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Page:TASJ-1-3.djvu/302

 Thunder and lightning are rare in Nagasaki. The year 1872, however, embraced more thunder days than is usual. The number of thunder days during the year was sixteen; April alone had four.

The brighestbrightest [sic] month of the whole year was October (7.6) and the most cloudy mouth was April (4.5). In October and November the greatest number of cloudless days was observed (together 10).

Only three earthquakes were felt, and particular care was taken in observing them. None of the earthquakes were very severe, and none of these caused any accident.

The number of storms in, [sic] 1872 was 19. April gives the largest number (5), and then March with 4 storms. In September, October, November, January and February no storms took place in 1872.

In Nagasaki no typhoon occurred during 1872.

The relative humidity was greatest in April (87), and after that July (79). The least humidity occurred in November (66) October (67) and February (67).

A meeting of this Society was held on 17th ultimo, at the Grand Hotel, Dr. Hepburn in the chair. The minutes of the last meeting were read and approved, and it was announced that the following gentlemen had been elected ordinary members of the Society: Dr. Müller, Yedo; Mr. F. R. Wetmore, Yokohama.

The Rev. Mr. Syle then proposed that in view of the increased number of the foreign community residing in Yedo the Society’s meetings should in future be held at Yokohama and Yedo alternately.

Professor Ayrton said that he cordially seconded the motion made by Mr. Syle, because, in addition to adding to the convenience of the few of the Tokei members who now regularly attended, he considered that alternate meetings in that city would largely increase the utility of the Society, since there were resident there many men who, from their ability and profession, were well able to contribute valuable papers, but who now but rarely coming to the meetings scarcely bore in mind how important such a Society as this might ultimately become. Also he thought that of those who were anxious to come many were completely deterred by domestic arrangements preventing them leaving home for the night. The resolution was unanimously agreed to.

title: Page:TASJ-1-3.djvu/302


text:
Author:Minamoto no Tōru

Works about Minamoto

 * The Tale of Genji (fictionalized)

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Author:Minamoto no Tōru


text:
Page:Journal of Conversations with Lord Byron.pdf/84

 tures, I hoped he would give me credit for being sincere in my admiration of them; but he was in no humor to give one credit for any thing on this occasion, as he felt that our giving a preference to seeing sights, when we might have passed the hours with him, was not flattering to his vanity. I should say that Byron was not either skilled in, or an admirer of, works of art; he confessed to me that very few had excited his attention, and that to admire these he had been forced to draw on his imagination. Of objects of taste or virtù he was equally regardless, and antiquities had no interest for him; nay, he carried this so far, that he disbelieved the possibility of their exciting interest in any one, and said that they merely served as excuses for indulging the vanity and ostentation of those who had no other means of exciting attention. Music he liked, though he was no judge of it; he often dwelt on the power of association it possessed, and declared that the notes of a well-known air could transport him to distant scenes and events, presenting objects before him with a vividness that quite banished the present. Perfumes, he said, produced the same effect, though less forcibly, and, added he, with his mocking smile, often make me quite sentimental.

Byron is of a very suspicious nature; he dreads


text:
Page:The Works of H G Wells Volume 11.pdf/107

 with education. You can settle no practical questions until you have settled such disputes as this. Before you can prepare boys to play their part in the world you must ask what is this world for which you prepare them; is it a tragedy or comedy? What is the nature of this drama in which they are to play?"

Dr. Barrack indicated that this statement was noted and approved.

"For clearly," said Mr. Huss, "if success is the justification of life you must train for success. There is no need for men to understand life, then, so long as they do their job in it. That is the opinion of these governors of mine. It has been the opinion of most men of the world—always. Obey the Thing that Is! that is the lesson they would have taught to my boys. Acquiesce. Life for them is not an adventure, not a struggle, but simply obedience and the enjoyment of rewards That, Dr. Barrack, is what such a technical education as they want set up at Woldingstanton really means

"But I have believed always and taught always that what God demands from man is his utmost effort to co-operate and understand. I have taught the imagination, first and most; I have made knowledge, knowledge of what man is and what man's world is and what man may be, which is the adventure of mankind, the substance of all my teaching. At Woldingstanton I have taught philosophy; I have taught the whole history of mankind. If I could not have done that without leaving chemistry and physics, mathematics and languages out of the


text:
User talk:Sije/Mishneh Torah/Introduction

Technical help needed
I'm unsure of what markup to use on these pages. What I need is that this page should show: First, section 1 of page 2, followed by section 1 of page 3, followed by section 1 of page 4; then section 2 of page 2, followed by section 2 of page 3, followed by section 2 of page 4; and then section 3 of page 2, followed by section 3 of page 3, followed by section 3 of page 4. Does anyone understand what I mean? Please tell me if you don't and I'll try to explain it better.

Also, the scan has two columns while I did it in one column; and finally, the scan has the references in between the two columns while I placed them at the bottom between section 1 and section 3. I don't know if this a problem but any help with how to format the pages would be greatly appreciated. Thanks in advance, Sije (talk) 20:57, 28 December 2023 (UTC)
 * You can set portions of pages as separate sections, then transclude by sections. Sections are designated by the syntax: ## sectionname ## on a separate line at the start of the section.  Just label all sections of the same type using exactly the same name.  Once you've got those sections labelled, I can show you how to set the transclusion call correctly. --EncycloPetey (talk) 01:27, 29 December 2023 (UTC)
 * Update: I moved the notes (found in the original between the two columns) to the margin (using MarginNote); so I am now left with only two sections instead of three. I labeled them and named section #1 "Maimonides" and section #2 "KesefMishneh" and I need this page to display section #1 of all three pages first, followed by section #2 of all three pages. I am now waiting for further guidance from you or others. Thanks in advance, Sije (talk) 07:08, 31 December 2023 (UTC)
 * In the pages tag, use the code "onlysection=Maimonides" to display just the Maimonides portions, then use a second pages statement with "onlysection=KesefMishneh". This will separate the two sections of text. --EncycloPetey (talk) 18:39, 31 December 2023 (UTC)
 * Done. Thanks, Sije (talk) 20:00, 31 December 2023 (UTC)
 * @Sije: Use left sidenote (shortcut lsn) and right sidenote (shortcut rsn) in preference to MarginNote. The latter is an old template that doesn't play well with our dynamic layouts system. Whether you use left or right doesn't really matter (pick whichever makes most sense to you) since they will be moved based on the layout. Xover (talk) 20:02, 31 December 2023 (UTC)
 * Xover, I changed it to rsn and I don't like the outcome. Why are some of the notes on this page displayed in the middle of the text with text both to the right side of the note and to the left side of the note? Sije (talk) 21:02, 31 December 2023 (UTC)
 * @Sije: That doesn't sound right. Where and on which page are you seeing this? Xover (talk) 21:35, 31 December 2023 (UTC)
 * Xover, please see User:Sije/Mishneh Torah/Introduction/Transmission of the Oral Law (desktop view). Thanks, Sije (talk) 22:08, 31 December 2023 (UTC)
 * @Sije: That's because it's still in a subpage of your user page. Once it's moved to Translation: the dynamic layouts will pick it up. Dynamic layouts are also active on the specific page User:Sije/Sandbox (it triggers off the page name) so you can use that to test. Xover (talk) 23:32, 31 December 2023 (UTC)


text:
Page:The Czechoslovak Review, vol4, 1920.pdf/236

 that green guise upon his grave, and as if he had felt the inexpressible bliss of that embrace and of the glowing kiss which penetrated thru the cold bark into his heart.

The party reutrned. Uljana was already sitting quietly in her place again.

“Our good fellows have been passing their time in a more useful way,” said old Ivan Ivanovitch jovially, smoothing his white mustache, “they have bagged a first-rate roebuck.”

This hunting episode was discussed in a jocular manner. But I had no thoughts except for Jan’s epilogue.

“Please show me the page that you saved from my fellow-countryman’s poem”, I asked Tabunov.

“Ah yes, here it is.” And the surgeon took a charred and yellow sheet of paper out of his pocket-book.

“And read us these verses aloud, please,—I should so much like to hear what a Czech poem sounds like,” exclaimed Anna Kirilovna.

“Yes, recite it to us with the appropriate feeling,—stand over there in the shadow of the ash-tree by the poet’s grave, it will be very touching”, remarked Aglaja Andrejevna, and it was difficult to decide whether these words were ironical or the expression of a momentary sentimental mood.

Involuntarily I stepped up to the ash-tree, the top of which was now trembling from time to time in the wind. Holding the paper in my hand, I gave another glance at Uljana,—her enchanting blue eyes, glistening with tears, were resting fixedly upon my lips.

“Mind your hat!” Suslikov admonished me at this moment, and while I clutched at my hat with one hand, a violent puff of wind suddenly dragged the paper out of the other, and in a twinkling carried it away over the abyss.

“Ah!” exclaimed everybody with one accord, and they all scrambled to the edge of the chasm.

Tabunov stretched his hand out towards the paper, which was gently fluttering through the air above the abyss and falling into an inaccessible ravine in the wild depths of the forest: he turned his face to us with a bitter smile and said: “See friends,—that is fame!”

In March and April the Slovaks of America had the pleasure of welcoming two delegates of the Slovak Parliamentary Club, the Rev. Ladislav Moyš, until recently chief of the Uzhorod District, and John Pocisk, member of the National Assembly.

While the Czechs have had a good many visitors during the past year, some of them with various official missions, the Slovaks of America had to be satisfied until now with reports of their own delegates as to conditions in the old country. Their only visitors from abroad were two men who came last winter to agitate for the policy of separation from the Czechs; they were not very successful in their object, but they managed to create some ill feeling and squabbles, especially in Slovak Catholic churches.

Though they claimed to represent the Slovak People’s (Catholic) party, they were repudiated by it, and the two visitors who arrived in March brought credentials from the Slovak Club in which all the Slovak political parties are represented. The Rev. Ladislav Moyš is a Roman Catholic priest who has ben a Slovak patriot during the days of MayarMagyar [sic] rule, when to be a good Slovak involved much persecution. Upon the overthrow of MayarMagyar [sic] rule he was placed in charge of one of the counties of Slovakia from which position he resigned prior to his mission to America. His companion John Pocisk is a workingman of Bratislava, a leader of the Slovak social democratic party. This partnership and good comradeship of a Catholic priest and a socialist leader is typical of conditions in the Czechoslovak Republic, where men of the most divergent political and religious views heartily co-operate with each other for the good of their country.

Father Moyš and Mr. Pocisk spoke practically every night since their arrival in March, and always to crowded meetings of their countrymen who were eager to hear from eye-witnesses a trustworthy account of the present conditions in Slovakia. They told their countrymen with reference to relations of Czechs and Slovaks that the Czechs had always ben ready to agree to any political demand of the Slovaks; but the Slovak leaders realized that only close union with Czech brothers would preserve the Slovaks from the aggressive designs of the Magyars. So while all local affairs in Slovakia are completely in the hands of the Slovaks themselves, it was not thought desirable to erect Slovakia into a separate province with its own diet, as the Slovaks of America originally planned it.

At a meeting of the Slovak League, held in Pittsburgh on April 9, a report to the same effect was made by Albert Mamatey, president of the League, with the result that the Slovak League approved of the manner in which the leaders of the Slovak nation arranged their relations with the Czechs. Thus the danger of a misunderstanding between the two branches of the Czechoslovak nation which the Magyars zealously tried to bring about has been fortunately done away with.


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Page:The Works of H G Wells Volume 11.pdf/108

 curriculum altogether I would have left them out. And you see why, Dr. Barrack."

"I see your position certainly," said Dr. Barrack.

"And now that my heavens are darkened, now that my eyes have been opened to the wretchedness, futility and horror in the texture of life, I still cling, I cling more than ever, to the spirit of righteousness within me. If there is no God, no mercy, no human kindliness in the great frame of space and time, if life is a writhing torment, an itch upon one little planet, and the stars away there in the void no more than huge empty flares, signifying nothing, then all the brighter shines the flame of God in my heart. If the God in my heart is no son of any heavenly father then is he Prometheus the rebel; it does not shake my faith that he is the Master for whom I will live and die. And all the more do I cling to this fire of human tradition we have lit upon this little planet, if it is the one gleam of spirit in all the windy vastness of a dead and empty universe."

Dr. Barrack seemed about to interrupt with some comment, and then, it was manifest, deferred his interpolation.

"Loneliness and littleness," said Mr. Huss, "harshness in the skies above and in the texture of all things. If so it is that things are, so we must see them. Every baby in its mother's arms feels safe in a safe creation; every child in its home. Many men and women have lived and died happy in that illusion of security. But this war has torn away the veil of illusion from millions of men Mankind is coming of age. We can see life at last for what it is and what it is not.


text:
Author:Aubrey FitzGerald Bell

Works

 * Spanish Galicia

title: Author:Aubrey FitzGerald Bell


text:
Page:Journal of Conversations with Lord Byron.pdf/85

 imposition on all points, declares that he foregoes many things, from the fear of being cheated in the purchase, and is afraid to give way to the natural impulses of his character, lest he should be duped or mocked. This does not interfere with his charities, which are frequent and liberal; but he has got into a habit of calculating even his most trifling personal expenses, that is often ludicrous, and would in England expose him to ridicule. He indulges in a self-complacency when talking of his own defects, that is amusing; and he is rather fond than reluctant of bringing them into observation. He says that money is wisdom, knowledge, and power, all combined; and that this conviction is the only one he has in common with all his countrymen. He dwells with great asperity on an acquaintance to whom he lent some money, and who has not repaid him.

Byron seems to take particular pleasure in ridiculing sentiment and romantic feelings; and yet the day after will betray both, to an extent that appears impossible to be sincere, to those who had heard his previous sarcasms; that he is sincere, is evident, as his eyes fill with tears, his voice becomes tremulous, and his whole manner evinces that he feels what he says. All this appears so inconsistent, that it destroys sympathy, or, if it does not quite do that, it makes one


text:
Template:Please see

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title: Template:Please see


text: Author:Yōzei

title: Author:Yōzei


text: Author:Kōkō

title: Author:Kōkō


text:
Page:Journal of Conversations with Lord Byron.pdf/86

 angry with one's self for giving way to it for one who is never two days of the same way of thinking, or at least expressing himself. He talks for effect, likes to excite astonishment, and certainly destroys, in the mind of his auditors, all confidence in his stability of character. This must, I am certain, be felt by all who have lived much in his society; and the impression is not satisfactory.

Talking one day of his domestic misfortunes, as he always called his separation from Lady Byron, he dwelt in a sort of unmanly strain of lamentation on it, that all present felt to be unworthy of him; and as, the evening before, I had heard this habitude of his commented on by persons indifferent about his feelings, who even ridiculed his making it a topic of conversation with mere acquaintances, I wrote a few lines in verse, expressive of my sentiments, and handed it across the table round which we were seated, as he was sitting for his portrait. He read them, became red and pale by turns, with anger, and threw them down on the table, with an expression of countenance that is not to be forgotten. The following are the lines, which had nothing to offend, but they did offend him deeply, and he did not recover his temper during the rest of his stay.


text:
Author:Tenji

Works

 * Man'yōshū (as contributor)
 * Man'yōshū (as contributor)

title: Author:Tenji


text:
Author:Harry Braisted

Works

 * She Was Bred In Old Kentucky (1898) - song lyrics

title: Author:Harry Braisted


text: Author:Ariwara no Yukihira

title: Author:Ariwara no Yukihira


text:
Page:Operation Crossroads 1946.pdf/66

 some target ships might be so heavily contaminated they could not be boarded safely for an indefinite period (Reference B.0.1, pp. E-IX-1 and E-IX-2).

Following conference attended by senior radsafe personnel, a new appendix to the CJTF 1 Operation Plan radsafe annex was issued in 15 July. Under the revised radsafe plan, the Radiological Safety Section retained its five major elements. Since radioactivity from the underwater explosion was expected to be last longer and be more intense than from ABLE, personnel were added to the Radiological Safety Control Unit for around-the-clock operation (Reference C.9.206, p. XII-(C)-16). Some additions and subtractions were made to the radsafe reconnaissance units. A third PBM unit and one upwind destroyer unit were added to improve lagoon reconnaissance. Three cloud-tracking units were dropped, presumably because the underwater explosion was not expected to create a cloud as high and far-reaching as ABLE (Reference B.0.1, pp. E-X-1 and E-X-5).

The total number of civilians and military officers in the Radiological Safety Section changed between ABLE and BAKER as follows (Reference C.9.206, p. VII-(C)-5):

The number of monitors probably decreased, but more than 225 were available for BAKER (Reference A.1, p. 31).

The distribution of radsafe monitors was changed for BAKER: fewer were put on LCPLs and more were assigned to the DSM. Sixty-one were placed under the control of the DSM with duties as follows (Reference B.0.1, pp. E-X-14 and E-X-15):

 * 1. The DSM and his deputy each were to have a monitor acting as his technical advisor and administrative assistant on radsafe matters.

 * 2. Six monitors were to have radsafe duties in support of emergency firefighting and salvage operations as directed by the DSM or his radsafe advisor.

 * 3. Two monitors were to accompany each of the ten initial boarding teams and to act as radsafe advisors to the team captains.

 * 4. Thirty-three personnel were to act as monitors for the target ship crews when they rebounded their ships and as radsafe advisors to the ships' captains.

Monitor duties were basically the same for ABLE and BAKER; for BAKER, however, monitors were admonished to (Reference B.0.1, p. E-X-16):

61

title: Page:Operation Crossroads 1946.pdf/66


text:
Page:Jesuit Education.djvu/40

20 for learning, the Jesuits determined to avail themselves of this zeal in the interest of the Catholic Church, and to combat the Reformation with its own weapon. To the same purpose Dr. Russell writes: "The Jesuits in employing schools to check the growth of heresy and to win back to the Church apostate Germany, merely borrowed the devil's artillery to fight the devil with. And they used it to good effect." Two serious errors are at the root of such statements: First, it is taken for granted that the Society of Jesus was instituted directly against Protestantism, and that it used schools and learning only to counteract this movement. In the next chapter we shall prove that this view of the Society is entirely unhistorical. The second error underlying this view is the implicit belief that, before the Protestant Reformation, education was at a very low ebb, and that there existed little, if any, zeal for learning. In order to understand the rise and progress of the educational system of the Jesuits and its dependence on other schools, it will be necessary to sketch the status of education in Western Christendom before the foundation of the Society of Jesus. This sketch must be very imperfect and fragmentary in a work like the present. Besides, there exists as yet no history of education in the Middle Ages which can be considered as satisfactory, although some valuable monographs on the subject have appeared within the past few years.

title: Page:Jesuit Education.djvu/40


text:
Author:Ariwara no Narihira

Works

 * Ise Monogatari
 * Narihira-shū (業平集)
 * Narihira-shū (業平集)

Works about Ariwara

 * "The Tales of Ise", in Anthology of Japanese Literature (1955), edited by Donald Keene

title: Author:Ariwara no Narihira


text:
Page:Jesuit Education.djvu/22

2 runner in the revolution, and to the course it has laid down the other colleges and universities either have adapted themselves or are preparing so to do. "Faculties and Presidents are trying to tear down the old order which they no longer honor."

For two or three decades various attempts and experiments have been made to establish a "new order." But the dissatisfaction seems rather to grow than to diminish. The man who has kept in touch with pedagogical publications knows right well that there exists in our high schools and colleges an unsettled state of affairs and a wide-spread discontent with present methods. Thus, in the Educational Review, we find the following statements: "It is not without reason that one so often hears the state of the educational world described as chaotic." The first sentence of an article on "Latin in the High School" informs us that "even to the superficial observer it must be apparent that our secondary Latin teaching is in a state of unrest." "Further proof of this widespread feeling of insecurity lies in the susceptibility of our Latin teachers to fashions or 'fads', in a surprising readiness to adopt innovations and carry them to an extreme." Many will not care much for the "dead" languages, if only the "sciences" are taught well.

title: Page:Jesuit Education.djvu/22


text:
Page:Jesuit Education.djvu/23

Rh What is said about the sciences? The same volume contains an article entitled: "The Disappointing Results of Science Teaching." Therein it is stated that "the results of the teaching of science in schools of all kinds have been very disappointing to the friends and advocates of science teaching. ... The work is unsatisfactory when the best opportunities are provided and skilled teachers devote all their time to it, indeed where they practically have everything their own way. ... This has given the advocates of the older literary studies a chance to look over their spectacles and say: 'I told you so.' It is plain that class-room science-teaching has no history to be proud of, but the reverse. Something is radically wrong when, after a generation of science-teaching, those who have had the best available teaching in it do not show some of the superiority which is claimed for it in insight, tact, skill, judgment, and affairs in general." Complaints of a similar nature can be found in more recent publications.

It is evident, then, that final judgment on the modern system is reserved for the future. If we consider the results obtained within the last ten years, it appears unintelligible that many writers on education are so unreserved in denouncing systems of the past, which have a "history to be proud of." Indeed, it may be said that the present educational movement is characterized by a morbid craving for novelties, but still more by contempt of old traditions. Modern pedagogy has rightly been called a Proteus. It daily assumes new forms so that even its most ardent followers seem not to know what they are really

title: Page:Jesuit Education.djvu/23


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Page:Jesuit Education.djvu/24

4 grappling with. In very truth, pedagogists of to-day appear to be quite certain of only one point, that "the old is worthless and that something new must be produced at any price."

We do not deny that our age demands "something" new in education. Growth and development are necessary in educational systems. Every age and every nation has its own spirit, its peculiar ways and means to meet a given end, and these very ways and means inevitably exert a great influence on educational methods and call for modifications and adaptations of what has met the purpose of the past. An educational system, fitted in every detail to all times and all nations, is an impossibility. For the majority of cases it would be a Procrustean bed. It would be folly, therefore, to claim that even the best system of education in all its details were as fit for the twentieth century as for the sixteenth, or that the same system in its entirety might be introduced into Japan or China as well as into Germany, England and the United States.

For an educational system must aim not at educating men in general, but at educating the youth of a

title: Page:Jesuit Education.djvu/24


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Page:Jesuit Education.djvu/25

Rh certain age in a certain country. Hence the necessity of changes, of development. Education is something living and must grow, otherwise it will soon wither and decay. There are, however, certain fundamental principles, certain broad outlines of education, based on sound philosophy and the experience of centuries, which surfer no change. Unfortunately, it is some of these principles which have been abandoned by modern pedagogists, and it is for this reason that many "school reforms" of these days have proved mere "school changes" or, as Professor Münsterberg of Harvard University styles them, "school deteriorations." This important distinction between what is essential and what is accidental in education, has too frequently been disregarded by those advocates of the new system who claim that the old principles and methods must be given up, because they are not suited to cope with modern conditions. What is but secondary in education, as for instance the election of courses and branches, has been proclaimed to be of vital importance, and its absence in the older systems has been considered as the strongest proof that these systems are entirely antiquated. This mistake has more than once been made by those who attack one of the celebrated old systems, the Ratio Studiorum of the Jesuits.

Only three years ago, President Eliot of Harvard University, in a paper read before the American Institute of Instruction, July 10, 1899, advocated the extension of electivism to secondary or high schools.

title: Page:Jesuit Education.djvu/25


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Page:Jesuit Education.djvu/26

6 As opposed to his favorite system, President Eliot mentioned "the method followed in Moslem countries, where the Koran prescribes the perfect education to be administered to all children alike. Another instance of uniform prescribed education may be found in the curriculum of Jesuit colleges, which has remained almost unchanged for four hundred years, disregarding some trifling concessions made to natural sciences." The President further declared that "the immense deepening and expanding of human knowledge in the nineteenth century and the increasing sense of the sanctity of the individual's gifts and will-power have made uniform prescriptions of study in secondary schools impossible and absurd."

As the Jesuits, together with the Moslems, are said to uphold prescribed courses, they are implicitly charged with attempting what is "absurd," nay "impossible." In our days of critical and fair-minded research, such sweeping condemnations are beyond excuse; they show forth no careful and impartial examination of the system censured. But we have reasons to suspect that lack of sympathy and of knowledge impairs the judgment of most opponents of the Jesuits. "True criticism," writes a distinguished English historian, "must be sympathetic;" where there is antipathy a false appreciation is inevitable. That lack of sympathy has led many critics into unfair discriminations in regard to the educational system of the Jesuits, can be proved by numerous instances. In the sixteenth century, Protestant as well as Catholic schools made Latin the principal subject matter of

title: Page:Jesuit Education.djvu/26


text:
Page:Jesuit Education.djvu/27

Rh instruction, and the study of the mother tongue was well nigh neglected. In many Protestant schools the use of the Latin language in conversation, school exercises and dramatic performances was more strictly enforced than in Jesuit colleges, and those who spoke the vernacular were punished. Should we not suppose that in Protestant and Jesuit schools the same reasons suggested the use of the Latin tongue? Some Protestant critics assign quite different reasons, but without proof. In a work published by order of the Prussian Ministry for Instruction, we find the following: "The School System of Saxony of 1528 provided Latin schools pure and simple. Why? Because it demanded an extraordinary amount of time to make Latinists of German boys, so that little time and energy were left for other subjects. Melanchthon, for this reason, excluded even Greek from his plan of studies. As Latin, at that time, was the universal language of all Western Christendom, the official language of the Roman Church and of diplomatic intercourse, the language of the most celebrated code of laws, the only language of learning, mastery of this language was the first and indispensable condition for a career in Church and State, and for every participation in the higher intellectual life." However, when speaking of the great stress laid on Latin in the Jesuit schools, the same author does not hesitate to assert: "A more zealous cultivation of the mother tongue

title: Page:Jesuit Education.djvu/27


text:
Page:Jesuit Education.djvu/28

8 would have opposed the Romish-international tendencies of the Order." Here we must ask: Was not the Latin language, for Catholics as well as for Protestants, the language of learning, of diplomatic intercourse, of the most celebrated code of laws? And was not the mastery of this language, equally for the Catholics, the indispensable condition for a career in Church and State, and for every participation in the higher intellectual life? Consequently, the Jesuits had to insist on this language as well as the Protestants, and that for the very same reasons. Why, then, impute to them other motives of rather a suspicious character?

Nor are scholarly works of prominent American writers free from similar misstatements. Dr. Russell, Dean of Teachers' College, Columbia University, writes: "Catholic and Protestant schools alike at the beginning of the seventeenth century, gave little heed to the substance of the ancient civilization. Both alike were earnestly devoted to the study of the Latin language – the Jesuits, because it was the universal speech of their Order; the Protestants, because it was the first step towards a knowledge of Holy Writ." No proof is given to substantiate the discrimination between Protestants and Catholics. Latin was, as

title: Page:Jesuit Education.djvu/28


text:
Page:Jesuit Education.djvu/29

 Dr. Rethwisch affirms, "the universal language of all Western Christendom," not only the universal speech of the Order of Jesuits. Besides, as the Catholics used extensively the Latin Vulgate of the Bible, the study of Latin was for them much more than for the Protestants "the first step towards a knowledge of Holy Writ."

Lack of sympathy is the least unworthy reason assignable for President Eliot's grouping of only Jesuits and Moslems as the upholders of prescribed courses. Have not all European countries prescribed courses that resemble the system of the Jesuits incomparably more than President Eliot's electivism? Germany, for instance, although it offers various schools: classical (Gymnasium), Latin-scientific (Real-Gymnasium), scientific (Real-Schule), has within these schools strictly uniform curricula. And yet American educators do not hesitate to say that "the organization of the higher school system, especially in Prussia, is worthy of general imitation;" that "for many years American educators have drawn professional inspiration from German sources;" that "the experience of Germany can teach us much, if we will but learn to consider it aright;" and that "a uniform course of study for all schools of a particular grade, and a common standard for promotion and graduation, can be made most serviceable in a national scheme of education."

title: Page:Jesuit Education.djvu/29


text:
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10 Why then mention only Jesuits and Moslems? Considering the esteem in which German schools and scholarship are held by many, it would evidently have produced little effect to have said: "Moslems, the Jesuits and the Germans have prescribed courses."

Many writers on education have been misled in their estimate of the Jesuit system by blindly accepting and uncritically repeating the censures of a few authors who, deservedly or not, have acquired a reputation as pedagogical writers. Thus Quick, in numerous passages of his Educational Reformers, pays a high tribute to the Jesuit system. In a few places, especially in one paragraph, he finds fault with it. In some American works we find this one paragraph quoted as Quick's judgment on the Jesuit system, and not a word is said of his hearty approbation of most points of that system. It is also most unfortunate that American teachers and writers on education place so much confidence in the productions of M. Compayré, especially his History of Pedagogy. For many reasons this work must be called a most unreliable source of

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Rh information. In the chapter on the Jesuits in particular, there are not many sentences which do not contain some misstatement. Whereas nearly all writers, even those most hostile to the Society, acknowledge at least a few good points in its educational system, Compayré cannot admit therein a single redeeming feature. The Jesuits are blamed alike in their failures and in their successes. It is sad to think that from such untrustworthy sources American teachers largely derive their information about the educational labors of the Jesuits and of Catholics in general. Can we wonder that so many prejudices prevail against Jesuit education, of which many know only an ugly caricature?

Indeed, lack of sufficient knowledge is at the root of most censures of the educational principles and methods of the Society. In nearly every case of adverse criticism, it is apparent that a scholarly examination of the official documents has been dis-

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12 pensed with, and that the oft-refuted calumnies of virulent partisan pamphlets have simply been repeated. Or have the assailants of the educational system of the Jesuits carefully studied the original sources: the Fourth Part of the Constitutions, the Ratio Studiorum, and the numerous other documents of the Society, treating of its educational system? Or have they themselves studied in Jesuit colleges? Have their children, relatives or friends been Jesuit pupils? Have they been sufficiently acquainted with Jesuit teachers? If not, is it fair and conscientious criticism to condemn a system about which they possess no reliable information whatever? If now-a-days one writes on the philosophy of India, on the doctrine of Zoroaster, or on the education of the Greeks and Romans, he adorns his books with an elaborate scientific apparatus. He studies the original languages or consults the best translations and commentaries, and spares no pains to let the reader know that he has drawn from trustworthy sources. How much more care should be taken if, not philosophic systems or nations of a far-off past, but a living institution is concerned? No matter how much opposed it may be to the critic's views, fair treatment and justice should never be denied, even if all sympathy is withheld. But a few years ago a Protestant writer in Germany, reviewing Father Duhr's work on the educational system of the Society, recommended the work most earnestly to the Protestant educators; for, as he said, "even our scholarly works on education betray a shocking ignorance in regard to everything pertaining to the Jesuits." It

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Rh is needless to say that this remark has an application for America and England.

The study of this system cannot be without interest to those who devote themselves to educating youth. During the two centuries preceding the suppression of the Order, this system exerted a world-wide influence on hundreds of thousands of pupils, and, although in a lesser degree, does so at present. In 1901 the Jesuits imparted a higher education to more than fifty-two thousand youths, of which number seven thousand two hundred belong to this country. The educational work of the Jesuits produced most brilliant results in former centuries and received most flattering commendations from Protestant scholars and rulers, and from atheistic philosophers.

However, the study of the Ratio Studiorum is not only of historical interest. Protestant writers admit that a close examination of the Jesuit system may teach the educators of our age many valuable lessons. According to Quick "it is a system, a system built up by the united efforts of many astute intellects and showing marvellous skill in selecting means to attain a clearly conceived end. There is then in the history of education little that should be more interesting or might be more instructive to the master of an English public school than the chapter about the Jesuits." Davidson, in spite of some severe strictures, is not less convinced of the advantages which may be derived

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14 from the study of Jesuit education: "While it is impossible for lovers of truth and freedom to have any sympathy with either the aim or matter of Jesuit education, there is one point connected with it that well deserves our most serious consideration, and that is its success. This was due to three causes, first, to the single-minded devotion of the members of the Society; second, to their clear insight into the needs of their times; third, to the completeness with which they systematized their entire course, in view of a simple, well-defined aim. In all these matters we can well afford to imitate them. Indeed, the education of the present day demands just the three conditions which they realized."

For many the study of one of the old systems may be the greatest novelty. So much is said now-a-days about the new pedagogy and modern psychology, that it might appear as if the past had been utterly ignorant of the true nature of the child and of the rational methods of education. Still the writer hopes to establish that, what the ablest educators, even of our own age, have pronounced essential for the training of the young, is contained in the educational system of the Jesuits. It is not claimed that this system is perfect. No educational system can be found which, both in plan and execution, is without defects. The Society of Jesus has never denied the possibility and necessity of improvements in its educational system; nor has it ever claimed that the Ratio Studiorum, in every detail was to be applied to all countries and to all ages. Changes were made in the course of time;

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Rh and in many passages of the Ratio Studiorum it is expressly stated that the Superiors are empowered to make these changes, according to the demands of time and place. Thus the teaching of the Jesuits varies considerably in different countries, without necessitating any change in the Order's legislation on education.

A biographer of the founder of the Society says with reference to the educational system of the Order: "It is a plan which admits of every legitimate progress and perfection, and what Ignatius said of the Society in general, may be applied to its system of studies in particular, namely, that it ought to suit itself to the times and comply with them, and not make the times suit themselves to it." The advice of St. Ignatius is undoubtedly of vital importance to the Order, if now and in future it wants to do the work for which it was instituted. In fact, the versatility of the Jesuits has become proverbial and a reproach to the Order; they are said to be so shrewd and cunning that, among those hostile to the Order, the very word "Jesuit" has come to mean the incarnation of craft and subtlety. Is it probable that the Jesuits on a sudden have utterly forgotten the all-important injunction of their founder? Is it probable that they who are said to be most ambitious and most anxious of success, have so little suited themselves to the times, as to leave their method of teaching unchanged for centuries? Is it possible that the men who, as Davidson says, had such "a clear insight into the needs of their times" do not adapt their system to the needs of our age? Or is their system not capable of being suited to modern times? This indeed is the favorite objection raised

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16 now-a-days. "The Ratio Studiorum is antiquated and difficult to reform... For nearly three centuries they [the Jesuits] were the best schoolmasters of Europe; they revolutionized instruction as completely as Frederick the Great modern warfare, and have thus acted, whether they meant it or not, as pioneers of human progress... Whatever may have been the service of the Jesuits in past times, we have little to hope for them in the improvement of education at present. Governments have, on the whole, acted wisely by checking and suppressing their colleges." At any rate, the study of a system which for "centuries furnished the best schoolmasters of Europe and completely revolutionized instruction", must be interesting for the student of the history of education. For this reason we first present the history, or the development, of this system. In the second part we shall explain its principles, its theory and practice, with special reference to modern educational views.

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 ment. Whence does the Order derive this power? I think it can arise only from a great idea, not from base and selfish desires. Now the root idea which animated all the members of this Society, and which inspired them with enthusiasm, was that their Order was the chosen instrument for saving the Church; that they were the knights, the champions, of the ruler of the Church, ready, if God should so will it, to fall as first victims in the great battle against a heathen and heretical world. Lasting results cannot be achieved by an idea unless it is embodied in some external system. The system of the Society of Jesus, from the fundamental principles to the minutest details of discipline, is admirably fitted and adapted to its ends. The greatest possible power of the individual is preserved without derangement of the organism of the Order; spontaneous activity and perfect submission of the will, contrasts almost irreconcilable, seem to have been harmoniously united in a higher degree by the Society than by any other body."

These remarks of the Berlin Professor were made with special reference to the educational system of the Society, as laid down in the Ratio Studiorum. Years before another German Protestant had spoken similarly on the same subject. Ranke, in his History of the Popes, admits that the Jesuits were very successful in the education of youth, but he claims that this success can scarcely be credited to their learning or their piety, but rather to the exactness and nicety of their methods. He finds in their system a combination of learning with untiring zeal, of exterior pomp with strict asceticism, of unity of aim with unity of government, such as the world has never witnessed before or since.

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Rh Now-a-days a great interest is taken in the historical aspects of educational systems. The first question, then, which presents itself is: From what sources did the Jesuits derive the principles and methods by which they were enabled to obtain such success? It is evident that the Jesuit system was not altogether the original work of a few clever men who produced a system with methods previously unheard of; their Ratio Studiorum was, to a great extent, a prudent adaptation and development of methods which had existed before the foundation of the Order. It has frequently been maintained that all, or at least much, of what is good in the Ratio Studiorum, was drawn from the famous Plan of Studies of John Sturm, the zealous Protestant reformer and schoolman of Strasburg. Dr. Russell is convinced of this fact, when he writes: "Sturm could have received no greater compliment than was paid him by the Society of Jesus in incorporating so many of his methods into the new Catholic schools." Indeed, Sturm himself expressed in 1565 the suspicion that the Jesuits had drawn from his sources. As we shall see in the next chapters, both Sturm and Ignatius of Loyola drew, in all likelihood, from the same sources, namely, the traditions of the great University of Paris and the humanistic schools of the Netherlands.

It is a very common error to argue: post hoc, ergo propter hoc. Anything good found after the Protestant Reformation of the sixteenth century, is by many writers directly ascribed to its influence. Thus it is said that, after the Protestants had awakened a zeal

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Rh §1. Schools at the Close of the Middle Ages.

The intellectual darkness of the Middle Ages has been long a favorite theme for popular writing. Many have had the fixed notion that the Church, afraid of progress, ever set her face against the enlightenment of the people, but that at length her opposition was beaten down by the craving for knowledge aroused by the principles of the Reformation, and that, in consequence of the break with Rome, various schools at once arose in Protestant countries. Such popular declamations have been disavowed by all honest Protestant historians. They admit that, what may be called the darkness of these centuries, was owing to the political and social conditions of the nations after the Northern barbarians had nearly annihilated ancient civilization, but not to any hostility of the Church against learning and education. "The grossest ignorance of the Dark Ages," says an English historian, "was not due to the strength of the ecclesiastical system, but to its weakness. The improvement of education formed a prominent object with every zealous churchman and every ecclesiastical reformer from the days of Gregory the Great to the days when the darkness passed away under the influence of the

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22 ecclesiastical revival of the eleventh and twelfth centuries."

In another passage of his great work the same author says of education before the Reformation: "It may be stated with some confidence that, at least in the later middle age, the smallest towns and even the larger villages possessed schools where a boy might learn to read and to acquire the first rudiments of ecclesiastical Latin, while, except in very remote and thinly populated regions, he would never have to go far to find a regular grammar school. That the means of reading, writing and the elements of Latin were far more widely diffused than has sometimes been supposed, is coming to be generally recognized by students of medieval life."

It is now not only acknowledged that much was done for the education of the people, but also that all education during the Middle Ages proceeded from the Church. Nothing but prejudice or ignorance of the

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Rh past can raise any doubts about the merits of the Church in the field of education. We cannot narrate what the Church has done to advance popular education in the earlier Middle Ages. Numerous councils, – for instance, those of Orange in France (529), Constantinople (680), Aix-la-Chapelle (802), Mentz (813), Rome (826 and 1179), – exhorted the clergy to instruct the children, "without accepting anything beyond a compensation the parents should offer freely," as Bishop Arbyton of Basle (died in 821) writes. From the twelfth century on the number of schools increased considerably.

Much more evidence is available about the schools of the closing Middle Ages. A great deal of it is published in the well-known History of the German People by Janssen. Although compulsory education was unknown, we learn from many records, preserved in towns and villages, that the schools were well attended. In the little town of Wesel there were, in 1444, five teachers employed to instruct the children in reading, writing, arithmetic, and choir-singing. In the district of the Middle Rhine, in the year 1500,

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24 there were whole stretches of country where a "people's school" was to be found within a circuit of every six miles. Small parishes even of five or six hundred souls were not without their village schools. The Protestant historian Palacky stated that, while examining documents in the archives of Bohemia, he took note of all the teachers whose names he happened to come across, and found that about the year 1400 the diocese of Prague must have had at least 640 schools. Taking this for the average, the 63 dioceses then existing in Germany would have possessed the respectable number of over 40,000 elementary or primary schools.

This conjecture may not be very accurate, but the evidence furnished by contemporary documents at least goes a great way to show that the number of schools was very large. The latter part of the Middle Ages was the time in which the burning zeal for learning led to the invention of the art of printing, and this art in turn still further increased the desire to learn and facilitated the work of education. In a pamphlet printed in Mentz, in 1498, it was said: "Everybody now wants to read and to write." In the light of such facts, who does not see the absurdity of the assertion of Compayré and other writers that the primary school, whether Catholic or Protestant, is the child of the Reformation? Towards the end of the

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Rh fifteenth century good and respectable parents, at least in Germany, began to consider it their duty to let their children acquire an education. This interest in education naturally led to the establishment of many new schools. Complaints are even made in some cities that too many schools are opened. The facts given so far prove also that it is not correct to say that the German "people's school" did not assume the shape of a school for the masses until the Reformation, or that medieval culture was but for the few, and that it was Luther who brought the schoolmaster into the cottage. Otherwise who frequented the numerous schools in towns and villages, where "everybody wanted to read and to write"?

What is now called "secondary education" was not as strictly distinguished from elementary and university training as it is now-a-days. From very early times higher education was cared for in numerous schools connected with monasteries and cathedrals. The merits of the Order of St. Benedict in preserving the treasures of classical literature are universally acknowledged. Its monks were not only the great clearers of land in Europe, at once missionaries and laborers, but also the teachers of the nations rising from barbarism to civilization.

Benedictine monasticism gave the world almost its only houses of learning and education, and constituted by far the most powerful civilizing agency in Europe, until it was superseded as an educational instrument by the growth of the universities. The period that

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26 intervenes between the time of Charlemagne and the eleventh century has been well styled the Benedictine age. And before that period the numerous monastic schools of Ireland had been frequented by so many holy and learned men as justly to win for that country the title of Insula Sanctorum et Doctorum, the Island of Saints and Scholars. In general, careful historical research by modern scholars presents a picture of the medieval monks quite different from that given by the author of Ivanhoe and by other imaginative "misdescribers", according to whom the monk was, if not a hypocritical debauchee, at the least a very ignorant and very indolent person.

We have to sketch chiefly the condition of education at the close of the Middle Ages. It is scarcely necessary to speak of Italy which, in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, was the intellectual centre of Europe and at that time exhibited a literary activity such as no other period of history has ever witnessed. For it was in Italy that the renaissance began. This mighty movement, which marks the transition of the Middle Ages to modern times, effected a revolution in literature, science, art, life and education. From Italy it swept on over Europe and caused similar changes everywhere. What is called the classical education is the immediate outcome of the Italian Renaissance. During the first half of the fifteenth century there lived in Northern Italy one of the ablest and most amiable educators in the history of all ages: Vittorino da

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Rh Feltre. He modified considerably the medieval school system of the Trivium and Quadrivium. Although the classics, carefully selected, formed the groundwork of his course, other branches, as mathematics and philosophy, were not neglected. Due attention was devoted to the physical development of the pupils, and riding, fencing, and other gymnastic exercises were greatly encouraged. Vittorino lived among his pupils like a father in his family, revered and beloved. Poor scholars were not only instructed, but also fed, lodged, and clothed gratuitously. The secret of his wonderful influence lay in his lofty moral principles and his deeply religious spirit. In his calling he recognized a noble mission to which he devoted himself zealously and exclusively, without seeking anything for himself. His contemporaries called him the "Saintly Master". His virginal purity charmed all who came into contact with him. Although not a priest, he daily recited the Divine office, frequently approached the sacraments and accustomed his pupils to receive holy communion monthly and to hear mass daily. This great educator's fame spread far and wide, and eager youths flocked to him even from France, Germany and other countries. Many customs and practices found in humanistic schools north of the Alps may have been copied from Vittorino's famous school. It is certain that his influence was felt in England, for one of his pupils, Antonio Beccaria, was secretary and "translator" of Duke Humphrey of Gloucester, the first patron of the new

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28 learning in England, and the celebrated school of Winchester, founded by Bishop Langdon, was, in all probability, modeled after that of Vittorino.

It is almost superfluous to mention the keen interest in learning manifested by the Italian ecclesiastics of this period. They raised to the papacy the book-lover and enthusiastic student, Parentucelli; and he, as Nicholas V. (1447-1455), placed himself at the head of the great movement of the renaissance, and won immortal renown by founding the Vatican library, where the glorious monuments of Greek and Roman intellect were collected under the protection of the Holy See. The second successor of Nicholas V. was Aeneas Sylvius (Pius II.), famous as a humanist scholar and author. But it is impossible here to enumerate all the ardent promoters of learning among the popes, cardinals and other church dignitaries of this time. So large a part of a churchman's life did learning occupy in Italy, that no prelate considered his household complete without a retinue of scholars. – We cannot here trace the gradual spread of this mighty movement into other countries, but must confine ourselves to the bare mention of a few facts regarding the educational conditions.

What has often been said respecting the ignorance prevailing in Scotland before the Reformation, has been repudiated by the researches of Protestant historians, such as Burton, Lawson, Edgar, and others. It has been proved that this country, throughout the

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Rh latter part of the Middle Ages, possessed an abundance of educational facilities. We find here even an interesting example of compulsory higher education. At the instance of the clergy, in 1470, an act of parliament was passed providing that all barons and freeholders should, under penalty of twenty pounds, send their sons at the age of nine or ten years to the schools, to remain there until they had acquired a competent knowledge of Latin. They were then to attend the schools of art and law.

As regards secondary schools in England, it used to be commonly asserted that Edward VI., the first monarch of the Reformed Faith, was the great founder and reformer. Upwards of thirty free grammar schools founded at this time have permanently associated the reign of Edward VI. with popular education. The Schools Inquiring Commission in 1886 went further, and set down fifty-one schools to the credit of Edward. Modern historical research has broken, stick by stick, the whole bundle of old misrepresentations. "The fact is that the whole theory about the dearth of grammar schools and other schools still more elementary is a mere delusion. The immense prestige that Edward VI. has acquired as a patron of education is simply due to the fact that he refounded out of confiscated Church property some small percentage of schools which he and his rapacious father had destroyed. The probability is that England was far

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30 better provided with grammar schools before the Reformation than it has ever been since."

This startling statement has been confirmed by a careful study of the records of the time of Henry VIII. and Edward VI., from which it is clear that at least two hundred grammar schools must have been in existence before Edward came to the throne. Mr. Leach raises the number by the addition of another hundred, and says that three hundred is a moderate estimate for the year 1535; and this number is exclusive of elementary schools and universities. It will suffice to mention a few names of famous schools: Canterbury, Lincoln, Wells, York, Beverly, Chester, Southwell, Winchester, Eton, the school of Dean Colet in London, and the numerous schools attached to the monasteries. In regard to the great number of foundation schools established just after the Reformation, Professor Thorold Rogers maintains that it was not a new zeal for learning, but a very inadequate supply of that which had been so suddenly and disastrously destroyed.

During the period immediately preceding the Reformation, England possessed a great number of distinguished scholars, most of whom were ecclesiastics. The revival of letters was heartily welcomed by the clergy. The chief ecclesiastics of the day, as Wolsey, Warham, Fisher, Tunstall, Langton, Stokesley, Fox,

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Rh Selling, Grocyn, Whitford, Linacre, Colet, Pace, William Latimer, and numerous others, were not only ardent humanists, but thorough and practical churchmen.

Similar conditions existed on the European continent. The Latin City Schools towards the close of the Middle Ages were numerous throughout Germany. About this time, the intellectual condition of the people in Germany, the Netherlands and France was most beneficially influenced by the "Brethren of the Common Life". Founded by Gerard Groot of Deventer, this fraternity at first was employed in the transcription of books, all profane studies being prohibited. They were supposed to restrict themselves exclusively to the reading of the Scriptures and the Fathers, not wasting their time over "such vanities as geometry, arithmetic, rhetoric, logic, grammar, lyric poetry, and judicial astrology." These principles were extreme, and it is some consolation to find that the founder admitted the "wiser of the Gentile philosophers," such as Plato, Aristotle, and Seneca. In 1393, a little scholar, Thomas Hammerken of Kempen, Rhineland, entered the school of Deventer; he was no other than the famous Thomas a Kempis, most probably the author of the Following of Christ.

Shortly after the death of Gerard Groot (1384), the labors of the Brethren were made to embrace a wider sphere, and especially to include the education of

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32 youth. The prohibition against profane learning disappeared, Deventer became a most celebrated institution, and numerous schools were founded all over Flanders, France and Northern Germany. The settlements of the Brethren spread gradually along the Rhine as far as Suabia, and by the end of the fifteenth century they reached from the Scheldt to the Vistula, from Cambrai, through the whole of Northern Germany, to Culm in Prussia. In these schools, Christian education was placed high above mere learning, and the training of the young in practical religion and active piety was considered the most important duty. The whole system of instruction was permeated by a Christian spirit; the pupils learned to look upon religion as the basis of all human existence and. culture, while at the same time they had a good supply of secular knowledge imparted to them, and they gained a genuine love for learning and study. The Brethren had been established by John Standonch, doctor of the Sorbonne, in the Collège de Montaigue in the University of Paris. The founder of the Society of Jesus studied in this college, and some suppose that the rules of the Poor Clerks, as they were often called, furnished Ignatius some ideas for his rules. This much is certain, that Ignatius had imbibed the spirit of those Brethren from the study of the works of Thomas a Kempis. It is related that at the time when he wrote the Constitutions of his Order, he had no other books in his room except the New Testament and the Following of Christ.

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Rh Youth eager for knowledge flocked from all parts to the schools of the Brethren. The number of scholars at Zwolle often rose to eight hundred or ten hundred; at Alkmaar to nine hundred; at Herzogenbusch to twelve hundred; and at Deventer, in the year 1500, actually to twenty-two hundred. Other celebrated Schools were at Liège and Louvain. The instruction being free in all these schools, they were open to students of the smallest means. In many of the towns also, where they had not started actual schools, the Brethren supplied teachers for the town schools, not unfrequently paid the expenses of the poorer scholars and supplied them with books, stationery and other school materials. In 1431 Pope Eugene sent orders to the bishops that they should prevent any interference with the beneficial work of these zealous educators. Pius II. and Sixtus IV. went even further in their support and encouragement. One of their most active patrons was Cardinal Nicholas of Cusa, renowned as a mathematician and the precursor of Copernicus. Nicholas himself had been educated at Deventer, and had given this school material support by a liberal endowment for the maintenance of twenty poor students.

The schools of the Brethren had been among the first of those north of the Alps which introduced the revived study of classical literature. It was in these schools that Rudolphus Agricola, Alexander Hegius, Rudolph von Langen and Ludwig Dringenberg studied the revivers of the classical studies on German

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34 soil, – the fathers of the older German humanism. Hegius, one of the greatest scholars of the century, was rector of the schools at Wesel, Emmerich and Deventer. Erasmus, a pupil of Deventer, ranks him among the restorers of pure Latin scholarship. Hegius enjoys the undisputed credit of having purged and simplified the school curriculum, improved the method of teaching, corrected the old text-books or replaced them by better ones. He also made the classics the staple of instruction of youth. Together with Agricola, Erasmus and Reuchlin, he was foremost in propagating enthusiasm for Greek in Germany. Hegius emphasized the necessity of a knowledge of Greek for all sciences:

In Alsace flourished the school of Schlettstadt, more important even than those on the Lower Rhine. It was one of the first of the German schools in which the history of the Fatherland was zealously studied side by side with the classics. Among its most distinguished pupils were Johannes von Dalberg, Geiler von Kaisersberg and Wimpheling. Dalberg was bishop of Worms and curator of the Heidelberg University, a liberal patron of all learned men, especially of Reuchlin, the great Greek and Hebrew scholar. This noble bishop was also the leader and director of the "Rhe-

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Rh nish Literary Society," founded in 1491, to which belonged a host of learned men, – theologians, lawyers, doctors, philosophers, mathematicians, linguists, historians and poets, from the Rhinelands and the Middle and Southwest of Germany. The object of this society, as of many similar ones existing at that time in Germany, was the encouragement and spread of science and the fine arts generally, and of classical learning in particular, as also the furthering of national historical research.

Another great pupil of Schlettstadt was Geiler von Kaisersberg (died 1510), the Cathedral preacher of Strasburg, great not only as theologian and pulpit orator, but also as an ardent promoter of humanistic studies, a friend of the learned Benedictine Johannes Trithemius and of Gabriel Biel of Tübingen, and the leading spirit of a circle of highly gifted men on the Upper Rhine. The third great scholar of Schlettstadt was Wimpheling, called the "Teacher of Germany." As Hegius was the greatest German schoolmaster of his century, so Wimpheling was the most distinguished writer on matters educational, one of the most famous restorers of an enlightened system of education from a Christian point of view. In one of his writings, the Guide for German Youth, (1497), he forcefully points out the defects of the earlier system of education and lays down some golden rules for improvements, especially for mastering the ancient languages. It is the first work published on rational pedagogy and methodics in Germany, a truly national work. According to Wimpheling and other schoolmen of this time, the study of Latin and Greek should not be con-

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36 fined to the learning of the languages, but should be the means of strengthening and disciplining thought, true gymnastics of independent judgment.

There are many names of great educators and scholars of this time which deserve at least to be mentioned: Pirkheimer in Nuremberg, Cochlaeus, professor of classics and director of the school of poetry in the same city, Murmellius, co-rector of the Cathedral school in Münster, Count Moritz von Spiegelberg, provost at Emmerich.

But we must leave this interesting subject, however reluctantly, and refer the reader to Janssen's first volume. From contemporary sources this author has drawn the following conclusions: "Outside the Mark of Brandenburg, there was scarcely a single large town in Germany in which, at the end of the fifteenth century, in addition to the already existing elementary national schools, new schools of higher grade were not built or old ones improved." The control of these schools was in the hands of the Church, and most of the masters were clerics. School rates were unknown. The schools were kept up by frequent legacies; for the education of the young was counted among the works of mercy, to which money was liberally given in loyal obedience to the Church's doctrine of good works. Libraries were also founded in the same spirit.

All over Europe we find, therefore, a great, yea

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Rh enthusiastic, activity in the field of learning and education. The foremost promoters and patrons of this intellectual movement are everywhere ecclesiastics. This fact is so patent that an impartial American scholar wrote quite recently: "The patronage of learning which has always been one of the proudest boasts of the Catholic Church existed especially in the Renaissance, when a genuine love for it on the part of churchmen atoned for many other shortcomings. The higher clergy, moreover, were mostly university men whose scholarly interests had been awakened early in life, and who later were placed in a position to show their gratitude. A zeal for learning and the patronage of scholars became almost an affectation on the part of the higher clergy. ... In all ranks of the Church an interest in the new learning was shown, even by those who were to leave the Roman faith, but who in their zeal for letters continued former traditions."

It may be said, in general, that nowadays all scholarly and fair-minded Protestants, on the strength of incontestable historical evidence, repudiate the traditional views of the pre- Reformation period. Professor Hartfelder of Heidelberg unhesitatingly affirms that "from 1500-1520 Roman Catholic Europe presented the aspect of one large learned community." Numerous similar statements can be quoted, but we must refer the reader to special works on this subject. In the face of such undeniable facts it is unintelligible how certain writers can describe the close of the Middle Ages as an age of intellectual stagnation and degeneracy, or how Mr. Painter can say that shortly before

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38 the Reformation learning had died out among the clergy, the schools were neglected, superstition and ignorance characterized the masses. Is not the ignorance rather on the part of the so-called historians who make such sweeping indictments?

The greatest and most glorious achievement of the medieval Church in the intellectual sphere are the universities. These institutions have been bequeathed to us by the Middle Ages, and they are of greater and more imperishable value even than its cathedrals. The universities were, to a great extent, ecclesiastical institutions, they were, at least, endowed with privileges from the Holy See. They were meant to be the highest schools not only of secular, but also of religious learning, and stood under the jurisdiction of the Church, as well as under her special protection. It was through the privileges of the Church that the universities were raised from merely local into ecumenical organizations. The doctorate became an order of intellectual nobility, with as distinct and definite a place in the hierarchical system of medieval Christendom, as the priesthood and the knighthood. In fact the Sacerdotium, Imperium, and Studium are

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Rh the three great forces which energized those times and built up and maintained the mighty fabric of medieval Christendom. The University of Paris, the first school of the Church, with its four Nations, possessed something of the international character of 'the Church. "It may with truth be said that in the history of human things there is to be found no grander conception than that of the Church in the fifteenth century, when it resolved, in the shape of the universities, to cast the light of knowledge abroad over the Christian world." These are the testimonies of Protestant historians.

As the Benedictines in the earlier ages had been the most zealous educators, so, from the twelfth century on, the friars or mendicants took the most prominent part in university education. The greatest professors in philosophy and theology were friars; to the order of St. Francis belonged Alexander of Hales, St. Bonaventure, Roger Bacon, and Duns Scotus. The last mentioned was one of the profoundest and most original thinkers that the world has ever seen, and deservedly was styled the Doctor subtilis. Blessed Albertus Magnus, and Thomas Aquinas, "the Angelic Doctor and Prince of the Schools," were Dominicans. Albertus Magnus and Roger Bacon were far in advance of their time in the knowledge of mathematics and natural sciences. Mr. Rashdall compares Roger Bacon with his great namesake, Francis

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40 Bacon, and the comparison is decidedly in favor of the monk.

There existed a considerable number of universities before the year 1400, chief among them were those of Paris, Bologna, Oxford and Cambridge, Salamanca, Prague, Vienna, Heidelberg, etc. From 1400 to the Reformation many new universities were founded in Western Christendom. Twenty-six of those founded between 1400 and 1500 are still existing, among them Würzburg, Leipsic, Munich, Tübingen, etc., in Germany; St. Andrew's, Glasgow, Aberdeen in Scotland; Upsala in Sweden; Copenhagen in Denmark, etc. In Germany alone nine were founded between 1456 and 1506. But we need not dwell further on these universities, as any information that is sought can be easily gathered from the many books that are available on this subject.

The intellectual activity of the universities of the Southern European countries was nowise inferior to that of Central and Northern Europe. In Portugal there was the University of Coimbra; in Spain, there were at least twelve universities before 1500, the

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Works

 * "Kokinshū", in Anthology of Japanese Literature (1955), edited by Donald Keene
 * "Kokinshū", in Anthology of Japanese Literature (1955), edited by Donald Keene

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Rh chief among them at Salamanca. Here flourished, shortly before the outbreak of the Reformation, the famous classical scholar, Peter Martyr, Prior of the Church of Granada. He and other scholars labored with such success for the higher education of the nobility, that no Spaniard was considered noble who showed any indifference to learning. Erasmus also declares that "the Spaniards had attained such eminence in literature, that they not only excited the admiration of the most polished nations of Europe, but served likewise as models for them." Many belonging to the first houses of the nobility – once so high and proud – now made no hesitation to occupy chairs in the universities. Among others Don Gutierre de Toledo, son of the Duke of Alva and cousin of the King, lectured at Salamanca. Noble dames likewise vied with illustrious grandees for the prize of literary pre-eminence; while many even held chairs in the universities, and gave public lectures on eloquence and classical learning. Some of the names of these literary ladies have been preserved: the Marchioness of Monteagudo, Doña Maria Pacheco, and Queen Isabella's instructor in Latin, Doña Beatriz de Galindo, and others. With such a zeal for knowledge the

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42 old schools began to be filled, and the newly endowed Salamanca excelled them all. It was called the "Spanish Athens", and was said at one time to have seven thousand students. It was there that Peter Martyr gave lessons on Juvenal (1488), before such an immense audience that the entrance to the hall was completely blocked up and the lecturer had to be carried in on the shoulders of the students. It should be mentioned to the credit of Salamanca that her Doctors encouraged the designs of Columbus, and that the Copernican system found early acceptance in its lecture rooms.

In the beginning of the sixteenth century other schools for higher education were established at Toledo, Seville, Granada, Ognate, Ossuna, and Valencia. But all these schools were far excelled by the new university of Alcala, founded by Ximenez in 1500. It was so magnificent an establishment that the Spaniards called it the "eighth wonder of the world." The college of San Ildefonso was the head of the new university. Moreover, Ximenez founded several other institutions, adapted to all kinds of wants. Most renowned was the "College of Three Languages" for the study of Latin, Greek, and Hebrew. For poor young students in the classics, Ximenez endowed two boarding schools, where forty-two scholars were supported three years free of expense. The students attended the lectures given by the six professors of languages,

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Rh who were attached to the university; at their houses, however, special exercises were given and disputations held for fourteen days. Strict examinations were required before any one could be admitted to a higher class, or to a particular course of lectures on any science. All the regulations were followed by such great results that, according to Erasmus, Alcala was especially distinguished by its able philologists. – The most splendid production of the philological and biblical activity of this university is the celebrated Complutensian Polyglot of the Bible. In 1526 Ignatius of Loyola, the future founder of the Society of Jesus, attended the University of Alcala; in 1527 we find him in Salamanca.

In connection with Alcala we must mention the greatest school of the Netherlands, the University of Louvain. Especially distinguished was its Collegium Trilingue, founded in 1516 by Busleiden, the friend of Erasmus and Thomas More. Busleiden had visited Alcala and wished to have in Louvain a college like that of the "Three Languages" at Alcala for the study of Latin, Greek, and Hebrew. The famous universities of Alcala, Salamanca, Paris, and Louvain furnish the connecting link between the educational system of the Jesuits and that previous to the foundation of the Society. But the great University of Paris was really the Alma Mater of St. Ignatius of Loyola. There also he won his first companions, chief among them Peter Faber, and St. Francis Xavier. In 1529 and 1530 Ignatius visited the Netherlands. During its infancy several distinguished members of the Order were scholars from that country, as Peter Canisius, Francis

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44 Coster, Peter Busaeus, John Theodore Macherentius, and others. The traditions of the University of Paris and of the humanistic schools of the Netherlands undoubtedly exerted a considerable influence on the Jesuit system of education. Before narrating the foundation of the Society and the development of its educational system, it is necessary to speak of two great movements, the Renaissance and the Reformation.

Higher education in the Middle Ages followed the course known as the study of the "Seven Liberal Arts," divided into the Trivium: Grammar, Rhetoric, and Logic; and the Quadrivium: Arithmetic, Music, Geometry, and Astronomy. If we read that "grammar" was studied for several years and that many confined their studies to this part of the course, we ought well to understand the meaning of this term. By grammar was not meant, as now, the mere study of the rules of a language, its etymology and syntax, but rather a scholarly acquaintance with the literature of that language, together with the power of writing and speaking it. Rabanus Maurus, the greatest pupil of Alcuin and later on Archbishop of Mentz, defined grammar as "the science of interpreting poets and historians, as well as the science of the rules of speaking and writing." Latin was the principal subject of instruction, the favorite authors were Virgil and Ovid. Hugo of Trimberg, the master of a school at Bamberg,

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Rh about 1250, enumerates the following authors whom he read with his pupils: Virgil, Horace, Ovid, Juvenal, Persius, Statius, Homerus Latinus, Boethius, Claudian, Sedulius, Prudentius, and others. Of prose authors are mentioned: Cicero, Seneca, Sallust, and others. The study of Greek is met with only very exceptionally before the Renaissance. Mathematics were taught, but it is difficult to say to what extent.

In the eleventh and twelfth centuries there was a revival of literary studies, which, however, was soon replaced by another movement, scholasticism. Through the Arabs and the Jews, Western Europe became acquainted with the entire Logic of Aristotle – hitherto only his Organon was known, and that in the Latin translation of Boethius, – with his Dialectics, Physics, Metaphysics, and Ethics. Scientific inquiry in the universities began to move in another direction than heretofore. The methods of Aristotle were introduced into the schools; henceforth there was a more rigorous form of reasoning, a dialectic tendency, and a closer adherence to the syllogism; disputations were very common. A renewed study of the Fathers of the Church, and a more correct understanding of Aristotle inaugurated the most brilliant period of scholasticism (1230-1330).

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46 It cannot and need not be denied that the education imparted by the medieval scholastics was in many regards defective. It was at once too dogmatic and disputatious. Literary studies were comparatively neglected; frequently too much importance was attached to purely dialectical subtleties. This education was one-sided, and a few great men of the age, as Roger Bacon, the great medieval scientist, and John of Salisbury, complained that scholasticism was too narrow. The defects of scholasticism became especially manifest in the course of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, when much time and energy was wasted in discussing useless refinements of thought.

Another serious defect of medieval education was the lack of philological and historical criticism. This uncritical spirit has been well pointed out in the International Catholic Scientific Congress at Munich, 1900, by the distinguished Jesuit historian, Father Grisar. Speaking of the unwarranted traditions and pious legends that grew up during the Middle Ages, he says: "The age was really in infancy, so far as regular historical scientific instinct was concerned. As in other branches of knowledge, people lived on the good or bad tradition of former days, just as they had received it. ... The scientific work of the whole epoch was devoted to those branches of knowledge that are most sublime in their matter and stand in closest relation to religion and Church. The age produced great and exceedingly acute theologians, philosophers and canonists, but in these very men the general absence of the historical sense, and of the criticism of facts, is

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Rh remarkable. It never occurs to them to question the heritage of traditions or the wonderful narratives that spring up. Rather in general they endeavor to find in their systems a place for the most incongruous statements without any question as to their foundation in fact." This lack of criticism explains the general acceptance of such forgeries as the "Decretals of Pseudo-Isidorus", of the "Donation of Constantine", and of the works of "Pseudo-Dionysius Areopagita". The knowledge of antiquity was exceedingly vague and defective. Even such writers as Vincent of Beauvais, who wrote a cyclopedia of all branches of learning then known (the Speculum Majus), makes the most curious blunders. Thus Caesar's Commentaries he ascribes to Julius Celsus; Marcus Tullius Cicero he confounds with his brother Quintus, in saying that the great orator was a lieutenant of Caesar. Spurious works abound in his lists of ancient authors, whilst important works, as Cicero's Epistles, De Oratore, Brutus, etc., were unknown to him.

Undoubtedly a reaction was inevitable and, at the same time, needed. It came in the Renaissance, or the Revival of Learning. However, this movement soon went to another extreme, to an enthusiasm for the ancient authors which was beyond the limits of reason. Thus humanism became not less one-sided than scholasticism had been. We shall see further on that the educational system of the Society is a combination of humanism and scholasticism. A thorough educa-

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48 tion in the classics is followed by a solid course of philosophy, mathematics, and natural sciences. Thus the shortcomings of both systems are effectively obviated.

Both terms: "renaissance" and "humanism", are apt to be misunderstood. If "humanism" means the true perception of man's nature and destiny, or truly humane feelings towards fellow-man and active humanitarian interest in his welfare, then the Middle Ages knew and practised humanism. Thus understood it is in no way different from the sublime principles laid down by the most humane of all teachers, the God-man Jesus Christ. If, however, it signifies a view of life and mankind which recognizes nothing but the purely natural man, which finds in the purely human its highest ideals and rejects the relation to the vision of a future beyond this life, then it was foreign to the medieval mind, as it is foreign to Christianity. For the religious, supernatural element was central in medieval life. If "Revival of Learning" is meant to imply that the ancient classics were altogether unknown during the Middle Ages, it is a wrong conception. But should the word designate a more extensive study, and, above all, a more enthusiastic interest in classical learning which developed even into excessive admiration for antiquity, it is correctly applied to the period closing the Middle Ages.

At the time when scholasticism flourished most, Dante in his grand poem, which has been styled a "Poetical Summa Theologiae", represents the harmonious combination of scholastic and classic learn-

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Rh ing. In this immortal work classical antiquity and Christianity go hand in hand. Virgil is no less his teacher than is Thomas Aquinas, and his poetry is the beautiful expression of the union between faith and reason. The whole humanistic movement which began soon after Dante, was not so much a change of the subject of learning as a change in the mental attitude towards these subjects. This attitude assumed different shapes in various schools of humanists. Some of them, particularly the earlier humanists in Germany, combined enthusiasm for the classics with faithful allegiance to the Church; others assumed an attitude of indifference or scepticism towards Christianity; others again showed open hostility, not only against scholasticism, but against Christian dogma and morality. The one party, the more conservative humanists, admired the Greek and Roman writers, but looked upon the Sacred Scriptures as higher than all the wisdom of the ancients. Listen to Petrarch! "Let no subtlety of argument, no grace of speech, no renown ensnare us; they [the ancients] were but men, learned so far as mere human erudition can go, but

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50 deserving of pity, inasmuch as they lacked the highest and ineffable gift. – Let us study philosophy so as to love wisdom. The real wisdom of God is Christ. – We must first be Christians. We must read philosophical, poetical, and historical works in such a manner that the Gospel of Christ shall ever find an echo in our hearts. Through it alone can we become wise and happy; without it, the more we have learned, the more ignorant and unhappy we shall be. On the Gospel alone, as upon the one immovable foundation, can human diligence build all true learning."

Though Petrarch himself did not escape the influence of the dangerous elements contained in the writings of antiquity, still he never went so far as did his friend Boccaccio, whose writings breathe an atmosphere of pagan corruption. And yet not even this writer was an unbeliever, or an enemy to the Church.

As knowledge is good in itself and as its abuse never justifies its suppression, the Church considered the study of classical literature as a legitimate movement, productive of great fruit for spiritual and secular science. Thus we find so many ardent patrons of the new learning among the Popes and other ecclesiastical dignitaries. But there is a great danger in the one-sided enthusiasm for heathen literature. Everything depends on the manner in which the ancient authors are read and employed in education. They must be read and interpreted in the spirit of the Christian religion. This was not done by the radical humanists. They not only praised and admired the elegant style, the brilliant eloquence and poetry of the ancients, but wanted to effect a radical return to pagan thought and

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Rh manners. They imitated, or even outdid, some of the most licentious writers of antiquity in vile and obscene productions. They endeavored to resuscitate ancient life, and not in its best forms. The horrible crimes which are the worst blot on the history of antiquity, of Greece in particular, were made the subject of elegant verses. And the vices which were the curse of Greece and one of the causes of its downfall, began to rage like a dreadful plague in the cities of Italy, especially among the higher class of society.

One has only to recall the names of such humanists as Valla, Poggio, Becadelli and others, to understand how justly this class of writers is censured. Their writings have been called "an abyss of iniquity wreathed with the most beautiful flowers of poetry." It was against this flood of abomination that the zealous, but unfortunately impetuous and stubborn Savonarola directed his thundering eloquence, with only a temporary result. It can easily be imagined what influence this new paganism exerted on youth. What kind of moral safeguard could be expected from teachers of the stamp of Valla? No attempt was made to keep from the hands of the young books which in all ages have been proscribed as disastrous to morality. In the light of such facts the anxiety which Ignatius of Loyola, the founder of the Society of Jesus, felt about dangers arising from the indiscriminate reading of the classics, is fully justified. Not a few of the humanists had lost all faith. Other defects of the majority of the humanists, especially their exorbitant

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52 vanity and self conceit, have been deservedly chastised by various authors.

It became especially the fashion among humanists to sneer at the "metaphysical juggleries" and the "barbarous Latin" of the scholastics. It is true, the all absorbing interest in philosophical and theological questions had caused a retrogression in the study of the classical authors. But this loss was counteracted by a considerable gain. At any rate, the sweeping condemnations of the humanists were not justified. Modern scholars begin to see the service rendered to science by scholasticism, and not a few defend the schoolmen against the "arrogant accusations of the humanists" as Professor Paulsen calls them. "We might just as well accept the judgments of socialists on our present conditions as reliable criticisms. It is the task of the historians to judge the past from what it was in and for itself, a task which in most cases means to defend it against that which immediately succeeded. For it is the lot of all historical institutions to be thrown aside with hatred and contempt by that which follows. Will not a time come when the philological and historical, physical and other inquiries of the present appear as dreary and barren, as to us scholastic and speculative philosophy appear?"

Not only Leibnitz, but modern philosophers as Hegel, Edward von Hartmann, and the rationalistic Professor Harnack, have respected the schoolmen as the leaders in a great movement and defended them against their calumniators. Hartmann admits that

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Rh "scholasticism was an intellectual system wonderfully coherent and consistent in itself, of which only those judge slightingly who have not yet overcome their hostility to it and have not yet arrived at the objective view of history."

From Italy the literary renaissance spread to Spain, France, England and Germany. The flourishing condition of the schools in England and Germany, described on previous pages, was chiefly due to this movement. The radical school of humanism, hostile to Christianity, did not enter England. The most distinguished English humanists were thorough and practical churchmen, or laymen, most loyal to the Church. Two of them, Bishop Fisher and Thomas More, have been raised by the Church to the honor of the altar. In Germany, matters developed very differently. The humanistic movement began to be felt in the German universities after 1450. Its gradual entrance into the various seats of learning is well traced by Professor Paulsen. However, it is the inner development of humanism in Germany which is of greater importance.

The earlier humanists, as Hegius and his friends, had contemplated classical antiquity from the point of

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54 view of absolute faith in Christianity. Wimpheling expressed their sentiments in these words: "It is not the study of the heathen writers in itself which is dangerous to Christian culture, but the false apprehension and handling of them, as is often done in Italy, where, by means of the classics, pagan ways of thought and life are spread prejudicial to Christian morality and the patriotic spirit."

Fundamentally different from this conservative school were the younger or radical humanists. Wanton attacks upon the Holy See, the religious orders, Catholic doctrines and practices, contempt for the whole learning of the Middle Ages and for their own mother tongue, or even a worse than pagan immorality in their writings characterize the great majority of this school of "Poets" in Germany as in Italy. The chief representative of humanism in Germany was Erasmus of Rotterdam, who exercised an enormous influence on his times. The extent and variety of his knowledge in almost every branch of contemporary learning, his untiring activity in all directions, his consummate mastery and artistic treatment of the Latin tongue, and the variety and richness of his style were equalled by few. He brought forth fresh editions of the Bible, of the Greek classics and Fathers, and original treatises in every branch of literature. But he was altogether wanting in intellectual depth. He traveled through England, Italy, and France as a mere book-worm without eye or understanding for national life and character. His freedom in the use

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