffers from the differential duties favouring the Portuguese line, the Empreza Nacional de Navigacão a Vapor. This line, on which I have had the honour of travelling, and consuming in lieu of other foods enough oil and olives for the rest of my natural life, is an admirable line. It shows a calm acquiescence in the ordinances of Fate, a general courteous gentleness, combined with strong smells and the strain of stringed instruments, not to be found on other West Coast boats. It runs two steamers a month (6th and 23rd) from Lisbon, and they call at Madeira, St. Vincent, Santiago, Principe and San Thome Islands, Kabinda, San Antonio (Kongo), Ambriz, Loanda, Ambrizzette, Novo Redondo, Benguella, Mossamedes and Port Alexander, every

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 alternate steamer calling at Liverpool. The other steamboat lines that visit Loanda are the African and British-African of Liverpool, which run monthly, in connection with the other South-west African ports; and the Woermann line from Hamburg. The French Chargeurs-Reunis started a line of steamers from Havre via Lisbon to Loanda, Madagascar, Delagoa Bay, touching at Capetown, when so disposed, but this line has discontinued calling in on Loanda. The other navigation for Angola is done by the Rio Quanza Company, which runs two steamers up that river as far as Dondo; but this industry, Dondo included, Mr. Nightingale states to be in a parlous state since the extension of the Royal Trans-African Railway Company to Cazengo, "as all the coffee which previously came via Dondo by means of carriers, now comes by rail, the town of Dondo is almost deserted; the house property which a few years ago was valued at £200,000 sterling, to-day would not realise £10,000." I may remark in this connection, however, not to raise the British railway-material makers' feelings unduly, that all this railway's rolling stock and material is Belgian in origin. This seems to be the fate of African railways. I am told it is on account, for one thing, of the way in which the boilers of the English locomotives are set in, namely, too stiffly, whereby they suffer more over rough roads than the more loosely hung together foreign-made locomotives; and, for another, that English-made rolling stock is too heavy for rough roads, and that roads under the conditions in Africa cannot be otherwise than rough, &c. It is not, however, Belgian stuff alone

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 the door. About a quarter of an hour afterwards, the maid brought in a message from the porter to say that two Franks, just arrived at the village of Jôon, had sent their servant with a note, and the porter wished to know whether the note was to be taken in. For Lady Hester had been so tormented with begging letters, petitions, stories of distress, &c., that it was become a general rule for him never to receive any written paper, until he had first sent in to say who had brought it, and from whom it came; and then she would decide whether it was to be refused or not. The note, accordingly, was fetched.

Lady Hester read it to herself, and then the following conversation took place, which will explain some of the reasons why she did not always receive strangers who presented themselves at her gate. "Yes, doctor," said she, "you were right: they are two travellers, who have been to Palmyra and about, and want to come and talk to me concerning the Arabs and the desert. Should you like to go to Jôon, and tell them I can't see them, because I have been confined to my room for several days from a bad cold?" I answered, "Certainly; I would go with the greatest pleasure." She then rang the bell, and desired the servant to order my horse. She continued, "One of the names, I think, is a man of a great family.""What is it?" I asked. She took up the note


text: The Zoologist/3rd series, vol 1 (1877)/Issue 7/Ornithological notes from the Lake District and Walney Island


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 desire to abolish the cruelties of the sword. They regard war as an old barbarity which may result in a triumph of the strong over the weak, but which cannot decide the justice of a cause. Such societies are among the developments of the new age: they exist in England, they are being formed in various nations on the continent, and are known to have exercised an influence favourable to the maintenance of peace upon the governments of Europe. Surely the rise of societies having such an object in view is in conformity with true civilization and Christian sentiment; they have faith in the prophecy that God shall judge among the nations, and that nation shall not lift up sword against nation, neither shall they learn war any more; they remember that the God of Christianity is the Prince of peace, and they may be reasonably regarded as among the valued fruits of His second coming.

Again: look at the moral changes which have been effected by the teachings of temperance and the establishment of societies for its promotion. There was a time in our own recollection when the odious vice of drunkenness was considered a manly indulgence, and spoken of rather as an accomplishment than a crime. It pervaded all classes of society, from the throne and the court to the artisan and the beggar. Although this degrading vice is not entirely abolished, a most astonishing reformation has been achieved. At the present time scarcely any indulge in this wickedness who are not sensible of the shame which it incurs; and there can be no doubt that this prolific source of musery and crime has greatly dimished. What can be the cause of this improvement? Satan does not cast out Satan; it must therefore be the Lord's doing, and, as such, it should be marvellous in our eyes.

And who has not observed that growing desire for the


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 that is competing and ousting our own from the markets of Angola. American machinery, owing to the personal enterprise of several American engineering firms, is supplying steam-engines and centrifugal pumps for working salt at Cucuaco, and machinery for dealing with sugarcane. Mr. Nightingale says the cultivation of the sugarcane is rapidly extending, for the sole purpose of making rum. The ambition of every small trader, after he has put a few hundreds of milreis together, is to become a fazendeiro (planter) and make rum, for which there is ever a ready sale. But regarding the machinery, Mr. Nightingale says: "Up to the present time no British firm has sent out a representative to this province. There is a fair demand for cane-crushing mills, steam engines and turbines. A representative of an American firm is out here for the third time within four years, and has done good business; and there is no reason why the British manufacturers should not do as well. The American machinery is inferior to British makes, and cheaper; but it sells well, which is the principal thing."

It is the same story throughout the Angola trade. No English matches come into its market. The Companhia de Mossemedes, which is only nominally Portuguese, and is worked by German capital, has obtained from the Government an enormous tract of country stretching to the Zambesi, with rights to cure fish and explore mines. Cartridges made in Holland, and an iron pier made in Belgium, an extinct trade in soap and a failing one in Manchester goods, and gunpowder, are all sad items in Mr.

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 education of the people which has become a characteristic of our time? Schools for this purpose, in great numbers, have sprung up in every direction. All denominations consider such institutions as parts of their establishments. Infant schools and Sunday-schools abound everywhere; and few children are permitted to go to work without some attention being paid to their education. Every country is interested in this labour of love, and in some way or other engaged in the promotion of its objects. It is a national enterprise, and grants of public money are annually made to spread wider its benefits. Teaching has become a science; and the literature of teaching is wide in its range, noble in its simplicity, and admirably adapted to interest and instruct. Every one must have noticed the wonderful improvements in the postal arrangements which have been effected, not only in this country, but throughout the world, and by which the social character of the nations has been raised to a higher condition than that which they previously enjoyed. The rigidity of some of the bigoted tests which have hampered and hindered the progress of education af our national universities has been relaxed, and public efforts and opinion are still pressing to render them more tolerant and useful to the general public: while a mitigation of the severity of the criminal laws of all nations proves with great decision the improved tone of public morals, and the growing respect for the value of human life. All these are new features belonging to modern civilization: they are peculiarities of the century in which we live. Whence did they originate? They did not create themselves; something must have prompted the human mind to their execution; and it must be confessed that as works of benevolence they are the Lord's doings, and the results of some special coming on His part to our race.


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 The charitable institutions which have been formed, not only to relieve the sufferings of the body, but to promote the interests of morals, and even to secure the animals from cruelty, cannot be thought of by the pious observer without acknowledging that the hand of Providence must have raised them up; and why now, in preference to all preceding time, if this was not the age in which the Lord, in forms of mercy, displays His coming?

Auother beneficent feature of our times is the formation of Missionary Societies, by which the documents of Christianity are carried to every quarter of the world. And how eminently useful has been the establishment of that noble institution, "The British and Foreign Bible Society!" By this Society the sacred Scriptures have been translated into nearly all the languages of the earth, and distributed in large numbers, without note or comment, to almost every region in which humanity exists. People of all countries have been engaged to assist in the work of translation. They are not simply circulated among the ignorant, semi-civilized portions of the earth: they have become subjects of interest to the learned Mahometan: the pundits of India have had their attention drawn to their contents with favourable results; and a few years ago a million copies of the New Testament were printed in the language of China, for the purpose of distribution among the people of that vast empire; multitudes of whom, by some previous teaching, had been understood to have made some little acquaintance with its religion.

It seems impossible to contemplate these facts with intelligence, and not at the same time to see that they are specialities in the Divine Providence, marking with serious phenomena the epoch in which they have occurred. Surely in this remarkable circulation of the Scriptures, the Lord


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 is providing for us some sensible evidences of His second coming. Hereby He is making an effort to widen the borders of His Church by going to all nations, through the medium of His Word. It is by His Word that He effects His advent into human minds, and spreads abroad a knowledge of Himself. It is by the teaching influences of His Word that He comes to individuals and to nations, and it is by means of this, and this alone, that "every eye can see Him." To expect to behold Him in any other way is to mistake the meaning of the promise. In our view of the circumstance, the universality of His advent, and the beneficent purposes it is intended to accomplish, can be readily apprehended. It sets aside all the alarm which "orthodoxy" would raise concerning the occurrence, and awakens, in the minds of the thoughtful, confidence in those orderly operations of the Divine mercy by which all people are to be enlightened. Every one who regards the Word as the source of information concerning spiritual things must acknowledge that the extensive circulation which has been obtained for it indicates that some distinct activity of the Divine Providence is now in the process of being displayed, and that the design of it must be to prepare new planes in the minds of all nations, by which the new influences now proceeding from the Lord's kingdom may be more readily accepted. The means which have been adopted for the spread and perpetuation of the Word among all people, have been accompanied by new developments of religious thought; and nothing can be more plain than that these are tending to remove errors and prejudices from the Church, and to raise it into a condition of intellectual vigour which it has never before attained. Of this conclusion no one can be ignorant who has noted the facts, and who is capable of reading anything of "the signs of the times."


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 Nightingale's lament. Small matters in themselves, you may think, but straws show which way the wind blows, and it blows against England's trade in every part of Africa not under England's flag. It would not, however, be fair to put down to differential tariffs alone our failing trade in Angola, because our successful competitors in hardware and gunpowder are other nations who have to face the same disadvantages—Germany, Holland, and Belgium. Portugal herself is now competing with the Manchester goods. She does so with well-made stuffs, but she is undoubtedly aided by her tariff. The consular report (1949) says: "The falling off in Manchester cotton since 1891 shows a diminution of 1,665,710 kilos. Cotton, if coming from Manchester via Lisbon, 1,665,710, duties 80 per cent, or 250 reis per kilo, equal 333,144 milreis (about £51,250); cotton coming from Portugal, 1,665,710 kilos, duties 25 reis per kilo, equal to 41,642 dollars, 750 reis (about £6,400, showing a difference in the receipts for one year of £44,850."

There is in this statement, I own, a certain obscurity, which has probably got into it from the editing of the home officials. I do not know if the 1,665,710 kilos, representing the difference between what England shipped to Angola in 1891 and what she shipped in 1896, was supplied in the latter years from Portugal of Portuguese manufacture; but assuming such to have been the case, the position from a tariff point of view would work out as follows: 1,665,710 kilos of cottons from Manchester would pay duty, at 250 reis per kilo, 416,427$1⁄2$ milreis. Taking the exchange at 3s. sterling per milreis, this amounts to £62,464. If this quantity of Manchester-made cottons had gone to Lisbon, and there become nationalised, and sent forward to Angola in Portuguese steamers, the duty would

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