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 To the Editors of the North Star:

 * —In the revolutions passed at the Yearly Anti-Slavery Meeting, held on Sunday, December 19th, in Minerva Hall and published in the North Star of Jan. 7th, there is one that particularly attracts my attention: not only on account of its intrinsic importance, but also on account of a circumstance which occurred at the time. It appears as the first resolution which was offered for the opinion of that meeting, and is a follows:

That resolution appears to me important, because if the principle propounded in it be carried out, it opens up the whole question of slavery, as well as, I had almost said, the more important one of practical religion; tho' if both these questions be pursued to legitimate results, we shall find that they are only parts of the same subject. Living as we do, in the middle of the 19th century of the Christian era, it would appear at first sight almost preposterous to offer such a resolution, for the acceptance of so enlightened an audience.—But on the other hand, when we look around us, and perceive the superb and aristocratic establishments, called churches, with their stately architecture, their splendid ornaments and cushioned seats, denoting their relationship to the ritual ordinances of a former dispensation, we admit at once the appositeness of the resolution. The Great Master, at whose death the veil of the temple was rent, and who, as far as He was concerned, withdrew "the veil that was spread over all nations," sufficiently explained his mission, to leave no doubt upon the minds of the pure and simple-hearted, as to the true meaning and intents of His doctrine. But there was then, as now, another class of individuals who claimed to be preeminently the righteous; and although he sufficiently unmasked these hypocritical pretensions of superior purity, and denounced them in the plainest and strongest terms, we find at the present time the same love of outward show, the same attention to mere ceremony, the same "making clean of the outside of the cup and of the platter;" the same paying tithe of mint, and annise, and cummin; and of omitting the weightier matters of the law, judgment, mercy, and faith; the same making of hypocritical long prayers and sad countenances, and of disfiguring of faces, "that they may appear unto men to fast," instead of the pure and noble ethics promulgated by Jesus Christ: "Whatsoever ye would that men should do to you, do ye even so to them." Although the Mosaic law contained the same sublime sentiment, it was necessarily in a more diffused form, and scattered among a variety of other precepts equally important at that period: "Ye shall do no unrighteousness in judgment; thou shalt not respect the person of the poor, nor honor the person of the mighty, but in righteousness shalt thou judge thy neighbor." "Thou shalt love thy neighbor as thyself." "Thou shalt rise up before the hoary head, and honor the face of the old man." "The stranger that dwelled with you shall be unto you as one born amongst you, had thou shalt love him as thyself." These precepts are only so many parts of the same principle of equity and love; but for the time being it was necessary that they should be enshrouded and interwoven with a variety of outward forms and ceremonies. This circumstance becomes self-evident when we take into consideration the ignorant and benighted condition of the surrounding nations; their superstititionsuperstition [sic]; their idolatrous, lascivious, and cruel practices, and withal the general tendency of the unguided passions of man to induce him to gratify his sensuality and pride, made it necessary to observe strictly the outward forms and ceremonies of the law, until its inward principles were sufficiently engrafted upon the mind of man to prepare him for the more sublime doctrines of Jesus. It is not, under these circumstances, to be wondered at that the inherent ignorance and selfishness of our race, should induce the greatest portion of the Jews, as well as of other nations, to place their chief dependance for their acceptance with the Deity upon these outward forms and ceremonies. This was especially the case with the Pharisees at the advent of the Saviour. It appears that they wore garments of a peculiar shape, and bandages, with impressive mottoes, or sentences of scriptures written upon them: they were in the habit of ostentatiously giving alms to the poor, and making long prayers at the corners of the streets, "that they might be seen of men," and also of observing, very minutely every punctilio of the ritual law, as well as the traditions added to it by their over-zealous predecessors. And while they made this parade of the ceremonial and outward forms of religion, assuming that they were so much more righteous than others, they were guilty of the most grievous oppression and wickedness. We can hardly fail to recognize the wonderful resemblance in the position of the church of the present day to that we have described above. And when we look at the Great Harlot, and all her daughters, and remember that John told us that Anti-Christ was already in the world, we are impressed with the necessity of exposing this foul hypocrisy, this "gaping at a gnat and swallowing a came1." If Antichrist was then in the world was it not that dependence upon forms and ceremonies, instead of "the righteousness of the law?" that grasping at the shadow, and suffering the substance to escape, which St. Paul was continually combatting? (Rom. viii. 4: Gal. iii. 2: Col. ii. 17.) Suppose we admit, for argument's sake, the dogmas of the (so called) orthodox church there to be true; is there any man, at the present day, insane enough to believe that his attendance upon its outward ordinances, and his pretended belief in these dogmas will procure for him everlasting beatitude, when it shall please God to call him from this sphere of action? or is the church a ponderous political machine, got up, and kept up, for the purpose or covering up and concealing the blackest of crimes, under the specious mask of the religion on the meek and lowly Jesus.

I could almost wish to leave this question to be answered by those whom it most concerns; but actions speak louder than words. If we follow the course of this pretended church of Christ, from the age of the apostles downwards, we shall find its track so deeply marked in blood, that it has excited the deepest detestation to every liberal mind in every age. We have seen the superstition and persecutions of the Romish Church produce her own downfall, though yet she thinks she is no widow, by forcing half Europe into open infidelity and atheism. We have seen her oldest daughter, the Protestant Church of England, following so closely in her footsteps, until, according to statistical writers, three-fourths of her people are either citizens or dissenters, and many of her wealthiest citizens have been obliged to seek an asylum from her persecutions in this land of freedom (?) And what shall we say of this nondescript, many-headed monster, which has taken to itself the name of the Church of Christ in free America. Are the skirts of her garments free from blood? Let the present condition of the colored people in this country, and her silence, even in the northern states, upon the monstruous sin of slavery, answer; while in the southern states she is rhethe [sic] open abettor of the crime: that crime which, as my friend truly said, included all others in the decalogue. Such gentlemen, are some of the circumstances which rendered the proposing of such a resolution necessary, as appears at the head of this communication, which, with your permission, I will take an opportunity to discuss in a future number.

I am, gentlemen, yours, RICHARD SULLEY.

SELECTIONS.

WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON.

We most sincerely rejoice, as will every friend of God and liberty, and as would every fettered bondman in this slaveholding republic, could they hear the glad tidings, that health, through a bountiful providence has been restored to William Lloyd Garrison, and that he is again in the field, at the head of his storm--beaten sheet, the Liberator. Seventeen-years of cloudy days and dreary nights have rolled away, since all alone, with powerful hand and dauntless heart he launched his bark upon the menacing billows of our pro-slavery public opinion. Under his broad banner of immediate, unconditional and everlasting emancipation, many essayed to follow, but like a disciple of old, some, alas! too many, have found their fears greater than their faith, and they have sunk to rise no more. Of these however, we mean not to speak.

Garrison is again in the field, and in the thickest of the battle,

May God grant him continued life and health, till he shall see the travail of his noble soul—"when the sighing of the poor, and the crying of the needy" shall have forever ceased throughout our slave cursed land!

We copy, with ineffable pleasure, his first words on resuming his editorial duties:

From the Liberty Bell of 1848.

BIBLES FOR THE SLAVES.

.

The above is a watchword of a recent but quite numerous class of persons, whose ostensible object seems to be, to give Bibles to the American Slaves. They propose to induce the public to give of their abundance, a large sum of money, to be placed in the hands of the American Bible Society, to be employed in purchasing Bibles and distributing them among the slaves. In this apparently benevolent and Chistian movement, they desire to unite all persons friendly to the long imbruted and long neglected slave. The religious press have already spoken out in its favor. So full of promise and popularity is this movement, that many of the leaders in church and State are pressing into it; churches which have all along slumbered unmoved over the cruel wrongs and bitter woes of the slave, which have been as deaf as death to every appeal of the fettered bondman for liberty, are at last startled from their heartless stupor by this new cry of Bibles for the Slaves. Ministers of religion and learned Doctors of Divinity, who would not lift a finger to give the stave to himself, are now engaged in the professed work of giving to the Slave the Bible. Into this enterprise have been drawn some who have been known as advocates for emancipation.

One Anti-Slavery Editor, has abandoned his position at the head of a widely circulating Journal, and has gone forth to lecture and solicit donations in its behalf. Even the American Bible Society, which a few years ago peremptorily refused to entertain the offensive subject, and refused the offer of ten thousand dollars, has at last relented if not repented, and now condescends to receive money for this object. To be sure we have had no public assurance of this from that society. It is, however, generally inferred by the friends of the movement, that they will consent to receive money for this purpose. Now what does all this mean? Are the men engaged in this movement sane? and if so, can they be honest? Do they seriously believe that the American slave can receive the Bible? Do they believe that the American Bible Society cares one straw about giving Bibles to the slave? Do they suppose that slaveholders in open violation of their wicked laws, will allow their slaves to have the Bible? How do they mean to get the Bible among the slaves? It cannot go itself—it must be carried. And who among them all, has either the faith or the folly to undertake the distribution of Bibles among the slaves?

Then again, of what value is the Bible to one who may not read its contents? Do they intend to send teachers into the slave States, with the Bibles, to teach the slaves to read them? Do they believe that on giving the Bible, the unlettered slave, will all at once, by some miraculous transformation, become a man of letters and be able to read the sacred Scriptures 7 Will they first obtain the slaveholders consent, or will they proceed without it? And if the former, by what means will they seek it? And if the latter, what success do they expect? Upon these points, and many others, the public ought to be enlightened, before they are called upon to give money and influence to such an enterprize.

As a mere indication of the growing influence of anti-slavery sentiment, this movement may be regarded by the Abolitionists with some complacency; but as a means of abolishing the slave system of America, it seems to me a sham, a delusion, and a snare, and cannot be too soon exposed before all the people. It is but another illustration of the folly of putting new cloth into an old garment, and new wine into old bottles.

The Bible is peculiarly the companion of liberty; it belongs to a new order of things: slavery is of the old; and will only be made worse by any attempt to mend it with the Bible. The Bible is only useful to those who can read and practise its contents. It was given to freemen, and any attempt to give it to the slave must result only in hollow mockery.

Give Bibles to the poor slaves! It sounds well; it looks well; it wears a religious aspect; it is a Protestant rebuke to the Pope, and seems in harmony with the purely evangelical character of the great American people. It may fortell some movement in England to give Bibles to our slaves—and this is very desirable. Now admitting (however difficult it may be to do so) the entire honesty of all engaged in this movement—the immediate and only effect of their effort must be to turn off attention from the main and momentous question connected with the slave, and absorb energies and money in giving to him the Bible, that ought to be used in giving him to himself.

The slave is property. He cannot hold property. He cannot own a Bible. To give him a Bible, is but to give his master a Bible. The slave is a thing—and it is the all-commanding duty of the American people to make him a man.

To demand this in the name of humanity, and of God, is the solemn duty of every living soul. To demand less than this, or anything else than this, is to deceive the fettered bondman, and to soothe the conscience of the slaveholder on the very point where he should be most stung with remorse and shame. A way with all tampering with such a question! Away with all trifling with the man in fetters! Give a hungry man a stone, and tell him what beautiful houses are made of it; give ice to a freezing man, and tell him of its good properties in hot weather; throw a drowning man a dollar, as a mark of your good will; but do not mock the bondman in his misery, by giving him a Bible, when he cannot read it!

, New York.

From the Liberator.

REVEREND RASCALITY.

abolitionists who are old enough to remember the early days of the cause, recollect the Rev. Ezra Styles Ely, D.D., and his man Ambrose. If their memory extend a little farther back, and they had the good luck to have been brought up in an 'evangelical' school, (a training very necessary to the understanding of the ins and outs of the anti-slavery cause, especially about the days of the new organization,) they know that the said Doctor was a burning and a shining light, set in a golden candlestick of the church, a great revivalist and saver of souls by the wholesale. We remember that at Andover, where, after the most straitest sect of our religion we were brought up, it used to be said of him that he was in the habit of swearing, (whether in the pulpit or not we cannot say,) and justified himself by the example of Whitfield. However, we were then, and have been since, as long as we were addicted to the vice of going to meeting, in the habit of hearing so much more profane language in the meeting-house than in the street, that we think none the worse of him for that. Had he clothed himself in no worse garments than curses, it would have been the better for him, as well as for poor Ambrose and the orphan daughter of his friend, as shall he presently related.

The Doctor, among other eminent gifts and graces, possessed in a high degree one of the choicest elements of modern saintship,—to wit, he was, or was reputed to be, very rich. For, luckily, it is not in these days, as it was in the semi-barbarous ones, when it was said, that it was easier for a camel to pass through the eye of a needle, than for a rich man to enter the kingdom of heaven. Indeed, the turnpikes and travelling expenses along the strait and narrow rood are so much greater now than they were then, that none but a tolerably warm man has much chance of getting there at all. But rich as he was, the Doctor had the humility to think that this was one of the graces of his Christian character, which might be increased to advantage, and so he plunged into the speculations of our South Sea days, in 1835–6. At that time Providence had cast his lot, (we believe we speak the language correctly,) for some wise purpose, in one of the slave States,—Tennessee, we believe. It did seem, at one time, as if the object Providence had in view, in this dispensation, was, to show that slaves could be held for their own good. For then it was that Dr. Ely bought his slave Ambrose, from pure motives of humanity, and to prevent him from falling into worse hands. The praise of the Doctor was in all the churches: for at that time the laboring point with the pro-slavery piety of the land was, to show that slaveholding was not sinful, because slaves might be held "for their own good." And here was a case in point. Happy Dr. Ely, who was raised up to settle this nice point in theology forever! Happier Ambrose, who was the chosen vessel of this great salvation!

But, unluckily for the peace of our pro-slavery Zion, the bubble burst, and the speculators found themselves in the suds. It broke, after leading the whole people a weary way, as it danced with its rainbow hues before them leaving nothing but the empty breath and foul water, of which it was composed. All King Biddle's puffing only increased its tenuity with its size, and made its bursting the worse, if not the sooner. It was in vain that he saw, "in clear dream and solemn vision," the Presidential chair before him, with a ladder of cotton bags leading up thereunto, and he himself placed therein as the saviour of the south, and so of the country. It was a lie and a delusion all. Ruin spread over the south as well as over the north, and the United States Bank broke like a rotten stick (as it was) when interposed to check its progress. Among the rest, Dr. Ely became bankrupt, in company with many better men, and perhaps, with some no worse than himself. His lands, hereditaments and personality, were dispersed under the hammer. Among his other chattels personal, household stuff, mules, asses, and farming utensils, poor Ambrose was sold to the highest bidder, and was despatched to be grown into cotton or ground into sugar, in Alabama, Louisiana, or the Lord knows where. And thus this beautiful demonstration of the curious problem of the holding of slaves for their own good was broken off in the middle! Truly, mysterious are the ways of Providence!

But it has lately evolved how it was that he got the means for carrying on these speculations. It appears, from a report of a decision in the Court of Common Pleas, in Philadelphia, that in 1822 Dr. Ely was made trustee under the will of Samuel Carswell, of an estate consisting of three hundred shares in the United States Bank, worth about $40,800. After a few months he transferred all this property from himself as trustee to himself individually. In 1835, he borrowed $50,000 on his own private account, of the Bank of the United States, pledging these three hundred shares, standing in his own name, but rightfully belonging to Miss Carswell, (of whom he was the guardian, as well as the trustee,) as collateral security. At the maturity of his indebtedness, in 1837, not being able to meet it, two hundred and fifty of the three hundred shares were sold to cover it. In 1843, Miss Carswell married, and her reverend guardian was called upon to render an account of his stewardship; whereupon, he proposes to pass over to her, for her property which had been sold, two hundred and fifty shares of the United States Bank, then worth about six dollars a share; they having been worth about $l30 a share when he hypothecated them. In other words, he offered to give his ward about $1500 for property for which he had himself received about $32,500. This modest proposal being declined, and the matter coming before the Orphan's court, a decree was entered against Dr. Ely for about $50,000, upon which he applies to the Common Pleas for the benefit of the Insolvent law. The fact of the embezzlement was not denied, but it was contended that it having been committed before the law, excepting such malefactors from the benefit of the Insolvent act, and subjecting them to condign punishment, was passed, he was not affected by it,—and, further, that a trustee is not a 'bailee, agent, or depositary,' mentioned in the act. The Court decided in the Doctor's favor, on the first ground. So that he is now white-washed, (a "whited sepulchre," we fear he always was,) and is in a condition to take charge of anybody else's money, that may be fool enough to trust him.

Now we are a little curious to know how this development will affect the standing of this holy man in the church. We should like to know, for instance if this reverend rascal, this solemn swindler, should come to Boston, as a minister of the gospel, whether there would be a single orthodox congregation or other evangelical pulpit closed against him on account of its dishonesty. We do not think that there would be. We are sure that there ought not to be; for we know that there is not one (at least of consequence enough to be seen,) that would shut its pulpit doors against him because he cheated poor Ambrose out of his body and soul, or if he had done it to five hundred like him. It was a serious thing, no doubt, to Dr. Ely's ward to find her portion devoured up by a dishonest guardian; but it was a much more serious thing to his slave to be himself devoured up bodily. But if the one should excite a transient feeling in the American church universal, the other will scarcely stir a holy muscle. There are hundreds and thousands of ministers who are continually guilty of greater and worst dishonesty than Dr. Ely in this instance, who are still welcome in all northern pulpits, and predominate in all national sectarian conventions, assemblies, and conferences;—worse and greater dishonesty, because they rob their victims not only of all that they possess or can acquire, but of themselves; and strip them of all hope, of all resistance, of all redress. We will not, then, be too severe on the Boston ministers, if, in the total confusion and dissolution of common morality which Slavery has produced, they should give to Dr. Ely, who comes to them, smacking his lips over the portion of the orphan committed to him, the same right hand of fellowship that they extend to the Reverend cannibals gorged with human flesh,—fed fat with "slaves and souls of men."—q.

From Parker's Letter on Slavery.

STATISTICS AND HISTORY OF SLAVERY.

I first call year attention to the history and statistics of slavery. Is 1790, there were but 697,897 slaves in the Union; in 1840, 2,487,355. At the present day, their number probably is not far from 3,000,000. In 1790, Mr. Gerry estimated their value at $10,000,000; in 1840, Mr. Clay fixed it at $1,200,000,000. They are owned by a population of perhaps about 300,000 persons, and represented by about 100,000 voters.

At the time of the Declaration of Independence, slavery existed in all the States; it gradually receded from the North. In the religious colonies of New England it was always unpopular and odious. It was there seen and felt to be utterly inconsistent with the ideas and spirit of their institutions, their churches, and their state itself. After the revolution, therefore, it speedily disappeared; here perishing by default, there abolished by statute. Thus it successively disappeared from Rhode Island, Massachusetts, New Hampshire, New York, Pennsylvania and New Jersey. By the celebrated ordinance of 1787, involuntary servitude, except as a punishment, after legal conviction of crime, was forever prohibited in the Northwest Territory. Thus the new states, formed in the western parallels, were, by the action of the federal government, at once cut off from that institution. Besides, they were mainly settled by men from the Eastern States, who had neither habits nor principles which favored slavery. Thus Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Michigan, Wisconsin and Iowa have been without any legal slaves from the beginning.

In the South, the character of the people was different; their manners, their social and political ideas, were unlike those of the North. The Southern States were mainly colonies of adventurers, rather than establishments of men who for conscience sake fled to the wilderness. Less pains were taken with the education—intellectual, moral and religious—of the people. Religion never held so prominent a place in the consciousness of the mass as in the sterner and more austere colonies of the North. In the Southern States—New Jersey, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, the Carolinas and Georgia—slavery easily found a footing at an early day. It was not at all repulsive to the ideas, the institutions and habits of Georgia and South Carolina. The other Southern States protested against it; they never.

Consequences follow causes; it is not easy to avoid the results of a first principle. The Northern States, in all their constitutions and social structures, consistently and continually tend to democracy—the government of all, for all, and by all; to equality before the state and its laws; to moral and political ideas of universal application. In the meantime, the Southern States, in their constitutions and social structure, as consistently tend to oligarchy—the government over all, by a few, and for the sake of that few; to privilege, favoritism and class legislation; to conventional limitations; to the rule of force, and inequality before the law. In such a state of things, when slavery comes, it is welcome, In 1787, South Carolina and Georgia refused to accept the federal constitution, unless the right of importing slaves was guaranteed to them for twenty years. The new states formed in the southern parallels—Kentucky Tennessee, Alabama, Mississippi—retaining the ideas and habits of their parents, kept also the institution of slavery.

At the time of forming the Federal Constitution, some of the Southern statesmen were hostile to slavery, and would gladly have got rid of it. Economical considerations prevailed in part, but political and moral objections to it extended yet more widely. The ordinance of 1787, the work mainly of the same man who drafted the Declaration of Independence, passed with little opposition. The proviso for surrendering fugitive slaves came from a Northern hand. Subsequently, opposition to slavery in the North and the South, became less. The culture of cotton, the wars in Europe creating a demand for the productions of American agriculture, had rendered slave labor more valuable. The day of our own oppression was more distant and forgotten. So in 1802, when Congress purchased from Georgia the western part of her territory, it was easy for the South to extend slavery over that virgin soil. In 1803, Louisiana was purchased from France; then, or in 1804, when it was organized into two Territories, it would have been easy to apply the ordinance of 1787, and prevent slavery from extending beyond the original thirteen States. But though some provisions restricting slavery were made, the ideas of that ordinance were forgotten. Since that time, five new States have been formed out of territory acquired since the revolution: Louisiana, Missouri, Arkansas, Florida, Texas, all slave States—the last two with Constitutions aiming to make slavery perpetual. The last of these was added to the Union on the 22d of December, 1845, two hundred and twenty-five years after the day when the Forefathers first set foot on Plymouth Rock; while the sons of the Pilgrims were eating and drinking and making merry, the deed of annexation was completed, and slavery extended over nearly 400,000 square miles of new territory, whence the semi-barbarous Mexicans had driven it out.

Slavery might easily have been abolished at the time of the Declaration of Independence. Indeed, in 1774, the Continental Congress, in their celebrated "non-importation agreement," resolved never to import or purchase any slaves after the last of December, in that year. In 1775, they declare in a "report" that it is not possible "for men who exercise thelf reason to believe that the Divine Author of our existence intended a part of the human race to hold an absolute property in an unbounded power over others." Indeed, the Declaration itself is a denial of the national right to allow the existence of slavery: "We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal; that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights; that among these are [the right to] life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness; that to secure these rights Governments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed."

But the original draft of this paper combined a condemnation yet more explicit: "He [the King of England] has waged cruel war against human nature itself: violating most sacred rights of life and liberty is the persons of a distant people who never offended him; captivating and carrying them into slavery. Determined to keep open a market where men should be bought and sold, he has prostituted his negative for suppressing every legislative attempt to prohibit or restrain this execrable commerce." This clause, says its author himself, "was struck out in compliance to South Carolina and Georgia, who never attempted to restrain the importation of slaves, and who, on the contrary, still wished to continue it. Our Northern brethren also, I believe, felt a little tender under these censures; for though their people have very few slaves themselves, yet they had been pretty considerable carriers of them to others."

These were not the sentiment of a single enthusiastic young Republican. Dr. Rush, in the Continental Congress, wished "the Colonies to discourage slavery, and encourage the increase of the free inhabitants." Another member of the American Congress declared, in 1779, "Men are by nature free;" "the right to be free can never be alienated." In 1776, Dr. Hopkins, the head of the New England divines, declared that "Slavery is, in every instance, wrong, unrighteous, and oppressive; a very great and crying sin."

In the articles of Confederation, adopted in 1778, no provision is made for the support of slavery; none for the delivery of fugitives. Slavery is not once referred to in that document. The General Government had nothing to do with it. "If any slave elopes to those States where slaves are free," said Mr. Madison in 1787, "he becomes emancipated by their laws."

[.]

MISCELLANEOUS.

.—It has been decided in one of the Courts of Charleston, that a person of free Indian descent, unmixed with negro blood, is a free person of color, and therefore an incompetent witness. This decision is in opposition to the practice which has hitherto obtained in the courts of South Carolina; free Indians and the descendants of free Indians, in amity with the State, having been always regarded as competent witnesses of the superior courts.

.—An extraordinary mineral, pronounced by geologists to be pure tripoli, has been discovered in this country, and is now being manufactured by a company formed for that purpose. For cleaning the surface of glass, or removing the oxide from metals, it is certainly without an equal. Windows can be cleansed with this article with one half the labor that is required with water, and the work is done much more effectually.

.—The Spanish government have recently imported into Havanna some 500 expatriated Chinese, to work as negroes. Among them is a physician who judges of disease solely by the pulse. Such is said to be the practice of the family in the "central flowery land," they feeling the pulse in the temporal artery, in the wrist and ankle The governor of Cuba gave him a license to practice, and he has been doing an immense business. Every one pays $2 who even enters his house, and on some days he takes nearly $200.

.—It is related that Galileo, who invented the telescope with which he observed he satellites of Jupiter, invited a man who was opposed to him to look through it, that he might observe Jupiter's moons. The man positively refused, saying, "If I should see them, how could I maintain my opinions which I have advanced against your philosophy?"

This is the case with many; they will no hear truth, for fear that the arguments which they have framed will be destroyed, and they may be obliged to give up their vicious indulgences.

.—Say not a word you had better leave unsaid. A word is a little thing, we know, but it has stirred up a world of strife, Suppressing a word has saved many a character—many a life. A word unuttered, and Hamilton would have lived the pride of his country. Who can tell the good or bad effects of a single word? Be careful what you say. Think before you speak, and you will never be mortified with yourself, or cause a thrill of pain to flash through the heart of a friend.—Albany Knickerbocker.

.—Messrs. Ardonia and Delva, men of color, presented to Louis Philippe, the thethe [sic] King of the French, on the 19th October letters accrediting them as envoys extraordinary and ministers plenipotentiary of the republic of Hayti to France, for the exchange of ratification of the convention of 15th May last.

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Ladies' Scrap and Guard Books, Albums and Portfolios, in all their varieties, manufactured to order in the best style.

Banks, Institutions, Societies, &c., may be assured of work being done on the most advantageous terms.

Gentlemen residing at a distance, by packing and forwarding volumes to the above directives, stating price and style, may rely upon their being well bound on the most favorable terms, also carefully and punctually returned.

N.B. The proprietor has spared no expense to fitting up the establishment, and introducing into Western New York the latest improvements in Book Binding.

  BOSTON ADVERTISEMENTS.

N,

LONDON EDITION—WITH PORTRAIT.

FEW copies of CLARKSON'S HISTORY OF THE ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE TRADE, with prefatory remarks on the subsequent abolition of Slavery; a beautiful London edition, with a fine Portrait of the Author, done on steel,—a book which could not be imported for less than three dollars, can be had at 21, Cornhill, if applied for immediately, at the very low price of, cash. Also, EULOGIUM ON CLARKSON, by, at the reduced price of twelve and a half cents.

OBERT MORRIS, ., Attorney and Counsellor at Law, Brazer's Building, State Street.

OSEPH H. TURPIN would invite the attention of his friends and the public to his DAGUERRIAN GALLERY, No. 138, Hanover Street, where he pledges himself to execute Miniatures with a lifelike finish, and on as moderate terms as any others in the profession.

ACON B. ALLEN, Attorney and Counsellor at atat [sic] Law, Massachusetts Block.

BOYS' CLOTHING.

AMUEL WILSON, 14, Brattle Street, having made recent additions to his stock, is prepared to furnish BOYS' CLOTHING, of as material and fit, and at as cheap prices, as can be obtained in the city.

NEW ENGLAND SECOND HAND CLOTHING STORE,

No. 56,.

OHN WRIGHT keeps constantly on hand a great variety of New and Second Hand Clothing. Goods of all kinds, such as old clothes, W. I. goods, Watches, Boots and Shoes, &c., exchanged for new clothing. Cash advanced on all kinds of goods, from one to one hundred dollars.

OHN D. REVALEON, Hair Cutting Saloon, and Perfumery Emporium, 114, Blackstone-st.

<section end="Boston Advertisements" /> <section begin="New York Advertisements" /> NEW YORK ADVERTISEMENTS

R. J. M'CUNE SMITH, 93, West Broadway.

JINNINGS, Surgeon-Dentist, 185, North Broadway.

HILIP A. WHITE, Druggist, corner of Frankfort and Gold Street.

ILLIAM S. POWELL, Sailor's Home, 61, Cherry Street.

ILLLAM RICH, Hair Dressing and Bathing Saloon, Troy House, Troy, New York.

<section end="New York Advertisements" />

<section begin="Northampton Water Cure" />NORTHAMPTON WATER CURE.

HE undersigned, gratefully appreciating the credit generously awarded by a discerning public to his success as a Hydropathic Practitioner, would respectfully inform the friends of Hydropathy, that his establishment is pleasantly situated near Bensonville, on the west bank of the Licking Water, or Mill River, about two and a half miles from the centre of the town. It is thirty-six by seventy first; three stories high, with a piazza on the south side. There are separate parlors, bathing and dressing rooms, for ladies and gentlemen. There are also twenty lodging rooms, each of which is well ventilated and conveniently furnished for the accommodation of two persons. Among the variety of baths in the establishment are, the plunge, douche, drencher, and spray baths. The ladies' plunge is six by ten feet, three and a half deep; the gentlemen's, eight by twelve, three and a half deep. There are also two cold douches, one of which is situated a mile, and the other half a mile from the establishment. The former has a fall of twenty-two feet, the latter eighteen. The scenery in this vicinity is picturesque and romantic. There are a variety of pleasant walks passing near and to springs of pure water. The walks are sufficiently retired to allow water-cure patients to appear as they should, plainly dressed, enjoying their rambles, without being exposed to public gaze or observation. Since daily experience, for the last three years, has strengthened his opinion, that the condition of the skin clearly indicates the character of many diseases, and the ability of inability of an invalid to bear the water treatment in its various forms; also the necessity of applying the dry woollen blanket, or the wet sheet, to promote evaporation or a sweat, when either may be necessary; and from results which have attended his application of the treatment, he hesitates not to say, that the electric symptom of the skin indicates vitality or power, and that an invalid, whose skin is not attended with this symptom, cannot be safely or successfully treated with water. Among the complaints which are here successfully treated, are pulmonary affection, liver complaints, jaundice, acute or chronic inflammation of the bowels, piles, dyspepsia, general debility, nervous and spinal affections, inflammatory or chronic rheumatism, neuralgia, sciatica, lame limbs, paralysis, fevers, salt rheum, scrofulous and erysipelas humors.

All patients who visit this establishment for a course of treatment, should furnish themselves with three comfortables, three woollen blankets, one linen and three cotton sheets, two pillow cases, six crash towels, some well worn linen, to cut for fomentations, an old cloak or mantle, and a syringe.

Terms for treatment and board are $5 50 per week, for those who occupy rooms on the third floor; on the first and second floors, $6 00 per week, payable weekly; washing extra. A patient, who, from choice or necessity, occupies a room alone, on the third floor, will pay $8 00 per week; on the first and second floors, $8 50 per week. Invalids who are so feeble as to need extra attention and fire in their rooms, (except for swathing purposes,) will procure their own nurses and fuel, or pay an extra price.

D. RUGGLES.

Northampton, Aug. 1847.

N.B. The afflicted, desirous of being examined in regard to their complaints, and of ascertaining the adaptedness of the water-cure in their particular case, should call on Tuesdays and Fridays.

<section end="Northampton Water Cure" />

<section begin="Other Advertisements" />ILLIAM B. LOGAN, Dealer in Fashionable Boots and Shoes, 80, Purchase Street, New Bedford.

W. B. L. keeps constantly on hand a good assortment, and will sell cheap for cash. Strict attention paid to custom-made work, by Messrs. Parker and Davis.

ASHINGTON'S Daguerrian Gallery, 138, Main Street, Kellog's Buildings, Harford, Connecticut.

HE NATIONAL ERA: Washington City, District of Columbia. G. Bailey, Editor; John G. Whittier, Corresponding Editor. L. P. Noble, Publisher.

The leading purpose of this journal is, the discussion of the question of Slavery, and the advocacy of the main principles of the Liberty Party. Due attention is given to Social and Political questions of general importance; nor are the interests of a pure Literature overlooked.

It aims to preserve a faithful record of important events; of inventions or discoveries affecting the progress of society; of public documents of permanent value; and, during the sessions of Congress, to present such reports of its proceedings, as will convey a correct idea not only of its action, but of its spirit and policy. The debates on the exciting subjects of Slavery and the Mexican War, expected to arise in the next Congress, will occupy a large share of its columns.

Arrangements have been made for extending and enriching its already valuable department of home and foreign correspondence.

It is printed on a mammoth sheet, of the finest quality, in the best style, at $2 a year, payable in advance.

The generous spirit in which the Era has been welcomed by the public press, and the very liberal patronage it has received during this, the first year of its existence, encourages us to hope for large accessions to our subscription list.

It is desirable that subscriptions be forwarded without delay, so that they may be entered before the approaching Congress.

All communications addressed to L. P. NOBLE,

Publisher of the National Era, Washington, D.C.

HE DAILY AND WEEKLY CHRONOTYPE. Edited by Elizur Wright. Published by White, Potter & Wright, 15, State Street, Boston. Terms: Daily, ONE CENT, each number. For ant sum forwarded to the publishers free of expense, they will send the paper at that rate till the money is exhausted. Weekly, Two Dollars a year in advance, or for any shorter time at the same rate. For five dollars, three copies will be sent for one year.

This publication is made in the finest style of newspaper typography. It is independent of all sects, parties, and cliques, expressing freely the views of the editor and of such correspondents as he thinks proper to admit, on all subjects of human interests.

It advocates equally of human rights, and the abolition of slavery, thoroughthrough [sic] land reform, cheap postage, abstinence for intoxicating drinks, exemption of temperance men from taxes to repair the damages of drinking, a reform in writing and spelling the English language, the abolition of capital punishment, universal and kindly toleration in religion, life and health insurance, water-cure, working men's protective unions, and all other practical forms of associations for mutual aid—and generally, Progress.

It also gives the news from all parts of the country in the most condensed and intelligible style.

Its is already very large—so large that it will be increased only on condition that the paper requesting the exchange will keep the above Prospectus standing in its columns.

Any country paper which will keep the above in its columns, and furnish us with the most important news of its vicinity, by slip or otherwise, in advance of its regular publication, shall be supplied with the Daily Chronotype, in exchange for its weekly, and have our best thanks and due credit to boot.

THE PUBLISHERS.

Boston, Sept. 2, 1847.

THE DELAWARE ABOLITIONIST.

PAPER of the above name will be published in Wilmington, by the Delaware Anti-Slavery Society. It will be edited by a Committee, and will be published on a half medium sheet, at twenty-five cents per year, or for twenty-four numbers. It will be devoted to emancipation in Delaware, and will advocate its accomplishment by all lawful means. It will be published semi-monthly, if means are afforded, or as often as the means can be obtained.

JAMES K. BROOKE,

Publishing Agent. <section end="Other Advertisements" />

title: Page:The North Star-Vol1-No3.djvu/3


text:
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TO THE NORTH STAR, AND ITS DISTINGUISHED EDITOR.

BADINAGE.

A PARODY.

.

SONG OF THE DYING SLAVE-GIRL.

—"Mary in Heaven."

A PRETTY THOUGHT.

THE COLORED CONVENTION.

REPORT OF THE COMMITTEE ON A NATIONAL PRESS.

Committee on a "National press and printing establishment for the people of color," made the following report on the importance and practicability of such an undertaking:

"It being admitted that the colored people of the United States are pledged, before the world and in the face of heaven, to struggle manfully for advancement in civil and social life, it is clear that our own efforts must mainly, if not entirely, produce such advancement. And if we are to advance by our own efforts, (under the divine blessing,) we must use the means which will direct such efforts to a successful issue.

"Of the means for the advancement of a people placed as we are, none are more available than a press. We struggle against opinions. Our warfare lies in the field of thought. Glorious struggle! Godlike warfare! In training our soldiers for the field, in marshalling our hosts for the fight, in leading the onset, and through the conflict, we need a printing press, because a printing press is a vehicle of thought—is a ruler of opinions.

Among"Among [sic] ourselves we need a press that shall keep us steadily alive to our responsibilities, which shall constantly point out the principles which should guide our conduct and our labors, which shall cheer us from one end of the land to the other, by recording our acts, our sufferings, our temporary defeats, and our steadily approaching triumph, or rather the triumph of the glorious truth "Human Equality," whose servants and soldiers we are.

"If a press be not the most powerful means for our elevation, it is the most immediately necessary. Education of the intellect, of the will, and of character, is, doubtless, a powerful—perhaps the most powerful means for our advancement; yet a press is needed to keep this very fact before the whole people, in order that all may constantly and unitedly labor in this, the right direction. It may be, that some other means might seem even more effectual than education; even then a press will be the more necessary, inasmuch as it will afford a field in which the relative importance of the various means may be discussed and settled in the hearing of the whole people, and to the profit of all.

"The first step which will mark our certain advancement as a people, will be our Declaration of Independence from all aid except from God and our own souls. This step can only be taken when the minds of our people are thoroughly convinced of its necessity and importance. And such conviction can only be produced through a press, which shall show that although we have labored long and earnestly, we have labored in too many directions and with too little concert of action; and that we must, as one man bend our efforts in the one right direction in order to advance.

"We need a press also as our banner on the outer wall, that all who pass by may read why we struggle, and what we struggle for. If we convince the world that we are earnestly and resolutely striving for our own advancement, one half the battle will already be won, because well and rightly begun. Our friends will the more willingly help us; our foes will quail because they have lost their best allies—our own inertness, carelessness, strifes, and dependence upon others. And there is no way, except through a press—a national press—that we can tell the world of our position in the path of human progress.

"Let there be, then, in these United States, a printing press, a copious supply of type, a full and complete establishment, wholly controlled by colored men; let the thinking writing man, the compositors, pressmen, printers' help—all, all, be men of color; then let there come from said establishment a weekly periodical and a quarterly periodical, edited as well as printed by colored men; let this establishment be so well endowed as to be beyond the chances of temporary patronage; and then there will be a fixed fact, a rallying point, towards which the strong and the weak amongst us would look with confidence and hope from which would flow a steady stream of comfort and exhortation to the wear strugglers, and of burning rebuke and overwhelming argument upon those who dare impede our way.

"The time was when a great statesman exclaimed, 'Give me the song-making of a people, and I will rule that people.' That time has passed away from our land, wherein the reason of the people must be assaulted and overcome. This can only be done through the press. We have felt, and bitterly, the weight of odium and malignity wrought upon us by one or two prominent presses in this land; we have felt also the favorable feeling wrought in our behalf by the anti-slavery press. But the amount of the hatred against us has been conventional antipathy; and of the favorable feeling, has been human sympathy. Our friends sorrow with us, because, they say, we are unfortunate! We must batter down those antipathies; we must command something manlier than sympathies. We must command the respect and admiration due men, who against fearful odds, are struggling steadfastly for their rights. This can only be done through a press of our own. It is needless to support these views with a glance at what the press has done for the down-trodden among men; let us rather look forward with the determination of accomplishing through this engine, an achievement more glorious than any yet accomplished. We lead the forlorn hope of human equality; let us tell of its onslaught on the battlements of hate and caste; let us record its triumph in a press of our own.

In making these remarks, your Committee do not forget or underrate the good service done by the newspapers, which have been, or are now, edited and published by our colored brethren. We are deeply alive to the talent, the energy, and perseverance, which these papers manifest on the part of their self sacrificing conductors; and as the proprietors are poor, their papers have been jeoparded or slopped for the want of capital. The history of our newspapers is the strongest argument in favor of the establishment of a press. These papers abundantly prove, that we have all the talent and industry requisite to conduct a paper such as we need; and they prove also, that among 500,000 free people of color, no one man is yet set apart with a competence for the purpose of advocating with the pen our cause and the cause of our brethren in chains. It is an imposition upon the noble-minded colored editors; it is a libel upon us, as a free and thinking people, that we have hitherto made no effort to establish a press on a foundation so broad and national that it may support one literary man of color and an office of colored compositors.

The importance and necessity of a National Press, your Committee trust, are abundantly manifest.

The following plan, adopted by the Committee of seven, appointed by the Convention with full power, is in the place of the propositions proposed by the Committee of three:

1st. There shall be an Executive of eleven persons, to be denominated, The Executive Committee on the National Press for the Free Colored People of the United States, vizviz. [sic]:

2d. Massachusetts—Leonard Collins, James Mars; Connecticut—Amos G. Beman, James W. C. Pennington; Kentucky—Andrew Jackson; New York—J. McCune Smith, Chas. B. Ray, Alex. Crummell; New Jersey—E. P. Rogers; Pennsylvania—Andrew Purnell, George B. Vachon; of which Committee James McCune Smith, of New York, shall be Chairman, and Amos G. Beman, of Connecticut, Secretary.

3d. The members of this Committee residing in the city of New York, shall be a Financial Committee, who shall deposit, in trust for the Executive Committee, in the "New York Seaman's Bank for Savings," all the funds received by them from the Agents.

4th. No disposition shall be nude of the funds by any less than a two-thirds majority of the whole Committee.

5th. The Committee shall hold stated meetings once in six months, and shall then publish an account of their proceedings, the receipts, and from whom all sums are sent to them by the Agents.

6th. The Rev. J. W. C. Pennington, of Connecticut, shall be the Foreign Agent of the National Press; and the Agents shall always be ex-officio members of the Committee.

7th. The remuneration of the Home agent shall be twenty per cent.; of the Foreign agent thirty per cent., on collections made.

8th. The meetings of the Committee shall take place in the city of New York.

9th. The Agents shall report and remit to the Committee, at least once a month for the Home, and once in two months for the Foreign agent.

10th. Members of the Committee, from any two States, may call an extra meeting thereof by giving the chairman and secretary thirty days' notice.

REPORT OF THE COMMITTEE ON ABOLITION.

The committee appointed to draft a report respecting the best means of abolishing slavery and destroying caste in the United States, beg leave most respectfully to report: That they have had the important subjects referred to them under consideration, and have carefully endeavored to examine all their points and bearings to the best of their ability; and from every view they have been able to take, they have arrived at the conclusion that the best means of abolishing slavery is the proclamation of truth, and that the best means of destroying caste, is the mental, moral and industrial improvement of our people.

First, as respects slavery: Your committee find this monstrous crime, this stupendous iniquity, closely interwoven with all the great interests, institutions and organizations of the country; pervading and influencing every class and grade of society, securing their support, obtaining their approbation, and commanding their homage. Availing itself of the advantage which age gives to crime, it has perverted the judgment, blunted the moral sense, blasted the sympathies, and created in the great mass,—the overwhelming majority of the people,—a moral sentiment altogether favorable to its own character and its own continuance. Press and pulpit are alike prostituted, and made to serve the end of this infernal institution. The power of the government, and the sanctity of religion, church and state, arc joined with the guilty oppressor against the oppressed; and the voice of this great nation is thundering in the ears of our enslaved countrymen the terrible fiat, You shall be slaves, or die! The slave is in the minority, a small minority; the oppressors are an overwhelming majority. The oppressed are three millions; their oppressors are seventeen millions. The one is weak; the other is strong. The one is without arms, without means of concert, and without government; the other possesses every advantage in these respects; and the deadly aim of their million musketry, and loud-mouthed cannon, tells the down-trodden slave, in unmistakeable language, he must be a slave or die. In these circumstances, your committee are called upon to report as to the best means of abolishing slavery. And without pretending to discuss all the ways which have been suggested from time to time by various parties and factions,—though, did time permit, they would gladly do so,—they beg at once to state their entire disapprobation of any plan of emancipation involving a resort to bloodshed. With the facts of our condition before us, it is impossible for us to contemplate any appeal to the slave to take vengeance on his guilty master, but with the utmost reprobation. Your committee regard any counsel of this sort as the perfection of folly, suicidal in the extreme, and abominably wicked. We should utterly frown down and wholly discountenance any attempt to lead our people to confide in brute force as a reformatory instrumentality. All argument put forth in favor of insurrection and bloodshed, however well intended, is either the result of an unpardonable impatience or an atheistic want of faith in the power of truth as a means of regenerating and reforming the world. Again we repeat, let us set our faces against all such absurd, unavailing, dangerous and mischievous ravings, emanating from what source they may. The voice of God, and of common sense, equally point out a more excellent way, and that way is a faithful, earnest and persevering enforcement of the great principles of justice and morality, religion and humanity. These are the only invincible and infallible means within our reach with which to overthrow this foul system of blood and ruin. Your committee deem it susceptible of the clearest demonstration, that slavery exists in this country, because the people of this country its existence. And they deem it equally clear, that no system or institution can exist for an hour against the earnestly expressed WILL of the people. It were quite easy to bring to the support of the foregoing proposition powerful and conclusive illustrations from the history of reform in all ages, and especially in our own. But the palpable truths of the propositions, as well as the familiarity of the facts illustrating them, entirely obviate such a necessity.

Our age is an age of great discoveries; and one of the greatest is that which revealed that this world is to be ruled, shaped and guided by the marvelous might of mind. The human voice must supersede the roar of cannon. Truth alone is the legitimate antidote of falsehood. Liberty is always sufficient to grapple with tyranny. Free speech, free discussion, peaceful agitation—the foolishness of preaching these, under God, will subvert this giant crime, and send it reeling to its grave, as it smitten by a voice from the throne of God. Slavery exists because it is popular. It will cease to exist when it is made unpopular. Whatever, therefore, tends to make slavery unpopular, tends to its destruction. This every slaveholder knows full well, and hence his opposition to all discussion on the subject. It is an evidence of intense feeling of alarm, when John C. Calhoun calls upon the North to put down what he is pleased to term "this plundering agitation." Let us give the slaveholder what he most dislikes. Let us expose his crimes and his foul abominations He is reputable, and must be made disreputable. He must be regarded as a moral leper—shunned as a loathsome wretch—outlawed from Christian communion, and from social respectability—an enemy of God and man, to be execrated by the community till he shall repent of his foul crimes, and give proof of his sincerity by breaking every chain and letting the oppressed go free. Let us invoke the press and appeal to the pulpit to deal out the righteous denunciations of heaven against oppression, fraud and wrong; and the desire of our hearts will soon be given us in the triumph of liberty throughout all the land.

As to the second topic upon which the committee have been instructed to report, the committee think the subject worthy of a far wider range of discussion than the limited time at present allotted to them will allow. The importance of the subject, the peculiar position of our people, the variety of interests involved with questions growing out of it, all serve to make this subject one of great complexity as well as solemn interest.

Your committee would therefore respectfully recommend the appointment of a committee of one, whose duty it shall be to draft a full report on this subject, and report at the next National Convention.

Your committee would further recommend the adoption of the following resolutions as embodying the sentiments of the foregoing report:

Resolved, That our only hope for peaceful emancipation in this land is based on a firm, devoted and unceasing, assertion of our rights, and a full, free and determined exposure of our multiplied wrongs.

Resolved, That, in the language of inspired wisdom, there shall be no peace to the wicked, and that this guilty nation shall have no peace, and that we will do all that we can to agitate! !! AGITATE!!! till our rights are restored, and our brethren are redeemed from their cruel chains.

All of which is respectfully submitted.

REPUBLIC OF LIBERIA.

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE.

, the representatives of the people of the commonwealth of Liberia, in convention assembled, invested with authority for forming a new government relying upon the aid and protection of the great Arbiter of human events, do hereby, in the name and on behalf of the people of this commonwealth, publish and declare the said commonwealth a and, by the name and title of the.

While announcing to the nations of the world the new position which the people of this Republic have felt themselves called upon to assume, courtesy to their opinions seems to demand a brief accompanying statement of the causes which induced them, first to expatriate themselves from the land of their nativity, and to form settlements on this barbarous coast, and now to organize their government by the assumption of a sovereign and independent character. Therefore we respectfully ask their attention to the following facts:

We recognize in all men certain natural and inalienable rights; among these are life, liberty, and the right to acquire, possess, enjoy and defend property. By the practice and consent of men in all ages, some system or form of government is proven to be necessary to exercise, enjoy and secure these rights; and every people has a right to institute a government and to choose and adopt that system or form of it, which, in their opinion, will most effectually accomplish these objects, and secure their happiness, which does not interfere with the just rights of others. The right, therefore, to institute government, and all the powers necessary to conduct it, is an inalienable right, and cannot be resisted without the grossest injustice.

We, the people of the Republic of Liberia, were originally the inhabitants of the United States of North America.

In some parts of that country, we were debarred by law from all the rights and privileges of men; in other parts, public sentiment, more powerful than law, frowned us down.

We were everywhere shut out from all civil office.

We were excluded from all participation in the government.

We were taxed without our consent.

We were compelled to contribute to the resources of a country which gave us no protection.

We were made a separate and distinct class, and against us every avenue to improvement was effectually closed. Strangers from all lands, of a color different from ours, were preferred before us.

We uttered our complaints, but they were unattended to, or only met by alleging the peculiar institutions of the country.

All hope of a favorable change in our country was thus wholly extinguished in our bosoms, and we looked with anxiety abroad for some asylum from the deep degradation.

The Western coast of Africa was the place selected by American benevolence and philanthropy, for our future home. Removed beyond those influences which depressed us in our native land, it was hoped we would be enabled to enjoy those rights and privileges, and exercise and improve those faculties which the God of nature has given us in common with the rest of mankind.

Under the auspices of the American Colonization Society, we established ourselves here, on land acquired by purchase from the lords of the soil.

In an original compact with this Society, we, for important reasons, delegated to it certain political powers; while this institution stipulated that whenever the people should become capable of conducting the government, or whenever the people should desire it, this institution would resign the delegated power, peaceably withdraw its supervision, and leave the people to the government of themselves.

Under the auspices and guidance of this institution, which has nobly and in perfect faith redeemed its pledges to the people, we have grown and prospered.

From time to time, our number has been increased by emigration from America, and by accessions from native tribes; and from time to time, as ci cumstancescircumstances [sic] required it, we have extended our borders by the acquisition of land by honorable purchase from the natives of the country.

As our territory has extended, and our population increased, our commerce has also increased. The flags of most of the civilized nations of the earth float in our harbors, and their merchants are opening an honorable and profitable trade. Until recently these visits have been of a uniformly harmonious character, but as they have become more frequent, and to more numerous points of our extending coast questions have arisen, which it is supposed can be adjusted only by agreement between sovereign powers.

For years past, the American Colonization Society has virtually withdrawn from all direct and active part in the administration of the government, except in the appointment of the Governor, who is also a colonist, for the apparent purpose of testing the ability of the people to conduct the affairs of government, and no complaint of crude legislation, nor of mismanagement, nor of mal-administration, has yet been heard.

In view of these facts, this institution, the American Colonization Society, with that good faith which has uniformly marked all its dealings with us, did, by a set of resolutions, in January, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and forty-six, dissolve all political connection with the people of this Republic, return the power with which it was delegated, and left the people to the government of themselves.

The people of the Republic of Liberia, then, are of right, and in fact, a free, sovereign and independent State, possessed of all the rights, powers and functions of government.

In assuming the momentous responsibilities of the position they have taken, the people of this Republic feel justified by the necessities of the case, and with this conviction they throw themselves with confidence upon the candid consideration of the civilized world.

Liberia is not the offspring of grasping ambition, nor the tool of avaricious speculation.

No desire for territorial aggrandizement brought us to these shores; nor do we believe so sordid a motive entered into the high considerations of these who aided us in providing this asylum.

Liberia is an asylum from the most grinding oppression.

In coming to the shores of Africa, we indulged the pleasing hope that we would be permitted to exercise and improve those faculties which impart to man his dignity; to nourish in our hearts the flame of honorable ambition; to cherish and indulge those aspirations which a beneficent Creator had implanted in every human heart; and to evince to all who despise, ridicule and oppress our race, that we possess with them a common nature, are with them susceptible of equal refinement, and capable of equal advancement in all that adorns and dignifies man.

We were animated with the hope, that here we should be at liberty to train up our children in the way they should go; to inspire them with the flame of a lofty philanthropy, and to form strong within them the principles of humanity, virtue and religion.

Among the strongest motives to leave our native land—to abandon forever the scenes of our childhood, and to sever the most endeared connexions, was the desire for a retreat where, free from the agitations of fear and molestation, we could, in composure and security, approach in worship the God of our fathers.

Thus far our highest hopes have been realized.

Liberia is already the happy home of thousands, who were once the doomed victims of oppression, and if left unmolested to go on with her natural and spontaneous growth; if her movements be left free from the paralyzing intrigues of jealous ambition and unscrupulous avarice, she will throw open a wider and yet a wider door for thousands, who are now looking with an anxious eye for some land of rest.

Our courts of justice are open equally to the stranger and the citizen for the redress of grievances, for the remedy of injuries, and for the punishment of crime.

Our numerous and well attended schools attest our efforts and our desire for the improvement of our children.

Our churches for the worship of our Creator, everywhere to be seen, bear testimony to our piety, and to our acknowledgment of His Providence.

The native African, bowing down with us before the altar of the living God, declaredeclares [sic] that from us, feeble as we are, the light of Christianity has gone forth, while upon that curse of curses, the slave trade, a deadly blight has fallen, as far as our influence extends.

Therefore, in the name of humanity, and virtue, and religion,—in the name of the great God, our common Creator and our common judge, we appeal to the nations of Christendom, and earnestly and respectfully ask of them that they will regard us with the sympathy and friendly consideration to which the peculiarities of our condition entitle us, and to extend to us that comity which marks the friendly intercourse of civilized and independent communities.

From the New York Advocate and Guardian.

A STANDARD-BEARER HAS FALLEN.

From a communication received from a friend in Poughkeepsie, dated Nov. 23d, we copy the following extract:

"I presume before this you have received the sad news of the death of that truly devoted friend of the cause of moral purity, Rev. . You will, I know, pardon me for intruding so much on your time, but I felt constrained to give vent to my full heart, in penning a few lines relative to the departure of one whose loss is so deeply felt by this community, and by others. He was taken last Sabbath, just before the time for evening service, and died about 12 o'clock the same night. He preached in his usual impressive manner, on Sabbath morning, from the text, 'I am not alone, for the Father is with me.' In his closing remark upon death, he said the Christian was not alone. 'Hark,' said he, 'what voice is that I hear? It is the receding voice of the watchman just before the morn, saying, All's well, all's well..' [sic] Oh, I felt as I held his cold hand while being paralyzed by the chill of death, and looked upon that beautiful face as the change of death was passing over it, if those lips could speak, they would say, 'All's well;' but that was not permitted: he was speechless from the time he was taken until the last. He was taken with paralysis, occasioned by disease of the heart, but breathed his last calmly, without a struggle, so we could hardly believe he had gone. He was to have preached in the evening from the text, 'We all do fade as a leaf,' and said, as the congregation were about leaving, 'Remember, my friends, the withered leaf will preach to you this evening.' Oh, it seemed prophetic; for how emphatically it did preach.

"But his work was done, and well done. There was no man that would so fearlessly speak the whole counsel of God, and reprove sin, all sin, as he. The people of this village can bear testimony to that. I ever felt satisfied in sitting under his ministry, that I was listening to one who made no compromises, and who would do his duty, regardless of consequences. He thought not a moment about worldly expediency, but when he heard the voice of his Master saying, 'This is the way; walk ye in it,' he conferred not with flesh and blood, but went forward. The oppresedoppressed [sic], the fallen and exposed of every class, have lost a friend indeed. Oh, that we may be anew consecrated to that work to which he was so devoted.

"Rev. H. G. Ludlow, in an affecting manner, pronounced an eulogy upon him as a man and a Christian, and such anas [sic] one as I never heard before. He said he 'was a nobleman in every sense of the word; he was truly a holy man. Never did I know a man like Charles Van Loon. May his spirit fall on us all.' He was so affected that he could hardly proceed.

"Mr. Waldo feels his loss deeply; they sympathized with each other in the moral reforms of the day, and were like brothers. While he gazed upon that lovely countenance, cold in death, it seemed as if his heart would break. We never shall look upon his like again, nor can his pulpit be filled by another like him. You will excuse my saying so much, but you know not how we loved him. His poor, afflicted widow is almost heart-broken, and a wide circle of bereaved friends will deeply mourn their loss."E. W.

It will be recollected that our departed brother was one of the speakers who addressed our late meeting at Troy, where address has doubtless been expected ere this in our paper. The brief notes taken of it would have been given with the proceedings of the meeting but for the fact that we relied on a personal promise received, that the address should be furnished entire for our pages. We had anticipated in reception, and feared that illness caused the delay, up to the receipt of the above painful announcement. This address contained a better, more conclusive argument in favor of legal enactments for the suppression of vice, than any we have yet beard, and appealed most persuasively to the consciences of the legislators, several of whom were providentially present to hear it. The claims of the cause in its several departments were pleaded with the earnestness of one whose words were but the simple utterances of the heart; and the closing appeal to the friends present to hold on their way, taking encouragement from the indications of Providence and the promises of God, would not, probably, have been couched in stronger terms, had the speaker been fully aware that he was speaking to us as an association for the last time.

Beloved friends of moral purity, in the solemn assembly, in the social circle, we shall hear his voice no more. With the friends of temperance, and the friends of the slave, we may well wear the badge of sorrow. More cause have we than they, for our efficient advocates are fewer among the teachers in Israel. The dear departed was not only a faithful champion in the cause, but a brother in adversity. We well remember his words of encouragement and sympathy, when the trial hour was darkest. "Learn," said he, "to sail complacently upon troubled waters, knowing that the Lord of the storm is above them;" and once and again, by precept and example, has he bid us "to tread the thorns down," and press onward.

We cannot contemplate his early exit without deep emotion; and yet we rejoice that he has gained the bliss of eavenheaven [sic], and that he was so long spared to do good.

Are we not admonished on every hand by the voice of sudden death? Many, during the past year, who, to human view, could ill be spared from their posts of labor, have suddenly obeyed the summons to depart hence. Who among the living shall be next to fall? Who of us, in view of the coming shaft, would be ready to respond with sweet composure, "My Master's time is mine?" <section end="A Standard-Bearer Has Fallen" />

<section begin="An Extract" />AN EXTRACT.

There is a heresy—a most death-dealing heresy—prevalent among both white and colored people in this land, in regard to the abolition of slavery. It may be best expressed in the language of its own choice, to wit: "Slavery will be abolished just when the Lord shall will its abolition." That white persons, especially pro-slavery ministers, and hypocritical Lectors of Divinity, should use this miserable cant, does not excite my surprise as much as my indignation; but that colored persons should be gulled and lulled into a state of indifference about their rights on such a plea, fills me with unmingled mortification. It is a delusion and a snare, to think that Almighty God will undertake for ourselves. His work is done; ours alone remains to be done.

God's work, is as complete in the moral and intellectual elements of creation as it is in the physical works of creation, and we give as much right to expect that he will make the corn to grow and give us an abundant harvest, without effort on our part, as to expect that we shall be a free and happy people, without effort on our part. If there be one thing in our people which I abominate more than another, it is their everlasting praying for blessings which they are unwilling to labor for. Remember, when a slave, I used to pray that the Lord would give me freedom. I prayed thus three years, and was as far from freedom in that way the third year as the first; and I might have prayed in slavery till this time, had I not "prayed with my heels." Our works must be consistent with our prayers, otherwise they are an abomination before God. We shall redeem the slave at the South, and obtain equal rights at the North, just so soon as we have faithfully used these means which God and Nature have placed within our reach, and not before. The days of miracles have passed. Truth, Love and Justice are the instruments of salvation, and "he only is free whom the Truth makes free." The Almighty will not make the ignorant intelligent, the degraded respectable, the drunken sober, nor the indolent industrious. In these respects man is to work out his own salvation, and God will bless him in the effort. <section end="An Extract" />

<section begin="Ruggle's Water-Cure" />RUGGLE'SRUGGLES' [sic] WATER-CURE.

many of your readers have been made acquainted with skill in detecting the symptoms of disease by the sense of touch, and of the happy results that have attended his application if the water treatment in remarkable cases, I should deem it a privilege to be allowed, through the columns of your paper, to state, for the information and encouragement of such as may be suffering from scrofulous humor, the result of his treatment in the following case:

My son, ten years of age, inherited this debilitating disease from his mother. From his infancy, I had resorted to the remedies of the regular physicians, and the various quack medicines in use, without avail. In the summer of 1845, his symptoms became more alarming. Nausea, vertigo, inflammation of the bowels, and extreme weakness of the nervous system, were among the symptoms which deeply concerned the family for his future prospects. At this time he was examined by Dr. Ruggles, who considered him a good case for the cure. I at once placed him under his care, where he remained about seven months, during which time he had a painful crisis, which commenced on the trunk of his body, and extended down the legs to the feet and toes, which became inflamed and swollen to more than twice their ordinary size; the color of his feet changing alternatively from a red to a purplish hue. They finally became suppuaratedsuppurated [sic], in which state they continued about six weeks, the humor exhaling from the sides of his feet and the ends of his toes, leaving the system entirely free from the disease. Since leaving the cure, he has grown as fast as could be desired, and continues in the enjoyment of good health.

AUSTIN ROSS.

, Dec. 16, 1847. <section end="Ruggle's Water-Cure" />

<section begin="Anti-Slavery Movement in Virginia" />.—The Louisville Examiner announces the commencement of a movement in Virginia, for Emancipation. It is made by responsible persons—mostly slave-holders. This movement will answer the purpose, at best, of causing inquiry and agitation. We know that many persons in Virginia are anxious for Emancipation, in fact, unless it does take place, a large part of Virginia threatens to become a wilderness.

The Examiner, speaking of this movement, says:

"The first important circumstance to be noticed is, that this step has been taken by slaveholders themselves. The chief actor is the Rev. H. Reffner, D. D. He is well known personally or by character, throughout Virginia and Kentucky, as an able Divine of the Presbyterian Church, and one of the learned men of the South. With him are associated S. McD. Moore, John Letaher, David B. Curry, Jas. G. Hamilton, George A. Barker, J. H. Lacy, Echols Jane, John R. Gordas, J. Fuller, Jr., D. El Moore, and John W. Fuller. All these are men of character, and nearly all of them are known slaveholders." <section end="Anti-Slavery Movement in Virginia" />

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

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IN FIVE ACTS.

By S. T. COLERIDGE.

LONDON:

1813.

Price Three Shillings.


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 When it is reasonably doubted as to whether the accused has committed the offence, the benefit of such doubt shall be given to the accused.

During the trial, the court has the power to take additional evidence proprio motu or at the request of any party. The evidence may be taken by the court itself or by commission.

The evidence is taken by the court. It may be taken inside or outside the court, as may be found appropriate according to its nature.

When found necessary, the court shall the power to go take evidence outside the court by itself, or order its judicial clerk to go take it, or commission another court to take it. The person taking evidence outside the court and the commissioned court shall have the powers and duties as the original court, and the commissioned court has the power to further commission another court.

When a party applies to the court for permission to go attend the trial, the court shall give an order or make arrangements in line with such application.

If any party desires not to attend the trial, he may submit an interrogatory in writing, and the court or person taking evidence outside the court shall take the evidence according thereto.

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text: Remorse: a Tragedy, in Five Acts

title: Remorse: a Tragedy, in Five Acts


text: Remorse: a Tragedy, in Five Acts/Preface


text: Remorse: a Tragedy, in Five Acts/Prologue


text: Remorse: a Tragedy, in Five Acts/Dramatis Personae


text: Remorse: a Tragedy, in Five Acts/Act 1

title: Remorse: a Tragedy, in Five Acts/Act 1


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 of humility and obedience, and of all virtues; a firm defense against the wiles of all my enemies, visible and invisible;  a perfect quieting of all my impulses, fleshly and spiritual;  a cleaving unto Thee, the one true God;  and a blessed consummation of my end when Thou dost call. And I pray that Thou wouldst vouchsafe to bring me a sinner to that unspeakable feast, where Thou, with Thy Son and Thy Holy Spirit, art to Thy holy ones true light, fullness of blessedness, everlasting joy, and perfect happiness. Through the same Christ our Lord. Amen.

MOST sweet Lord Jesus Christ, transfix the affections of my inmost soul with that most joyous and healthful wound of Thy love; with true, serene, holiest apostolic charity;  that my soul may ever languish and melt with entire love and longing for Thee, that it may desire Thee, and faint for Thy courts, long to be dissolved and to be with Thee. Grant that my soul may hunger after Thee, the Bread of angels, the refreshment of holy souls, our daily and supersubstantial Bread, Who hast all sweetness and savor, and the sweetness of every taste. Let my heart ever hunger after and feed upon Thee, upon Whom the angels desire to look, and my inmost soul be filled with the sweetness of Thy savor. May it ever thirst for Thee, the fountain of life, the source of wisdom and knowledge, the fountain of eternal light, the torrent of pleasure, the richness of the house of God. May it ever yearn

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text: Index:The New Monthly Belle Assemblée (Volume 21, 1844).djvu


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 The file or a copied charge, a copied reply, and documents or exhibits shall be sent as far as necessary to the person taking evidence outside the court or to the commissioned court for the sake of the taking of such evidence. When the party applying for the taking of such evidence desires not to attend the trial, he shall submit an interrogatory in writing.

The person taking evidence outside the court or the commissioned court shall, upon finish of the taking of evidence, send dockets as well as documents or exhibits to the original court.

When any party or person is required to testify as to or send any of the following kinds of evidence:

a document or piece of information which is still an official secret;

a secret document or piece of information obtained or learnt through his occupation or duty;

a method, design, or other work which the law protects and prohibits from disclosure; such party or person has the power to refuse to testify as to or send the evidence, save where permission has been obtained from the authority or person related to such secret.

If any party or person refuses to testify as to or send the said evidence, the court has the power to summons the authority or

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It was on the evening of the 31st of October, 183-, that a merry group of young and light hearted girls met together at the cottage of the widow Stewart, situated in a lonely but picturesque part of Scotland; in order to try some of those simple and mystic rites appertaining to Allhallow E’en. Many were the spells they wove, each having the same end in view-a desire to know the future partner of their destiny; to confirm or destroy the hope scarcely whispered to their own hearts; to find perhaps, materials in that brief hour for a life-long dream; or receive the seeds of a wild prophecy, which they themselves work out by their very belief in it, and call it fate.

But there was one who sat apart, with a slight and scarcely perceptible smile upon her somewhat scornful lip. And how beautiful she was, that young English girl! How happy and joyous-hearted! An heiress, too; no wonder that Helen should be the least bit in the world proud and wilful. It is ever thus with the young, until sorrow all too soon transcribes in tears its own sweet lesson of humility upon our chastened hearts. Willie Graham had first met with her at Edinburgh, where she was staying on a visit at the house of a friend, having no relation that she knew of in the whole world. And he too, being parentless, a ready sympathy sprung up between them, ending, as such things generally do, in a somewhat warmer sentiment. Those with whom she was, thought the young heiress might have done much better, and doubtless they were right, in a worldly point of view; but, after all, Helen’s was the better faith, when she had courage to prefer the honest affection of a simple and manly heart, far above all their golden dreams for her.

Her present residence became, in consequence, far from pleasant, and she finally yielded to Willie’s entreaties that she would accept the frankly offered invitation of his aunt, Mrs. Stewart, and remain with her until that future home, which he painted in such bright colours, should be ready for her reception. The kind-hearted widow, albeit but little given to travelling, came herself to fetch her guest, and future kinswoman, whose appearance, however, was far from making that impression which her nephew had hoped for.

“But my dear aunt, is she not beautiful?” asked the young lover eagerly.

“Yes, too beautiful, and too grand for the wife of a Scotch farmer.”

“But you will be very kind to her,” said Willie, who knew how vain it was to attempt to reason his venerable relative out of any of her hasty, and often erroneously-formed prejudices; trusting everything to time, and Helen’s gentleness.

“Ah! no one can help that, who looks in her sweet and bonny face. But beware, I say, for she is no bride for you!”

Helen’s beauty, and, more than all, the mysteries of a fashionable wardrobe, caused quite a sensation in the quiet village of; most of the female portion of which sided with Mrs. Stewart, while the opposite sex wished, one and all, that they were just in Willie Graham’s place, and a few of the more adventurous sought vainly to rival him in the eyes of his fair mistress, who only laughed at them for their pains. Poor Helen! that merry laugh made thee many enemies! In spite, however, of all prognostics to the contrary, everything went on in the usual orthodox way. Willie made a multitude of visits to the nearest market-town, never returning without some additional purchase which rendered it necessary for Mrs. Stewart and her guest to walk over and superintend its arrangement; until, at length, it actually wanted nothing to render it a very paradise in the eyes of its happy owner, but a mistress; and noways loath was Helen to undertake all the new and delightful mysteries of this sacred office, for which she had long been qualifying herself, with the assistance of the widow; who, although she openly ridiculed the awkward attempts at housewifery of the young English girl, was secretly touched by her cheerful and unwearied patience. Willie Graham was now gone to make his last purchase-that mysterious symbol which was to bind her his for ever! And the young girl, as she watched from the casement the dark storm-clouds sweeping like shadows over the pale moon, rejoiced to remember how she had made him promise not to think of returning that night.

“To-morrow will soon be here now,” said the widow, laying her hand upon Helen’s shoulder with a touch that, light as it was, made her start; “and then you will have to give up your dearly loved freedom for ever!”

“Ah, what happiness to have no will but his!” replied the girl, with a bright smile; while her companion, touched in spite of herself, bent down to kiss the high white brow so radiant with hope.

Among the many spells tried that night by the credulous and simple-hearted damsels assembled together at the cottage of the widow, who was not a whit less superstitious than themselves, was one in which three dishes-or luggies, as they say in Scotland-are placed a little apart from each other; two being separately filled with clear and foul water, and the third left empty. A member of the party is then led blindfold to the hearth, and accordingly as she dips her hand into the right one or not, will be her future destiny. If into the clear water, all is well; the foul betokens early widowhood, or worse; while the empty one is a sure and infallible sign of old-maidenism. All had now tried this simple charm but Helen, who only laughed at it and them; for the very happy are seldom superstitious, having nothing left to wish for, and being too sanguine to fear ought of change.


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 for kissing the place to make it well. What if his hair is that of an old man, so that the heart remain young! Helen remembers only that his life is spared she loves him, and that is all-sufficient for happiness.

After all, it is but a common and everyday tale which we have been relating, and who does not know many such? If it were not so, alas! for earthly ties and affections, thus placed at the mercy of accident or disease, even of time itself. We verily believe that there are many Helens in the world, in seasons of joy as thoughtless and light-hearted, in trial, in suffering, as devoted and true, although the first is often misunderstood, and the last denied. Nor do we envy those whose experience hitherto renders them sceptics in our sweet faith.

“But the luggies?” methinks we hear some of our gentle readers exclaim, fancying that we have altogether forgotten All Hallow E’en, with its mystic spells, or tired, it may be, of so much moralizing. “It was strange about the luggies.”

Aye, and no less strange than true, and we have known or heard of many a coincidence equally striking and inexplicable, which we will tell them some day when we are in the mood.

“Man is the creature of interest and ambition. His nature leads him forth into the struggle and bustle of the world. Love is but the embellish- ment of his early life, or a song piped in the intervals of the acts. But a woman’s whole life is a history of the affections. The heart is her world; it is there her ambition strives for empire; it is there her avarice seeks for hidden treasures. She sends forth her sympathies on adventure; she embarks her own soul in the traffic of affection; and, if shipwrecked, her case is hope- less, for it is a bankruptcy of the heart.”-WASH- INGTON IRVING.

I am always interested in the conversation of old persons. I love to hear the reminiscences of their youth, and provided the memory be faithful and retentive-as is often the case-I marvel greatly at the rich storehouse a septuagenarian’s mind must be. Yet I can understand how they who have seen and survived so much, seem un- conscious that their own race at last is nearly run. It must appear so common a thing for death to claim the younger and stronger, and leave them with the sands of life still unshaken. I can under- stand how they build houses, and plant trees, that shall never shelter their own grey hairs. Their contemporaries, nay, the children of their school- mates, have played their parts in the theatre of the world; they have been heroes, statesmen, bards, or on the lower and more sheltered rails of for- tune’s ladder, they have breathed away existence, each in the circle of his own individual world. “After life’s fitful fever,” they already “sleep well,” while, perhaps, some aged friend or relative is left to point the moral to a story which has passed like an acted drama before him.

Such were my reflections one evening, while listening to the dear old lady, whom I will call aunt Jessy. It was chilly October, and the in- creasing darkness without was an excuse for idleness, while we drew round the cheerful fire, instead of ringing for candles.

“Tell us a story, aunt Jessy,” exclaimed one of the party, and “do-pray do,” was echoed by all. I wish I could remember her precise words, for if the following memoir prove not interesting, the fault must be mine in the telling. And yet I will set out by confessing, as she did, that the incidents are decidedly common-place, the situa- tions anything but romantic, and the characters natural, because they are exactly of the class which composes two-thirds of society. The melo-dra- matic writer chooses some amiable brigand or interesting pirate for his hero; the tragic muse lifts down a hero from the pedestal of history, and induing him with life, speech and motion, makes him, it must be owned, often do things he never did, and say things he never said; the playwright generally prefers a sentimental youth of the poetic 8em


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Rh for Thee, seek Thee, find Thee, stretch towards Thee, attain to Thee, meditate upon Thee, speak of Thee, and do all things to the praise and glory of Thy holy name, with humility and discretion, with love and delight, with readiness and affection, with perseverance even unto the end. And be Thou ever my hope and my whole confidence; my riches;  my delight, my pleasure, and my joy;  my rest and tranquillity;  my peace, my sweetness, and my fragrance;  my sweet savor, my food and refreshment;  my refuge and my help;  my wisdom;  my portion, my possession, and my treasure, in Whom my mind and my heart may ever remain fixed and firm, and rooted immovably, henceforth and forevermore. Amen.

BESEECH Thee, O most meek and loving Jesus, that this immortal Host may return Thee thanks on my behalf, may reconcile and restore me to Thee. May it procure pardon for me, a sinner, and lead me to everlasting life. Amen.

How sweet and lovely is this Bread of heaven which Thou hast given us! How wonderful is the rest, how full the peace which they experience who receive Thee after a sincere and sorrowful confession of their sins! For this, O my Jesus, be Thou praised a thousand times! In the matter of sin I have been most unfortunate; but now not only do I enjoy true comfort of soul, but I also believe that I have had a foretaste of the peace of heaven. How true it is, O Lord, that

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