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208 death amid the flames of the Inquisition at Mantua.

The geographical literature of the Jews did not lose its association with Messianic hopes. Antonio de Montesinos, in 1642, imagined that he had discovered in South America the descendants of the Ten Tribes. He had been led abroad by business considerations and love of travel, and in Brazil came across a mestizo Indian, from whose statements he conceived the firm belief that the Ten Tribes resided and thrived in Brazil. Two years later he visited Amsterdam, and, his imagination aflame with the hopes which had not been stifled by several years’ endurance of the prisons and tortures of the Inquisition, persuaded Manasseh ben Israel to accept his statements. On his death-bed in Brazil, Montesinos reiterated his assertions, and Manasseh ben Israel not only founded thereon his noted book, “The Hope of Israel,” but under the inspiration of simi-


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Rh lar ideas felt impelled to visit London, and win from Cromwell the right of the Jews to resettle in England.

Jewish geographical literature grew apace in the eighteenth century. A famous book, the “Work of Tobiah,” was written at the beginning of this period by Tobiah Cohen, who was born at Metz in 1652, and died in Jerusalem in 1729. It is a medley of science and fiction, an encyclopedia dealing with all branches of knowledge. He had studied at the Universities of Frankfort and Padua, had enjoyed the patronage of the Elector of Brandenburg, and his medical knowledge won him many distinguished patients in Constantinople. Thus his work contains many medical chapters of real value, and he gives one of the earliest accounts of recently discovered drugs and medicinal plants. Among other curiosities he maintained that he had discovered the Pygmies.

From this absorbing but confusing book

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 have had my fun and this is the end of it. Down underneath I am desperately tired of the whole thing, and I give you my word that you will find me a different man to-morrow. I am going to buckle down to the real thing. I am going to prove that my grandfather's blood is in me. And I shall come out on top."

Ripley was obviously moved as he replied, "I don't question it for a moment. You are made of the right stuff. I saw that long ago. You may count on us to-morrow for any amount you need."

Grant endorsed the opinion. "I like your spirit, Brewster," he said. "There are not many men who would have taken this as well. It's pretty hard on you, too, and it's a miserable wedding gift for your bride."

"We may have important news from Butte in the morning," said Ripley, hopefully; "at any rate, more of the details. The newspapers will have sensational stories no doubt, and we have asked for the latest particulars direct from the authorities. We'll see that things are properly investigated. Go home now, my boy, and go to bed. You will begin to-morrow with good luck on your side and you may be happy all your life in spite of to-night's depression."

"I'm sure to be happy," said Brewster,


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 simply. "The ceremony takes place at seven o'clock, gentlemen. I was coming to your office at nine on a little matter of business, but I fancy it won't after all be necessary for me to hurry. I'll drop in before noon, however, and get that money. By the way, here are the receipts for the money I spent to-night. Will you put them away with the others? I intend to live up to my part of the contract, and it will save me the trouble of presenting them regularly in the morning. Good night, gentlemen. I am sorry you were obliged to stay up so late on my account."

He left them bravely enough, but he had more than one moment of weakness before he could meet his friends. The world seemed unreal and himself the most unreal thing in it. But the night air acted as a stimulant and helped him to call back his courage. When he entered the studio at one o'clock, he was prepared to redeem his promise to be "the jolliest fellow of them all."


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 "I'll tell you about it later, dear," was all that Peggy, pleading, could draw from him.

At midnight Mrs. Dan had remonstrated with her. "You must go home, Peggy, dear," she said. "It is disgraceful for you to stay up so late. I went to bed at eight o'clock the night before I was married."

"And fell asleep at four in the morning," smiled Peggy.

"You are quite mistaken, my dear. I did not fall asleep at all. But I won't allow you to stop a minute longer. It puts rings under the eyes and sometimes they're red the morning after."

"Oh, you dear, sweet philosopher," cried Peggy; "how wise you are. Do you think I need a beauty sleep?"

"I don't want you to be a sleepy beauty, that's all," retorted Mrs. Dan.

Upon Monty's return from his trying hour with the lawyers, he had been besieged with questions, but he was cleverly evasive. Peggy


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Rabe v. Washington/Concurrence Burger

MR. CHIEF JUSTICE BURGER, with whom MR. JUSTICE REHNQUIST joins, concurring.

I concur solely on the ground that petitioner's conviction under Washington's general obscenity statute cannot, under the circumstances of this case, be sustained consistent with the fundamental notice requirements of [p317] the Due Process Clause. The evidence in this case, however, revealed that the screen of petitioner's theater was clearly visible to motorists passing on a nearby public highway and to 12 to 15 nearby family residences. In addition, young teenage children were observed viewing the film from outside the chain link fence enclosing the theater grounds. I, for one, would be unwilling to hold that the First Amendment prevents a State from prohibiting such a public display of scenes depicting explicit sexual activities if the State undertook to do so under a statute narrowly drawn to protect the public from potential exposure to such offensive materials. See Redrup v. New York, 386 U.S. 767 (1967).

Public displays of explicit materials such as are described in this record are not significantly different from any noxious public nuisance traditionally within the power of the States to regulate and prohibit, and, in my view, involve no significant countervailing First Amendment considerations. That this record shows an offensive nuisance that could properly be prohibited, I have no doubt, but the state statute and charge did not give the notice constitutionally required.

title: Rabe v. Washington/Concurrence Burger


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 alone was insistent; she had curbed her curiosity until they were on the way home, and then she implored him to tell her what had happened. The misery he had endured was as nothing to his reckoning with the woman who had the right to expect fair treatment. His duty was clear, but the strain had been heavy and it was not easy to meet it.

"Peggy, something terrible has happened," he faltered, uncertain of his course.

"Tell me everything, Monty, you can trust me to be brave."

"When I asked you to marry me," he continued gravely, "it was with the thought that I could give you everything to-morrow. I looked for a fortune. I never meant that you should marry a pauper."

"I don't understand. You tried to test my love for you?"

"No, child, not that. But I was pledged not to speak of the money I expected, and I wanted you so much before it came."

"And it has failed you?" she answered. "I can't see that it changes things. I expected to marry a pauper, as you call it. Do you think this could make a difference?"

"But you don't understand, Peggy. I haven't a penny in the world."


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 "You hadn't a penny when I accepted you," she replied. "I am not afraid. I believe in you. And if you love me I shall not give you up."

"Dearest!" and the carriage was at the door before another word was uttered. But Monty called to the coachman to drive just once around the block.

"Good night, my darling," he said when they reached home. "Sleep till eight o'clock if you like. There is nothing now in the way of having the wedding at nine, instead of at seven. In fact, I have a reason for wanting my whole fortune to come to me then. You will be all that I have in the world, child, but I am the happiest man alive."

In his room the strain was relaxed and Brewster faced the bitter reality. Without undressing he threw himself upon the lounge and wondered what the world held for him. It held Peggy at least, he thought, and she was enough. But had he been fair to her? Was he right in exacting a sacrifice? His tired brain whirled in the effort to decide. Only one thing was clear—that he could not give her up. The future grew black at the very thought of it. With her he could make things go, but alone it was another matter. He


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 would take the plunge and he would justify it. His mind went traveling back over the graceless year, and he suddenly realized that he had forfeited the confidence of men who were worth while. His course in profligacy would not be considered the best training for business. The thought nerved him to action. He must make good. Peggy had faith in him. She came to him when everything was against him, and he would slave for her, he would starve, he would do anything to prove that she was not mistaken in him. She at least should know him for a man.

Looking toward the window he saw the black, uneasy night give way to the coming day. Haggard and faint he arose from the couch to watch the approach of the sun that is indifferent to wealth and poverty, to gayety and dejection. From far off in the gray light there came the sound of a five o'clock bell. A little later the shrieks of factory whistles were borne to his ears, muffled by distance but pregnant with the importance of a new day of toil. They were calling him, with all poor men, to the sweat-shop and the forge, to the great mill of life. The new era had begun, dawning bright and clear to disperse the gloom in his soul. Leaning against the casement and


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 wondering where he could earn the first dollar for the Peggy Brewster that was Peggy Gray, he rose to meet it with a fine unflinching fearlessness.

Before seven o'clock he was down stairs and waiting. Joe Bragdon joined him a bit later, followed by Gardner and the minister. The DeMilles appeared without an invitation, but they were not denied. Mrs. Dan sagely shook her head when told that Peggy was still asleep and that the ceremony was off till nine o'clock.

"Monty, are you going away?" asked Dan, drawing him into a corner.

"Just a week in the hills," answered Monty, suddenly remembering the generosity of his attorneys.

"Come in and see me as soon as you return, old man," said DeMille, and Monty knew that a position would be open to him.

To Mrs. Dan fell the honor of helping Peggy dress. By the time she had had coffee and was ready to go down, she was pink with excitement and had quite forgotten the anxiety which had made the night an age.

She had never been prettier than on her wedding morning. Her color was rich, her eyes as clear as stars, her woman's body


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 the picture of grace and health. Monty's heart leaped high with love of her.

"The prettiest girl in New York, by Jove," gasped Dan DeMille, clutching Bragdon by the arm.

"And look at Monty! He's become a new man in the last five minutes," added Joe. "Look at the glow in his cheeks! By the eternal, he's beginning to look as he did a year ago."

A clock chimed the hour of nine.

"The man who was here yesterday is in the hall to see Mr. Brewster," said the maid, a few minutes after the minister had uttered the words that gave Peggy a new name. There was a moment of silence, almost of dread.

"You mean the fellow with the beard?" asked Monty, uneasily.

"Yes, sir. He sent in this letter, begging you to read it at once."

"Shall I send him away, Monty?" demanded Bragdon, defiantly. "What does he mean by coming at this time?"

"I'll read the letter first, Joe."

Every eye was on Brewster as he tore open the envelope. His face was expressive. There was wonder in it, then incredulity, then


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 joy. He threw the letter to Bragdon, clasped Peggy in his arms spasmodically, and then, releasing her, dashed for the hall like one bereft of reason.

"It's Nopper Harrison!" he cried, and a moment later the tall visitor was dragged into the circle. "Nopper" was quite overcome by the heartiness of his welcome.

"You are an angel, Nopper, God bless you!" said Monty, with convincing emphasis. "Joe, read that letter aloud and then advertize for the return of those Boston terriers!"

Bragdon's hands trembled and his voice was not sure as he translated the scrawl, "Nopper" Harrison standing behind him for the gleeful purpose of prompting him when the writing was beyond the range of human intelligence:

"Holland House, Sept. 23, 19—

"My Dear Boy:

"So you thought I had given you the slip, eh? Didn't think I'd show up here and do my part? Well, I don't blame you; I suppose I've acted like a damned idiot, but so long as it turns out O.K. there's no harm done. The wolf won't gnaw very much of a hole in your door, I reckon. This letter introduces my


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 fault with, either in her looks or her understanding,' I began to know myself. Mr. Elliott, (who married Miss Pitt) used to say to me, dear man! in his bontonné manner, 'You must not be surprised, my love, if you make a great noise in the world.'

"Sir Sydney Smith said of me, after he had known me fifteen years, and when my looks were much changed by illness, 'When I see you now, I recall to my recollection what you were when you first came out. You entered the room in your pale shirt, exciting our admiration by your magnificent and majestic figure. The roses and lilies were blended in your face, and the ineffable smiles of your countenance diffused happiness around you.'

"The Duke of Cumberland used to say to me'You and Amelia (Princess Amelia) are two of the most spanking wenches I ever saw; but, if (alluding to my ill-health) you go on in this way, I do not know what the devil you will make of it.

When mentioning this, her ladyship added: "Doctor, at twenty, my complexion was like alabaster; and, at five paces' distance, the sharpest eye could not discover my pearl necklace from my skin: my lips were of such a beautiful carnation, that, without vanity, I can assure you very few women had the like. A dark blue shade under the eyes, and the blue veins that were observable through the transparent skin,


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 secretary, Mr. Oliver Harrison. He came to me last June, out in Butte, with the prospectus of a claim he had staked out up in the mountains. What he wanted was backing and he had such a good show to win out that I went into cahoots with him. He's got a mine up there that is dead sure to yield millions. Seems as though he has to give you half of the yield, though. Says you grub-staked him. Good fellow, this Harrison. Needed a secretary and man of affairs, so took him into my office. You can see that he did not take me up into the mountains to murder me, as the papers say this morning. Damned rot. Nobody's business but my own if I concluded to come east without telling everybody in Butte about it.

"I am here and so is the money. Got in last night. Harrison came from Chicago a day ahead of me. I went to the office of G. & R. at eight this morning. Found them in a hell of a stew. Thought I'd skipped out or been murdered. Money all gone, everything gone to smash. That's what they thought. Don't blame 'em much. You see it was this way: I concluded to follow out the terms of the will and deliver the goods in person. I got together all of Jim Sedgwick's stuff and did a lot of other fool things, I suppose, and hiked


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 on to New York. You'll find about seven million dollars' worth of stuff to your credit when you endorse the certified checks down at Grant & Ripley's, my boy. It's all here and in the banks.

"It's a mighty decent sort of wedding gift, I reckon.

"The lawyers told me all about you. Told me all about last night, and that you were going to be married this morning. By this time you're comparatively happy with the bride, I guess. I looked over your report and took a few peeps at the receipts. They're all right. I'm satisfied. The money is yours. Then I got to thinking that maybe you wouldn't care to come down at nine o'clock, especially as you are just recovering from the joy of being married, so I settled with the lawyers and they'll settle with you. If you have nothing in particular to do this afternoon about two o'clock, I'd suggest that you come to the hotel and we'll dispose of a few formalities that the law requires of us. And you can give me some lessons in spending money. I've got a little I'd like to miss some morning. As for your ability as a business man, I have this to say: Any man who can spend a million a year and have nothing to show for it, don't need a


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 recommendation from anybody. He's in a class by himself, and it's a business that no one else can give him a pointer about. The best test of your real capacity, my boy, is the way you listed your property for taxation. It's a true sign of business sagacity. That would have decided me in your favor if everything else had been against you.

"I'm sorry you've been worried about all this. You have gone through a good deal in a year and you have been roasted from Hades to breakfast by everybody. Now it's your turn to laugh. It will surprise them to read the "extras" to-day. I've done my duty to you in more ways than one. I've got myself interviewed by the newspapers and to-day they'll print the whole truth about Montgomery Brewster and his millions. They've got the Sedgwick will and my story and the old town will boil with excitement. I guess you'll be squared before the world, all right. You'd better stay indoors for awhile though, if you want to have a quiet honeymoon.

"I don't like New York. Never did. Am going back to Butte to-night. Out there we have real skyscrapers and they are not built of brick. They are two or three miles high and they have gold in 'em. There is real grass in


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 the lowlands and we have valleys that make Central Park look like a half an inch of nothing. Probably you and Mrs. Brewster were going to take a wedding trip, so why not go west with me in my car? We start at 7:45 P.M. and I won't bother you. Then you can take it anywhere you like.

"Sincerely yours,

"P.S. I forgot to say there is no such man as Golden. I bought your mines and ranches with my own money. You may buy them back at the same figures. I'd advise you to do it. They'll be worth twice as much in a year. I hope you'll forgive the whims of an old man who has liked you from the start.


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"The Little Sons of the Rich" were gathered about the long table in Pettingill's studio. There were nine of them present, besides Brewster. They were all young, more or less enterprising, hopeful, and reasonably sure of better things to come. Most of them bore names that meant something in the story of New York. Indeed, one of them had remarked, "A man is known by the street that's named after him," and as he was a new member, they called him "Subway."

The most popular man in the company was young "Monty" Brewster. He was tall and straight and smooth-shaven. People called him "clean-looking." Older women were interested in him because his father and mother had made a romantic runaway match, which was the talk of the town in the seventies, and had never been forgiven. Worldly


text: Talk:A Memorial and Remonstrance, on the Religious Rights of Man


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FIND it peculiarly difficult to express the exact nature of the sentiment which Tomeron had always evoked in me. However, I am sure that the feeling never partook, at any time, of what is ordinarily known as friendship. It was a compound of unusual esthetic and intellectual elements, and was somehow 71

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38

"In a case where two were stung at the same time by serpents, the stone was applied to one who recovered, but the other for whom it could not be used died.

"It never failed but once, and then it was applied after the twenty-four hours.

"Its colour is so dark as not to be distinguished from black.

"P. M.

"Corfu, 7th Nov. 1860."

Upon the above I wish to make a few remarks. While in Corfu, where I resided some years, I became slightly acquainted with the gentleman in question, Signor Ventura, of the Strada Reale, Corfu. His family is, as stated, of great antiquity in the island; he does not know exactly when the stone first came in their possession, but conjectures it was brought from India by one of his ancestors. I have myself never seen this remarkable stone, but I am fully satisfied as to its efficacy, as I have constantly heard of people being cured by it; in fact the first thing the Greeks do when bitten by a venomous snake, of which there are several species in Greece, is to apply at once to Signor Ventura. The stone is then applied in exactly the manner described above, and the patient in due time is cured.

The instance alluded to where one died while it was being used for another, is of a countryman who was bitten by the olia or viper (whose bite is I think more deadly there than in England, owing, no doubt, to the greater heat of the climate) while cutting myrtle or bay for church decoration. He, as soon as bitten, ran to the town, distant some miles, and arrived when the stone was in use. When it was procured for him it would not adhere, for it seems this singular stone requires to rest in milk for some time, to vomit as it were the poison absorbed. Before it was fit for use again the man died.

The stone was broken by a very clever but unscrupulous native physician, who procured it to look at, as he said, but who broke it in halves, and subjected one half to the most severe tests, totally failing, however, to discover its component parts. Contrary to the opinion expressed in the preceeding extract, the fracture of the stone has slightly impaired its curative power, and in consequence I have heard the physician, "Dottore ," railed at in no very measured language by the Greeks.

There is a current rumour in Corfu that the Jews possess another and larger stone; but I will not vouch for the accuracy of this, nor do I profess to give an opinion as to the nature of these mysterious stones, but we have all heard of the so-called "Bezoar Stone," taken as is said from the inside of goats, monkeys, snakes, and toads, and its power in rendering the bites of snakes innocuous. I have read of such things in the works of Dumas and other authors, and have always regarded such as fables, but I had my faith greatly shaken in Corfu, and at last became a convert, per force, to public opinion and the wonders of this, which be it a bezoar-stone or what, does, it is certain, cure snake bites in every instance when properly applied. The wonder is that no one seems to know its composition, whether it is in reality the secretion of some animal or a stone of an earthly absorbent nature. Once, on mentioning it to an Indian acquaintance, he did not seem surprised, as he told me that he had seen a stone in India, known to possess the like powers, and which was taken from the body of a deer.

I have mentioned these facts and my own crude remarks in the hope that some more scientific person than myself can give a satisfactory explanation of the nature of such stones, or adduce fresh evidence in their support.

A. M. B.

.—Zuhr Mohra, a blackish stone, is used in India for external application in cases of snake bites. Sir W. B. O'Shaughnessy states that the Zeher Morah is a kind of Bezoar, of which some are celebrated in Eastern works as remedies for snake-bites, hydrophobia, &c. Ainslie says that the Hindoos suppose it to possess sovereign virtues, as an external application in cases of snake-bites or stings of scorpions; and its various oriental names imply that it destroys poisons. Dr. Davy, on examining what are called snake-stones in India, found them to be bezoar. They are simply absorbents. The goat bezoar has a smooth, glossy surface, and a dark green or olive colour.—''Ed. S. G.''

.—Three skulls of the gorilla, from M. Du. Chanillu, were exhibited at the Royal Society, at the meeting on the 16th of January.

(Larus Buonapartii)—Occurred in Falmouth Harbour on the 4th January. This is its first recorded visit to England. Twice it has visited Ireland, and once Scotland. Its first occurrence was in 1848.

days ago, whilst on a visit in Shropshire, a lady who heard me putting in a plea for the birds, gave me this fact. She was watching the trussing of a pheasant dinner, and as the crop was much distended she had it opened, and the contents were wire-worms; of these real pests to the farmer there were, she said, as many as would fill a teacup. This occurred at a farmhouse in Salop, where game of all kinds is in bad repute.—J. W. Bedford.

.—Mr. A. Fonblanque, of the British Consulate at Alexandria, has communicated to Mr. Darwin a notice of a "curious birth," which has lately taken place at Cairo—that of a foal produced by a mule. He says, so great was the excitement at this unheard-of event amongst the native population, that it produced an official inquiry. The mule is twenty-two years of age, has no milk, and the jennet has to be fed.—Natural History Review.

?—Mr. Brockholes says, "I have always found the titlark's nest the favourite with the cuckoo for the deposition of its eggs. The skylark's appears to be the next most favoured nest. I have also had the egg from the nests of the sedge warbler, yellow wagtail, yellow bunting, common bunting, and sparrow; but I do not remember an instance of two eggs in the same nest."

.—I remember one poor bird (a starling) that had escaped from domestication, in which it had entirely lost, or probably never knew, the language or manners of its race, and acquired only the name of its mistress; disliked and avoided by its congeners, it would sit, by the hour together, sunning on some tall elm, calling in a most plaintive strain, "Nanny, Nanny," but no Nanny came; and our poor solitary either pined itself to death, or was killed, as its note ceased.—Knapp's Journal of a Naturalist.


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180 or correct this by arbitrary legislation. It is not possible to draft an intelligible and workable regulation to do it. The short-haul clause in the bill now before the Senate is already a subject of disputed interpretation, and whenever the courts come to act upon it they will interpret it as its language seems to require, not as anybody now says that it is intended to mean. The interests of the extreme West constantly demand that the full power of railroads to annihilate distance and time shall be exerted in their favor; during the last summer, Senator Edmunds pointed out to his Vermont constituents their grievance, in the fact that railroads pour into the Eastern market, in competition with them, all the products of the West — i.e., do just what the West demands. Cheap freights westward benefit Eastern manufacturers and Western consumers while they injure Western manufacturers; cheap freights eastward favor Western farmers and cattle raisers and Eastern consumers while they injure Eastern farmers. How can the legislator meddle in this great complex of interests without doing harm to everybody, especially when he goes about it without any theoretical or practical principles to guide him, with nothing but the conviction that many things in the existing order are not as we should like them to be and that something must be done?

The railroad question, properly speaking, I repeat, goes far beyond the points which are now attracting attention. The railroad company has relations to its employees, to the state which taxes its property, to the municipalities whose streets its line crosses, to adjoining real-estate owners, to the legislators and editors who want free passes, etc., etc. In all these relations there are two parties, for even a railroad company has rights. Competing lines have relations to each other, and these


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178 great development beyond what any one can now foresee; new inventions are reasonably sure to cause transformations in railroad business and methods. We have only just reached the point where a few men are competent to manage great lines of railroad on their technical side; we have only just begun to educate men for the railroad business as a profession. Railroad men do not seem yet to have any code of right behavior or right management between themselves — people often deride the professional code of lawyers or doctors, but the value of such a code is seen if we take a case like the one before us, where a new profession has not yet developed a code. The social and economic questions raised by railroads and about railroads are extremely difficult and complicated; we have not, so far, accomplished much of anything toward solving them by experience or theory. The discussion, so far as it has yet gone, has shown only that we have the task yet before us and that, so far, all has been a struggle of various interests to use railroads for their own advantage. The true solution of the only proper legislative problem, viz., how to adjust all the interests so that no one of them can encroach upon the others, has scarcely been furthered at all. It is only necessary to take up a volume of the evidence taken by one of the Congressional committees on this subject, or any debate about it which has arisen in Congress, to see how true it is that conflicting interests are struggling for advantage over each other.

The railroad question is far wider than the scope of any proposed legislation with regard to it; it is so wide that in any period of five or ten years new phases of it come to the front and occupy public attention. Just now the prominent phase is the effect of competition on a weak market; for the time being, the means of trans-


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Rh portation seem to have been multiplied in excess of the demand. The railroad monopoly is in the position of any monopoly which has overproduced its market. Pooling would be the mode of applying combination and restriction of production to this business; that pooling would suit the condition of things just at this moment, and would be a corrective for the evils which just now command public attention, is very probable. But the country is undoubtedly destined to enter on a new period of expanding a hitherto unknown prosperity, and what would be the effects of pooling on a strong and rising market under great demand for transportation? If a law is passed it becomes a rigid and unavoidable constraint. It is not, however, my purpose to argue that pooling is a good thing or a bad thing; the arguments upon that point are so strong upon either side that a case is made out for neither. Under such circumstances, to legislate is to decide, and to commit the interests at stake to a decision which is immature and is founded on nothing but the notion that something must be done. Competition has borne not only upon the rates but also upon the quality of cars and stations, upon speed and punctuality, upon parlor car and other conveniences. What would be the effect of strict pooling upon these?

The second point which seems now to occupy attention is the effect of railroads upon natural distances; it is assumed that it must be wrong that railroads should make a place which is near further off than one which is remote. It is a matter of familiar experience that railroads do invert relations of distance and make places which are two hundred miles off economically nearer than places one hundred miles off; and in doing this they also invert the interests of a great many people. It is a rash and mischievous undertaking to try to offset


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338 to make headway against any current of belief which has obtained momentum in a society, you will put your faith in the current of belief and not in the power of logic or exhortation. You will then look at the causes of the current of belief, and you will find them in the economic conditions which are controlling, at the time, the struggle for existence and the competition of life. At the beginning of this century it would have been just exactly as impossible to put aristocratic restrictions on democracy here as it would have been at the same time to put democratic restrictions on aristocracy in England. Now the economic circumstances of our century which have modified the struggle for existence and the competition of life have been, first, the opening of a vast extent of new land to the use and advantage of the people who had no social power of any kind; and, second, the advance in the arts. Of the arts, those of transportation have been the most important because they have made the new land accessible; but all the other applications of the arts have been increasing man's power in the struggle for existence, and they have been most in favor of the classes which otherwise had nothing but their hands with which to carry on that struggle. This has lessened the advantage of owning land and it has lessened the comparative advantage of having capital over that of having only labor. An education has not now as great value to give its possessor a special advantage — a share, that is, in a limited monopoly — as it had a century ago. This is true in a still greater degree of higher education, until we come up to those cases where exceptional talent, armed with the highest training, once more wins the advantages of a natural monopoly.

Hence it is that the great economic changes I have


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Rh mentioned have produced the greatest social revolution that has ever occurred. It has raised the masses to power, has set slaves free, has given a charter of social and political power to the people who have nothing, and has forced those-who-have to get power, if they want it, by persuading and influencing those-who-have-not. All the demagogues, philosophers, and principle-brokers are trying to lead the triumphal procession and crying: "We got it for you." "We are your friends." "It is to us that you owe it all." On the other hand the same social revolution has undermined all social institutions and prescriptions of an aristocratic character and they are rapidly crumbling away, even in the Old World, under the reaction from the New.

If now we put this result together with what we had reached before, we find that the advance of the social and political organization which should have been attended, according to all former philosophy, by greater social pressure and diminishing prosperity for the masses, although it has indeed been attended by lessening of the old anarchistic liberty, has also been accompanied by the far more important fact of enormously enlarged social and political power and chances for the masses. The world has passed into hands of new masters, and the all-absorbing questions for mankind and civilization now are: What will they do with it? How will they behave? Already in this country, and in all others which have adopted democratic forms, successive elections show a steady movement towards throwing out men of well-defined convictions and positive strength on either side, so that parliamentary institutions seem to be clearly on the decline. In every great civilized country, also, political parties are breaking up and are losing their character as groups of persons holding


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340 common convictions on questions of general policy. Their place is being taken by petty groups of representatives of certain interests. The more we enlarge the sphere of government, the more true it is that every act of legislation enriches or ruins those who are interested in some branch of industry; such persons say, therefore, that they cannot afford to neglect legislative proceedings. The consequence is the immense power of the lobby, and legislation comes to be an affair of coalition between interests to make up a majority. If that goes on, its logical and institutional outcome must be that the non-possessors, if united, must form the largest interest-group, and that they will then find that the easiest way ever yet devised to get wealth is to hold a parliament and, by a majority vote, order that the possessors of wealth shall give it to the non-possessors. This program has already been proposed and adopted and strong efforts are on foot to organize the parliamentary groups on this basis so as to put it into action.

We have abundant facts at hand to show us, also, that the higher the social organization is the more delicate it is and the more it is exposed to harm upon all sides and from slight influences. A great, complicated, and delicate social organization presents a vast array of phenomena of all kinds, many of which are paradoxical and contradictory in their relation to each other. The analysis of these phenomena and the interpretation of them is the easiest thing in the world if we go about it with a few so-called "ethical" principles; but if we approach it with any due conception of what it is that we are trying to do, we find it the hardest mental task ever yet cast upon mankind. We boast of our successes in science and art; but those successes have brought about a social organization and produced


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Rh as to tempt the ambition of the best youth of the republic. Republics learn only by experience, but the bitter experience will not be wanting. The men of this generation are not doing their duty by the men of the next. They are putting off hard duties and are shirking responsibilities and are relaxing the political virtue of the country. In one way or another the results will inevitably come. When they come, I am of opinion that the American people will find that it does not pay to be ruled by small men. They will look about in their need for men who know what ought to be done and how to do it. It is my duty here to try to provide that when such a time comes the men may be ready; and to you I say that, whether you are in the ranks of the citizens — where you will need to know how to choose your leaders — or whether you are called to fulfill the responsibilities of office yourselves, the course of study upon which we now enter deserves your most careful application.


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Rh few limitations on popular sovereignty which the Federal party had retained were overthrown. Since that time we have added nothing to the world's knowledge or experience of political science. It has, on the contrary, been demonstrated in our history that representative government is, as yet, by no means perfect, but that much yet remains to be done to elaborate a system of such government which shall be efficient and shall be guarded against evils — evils which, though different in form, are as grievous as those which are incidental to other forms of government. We have seen the departments of the government degenerate, the judiciary forfeit the respect of the people, the legislature fall under the manipulations of the lobby, the executive transgress the bounds of its authority to interfere in local affairs, the machinery of parties get into the hands of a set of men without character, who make a living which they could earn in no other way by low political intrigues. We have come to regard the touch of politics as carrying contagion to religion, to education, to every interest which it touches, and yet, under our system of government and society I beg you to notice that we cannot separate politics from one or all of these things. Our politics are our public life. Our society is and must be and ought to be nothing but our politics. We have brought state, government, politics, down into every man's keeping. We have developed a civilization in which no man and no interest stands alone, and our political life is in and pervades all our national life to bring either health or decay. It must touch everything. Those things which we try to keep aloof from it are languishing on account of their separation from the real vital pulse of the nation. Our religion is dying out because it is divorced from the living interests of the na-


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398 tion. Our educational institutions are far short of what they ought to be because they cannot be entrusted to the care of the state, and, on the other hand, our educated men miss their share, their due influence on the public life of the nation. They are regarded almost like foreign intruders on that field. What then? Ought we to commit these institutions to the state as it is? We dare not and cannot. The fate of the churches which have made this alliance and the shameful history of the agricultural college land-grants forbids it. We must, however, understand that the regeneration of our political system is on that account only the more imperative and that we must seek its regeneration by returning to first principles and applying them with scientific rigor. I propose to give a course of lectures on the political and financial history of the United States, in which I shall try to set forth the mistakes of which we now see the fruits.

I hasten on, however, to speak in a similar brief manner of the department which now more especially demands our attention — political economy. This branch of political science has at present the most vital importance for the American people. I measure its importance not by the stir which it is now making in party politics, for that is slight enough. A languor and apathy have settled upon the people. This is a remarkable phenomenon, but I suppose that it may be a nervous reaction after the period of war and reconstruction, similar to that which overcomes an individual after a great nervous excitement. A movement has indeed originated in the West from which something may eventually come, though as yet I see in it no signs of that sober desire to investigate causes which must precede any successful attempt at cure, nor any of those plans and methods of


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400 may be said that we can afford to waste or cannot. This continent has never been used economically for production in the sense above described. It has always fallen far short of the development of which it has been capable under the circumstances of any given time, if it had been used according to the best economic knowledge of that time. Perhaps this is true now more than ever.

The patriotism with which the American people submitted to the burdens of taxation and paper money, believing them to be necessary parts of the evil of the War, is deserving of the most enthusiastic admiration. It serves only to deepen the sadness with which the economist must declare the conviction that the paper money never was a necessity, never could in the nature of things be a necessity any more than it could be necessary for a physician to poison a patient in order to cure him of fever or for a man to become bankrupt to escape insolvency; and also this other conviction, not a matter of science but of history, that the necessity for taxation has been abused by the creation of a protective tariff which increases the burden which it pretends to carry. These two subjects, money and tariff, will be the subjects of my lectures during the present term. I say money because I intend to treat the subject exhaustively and to bring the paper money into its proper connection. Next term I hope to offer to the graduate students a course on finance and taxation, treating those subjects with more independence of actual circumstances, and according to the principles which science dictates.

Now as to the method which I pursue. I say nothing here of the conflicting schools, the historical and the philosophical, into which political scientists are divided. The philosophical or a priori or speculative method is perfectly legitimate. I was glad to see that Professor


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Rh action which alone lead to correct and beneficial results. But it is the duty of this chair to measure national needs by a knowledge of the national status, not by public sensations, and I affirm that the questions on which our national future to-day depends are questions of political economy, questions of labor and capital, of finance and taxation. The fruits of the Civil War did not cease when the armies disbanded. It left us with financial and industrial legacies whose fruits, as every student of political economy and social science knows, are slow in ripening; and they contain seeds of future and still more disastrous crops. No man can estimate these long following results. No man can tell what social, moral, and political transformations they may produce. There is no field of activity which now calls so urgently for the activity of honest and conscientious men as the enlightenment of the American public on the nature and inevitable results of the financial and industrial errors to which they are committed. I do not indeed expect that this continent is to become a wilderness again. I would not exaggerate. I know that a people can and will drag on a slow existence under the most unfavorable social, political, and industrial circumstances, and I know that the resources of this continent are such that we may waste and squander recklessly without feeling those bitter consequences whose healing function it is, in the moral order, to warn and convince us of mistakes. But the duty of the economist is not simply to learn how to avoid waste of what has been won but to learn the laws by which there may be no falling short of the utmost that might be attained; and the duty of the social scientist is to teach that moral and social deterioration follows inevitably upon economical mistakes, whether, looking to our general ratio of physical comfort, it


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Rh Tyndall, a year ago, vindicated the deductive method even for the physical sciences. This method is the prerogative of genius. But the inductive method, though slower and more commonplace, is far more sure and convincing. The only real antagonism of method is between the scientific and the traditional or dogmatic. Here I take sides decidedly. I have no confidence in any results which are not won by scientific method and I leave aside all traditional and dogmatic systems as scarcely worth noticing. I insist upon strictness of definition, correctness of analysis, precision in observing phenomena, deliberation in comparison, correctness of inference, and exhaustiveness in generalization. These are what constitute the scientific method as applied to diverse subjects. I vindicate for this department of study the character of a true science — not of a closed and finished science but of a science true by virtue of the methods by which the truth is discovered. We shall find the data of our study to some extent in history and statistics, for I think that it is here that we must look for the facts upon which a true science of politics and political economy is to be built; but our history and our statistics are, as yet, by no means in the form of perfection which is required by the economist if he is to build his science upon them. We shall not therefore shun the a priori process where we are thrown upon it as our only resource, and in discussing the details of practical politics, many of which are unprecedented, we shall have recourse to considerations of expediency as the true rule which governs such matters.

My course for the present year, then, involves for the seniors the study of political economy, with especial reference in the lectures to paper money and tariff. In our English text-book these things are curtly dismissed


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402 as covered, as indeed they are, by a few common sense reflections. As these, however, are living questions amongst us, I must subject them to full investigation. In the second term we shall study the science of government and the theory of the state — political science in its narrower use. In the third term, international law. To the graduates I offer a course this term on the Encyclopædia of Political Science as the basis of a knowledge of the whole subject. In the second term I shall lecture on finance and taxation, this being really a continuation of the lectures on political economy, and in the third term on the history of politics and finance in the United States. In future years, as the University course develops, I hope to take up other branches of the wide department which has been entrusted to me here and gradually to win for this chair the influence which belongs to it as the chair of political science in the first university of the republic. My aim will be to give to those who visit this university faith in science, in thought, in training as applied to politics. I desire to use the opportunity given me to furnish the country with citizens of sterling worth, and to give to the professions men whose public influence will tell in the cause of liberty, industry, and honesty. I hope that those of you who become lawyers will learn how to legislate far-sightedly for the permanent welfare of a free people, not to follow the clamor of a noisy faction. I hope that those of you who become editors will learn to wield honorably the immense power you will enjoy for the instruction and molding of public opinion. I hope that those of you who become clergymen will teach that no one can be a righteous man in our time and country unless he is also a faithful citizen. I hope also that the career of politics may open in the future in such a way


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Rh as subject to the same point of view and modes of thought as natural and other sciences.

Then there are the sentimentalists, who are the largest class and who make the easiest work of social questions. In the study of the individual organism we know that normal physiology presents the greatest difficulties and is the essential basis for a correct study of diseases and remedies. We also know that popular knowledge of physiology is meager in the extreme, while popular notions attach almost entirely to diseases and to remedies. The same is true of society. The study of the structure and functions of the organs of society is long and difficult, and we have, as yet, accomplished very little towards it. We can hope to accomplish much only by a long study of history and a careful examination of institutions. I venture to say that no study except the highest mathematics has ever yet made such demands on the human mind as are made by sociology. We cannot make an experiment in sociology because we cannot dispose of the time, that is, of the lives of a body of men and women. We have to carry in mind a great number of variables, to weigh their value, and to deduce their resultant, although for many of them we can find no unit of measurement or comparison, and although we have no notation to help us. I think that we shall have to adopt some of these methods of the other sciences sooner or later, but at present I see no means of advancing sociology save by the cultivation of a trained judgment through the careful study of sociological phenomena and sequences.

Under these circumstances the student of sociology as a science will necessarily feel great timidity about all generalizations. There are so many more things that he does not know than there are which he does know,


text: Talk:And Am I Only Born to Die?

title: Talk:And Am I Only Born to Die?


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420 that he never feels ready to close the case and advance to a decision. There are so many components whose value he can only measure approximately that he cannot feel sure of his result.

This state of things, however, is precisely made to fit the sentimentalist. Here we have before us social diseases, and we see a great number and variety of social phenomena which are disagreeable and shocking to our sensibilities. Some of them are appalling. In the city of New York and in any other great city, we can find representations of every grade of barbarism from the bottom up. We think of the primitive man as a strange creature of passion and impulse, but there are social groups amongst us consisting of persons who have grown up without discipline and who are similarly primitive and barbarous. About all of civilization which they have caught is the fashion of wearing clothes. The primitive man made women do all the work; but there are plenty of men in modern civilized society, especially in the great cities, who do the same. We can find slavery, caste systems, serfdom, and feudal relations represented in scarcely disguised forms in the midst of any great city of to-day. We can find fetishism and every other form of religious superstition represented; likewise polygamy, polyandry, and every other form of sex relation. It has been said that the human animal runs through, in embryo, the whole biological development from which the human race has sprung and contains within himself all that development in an accumulated form. Something of that sort is true about society; our society to-day contains fragments of the whole history of civilization, accumulated and consolidated into the great existing fabric.

Hence it is a great mistake to think that we have left


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424 change their forms and lines of operation as changes occur in the industrial system and in the organization of society. To check the development of society in order to prevent selfishness and greed would certainly be preposterous.

Passing by others who dabble in social discussions, I will notice, finally, the poets and the novelists. The influence of the latter, in our day, is very great. About all the information which certain people possess on social questions comes from the novelists. They give us pictures of society either as they see it or as they want to see it. Their presentations are as fragmentary and disconnected as paintings hung in a gallery. At best they are kaleidoscopic and have no cohesion but that of an arbitrary symmetry. They deal by preference with that sociological subject which stands first in importance, the family, including marriage, paternity, and divorce, and also the relations of love and courtship. It is significant of the effect which the novel has produced by its treatment of these things that they are all regarded with a certain levity; we know, however, that they surpass all others in weight and importance. Consider the notions about love which are spread abroad amongst our young people by the novels of to-day. Those notions are purely conventional and artificial. I do not, of course, mean to argue that the old-fashioned plan under which the parents selected husbands or wives for their children was wiser than our methods of to-day, though we might well ask whether the old plan made any more unhappy marriages than are made to-day. But if young people are taught that love is a kind of disease which may be caught or may not, like the measles, that it comes only once in a life-time, that it is a passion which ought not to be controlled by reason or


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 we live, it seems plain that they must be the results of His second coming, and that He is by them fulfilling His prediction of that event in the way which He intended men should understand it. He now comes into this world by the outpouring of a brighter influence upon mankind. It is a coming which is designed to affect the inner perceptions of men, and by this to improve the outer circumstances of society. This being so, it will primarily have reference to the Church, in which the Holy Word is accepted as the medium of all information concerning spiritual and eternal things. The Church, in the world, is really the centre from which the state of society is derived; every one may see this if they will only remember that it is a spiritual institution, designed to keep the mind open to the reception of those heavenly things which are contained in the Word, to spread abroad intelligence, and to lead men on to the love of what is good and wise. The state of the Church creates the condition of society. Hence it is that when the Church has perverted the knowledge of truth entrusted to its care, society has been degraded; and it is only as genuine information is restored, that mankind can be rescued and improved. The Church is as the heart and lungs, which keep up a living circulation to the extreme parts of the body. The love of goodness, as taught in the Word, is as the heart of the Church, and the knowledge of truth, as revealed in the Word, is as its lungs. As from those two fountains of natural life in the human body all its other members are enabled to subsist, so all that is orderly and intelligent in society derives its existence from the love and knowledge in the Church; and by these graces the Lord and His angels bring about all the beneficent results which men enjoy. It will therefore follow that whenever society is raised into the experi-


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 Project GRUDGE (Original Organization) (February–December 1949)

Background: Project SIGN was renamed Project GRUDGE in approximately February 1949. The staff, especially those who seemed to lean towards belief in the "interplanetary" origin of UFOs, were reportedly purged from the organization. One account of this time period suggests that because of perceived pressure from the Pentagon's leadership, the remaining staff who held this view changed their minds. This same account claims that the Pentagon's goals for Project GRUDGE were to discount and explain away all reports of UFOs. Project GRUDGE was terminated on December 27, 1949, around the time a comprehensive report on its findings was published. The USAF did not stop collecting and analyzing reports of UFOs; rather, it folded that work into its existing intelligence processes.

Results: Project GRUDGE investigated 244 reports of UFO sightings. It did not discover any evidence that the UAP sightings represented foreign technology; therefore, these findings did not pose a threat to U.S. national security. The report recommended that the organization be downsized and de-emphasized because it was believed Project GRUDGE's very existence fueled a "war hysteria" within the public. The USAF subsequently implemented a public affairs campaign designed to persuade the public that UFOs constituted nothing unusual or extraordinary. The stated goal of this effort was to alleviate public anxiety.

 * In August 1949, the USAF asserted that the UFO reports were misinterpretations of natural phenomena, man-made aircraft, fabrications, or hoaxes.

Project TWINKLE (Summer 1949–Summer 1950)

Background: Project TWINKLE was established in the summer of 1949 to investigate a series of UFO reports witnessed by numerous observers in Nevada and New Mexico. These UFOs were described as "green fireballs" streaking across the sky, moving in odd ways, and—in at least one account—the fireball navigated near an aircraft. The literature is not clear if Project TWINKLE was officially supported by the original Project GRUDGE, but it was managed by the USAF's Cambridge Research Laboratory. The goal of this investigation was to use multiple high-powered cameras near White Sands with the hope that if at least two images of the fireballs were captured, then their speed, altitude, and time could be discerned.

Results: This project was only able to secure one camera, which was frequently moved between locations following fireball reports, and no photographs of the fireballs were ever taken.

Project GRUDGE (Reestablishment) (October 1951–March 1952)

Background: In late October 1951, almost two years after Project GRUDGE was disestablished, the USAF's UFO mission was reorganized into another distinct program—also named Project GRUDGE—led by Capt Ruppelt. By his own account, Capt Ruppelt sought to correct the mistakes of Project SIGN and the former Project GRUDGE. His primary goal was to ensure that there would be "no wild speculation" and that if his staff were "too pro or too con" regarding the off-world origin of UFOs, they would be let go. He claimed to have fired three


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 ence of any real and permanent advantages, the Church, more or less directly through the Word, must have been the source of them. The Word is the medium through which we receive all our blessings—not only those of a moral and spiritual kind, but such as are of an intellectual and scientific nature; the reason is because the Word keeps the mind in connection with the light of heaven, and that kingdom is the primary source of all man's mental illumination and practical benevolence.

Now if the second coming of the Lord is an event which is to affect the Church, by removing obstacles which hindered the light of heaven from being enjoyed, and the communication to it of some superior information concerning the Word, it seems plain that those advantages will cause themselves to be felt in every direction, and that they will descend into and excercise a favourable influence upon the common concerns of our daily life. It cannot be supposed that the influence of those advantages will stop at some particular point, and refuse to distribute its benefits beyond it. Whatever is susceptible of amelioration must feel something of that influence. Hence it may be fairly inferred that all our progress, even in matters belonging to our material civilization, is collateral evidence that the Lord has come again to His Church.

That this is the case seems also apparent from the circumstances by which the Church has been distinguished during the last century, and which are still in operation to bring about the acceptance of superior light. To this end, efforts are being made in every direction, and it is quite evident that men now think and speak of spiritual things with more intelligence and freedom than in any previous age. Liberty is felt, and new materials for spiritual thought upon religious subjects, are provided in a thousand directions


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 which were utterly unknown to our ancestors a century ago. The creeds and articles of faith which men have invented, which councils have confirmed, and which have shut the mind of the Church and delayed its progress, are now undergoing a process of criticism and inquiry which is welcomed by multitudes as the harbinger of liberty and light. It is seen that such dogmas stand in the way of progressive thought and reasonable freedom, and also that their sentiments are not in harmony with revelation. We find that interpretations of the Word, which for ages have been received as true, are being freely abandoned as mistakes, and this, too, by the learned and thoughtful of all parties. The early chapters of Genesis are now no longer believed to contain that which for ages they have been considered to reveal. Geology has demanded a new interpretation of the supposed cosmogony of Moses. This and other sciences have demonstrated the improbability of that universal deluge, of which the seventh chapter of Genesis has been taken to be the history. The ancient chronology which the Church invented is discovered to be accurate. The assertion that one God exists in three persons is felt to be an improper statement of the subject, and efforts are being made after a more sensible expression of it. The orthodox doctrine of the atonement is being modified by every intelligent thinker. Baptismal regeneration is thrown aside by numerous clergymen as a superstition, and very few of the laity accept it. The article which declares that man is justified by faith only, raises a blush upon the cheek of all who remember that the Lord has said, "If thou wilt enter into life, keep the commandments." Passages which were once accepted as evidence of a material resurrection are now known to treat of no such subject. Biblical criticism has risen into a science, and is


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Rh leading phenomena of society. The moralists and philosophers sneer at the struggle for wealth and criticize it, and still it goes on. The moralists and philosophers might do a great deal to make the struggle for capital more intelligent, but to try to preach it down is like telling men not to live; and to try to set limits or bounds of any kind to the accumulation of capital is simply telling men not to live as well as they can. We always come back to the same point: restraint or diminution of capital is a reduction of civilization.

The case is no better if we try to regulate in any way the struggle of interests under liberty. The sentimentalists are always greatly outraged by the notion of the survival of the fittest which is produced by liberty. If we do not like the survival of the fittest, we have only one alternative and that is the survival of the unfittest. If A, the unfittest to survive, is about to perish and somebody interferes to make B, the fittest, carry and preserve A, it is plain that the unfittest is made to survive and that he is maintained at the expense of B, who is curtailed and restrained by just so much. This process, therefore, is a lowering of social development and is working backwards, not forwards.

These points of criticism show us what we have to think about the attempts of the socialists and sentimentalists to attribute the dark phenomena of our society to capital or to liberty of organization, and of their proposals, by way of remedy, to assail property and liberty. It is only a commonplace to say that all human institutions and arrangements are liable to abuse and that we must keep up a constant warfare with selfishness and greed whenever they show themselves. That necessity will never be done away with while the world stands. Selfishness and greed will


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 shaking to the foundation all those mistakes which councils have forced upon the Church, and which have paralysed the progress of religious thought. It is striving to place spiritual truth upon the pedestal of enlightened reason, and to rescue liberty from the bonds by which she has been surrounded. The greatest minds in all the Churches are ranging beyond the limits which they have prescribed; they are endeavouring to break through the barriers which ecclesiastical authority has erected, and are making efforts to obtain for themselves a platform for the freer utterance of advancing thought. A decided movement of this description is felt throughout the whole of Christendom, and multitudes sympathise with it as a desirable thing. All have not the courage to speak out; many suppose that they are not in circumstances to do so with usefulness and prudence; others are silent, either because they are not willing to be considered as disturbers, or think themselves without influence in so serious an affair. But there are some who have resolution for the work. These set conscience above policy; they give utterance to their critical investigations; their conclusions may not always be correct, but it is plain that they have been searching after truth, and that, for the most part, they have conducted their inquiries with honesty and learning. At this the bigots and the placemen of the Church are alarmed. They do not fairly enter the field of biblical criticism. They throw epithets at the inquirers, and strive to put them down, not by argument, but by authority. They take those bold thinkers into ecclesiastical courts, try them by antiquated laws, and get a verdict, which however is soon reversed by an appeal to another tribunal more influenced by the light and liberty of the new age in which we live.


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 INTRODUCTORY LECTURE TO COURSES IN POLITICAL AND SOCIAL SCIENCE

[1873]

things are necessary for a student who is to acquire intelligently a new branch of knowledge under a teacher. First, an idea of the importance of the subject; second, an idea of the method of the teacher; and third, some notion of the outlook, that is to say, of the thing to be acquired. I propose in this lecture to give a program of the year's work in this department, as well in the graduate as in the undergraduate schools, and my aim is to supply as well as I can the three requisites mentioned.

There is a necessity for such a lecture in this department, which does not exist in any other. Almost everyone has some idea of the range, meaning, purpose and method of the sciences which are taught in a university, but I doubt very much if there is any but the most vague notion in the popular mind of what is meant by political science, in either its narrower or its wider significance. It is not generally understood what it aims at, how it teaches, what its methods are, nor what guarantee there is for its results. Let us try first to arrive at a conception of these points.

You are aware that the civilization of mankind has proceeded by stages and that its course has been one of development and progress. This progress has been from the simple towards the complex. Institutions have been multiplied, functions in the body social have been


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392 divided and subdivided, interests have increased in number and have been more and more interlaced with each other, classes and professions have arisen which were formerly unknown. We can no longer divide society exhaustively into upper, lower, and middle classes. In this country, at least, such a division would have no meaning. Government has passed through successive forms and stages, which we generally regard as successive improvements, until now government is a complex machine, with numerous departments, diverse organs, complex functions, and above all an abstraction called law which determines the method of operation of all the parts. A nation is no longer a horde of individuals following the command of one man. It is a vast organism. Its members are endowed with free will to determine their own acts in accordance with their own wishes. They undertake independent enterprises of wide scope; they select their own combinations into which they enter; they form their own opinions of what is wise and right and true. They find in all this that they are inextricably entangled with each other. Society is solidified and bound together by these numerous bonds, and we find that it is of the utmost importance to us that our neighbors, as well as ourselves, be wise and prudent, for we see that their folly or wisdom reacts upon us as ours upon them. We can no longer appeal to some supreme ruler to make others do what they ought to do in the interest of all. We must get together and by common consent agree upon what we will do, what concessions we will make to the common interest, what efforts we will contribute to the general welfare. We can no longer get the social body regulated by instructing a prince or a few ministers; we must mold public opinion — this new power


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422 are not. A little reflection will show that it is quite impossible for all to have the best there is. No doubt all the social force in the world is exhausted in sustaining human society at its present level. That force is not all employed as economically as it might be; far from it. But that only throws us back on our true point of view and of effort, viz., to make the wisest use of what we have — to improve our institutions and advance the arts as a means of increasing our social force and to trust to this increase of power to advance civilization. Even then, however, we must understand that some men will absorb to themselves any gain we make and will thus prove themselves the best men. In fact, the advance which we gain, instead of saving and raising the miserable and pitiful victims who are at the bottom, may possibly crowd them out of existence entirely. For instance, if we break up one of the slums of a great city and disperse its poverty-stricken, vicious, and criminal inhabitants who might have festered there for a long time yet, we force them out into open contact with society where they are soon crushed by the competition of life or by the machinery of the law.

Such a line of thought as this, however, is never pursued by the sentimentalist. Seeking a diagnosis of the social evils which he perceives, he notes the preponderant importance of capital in modem society, and he notes the struggle of interests which is involved in the whole structure of our modem industrial system. I have tried elsewhere to show how it is that capital is the backbone of all civilization, and that higher and ever higher organization is essential, as the number of men increases, for the human race to keep up its advancing fight with nature. Consequently the struggle to get capital, to keep it, and to use it, is and must be one of the


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 The papal authority has been diminishing for a considerable period, and it is now shrunk up into a small compass in all the nations in which it was once powerful. Great changes have taken place, and are still progressing, in the Italian peninsula. The people whose energies have been paralysed by ecclesiastical governments have had their patience exhausted, and they are now invoking the return of that liberty of which they have been so long despoiled. The pope is no longer a prince capable of inspiring the nations with a dread of his displeasure. Multitudes of his own subjects, tiring of his reign, are seeking to break up his authority, and this they would have accomplished before now if they had not been prevented by a foreign army, present for a political purpose. No less than nine thousand priests have recently petitioned in favour of the renunciation of his civil authority; and nearly the whole literature of the country expresses the same feeling. Religious reforms are being asked for. Societies are established to promote the reading of the Bible in the vernacular, to obtain a removal of the laws which impose celibacy on the clergy, and to effect many changes favourable to progress and to liberty. It seems impossible to look at these facts and not to perceive that some remarkable influence is at work upon the Church, and that its tendency is to bring about some change favourable to the spiritual welfare and intelligence of men.


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Rh behind and sloughed off all old things. We have not. We carry with us survivals of all the old things. Sometimes those survivals appear to be dogs upon us; sometimes they seem to be stepping-stones by which we rise higher.

But now observe what a grand chance of error is offered to any one who goes out to look around upon our civilized society of to-day and to say how it pleases him. Of course he sees the most grotesque contrasts side by side. If we begin to boast of some of our triumphs, we do not finish the boast before some one of these contrasts bursts into view like the face of a grinning demon rising to deride us. If our social observer has imbibed the humanitarian sentiments which are afloat in our most refined society and if he looks at the horrors, cruelties, and sufferings which underlie our society, he cries out in dismay. He does not know that he is looking at a feeble reflection of the only scene which this earth presented to the sun for thousands of years. He does not see that the wonder is that we have gained a certain peace and security for a part of the human race, not that there yet remain at the bottom of society vast realms of misery and strife.

Of course the sentimental observer, terrified at the disease, is in haste for a remedy. The first step is to make a diagnosis, which is done by fastening the blame on some things or some persons. Let me repeat that the real marvel is that civilization has triumphed so far that, in three or four great civilized nations, a few million people can so far control the condition of existence that they can live their lives out in peace and security. One of the commonest and most baseless popular notions is that all men could be or ought to be to-day on that same status and that there is blame to be dispensed if they


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 But let us turn our attention to some more direct evidences of this fact. One of the characteristics of the Lord's second coming is that "He will make all things new," and surely no one can look abroad and fail to see that this Divine promise is being fulfilled in almost every department of civilized existence. The cruel system of slavery, which a century ago carried on its hateful traffic with a high hand and a mercenary spirit, has, by the efforts of philanthropy and a liberal expenditure of public money, been put down by the governments of Europe. For a long

apart from the State in Italy as Dissenters do from the State in England. Baron Ricasoli, the Minister of the Interior, addressed a letter to the Italian bishops on the subject, in which he says,—"The government desires, not less than yourselves, that Italy should enjoy the magnificent and imposing religious spectacle of which the free citizens of the United States of America pride themselves in the council of Baltimore, where religious doctrines are freely discussed, and whose decisions, approved by the pope, will be proclaimed and observed in each city and village, clothed with spiritual sanction, without exequatur or placite. I beg you, however, well to consider that this admirable spectacle is really the production of liberty, a liberty professed and respected by all in principle, and in fact in its largest application to civil, political, and social life. The intention of the Italian government is, as far as in it lies, to prove that it has faith in liberty, and that it desires to apply it as fully as is consistent with the interests of public order. It therefore tells the bishops to return to their ministries, from which they were removed precisely on account of those very considerations of public order. It imposes no other condition than that which is incumbent on every citizen who desires to live peaceably—to confine himself to his own duties, and to observe the law. The State will provide that no one shall be molested nor impeded in the discharge of his duties, but he must not demand privileges if he does not desire bonds, the principle of every free state—that the law is equal to all, admitting of no distinction of any kind." This, from a great Catholic government in the very heart of the Catholic Church, reveals the diminution of its power, and shows that it is undergoing changes little dreamt of a century ago.


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376 be elected, I shall certainly not prejudge him nor allow any prejudice to arise in my mind, but when I look back on former cases in which the campaign enthusiasm has surrounded an untried man with a halo which has subsequently faded into something worse than obscurity, my imagination refuses to act.

Another point in this canvass which very deeply interests me is the condition and future of the South. The campaign seems to be turning more and more to that issue after all, and it seems to be found that distrust of rebels and the old war spirit are still so strong as to be the best available campaign capital. If that is to be so, then I must take sides against any further administration of the affairs of the South by the North acting through the general government. I have had occasion within a year to review the whole history of reconstruction. The effect upon my mind has been shame and blame to myself for the share which I, as a republican, have had in helping to build up the worst legislation of the nineteenth century. I have been shocked to realize by what successive stages we have erected here a system of restrictive and coercive legislation which very few northern republicans know in even its broadest features; and I can only recognize in disorder, riot, misrule, irresponsible official tyranny, and industrial loss, the results which have followed everywhere in history from coercive legislation enacted by one community against another. The republican candidate for the Vice-Presidency devoted his letter of acceptance almost exclusively to the Southern question. He believes that the Southern States are not civilized up to the standard of the Northern States, and he wants to bring them up. I agree with him that they are on a lower grade, but I submit that it is not his business nor ours


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Rh hardest position for beginning reform, perhaps, which there is in the Union; but he has made, at the risk of his own political fortunes, the only positive and successful steps towards it which I know of in the country. The newspaper exposures of the Tweed ring would have made no more impression on that body than the pattering of rain on the hide of a rhinoceros, and the members of the ring would to-day have been flaunting their stolen wealth in the face of the public if Mr. Tilden had not reduced their guilt to an arithmetical demonstration, available in a court of law. The Canal ring fight is known to everybody. The governor of New York cannot put a man in a state prison because he is convinced that he has stolen public money, and if the judicial system of New York is such that conviction and sentence cannot be secured, it is the judicial system which the people have given themselves by their representatives. If they reform themselves they will raise their standard of fitness in candidates for the legislature. New legislators will make new laws and judicial systems. Public administrators, if dishonest, will then find a surer path to the penitentiary, and their number will diminish; but I do not see how this sequence can be started anywhere but at its beginning.

I have in mind, however, not only these "reform" efforts, but also administrative reform. I will take a single case which floated in a paragraph through the newspapers, occasioning, so far as I ever saw, very little attention, but which had an immense effect on my mind and which I have often urged in private conversation.

It was stated that the politicians of the southern tier of counties of New York were bitterly hostile to Governor Tilden. The reasons were given, two in number: (1) Mr. Tilden had refused to remove the re-


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374 publican superintendent of the asylum at Elmira in order to appoint a democrat; (2) Mr. Tilden had removed, for cause, the corporation counsel of Elmira, who was a democrat, although the common council of city was republican and could elect a republican successor. These were good grounds for the opposition of the "politicians," but they were an imperative demand on me, if I was an "Independent" and meant what I had been talking about for years, to give him my full, hearty, and efficient support, if it ever came in my way. This was not popular reform; it was administrative reform of the hardest kind. All question of motives, of affiliations, of party antecedents, falls to the ground when I see a public officer doing just what we want done and what we have been vainly begging some public officer to do; and when I see him engaged in a desperate fight on account of it, I care nothing for any such objections. My business is to give him recognition and support, and when we want a man for a larger sphere, I know of no one more fit, or from whom we can, with more confidence, expect what we want. As for motives, I can judge a man's motives only by his acts; I am tired of being asked to believe that a man who has committed some rascality had nevertheless a good motive, and that a man who has done well had only a selfish impulse. That Mr. Tilden is politician enough to be available is only an advantage, since we cannot get an angel with a flaming sword; and I think that we independents have cast worse reproach upon ourselves than our most sarcastic critics, since we have failed to seize upon a chance which offered itself to our demand and have chosen to trust to a groundless faith and a hope for which we cannot give a reason.

In this latter light I must be allowed, without offense,


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 time efforts have been made to promote its extinction in America, and there can be no doubt that in the events which are now transpiring in that country, it has received a blow from which it never will recover. With its abolition there, it will perish upon the shores of Africa. The system of serfdom in Russia has also been abandoned, and nearly thirty millions of peopie have by a peaceful revolution been raised to the level of freemen. They are astonishing their former masters by their industry and intelligence, and are showing to the world that they appreciate their emancipation by establishing schools for the education of their children. This spread of liberty among bondsmen was scarcely dreamt of fifty years ago, and now the very name of slavery awakens indignation and begets abhorrence. The realization of this love of freedom proves that a Divine influence is present in the world, for "where the Spirit of the Lord is, there is liberty."

The formation of peace societies, also, is not to be overlooked. Their object is to settle national disputes by means of arbitration; thus they belong to a high political morality. They appeal to reason and Christianity, and


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Rh to regard the support of Governor Hayes. It may be accepted upon the testimony of his friends that he is a gentleman of integrity, high character, and spotless honor. Beyond this, however, when the question arises as to whether he has the independent judgment, the original force of mind, the staying-power, which are wanted in the next President of the United States, neither his friends nor any one else can say more than "we believe" that he has. That he has not the wide experience requisite is certain. I repeat what I am not held to say that he has not the former qualities — perhaps he has them. The point is, if I am asked to vote for him, that I have a right to demand to know that he has them, or else, as between him and another who has given guarantees, sound judgment forces me to choose the latter. I received a letter a while ago from a friend of Governor Hayes, who declared that Governor Hayes was a very modest man whose modesty prevented him from accepting the United States Senatorship. I quote it as an instance of what seems to me wrong reasoning on these matters. If Governor Hayes is such a man as is now claimed, it seems to me he is just the man we have sadly needed in the Senate for the last few years, and if he refused to go, he turned his back on the call of public duty. I do not deny his right to refuse, although in general I hold it sound doctrine that a man of good health and independent fortune ought to serve the state when duly and honorably selected; but if Mr. Hayes was ever to be a candidate far the Presidency, he ought to have pursued a public career in the subordinate places which opened to him, he ought to have allowed us to see him in those places, and he ought to have made a record on which we could form a judgment to-day and not be thrown on the say-so of his friends. If he is to


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", where are you going, Sammy?"

"Come back here, we want to get this thing settled!"

Thus Frank and Bob called after their chum, who was headed toward where Mrs. Bouncer still stood on the steps.

"I'm going to find out about that pirate gold!" answered Sammy, never turning around.

"There he goes again!" cried Bob. "I wonder what mother meant by saying that? She never told me about any pirates."

"Maybe we'd better go back and see," suggested Frank. "We'll never get the straight of it from Sammy."

"All right, I'm with you," said Bob, and the two followed their chum.

And while they are thus trying to get at the meaning of the remark made by Mrs. Bouncer I will take just a few minutes to tell my new readers something about the three chums and their friends, as well as about their adventures, which I have set down in the other books of this series,

The first volume was named "Fairview Boys Afloat and Ashore; Or, The Young Crusoes of Pine Island." In that I told how Frank Haven, Sammy Brown and Bob Bouncer went sailing in the Puff, how the craft was wrecked, and how the boys had to live on Pine Island for some days before they were rescued.


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16 "Fairview Boys on Eagle Mountain; Or, Sammy Brown's Treasure Hunt," was the name of the second book, and in that you can read how Sammy, in looking through an old trunk in the attic, discovered a curious document. It told of treasure, and he and his two chums at once set off for Eagle Mountain to discover it.

In the third book, called "Fairview Boys and their Rivals; Or, Bob Bouncer's Schooldays," the chums had a different form of excitement. There was a fire in the school and a jewelry store robbery. How the stolen things were finally recovered, and what part Bob Bouncer had in it, you will find set down in the book.

Then came the fourth volume, called "Fairview Boys at Camp Mystery; Or, The Old Hermit and His Secret." In that the boys had an invitation to visit an old hunter, who lived on a part of Pine Island they had never explored.

Almost as soon as they reached the island the boys discovered a curious aged hermit, who seemed very angry at them. They also found a mysterious room, in an old mansion, and what they found there, how they were startled by an explosion, and what the old hermit's secret was—all that you will find written down in the fourth book.

The boys spent most of the Christmas vacation on Pine Island, and now winter was over, Spring had come and gone, Summer was at hand, and they were ready for warm weather vacation fun.

I might add just a line or two about the boys themselves. Frank Haven was a straightforward, every-day kind of chap, with many likeable qualities. He was a sort of leader for the other two, they generally looking to him for advice.

Bob Bouner, as you have probably guessed, was a "cut-up." He liked jokes and fun, but was never mean in them. He could never resist playing tricks when he got the chance.


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Rh Sammy Brown was a queer chap. He was fond of reading stories of adventures in strange countries, and he loved books on treasure hunting. And it finally became so that, on the slightest chance, he would imagine that he, himself, might one day discover a gold or diamond mine, or stumble on some mysterious horde of pirate gold.

Once, as the readers of my other books know, Sammy did start on a treasure hunt. It had an unexpected ending. And again Sammy was sure he had discovered, on Pine Island, a band of men who made counterfeit money. I leave you to find out for yourself what it really was he came across.

The boys lived in the town of Fairview, on the shores of Rainbow Lake, a large body of water, containing many islands, the largest of them being Pine.

Bob and his two chums had many friends. They went to the same school, were in the same class, and were so often together that it was strange to see one of them out alone.

They usually spent their Summer vacations together, and this was the first time, in some years, that there was a prospect of parting. But Bob believed he had gotten up a plan that would avoid this. It was this plan which was about to be put to the test on this last day of school.

"Wait a minute; can't you, Sammy?" called Bob to his chum, who was hurrying toward Mrs. Bouncer. "Don't go so fast. My mother isn't going to run away."

"I guess maybe he thinks someone else will get ahead of him, and find that pirate gold," suggested Frank. "It's queer your mother never told you about it."

"Maybe it's a joke,' said Bob. "Ma likes to have fun with us, once in a while."

Sammy kept on until he stood in front of Bob's mother. Then he burst out with:

"What's that you said about a pirate, Mrs. Bouncer? Is


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18 there really one at Lighthouse Cove? If there is I'm going to have a hunt for his gold. Did he hide it in a cave, or bury it on the beach? And is there an old map of it, drawn in blood?"

Sammy Brown's eyes were shining with eagerness.

"Oh, what a funny boy!" exclaimed Mrs. Bouncer, with a laugh. "I never expected you would take me up so quickly."

"Why, is it a joke, ma?" asked Bob.

"I don't know whether it is or not," Mrs. Bouncer replied, and she did not smile this time. "I really don't know why I mentioned it," she went on. "It slipped out before I knew it."

"Then there is really pirate gold there; is there?" asked Bob.

"Oh, as to that I can't say. You see, boys, it's this way. I did not intend to speak of it to you, Bob, until we got there, for I didn't want any excitement. But, since it slipped from me, I'll tell you all I know.

"When I went down to Lighthouse Cove, in the Spring, to see about hiring a cottage for the Summer, I met an old sailor who had charge of some of the places that were shut up for the Winter. After looking at several cottages I picked out one named 'Barnacle.' It was a little too large, but it was in an ideal spot, right in the centre of the cove shore. It is lovely there, and near the lighthouse.

"Well, I was talking to this old sailor, whose name is Hamp Salina, and I asked him if Lighthouse Cove was a good place for a lively boy to have fun—I was thinking of you, Bob."

"What did he say?" asked Bob, eagerly.

"Well, he said it was the finest spot a boy could wish for, and if everything else failed to amuse him, he could spend his time digging for the pirate gold. I asked him what he meant,


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Rh and he said there was a rumor that one of the old-time freebooters had come ashore at Lighthouse Cove once, and buried part of his ill-gotten treasure there."

"Did you ask him where it was buried?" asked Sammy, eagerly.

"Oh, yes, but Hamp said he didn't know, and no one else did, though at different times many persons had dug for the gold."

"Did they find any?" asked Frank.

"Never, so the old sailor said. I'm sorry, now, that I mentioned it, for you boys won't do anything else but look for it, I'm afraid."

"We surely will have a try for it!" declared Sammy, earnestly.

"That's what!" exclaimed Bob.

"We'll have to get on the right side of Hamp Salina," said Frank. "Maybe he knows more than he's told."

"Well, don't count too much on it, and then you won't be disappointed," advised Mrs. Bouncer, with a smile. "You'd best run along now, Frank and Sammy, and see if your parents will let you come with Bob."

"If my folks don't let me go," said Sammy, slowly, as he thought of the chance of the pirate's treasure, "if they won't let me go, I—I won't go with them. I'll stay here in Fairview all Summer."

"And so will I!" cried Frank. "But I'm sure they'll let us."

Frank proved to be a good prophet. When Mrs. Haven and Mrs. Brown had read the notes written by Mrs. Bouncer, inviting the boys to Barnacle Cottage, they at once gave their consents. As Mrs. Brown said to Mrs. Haven:

"We'd never have any peace with our boys if they were alone with us, at the places to which we are going. They'd much better be together."