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Moscow, Aug. 21, 1923

Comrades:

We received your communication with reference to the Second National Congress of your Party, and the verbal report of your delegates to the Session of the Communist Youth International.

The resolutions adopted at your Congress indicate that the process of securing ideological clarity within the Party is progressing favorably. But we deem it our duty to go.into some detail with reference to certain concrete problems on which we do not find that a clear attitude has been adopted on your part.

The break with the policy of anti-parliamentarism, and the decision to participate in the elections, is a decisive step forward, not only for the development of your Party, but for the development of the whole Mexican labor movement. But this very fact makes it necessary that the Communist Party should examine and prepare with the greatest care, everything that it undertakes in connection with this question. The parliamentary struggle must not tax the strength of the Party to such an extent that the work of organization and education among the wide masses suffers, or that the activity of the fractions within the trade unions is hampered. The daily struggle of the workers against the employing class, and the struggle of the peasants against the landlords, must be the basis of our revolutionary activity from first to last, and must be the point on which the organization and guidance of the revolutionary class struggle must focus. We want to remind you of the decisions of the Second Congress of the Communist International on the question of parliamentarism, and we expect you strictly to adhere to them. It is important, above all, that you make concrete plans for parliamentary activity. Discussion on the attitude to be taken by your future representatives in the Chamber of Deputies and on local government bodies on the various questions on the agenda of the next session, or on the proposals the party will make, must be opened immediately in your meetings and in your Party press, and must be conducted


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76 erratic stars, but because also it possesses so great mastery, that is, so great power, that even it leads round, along with itself, by a peculiar strength of its own, those heavenly bodies—that is, the erratic stars—that are whirled along in contrary directions from west to east, and, in like manner, from east to west.

And he asserts that this motion was allowed to be one and indivisible, in the first place, inasmuch as the revolutions of all the fixed stars were accomplished in equal periods of time, and were not distinguished according to greater or less portions of duration. In the next place, they all present the same phase as that which belongs to the outermost motion; whereas the erratic stars have been distributed into greater and varying periods for the accomplishment of their movements, and into unequal distances from earth. And he asserts that the motion in six parts of the other has been distributed probably into seven circles. For as many as are sections of each [circle]—I allude to monads of the sections —become segments; for example, if the division be by one section, there will be two segments; if by two, three segments; and so, if anything be cut Into six parts, there will be seven segments. And he says that the distances of these are alternately arranged both in double and triple order, there being three of each,—a principle which, he has attempted to prove, holds good of the composition of the soul likewise, as depending upon the seven numbers. For among them there are from the monad three double [numbers], viz. 2, 4, 8, and three triple ones, viz. 3, 9, 27. But the diameter of Earth is 80,108 stadii; and the perimeter of Earth, 250,543 stadii; and the distance also from the surface of the Earth to the lunar circle, Aristarchus the Samian computes at 8,000,178 stadii, but Apollonius 5,000,000,

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 272

HISTORY OF INDIA.

[Book II.

A.D. Ifill.

Purchase of Company's pepper by the king.

Factory erected at Balasore.

England and Portugal were drawn clo.scr; and tiie Dutch, Laving no longer any pretext for continuing hostilities against the latter, were obhged Uj with- draw the blockades, which, though nominally directed only again.st Portuguese ports, had inflicted serious injuries on the English Ea.st India trade.

Such were the leading events which at this time were favouraLle to the Company. They were, however, more than counterbalanced by the unfavour- able state of affairs both at home and abroad, and more especially by a heavj- pecuniary loss inflicted on them by the king, who, in order tcj relieve hit necessities in 1641, fell upon the singular device of buying all the pepjjer in the Company's stores on credit, and selling it for ready money. The quantity of pepper was 607,252 bags, and the price agi'eed to be paid, at the rate of 2s. Id. per lb., amounted to £63,283, lis. Id.; but the sales, made at the rate of Is. 8d. per lb., realized only £50,626. The king thus sustained an apparent loss of above £12,000 by the speculation, but ultimately the Company were the sole sufferers. The bonds which they had received from the fanners of the customs remained unpaid; and the only sum which they appear to have received was £13,000, which they retained out of the ciistoms due by them. Even this sum they were not allowed to retain without question, as parliament, now at open hostilities with the king^ did not admit that the bonds which had been granted in payment of the pepper constituted an effectual burden on the public revenue.

During the Civil war the transactions of the Company remain almost a perfect blank. The collection of money for investments could not be openly announced without endangering their confiscation by one or other of the con- tending parties ; and the vessels were fitted out and despatched with as much secrecy as if they had been engaged in an illicit traffic. Among the few facts of importance which may be gleaned from the history of this period, are the erection of a factory at Balasore, situated within the Mogul territories a little to the west of Piply, which had not realized the hopes at one time entertained of it ; and a considerable extension of the trade of Madras, which, though stiU subordinate to Bantam, was rapidly outstripping it, and had already supei'seded Masulipatam as the principal factory of the Company on the Coromandel coast. For this prosperity Madras was mainly indebted to its fortifications, which not only gave security to the servants of the factory, but induced many of the native merchants and artisans to settle in the town and the adjoining district, where they could always be sure of finding protection in times of commotion. All these advantages had been obtained at a very trifling cost, for in 16-i5 the whole sum expended on Fort St. George was £2294, and the estimate was, that not more than an additional £2000 would be necessary to render it impregnable to any attack by native forces.

Courten's association, of which the Company had long complained as the worst thorn in their sides, after a short course of prosperity had rapidly


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 Chap. IV.] EEIGN OF SHAH JEHAN. 283

to secure it, first testified liis gratitude to Asof Khan, liis father-in-law, by a.d. i628. making him his vizier, and to Moliabat Khan by appointing him his com- mander-in-chief; and then began to indulge his natural taste for magnificence by public works and splendid entertainments. In the latter of these he seemed determined to outstrip all his predecessors ; and on the first aimiversary of his accession, not satisfied with the usual ceremony of distributing his own weight in presents of the most costly materials, caused vessels filled with jewels to be waved round his head or pom'ed over his person as a .supposed means of averting misfoi-tune, and scattered the contents among the bystanders. In the valley of Ca.shmere, where the ceremony was performed, the value thus expended was estimated at £1,600,000.

He was not allowed long to indulge in such lavish and ostentatious displays, i^surrec- Though his cruel policy had extirpated all the members of his family who various might have competed with him for the crown, in several quarters of his '^"'* '^"' dominions the materials for revolt were provided and ready to explode. The Usbeks, endeavouring to profit by the uncertainties of a new reign, laid siege to Cabool and ravaged the surrounding country, till the approach of Mohabat compelled them to retire. In Bundelcund an insuiTection, headed by Nar.sing Deo, the infamous murderer of Abulfazl, was not put down without a serious struggle. But, as in his father's reign, the Deccan was the great theatre of war. The conquest of it by Akber had never been firmly secured ; and even after the Hindoos had been forced to yield, their place had been occupied by Mahometan chiefs, who had established the three kingdoms of Ahmednuggur, Bejapoor, and Golconda, which often refused to yield even a nominal supremacy to the Mogul, and were always ready to embrace any opportunity which pro- mised to free them entirely from the yoke. Such an opportunity was offered by the revolt of an Afghan chief of the name of Khan Jehan Lody, who had rendered important military services in the time of Jehangir; but, taking umbrage at some proceedings of Shah Jehan, suddenly quitted Agra at the head of 2000 veteran troops, and, in the face of numerous obstacles, made his way through Bundelcund and Gundwana to the court of Ahmednuggur, where he was welcomed by MuUik Amber.

The only chance which the Mahometan kings of the Deccan could have had of resisting the Mogul arms, would have been by forming a mutual league and uniting all their forces against the common invader. Instead of this they kept aloof, under the influence of old jealousies and feuds, and allowed themselves to be crushed in detail. The King of Golconda appears to have been first t).c kings intimidated, and volunteered tribute. Nizam Shah. Kinsf of Ahmednufrirur. " ^ '^' so long as he was guided by the counsels of MuUik Amber, offered a strenuous resistance ; but at last made choice of a new minister, who proved treacherous, and made peace with the Mogul by botii nuudering the king and sacrificing the independence of the kingdom. The most valiant struggle was made by

can ni.ide tributanv


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 Chap. III.] PEACE CONCLUDED WITH THE DUTCH. 275

from the States-general were then in England endeavouring Co negotiate a a.d. lew. treaty, they felt that if they lost the present opportunity of obtaining compen- sation they might wait in vain for another. Ultimately, however, the negotia- tion having failed, and open hostilities between the two countries having been declared, their claims were again indefinitely postponed.

At the very time when the Dutch war broke out, it was apprehended that European the proceedings of Admiral Blake at Lisbon, where part of the English fleet „„«. which had adhered to the Royalists had been attacked, might lead to a rupture with Portugal. The Company were thus in the perilous predicament of being attacked in India by two nations at once, while almost totally unprovided with the means of resistance. To add to their difficulties, a fierce war was raging between the Kings of Bejapoor and Goleonda, to the great obstruction of their trade on the Coromandel coast. It is not to be wondered at, that in the.se circumstances the Company, yielding to a feeling of despondency, refused to sanction an additional outlay on the fortifications of St. George, though it was truly urged by the agents there that these formed the only security to the inland trade, and the principal protection to the sliipping; and that, under certain firmans which had been obtained from the Nabob of the Carnatic, authorizing them to purcluise cloths and other goods without re.striction in all parts of his government, the trade miglit be very largely extended.

The vigour and success with which the war was prosecuted by CromweU, soon Ascendency threatened the Dutch commerce in Europe with total destruction; but in India, in the East. where their maritime and commercial ascendency had been long established, they completely swept the seas. Shortly after the declaration of war, they appeared off Svvally with a fleet of eight large ships, and might easily have annihilated the English establisliment at Surat, had they not been afraid of provoking the hostility of the Great Mogul by carrying war into any portion of his dominions. Contenting themselves, therefore, with offering large bribes to the governor and other officials, to induce them to liarass the English by obstructing them in every way, they set sail for the Persian Gulf, where they not only put a stop to the lucrative trade which the Company had long carried on between Sm-at and Gomberoon, but captured three of their ships, and drove a fourth on shore, where she was totally lost. These disasters, which might liave been expected to dispirit the Company, seemed rather to have roused their courage, for they are found petitioning the government to lend them five or six frigates, which they would man and equip at their own expense, and despatch to the East Indies for the pmjiose of making reprisals. This warlike movement appears not to have been encouraged, and in fact soon ceased to be necessary, as the Dutch, now completely humbled, were eagerly suing for a termination of hostilities. After a negotiation, during which the Dutch became sensible that Peace they would be obliged to submit to any terms which Cromwell chose to dictate, the peace concluded was ratified at Westminster, 5th April, 1654".


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 31 G HISTORY OF INDIA. [Book II.

A.D. 1664. however, the failure of tlie Bombay expedition ])roved rather a gain than a lo.ss to the Company, as it was doubtless one main cause of tlie transfer which the crown afterwards made to them of all the rights in India conferred by tlie marriage treaty. Indeed, Sir Abraham Shipman, wliile liis rnen were wasting away at Anjedivah, made a voluntary offer of Bombay to the Company. In this he undoubtedly exceeded his powers ; and Sir George Oxinden, to whom the offer was made, was too prudent to accept a grant to which, even if the Company had approved, legal effect could not be given. At the same time, it might have been foreseen that the acceptance was only postponed, and that the crown, burdened with the expense which the possession of tlie island could not but entail, would ere long require little inducement to part with it. Company During scvcral subsequent years the transactions of the Company are veiy

aUvetothe imperfectly recorded. The reason may have been because they were compara- of^Bei^gir^ tively insignificant. The same fleet which had brought Sir George Oxinden as president to Surat, had carried Sir Edward Winter as agent to Fort St. George. Besides that locality and the stations connected with it, all the agencies and factories in Bengal were placed under his immediate superintendence ; and he had exerted himself apparently with good effect in adjusting the quarrel with Mir Jumla. Still, no idea appears to have been entei-tained of the vast ex- pansion which the Company's traffic was destined to assume in that quarter ; and hence, while distant outposts were eagerly sought after, and the English monarch was importuned for letters to his roj^al brother of Bantam, whenever retrenchment became expedient, and a contraction of the sphere of operations was proposed, Bengal is almost invariably brought forward as the quarter where the experiment might be made with the least risk of injurious conse- quences. In accordance with this view orders were given, in 1663, to discon- tinue the factories which had been established at Patna, Cossimbazar, and Balasore, in order that all sales and purchases on the Company's account in Bengal might in future be made only at Hooghly. When the Company are seen thus voluntarily withdrawing from the province within w^hich the capital of their Indian empire was afterwards to be established, it is difficult to refrain from observing how little they are entitled to take credit for foresight. In fact, they were not so much the architects as the unconscious instruments of their future fortune. i^urat The year after the Company had thus begun, as it were, to turn their backs

pillaged by

sevajee. ou Bengal, an event took place which produced general consternation. The Mahratta chieftain Sevajee, dexterously out-manoeuT.-ing the troops of Aurung- zebe in the manner which has already been described, had advanced within fifteen mUes of Surat on the 5th of January, 1664-, before any tidings of his movements had been obtained. The town was then surrounded, not as at present by a brick, but by a mud wall ; and hence no effectual resistance could be made when Sevajee entered it at the head of -1000 horse. The inhabitants


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 ('.(AP. VII.] TORTUOUS POLICY. 345

Captain Heath arrived in Bengal in October, 1688, and, proceeding to act a.d. ios9. on instruction.s which had become altogether inappUcable to the circumstances, embarked the Company's property at Calcutta, and then proceeded to Balasore rroceedings

in the Hay

Roads. The members of the factory there had been seized and imprisoned; but of Bengal. (Jai)tain Heath, though he opened a negotiation with the governor, was too imi)atient to wait for the result of it. Having effected a landing, he captured a battery of thirty guns, and then plundered the town. By this proceeding he gained little, and threw away the only chance of obtaining the English prisoners, who were carried off into the interior to endure a hopeless Cciptivity. From Balasore he proceeded to Chittagong; but in.stead of attacking it with his well- ecpiipped fleet, now amounting to fifteen sail, he spent some days in fruitless negotiation, and then set sail for Aracan. It was supposed that as the king was at enmity with the ]logul, a locality for a fortified settlement might be easily obtained. The ajiplication, however, was refu.sed; and Captain Heath, after an ineffectual attempt to secure his object by corn-ting the alliance of a rebel chief, finally quitted the Bengal coast, and arrived at Madras on the 4th of March, 1 689. On board the fleet was all that now remained to the Company of the wreck of their once flourishing factories in Bengal.

On the west coast of India the results were not more satisfactory. The fii'st Tortuou.s

policy of tlio

intimation of the warlike policy of the Company was commvuiicated by the company, secret committee in a letter to President Child, intended for his eye alone, but marked to be opened in his absence by Sir John Wyborae, deputy-governor of Bombay. The president was absent, and Sir John not onl}' opened the letter, but imprudently communicated the contents to the council. The secret was of a kind not likely to be kept, and great alarm was felt lest it should reach the ears of the governor of Surat. This was altogether contrary to the intentions of the Company, who were bent on canying out a gi'eat scheme of fraud by making sudden war on the Mogul in one quarter of his dominions, when they were delutling him with professions of friend.ship in another. In Bengal his territory was to be invaded, and his ships and those of his subjects seized as lawful prizes, not only there, but in the eastern seas and in the Pei-sian Gulf ; while on the west coast of India, and particularly at Surat, a mask of friendship was to be worn, and not thrown off so long as concealment might seem desir- able. This nefarious mode of warfare excited no scruples in the mind of Sir John Child, who at once entered into the spirit of it, and discovered, as Bnice expresses it, "a high sense of duty, and a provident concern for the interests of the Company," by resolving not only to keep up the deception and avoid hostilities with the Mogul till the result of the Bengal expedition should be known, but even "should circumstances oblige him to commence ho.stilities, to take the responsibility on himself" The meaning is, that he was to act as a screen to the Comj)any, and enable them, should the war prove unsuccessful, to

allege, in utter disregard of ti-uth and honour, that he had acted without their Vol. I. 44


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 C/iAr. T] REIGN OF BAHADUR SHAH. 080

voured to prevent it by apportioning his dominions among his three sons. To ad. itos. Moazzim, the eldest, he destined the northern ?ind eastern provinces, with the title of emperor; and to Azim, the second son, all the provinces to the south and south-west, including the Deccan, with the exception of the conquered kingdoms of Bejapoor and Golconda These he left to his third son, Cambaksii. This proposed partition, which would have been injudicious under any circumstances, threw away the only chance which remained of once more consolidating the Mogul power. The Mahrattas had shaken it to its verj^ centre — the leading Rajpoots had made themselves almost independent — and many other tributaries were watching the opportunity to imitate their example. The confusion was, iiowever, destined to be even worse than Amamgzebe s will would have made it. The brothers, without paying any regard to that document, no sooner heard of his death than they flew to arms. Azim, who was nearest to the capital, took .advantage of his position, and was immediately proclaimed sovereign of all India. suoce9.si,,i, of Cambaksh, instead of questioning his title, formally acknowledged it, and was shau. confirmed in possession of the kingdoms which his father had allotted him. Moazzim, though the true heir, was not indisposed to a compromise, and offered it on favourable terms ; but Azim, strong in actual possession, refused to listen to any decision but that of the sword. Moazzim accordingly advanced from Cabool, where he had been residing as governor, while two of his sons — the eldest from Moultan, and the second from Bengal — hastened to join him. In the battle which ensued, Moazzim gained a complete victory. Azim, with his two grown-up sons, were slain in the field, and his only other son, an infant, was taken prisoner. It might have been supposed that the struggle for the suc- cession was now at an end ; but Cambaksh, who had submitted so readily to his second, rose in rebellion against his eldest brother. Moazzim, therefore, had no sooner mounted the throne in June, 1707. under the title of Bahadur Sliah, than he found it necessary to march into the Deccan at the head of an army. His good fortune again attended him, and in a battle fought near Hyderabad, in February, 1708, Cambaksh was not only defeated, but fell mortally wounded.

On quitting the Deccan, Bahadur Shah conferred the viceroyalty on Zul- DiMmion fikar Khan, who had earned it by an opportune desertion of Azim, previous to Maumttas. the battle which decided his fate. Zulfikar immediatel}' endeavoured to effect an accommodation with the Mahrattas. The circumstances were favourable. Saho, the legitimate rajah, after a long captivity, had been set at lil>erty by Azim, and had immediately laid claim to the Mahratta sovereignty. He was resisted by Tara Bai, the widow of his uncle. Rajah Ram, wlio claimed it for her infant son. Both claimants were strongly supported; and Zulfikai-, taking advantage of the disunion thus produced, had made considerable progi'ess in a negotiation with Saho. He was obliged, however, before concluding it, to repair to Delhi ; but his deputy, Daoud Khan Panni, following out his views, procured exemption from Mahratta forays, by agreeing to lev}- the clunit by Vol. I. 43


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 466 HISTORY OF INDIA. [Book III

AD. 1751. Mahrattas had actually arrived in the neiglihourhood, and captured a quantity of ammunition going to the besiegers. Rajah Sahib, now awake to the danger of further delay, and encouraged by the effect of his south-west batter}', which had made a still larger breach tlian that on the north-west, determined to

The assault, storm. The day selected was the 14th of November, one of the greatest of Mahometan festivals, commemorative of the murder of Hoasein, the chief of the Fatimites. During its celebration, every son of Moslem falling in battle against unbelievers, is understood to pass at once to paradise without enduring the delays and pains of intermediate purgatories. Taking advantage of the enthusiasm which such a period excites, and heightening it by inebriating drugs, Rajah Sahib, as soon as morning broke, gave the signal for assault. Every part of the fort was threatened ; but the principal attack was made in four divisions, two directed against the breaches, and two against the gates. Clive, after making his arrangements, had gone to sleep, and on being aroused found the garrison at their posts. The ditch in front of the north-west breach was ford- able, and the division allotted to this part of the attack rushed across it. A large number immediately sat down with great composure underneath the wall to act as a reserve, while the rest hastened up to the breach, filled it, and had even passed, before the defenders gave fire. It was most deadly, and continued without a moment's inteiTuption, those behind supplpng loaded muskets to those in front as fast as they could discharge them. The two cannons planted on the roof of the house opposite the breach did fearful execution, and the assailants were forced to retire. Fresh bodies, however, again and again renewed • the assault, but were driven off as before. Meantime, those seated under the wall were not forgotten, and a few bombs with short fusees thrown from above obliged them to decamp. At the south-west breach, the attack was made in a different manner. The ditch under it not being fordable, the assailants brought forward a raft, which was large enough to carry seventy men. These embarked upon it, and, though fired upon by two field-pieces, one on each flank, were nearly across, when Clive, observing the bad aim of the gunners, took the management of one of the pieces, and in two or three dis- charges caused such confusion that the raft was overset, and those upon it who escaped drowning swam back to the opposite side.

Its failure. The assault had lasted nearly an hour. As soon as it ceased, the assailants

employed themselves in carrying off" their dead. They might have been pei-- mitted to discharge this duty of humanit}' undisturbed; but the fire of the garrison was not slackened, and they were obliged to desist. An act of heroism, on the part of a native, is not unworthy of being recorded. The leader of the sepoys at the north bridge, after greatly distinguishing himself, had fallen. He was greatly beloved by his men, and one of them crossed the ditch for his body. Though the attempt exposed him to the fire of forty muskets, he had the good fortune to escape unharmed with his honourable burden. The whole


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 476 HISTORY OF INDIA. [Book III.

A.D. i:ry2. through part of the Mahratta camp, and reached the lesser pagoda. Here they

were challenged by the sentinels, and an.swered by firing a volley. Clive, who

was sleeping in a neighbouring choultry, started up, and, imagining that it was

his own sepoys who were firing in consequence of some alarm on the outskirts,

cuTe'B nar- hastened off to the larger pagoda for a Vjody of Europeans, and returned with

row escape.

200 of them to the choultry, when he was confirmed in his first impre.ssion by finding a large body of sepoys drawn up facing the south, from which any alarm might be supposed to have come, and firing at random. Never doul.»ting that they were his own men, he left his Europeans twenty yards in their rear, and went in among them, upbraiding them for their panic. His voice betrayed him to one of the sepoys, who instantly attacked him with his sword, and wounded him in two places. Clive immediately encountered his assailant, who took to his heels and ran off for the lesser pagoda. Still unconscious of his mis- take, and enraged that he should thus have been attacked by one of his own men, he followed in pursuit, and first learned the real state of matters by being accosted by six Frenchmen. With singular presence of mind, he at once recovered from his surprise, and with gi-eat compo.sure told the Frenchmen he had come to offer them terms, at the same time bidding them look round and see how completely the pagoda was surrounded by his army. Three of the Frenchmen went back into the pagoda to acquaint their coimtr^Tnen with the offer of quarter ; the other three actually gave up their arms and followed him to the choultry, where he took the necessary steps to rid the camp of intruders, to^cii^^^" Olive's personal dangers were not yet over. The pagoda, desperately de- fended by the French and the English deserters, remained in their hands till daybreak. As the only chance of escape, a sally was attempted. It failed ; and Clive, anxious to save further bloodshed, advanced to parley. Weak with the loss of blood and fatigue, he was standing with his back towards the wall of the porch, and leaning in a stooping posture on the shoulders of two sergeants, when the Irish deserter, probably aware that whatever terais were made, he could have no hope of mercy, insolently advanced, and telling Clive that he woxild shoot him, fired his musket. The bullet missed him, but passed through the bodies of both the sergeants, who fell mortally wounded. The escape looks like a miracle. It was afterwai-ds discovered that, at the very commencement of the alarm, he had had another escape scarcely less wonderful. The very first volley which started him from his sleep, shattered a box under his feet, and killed a servant who was lying close to him. Three hairbreadth escapes in a single day — the midnight voUey — the sepoy's sword — and the Irish desperado's deadly aim — make it impossible to doubt that a special Providence was watching over him and reserving him for great events. The 700 sepoys who had entered the camp, managed to quit it again during the confusion, and were hastening back to the Coleroon, when the Mahrattas were obsei'ved in full pursuit. They


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 from an exclusively revolutionary point of view. The parliamentary struggle of the communists is not one of reforms, but a struggle against the bourgeois system of society, a struggle to unmask bourgeois democracy, the entire spirit of which is to deceive the workers and peasants. The communists do not intend to "capture the Chamber of Deputies;" bourgeois parliaments do not allow themselves to be captured. The aim of the working class, on the contrary, is to smash parliament and to substitute proletarian organs of power (Factory Councils, Councils of Peasants and Soldiers, etc.).

But it would make the struggle of the bourgeoisie against the communists much easier if the latter did not send class enemies of the bourgeoisie to the parliamentary institutions. Of course, the Communist Party must not content itself with a purely opposition policy. The representatives in the district organizations especially, must do everything possible to help the poor sections of the population. They must make practical proposals for the protection of workers, housing, free education, etc. They must show that the bourgeois government sabotages every earnest attempt at fundamental change, and refuses to carry it through; they must "develop the keenest revolutionary propaganda on this basis without fearing to come in conflict with the State power." (Thesis of the Third Congress).

The Party must not undervalue the dangers of opportunism that confronts its representatives in the chamber of Deputies. These dangers are extraordinarily great, owing to the existing anarcho-idealistic mentality of your Party comrades and because of your inexperience in parliamentary struggles. Your representatives may be unconsciously dragged in the wake of the so-called socialist parties, labor parties, or agrarian parties. This danger will be especially great if the Party is already participating in the elections for provincial governments. Of course, the results of elections indicate our strength and influence over the masses, but we must on no account sacrifice our communist principles and the revolutionary class struggle in order to obtain a victory at the polls. Therefore, the choice of comrades who are to represent the Party in the national or provincial parliaments must be made very carefully. Before a comrade can be considered as a candidate, he must have behind him at least a year of activity within the Party itself or within a revolutionary trade union organization, and, in his attitude in general and his participation in the struggles of the labor movement in particular, he must have demonstrated his loyalty and discipline toward the proletarian revolution. The members of the Mexican Chamber


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 Chap. IX.]

SURAJAH DOWLAH.

543

account of«the subsequent catastrophe is derived/ believes that the nabob did ad i: not mean to violate his word, and only gave a general order that the j)risonei-s " should for that nidit be secured."

Mr. Hoi well on returning found his fellow-prisoneis surrounded bv a strong

Fort Wili.i.m.— From a jirint by Van Ryue, 1754. *

«

guard, who as soon as it was dark ordered them to collect themselves and sit down quietly under a verandah, or piazza of arched masonry, which extended '"« '"'»= on each side of the eastern gate, in front of the chambers already described as abutting on the wall. At this time the factories, both to the right and left, were in flames, and parties were seen moving about with torches, and some of the prisoners imagined that it was intended 'to suffocate them between two iires. This was a mistake, for the torch-bearers were only searching for a })lace in which to confiije them. During this search they were ordered into that paii of the verandah which fronted the baiTacks, along which was a large wooden ])latform for the soldiers* to sleep on. The prisoners readily obeyed this .order, for it now seemed that the worst which was to happen to them was to spend a night on the platform, at a season when all the air which could reach them through the openings of the piazza was required to temper the excessive heat. No sooner, however, were they within the space in front of the barracks than the guard advancing, some with pointed muskets, othei*s with chibs and ch*a i scimi- tars, forced them back into a room at the southern extremity. It was the soldiers prison; or, as it was generally tenned, the Black Hole. • The whole formed a cubical space of only eighteen feet, completel}' inclosed by dead walls on all sides, except the west, where two windows, strongly barred with iron, furnished the only supplies of air, but gave no ventilation, as at this time no breezes blew except fcom the south and east. Few were aware of the nature of the horrid

' Holwell's Tracts, page 387, et seq.


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 •J(JO HISTORY OF INDIA. [Hook Jil.

AD. 1757. amval in the country. The naboh, now as anxiou.s for friendship as lie had previously been bent on hostile measures, thougiit the treaty did not go far enough, and, only three days after concluding it, propo.sed an alliance offen- sive and defensive against all enemies. This was exactly what Chve wislie<l, and the new article, brought by Oinichund, was returned by him ratified the same day.

Defects in file treaty did not meet the views of all T)arties at Calcutta. While it was

treaty with

the n;iix)b. undcr Consideration, Admiral Watson, with characteristic bluntne.ss, cautioned Clive against trusting to the nabob's promises. " Till he is well thra.shed, don't, sir, flatter yourself he will be inclined to peace. Let u.s, therefore, not be over- reached by his politics, but make use of our arms, which will be much more prevalent than any treaties or negotiations." Many, moreover, were di.ssati.sfied with the terms, and expressed their disappointment that no compensation had been provided for the losses of private sufferers, not a few of whom had been absolutely ruined by the pillaging of Calcutta. Their case had not been over- looked, and Clive had brought it .specially under the nabob's notice. On finding, however, that he gave only promises, but refused to come under any fonnal obligation on the subject, he could not permit the claims of individuals to stand in the way of what he believed to be "the interest of the Company." In a private letter to the chairman of the court of directors, he states the grounds on aivesju^ which he acted with great force and clearness: — 'If I had only consulted the "fit interest and reputation of a soldier, the conclusion of this peace might easily

have been suspended. I know, at the same time, there are many who think I have been too precipitate in the conclusion of it; but surely those who are of this opinion never knew that the delay of a day or two might have ruined the Company's affairs, by the junction of the French with the nabob, which was on the point of being carried into execution. They never con.sidered the situation of affairs on the coast, and the positive orders sent me by the gentlemen there, to I'eturn with the major part of the forces at all events; they never considered that, with a war upon the coast and in the province of Bengal at the same time, a trading company could not subsist without a great assistance from the govern- ment ; and, last of all, they never considered that a long war, attended tlurough the whole course of it with success, ended at last with the expense of more than fifty lacs to the Company." These views are well expressed, and prove that Clive was a statesman as well as a warrior. They fail, however, to meet one very obvious objection to the treaty. It provided no guarantee of any kind for its observance, and thus left the nabob at full liberty to disregard it whenever he might think he could do so with impunity. It was therefore merely a promise, and what this was worth from such a quarter Clive himself tells us in the same letter, when he says: — "It cannot be expected that the princes of this country, whose fidelity is always to be suspected, Avill remain firm to then- promises and engagements from principle only. It is, therefore, become absolutely necessary


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Rh whereas Archimedes computes it at 5,544,130. And from the lunar to solar circle, [according to the last authority,] are 50,262,065 stadii; and from this to the circle of Venus, 20,272,065 stadii; and from this to the circle of Mercury, 50,817,165 stadii; and from this to the circle of Mars, 40,541,108 stadii; and from this to the circle of Jupiter, 20,275,065 stadii; and from this to the circle of Saturn, 40,372,065 stadii; and from this to the Zodiac and the furthest periphery, 20,082,005 stadii.

The mutual distances of the circles and spheres, and the depths, are rendered by Archimedes. He takes the perimeter of the Zodiac at 447,310,000 stadii; so that it follows that a straight line from the centre of the Earth to the most outward superficies would be the sixth of the aforesaid number, but that the line from the surface of the Earth on which we tread to the Zodiac would be a sixth of the aforesaid number, less by four myriads of stadii, which is the distance from the centre of the Earth to its surface. And from the circle of Saturn to the Earth he says the distance is 2,226,912,711 stadii; and from the circle of Jupiter to Earth, 202,770,646 stadii; and from the circle of Mars to Earth, 132,418,581. From the Sun to Earth, 121,604,454; and from Mercury to the Earth, 526,882,259; and from Venus to Earth, 50,815,160.

Concerning the Moon, however, a statement has been previously made. The distances and profundities of the spheres Archimedes thus renders; but a different declaration


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 of Deputies draw extraordinarily large salaries; the communist representatives must relinquish a considerable part of their pay to the Central Committee of the Party, even to the extent of retaining for themselves only as much as a good worker can earn. A comrade who cannot agree to this decision unhesitatingly must not even be considered as a candidate of a revolutionary labor party. The entire parliamentary activity must be under the guidance of the Party, which must have unlimited right of control over the representatives. Against comrades who either consciously or unconsciously sabotage the decisions and instructions of the Party, or whose general demeanor shows that they dare not venture to raise the demands of the Communists in the face of the bourgeois or socialist parties, the Party Executive must immediately take energetic proceedings, and, if necessary, must expel them from the Party. It will be easily understood that the parliamentary struggle in the rural districts will not assume the same form as in the industrial cities. Among the peasants the struggle must center above all on the control of the "Municipios" and the "Comites Ejectuvos Particulares." Besides the decisions of the national agrarian programme of the Party, you must work out detailed instructions for the activity of the sections depending upon the local conditions prevailing in the various regions concerned. One of your most important problems concerns your activities with reference to the agrarian question, and your influence among the wide masses of peasants who live in, poverty and misery. In a country where 75% of the population consists of poor peasants, the working class can carry through a proletarian revolution successfully only by allying itself with these peasants and recognizing their interests as its own class interests. At this very moment the peasants are being threatened by the Government. Obregon, with the tacit support of all the left bourgeois and petty-bourgeois parties, is trying to deprive the peasants of their arms. The slogan of the Government: "Our national forces guarantee land to the peasants," is nothing but the beginnings of petty-bourgeois democratic betrayal. To counteract this, the communists must proclaim that "The only guarantee the peasants have for the security of their land is the weapons they hold in their own hands." Therefore, fight against bourgeois militarism and demand that the peasants be armed and that communal peasant corps be formed.

In the cities the Party will fight for seats in the Ayuntamientos, for representatives in the "Juntas de Cociliacion у Arbitraje," and for the control of the Labor Department by organized workers. On the question of the regulation of Article 123, the Party must


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 I

nvaaion,

izes.

Chap. X.] DUPLICITY OF SURAJAH DOWLATT. 567

calm and serene." Captain Speke never perfectly recovered from his wound, a.d. 1757. and died at the early age of forty-three. He lived long enough, however, to distinguish himself in the naval victory gained by Sir Edward Hawke off Belleisle. In that action he commanded the Resolution of seventy, and obliged the Formidable, though much superior in force, to strike to him.

Though the nabob had not disguised his displeasure at the expedition against Tiie iiai..,i),

 * = . 10 alarmclat

Chandernagore, rumours of the approach of the Afghans were so prevalent, that an Afghan in his anxiety to secure the assistance of the British troops, he not only refrained tempori from expressing any indignation at its capture, but congi-atulated the com- manders on their success, and made an offer of the whole temtory to the Com- pany on the same terms on which the French had held it. His sincerity was more than questionable ; for he still retained a large body of men at an inter- mediate spot between Hooghly and his capital, apparently to embrace any favourable opportunity of resuming hostilities ; and, so far from withdrawing his protection from the other French factories in Bengal, gave an asylum in Cossim- bazar to a body of their troops, consisting partly of some who had escaped from Chandernagore before it fell, and partly of others who, after they had become prisoners of war, had broken their parole. There can be little doubt — indeed it was fully established by letters afterwards discovered — that he was at this time in correspondence with Bussy, and in hopes that that distinguished officer would appear in Bengal at the head of a formidable force. In one letter to him, written before Chandernagore was taken, the nabob says, " These disturbers of my country, the admu-al and Colonel Clive (Sabut Jung'), whom bad fortune attend! without any reason whatever are warring against Zubal-ul- Toojar'-' (M. Renault), the governor of Chandernagore. This you will learn from his letter. I, who in all things seek the good of mankind, assist him in every respect, and have sent him the best of my troops, that he may join with them and fight the English ; and if it become necessary I will join him myself [ hope in God these English will be punished for the disturbances they have raised. Be confident; look on my forces as your own. I wrote you before for 2000 soldiers and musketeers, under the command of two trusty chiefs. 1 persuade myself you have already sent them as I desired; should you not, I desire you will do me the pleasure to send them immediately." In another letter, written the week after Chandernagore was taken, he says, " I am advised that you have arrived at Echapore. This news gives me pleasure. The sooner you come here, the greater pleasure 1 shall have in meeting with you. What can I write of the perfidy of the English i They have without ground picked a quai-rel with M. Kenault, and taken by force his factory. They want now to quarrel with M. Law, your chief at Cossimbazar; but I will take care to oppose and overthrow all their proceedings. When you come to Balasore I will

' Or " The Daring iu War," the title by which Clivc is still known among the Datives in India- ' Or "The Essence of Merchants."


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 •"jG^ HlSTOltY OF IN MA. [Book Hi.

A.D. 1767. then send M. Law to your assistance, unless you forVji<l his setting out. liest

assured of my good-will towards you and your company." Mutufti .lb- These letters, written after the treaty offensive and defensive with the British

siiuulatii ri. ..,,.,,.,

had been concluded, were undoubtedly a gross violation of it ; and as their sub- stance, though not their actual contents was known to Clive, he must now liave been convinced that he had been somewhat precipitate in signing the treaty, as it had already become in fact a dead letter. Neither 7)arty, however, was yet prepared to proceed to extremities, and some time was spent by them in endeavouring to outwit each other. The naboVj, in order to leave no pretext for saying that he had not ful tilled his part of the treaty, complied liberally with most of its articles, paying a large sum to account of the damage which the Company had sustained : and then insisted, with some show of reason, that the whole of the British forces, army and navy, should forthwith return to Calcutta. The ships departed, carrying with them the plvmder of Chanderaa- gore, valued at considerably more than £100,000. Clive refused to move, and encamped on a plain to the north of Hooghly. This .step, while it could not be regarded by the nabob in any other light than a direct menace, amounted to a violation of the orders which he had received from his employers at Madras. One of their main reasons for not giving the command to Colonel Adlercron was because he would not promise to return whenever they should require. Clive had given this promise, and on the faith of it had been in- trusted with powers which made him independent of the Bengal presidency. Up to a very recent period his letters to Madras had contained assurances of his determination to return ; but their tone had recently altered, and it now appeared that though the promise had never been recalled, a change of circum- stances had occurred of such importance as to justify him in disregarding it. What this change was must now be explained. iiie nabob The uabob, constantly urged to sm'render or dismiss the French assembled

pretends *" ,^.

iiismiss the at Cossimbazar, pretended to adopt the latter alternative, and ordered them to remove westward into Behar. Had he really intended to part with them he would have sent them to join their countrj-men in the Deccan; and hence Clive, so far from being satisfied with the dismissal, remonstrated against the mode of it, and even threatened to take the remedy into his own hands, by sending a detachment in pursuit. While thus condemned, on the one hand, for insufficient compliance with the wishes of the British, the nabob was solemnly warned by the French, on the other, that by dismissing them he was depriving himself of the only soldiers on whose fidelity and prowess he could safely calcu- late. M. Law, who was at their head, even pointed out distinctly the source from which danger would arise. Many of the nabob's principal officers were disaffected, and they were only waiting to combine with the English to effect his destruction. This information was correct; but the nabob, though convinced of its truth, was too irresolute to act upon it, and, in dismissing M. Law, simply


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 iiabo <

Ohap. X] conspiracy AGAINST THE NABOB. 569

observed, that "if anything new should happen, he would send for him again." a.d. usr. "Be assured," was the reply, "that this is the last time we shall see each other; remember my words — we shall never meet again ; it is nearly impossible."

A conspiracy had indeed been formed ; and it is painful to add that Clive and Con8i»'-a«y the Company were not merely implicated, but had engaged to take a leading against ti.e part in the execution of it. Admitting the fact that Surajah Dowhih was a despicable tyrant, and the con-sequent probability that his government, if not his Ufe, must ere long have been terminated by violence, what right had those who had courted his alliance, obtained it, and profited by it, to league with his sub- jects for the purpose of dethroning him? Even had the treaty never been con- cluded, or had open hostilities been again formally declared, it would have been impossible to reconcile such a proceeding with any of the recognized rules of honourable warfare. What then must be thought of allies, who, availing:; them- selves of the influence which they derived from this character, employed it in lulling the nabob into a fatal security, while measiu-es were being concocted for effecting his ruin? According to the accoimt of Clive himself the nabob "per- formed almost every article of the treaty, paid Mr. Watts the three lacs of rupees, delivered up Cossimbazar and all the other factories, with the money and goods tlierein taken. Tlie gentlemen write from thence that little or nothing is wanting." Tt is true that he soon found reason to write in a very diff'erent spirit. A month later he says, in a letter to Mr. Pigott, "The most of the articles of peace are complied with ; yet from the tyranny, cowardice, and suspicion of the nabob, no dependence can be had upon him. No consideration could induce him to deliver up the French ; it is true he has ordered them out of his dominions, and they are at some distance from the capital ; but he has retained them in his pay, and has certainly wi'itten to Deleyrit and Bussy to send men to his assistance. One day he tears my letters, and turns out our vakeel, and orders his army to march ; he next countermands it, sends for the vakeel, and begs his pardon for what he has done. Twice a- week he threatens to impale Mr. Watts ; in short, he is a compound of everything that is bad ; keeps com- pany with none but his menial servants, and is univer.sally hated and despised by the great men. This induces me to acquaint you there is a conspiracy going on against him." The very mention of such a thing might have awakened Clive's sense of honour, and reminded him that it must necessarily be a nefarious transaction, with which it would be pollution to intermeddle. No idea of this kind, however, occurs to him ; and he simply adds, " I have been applied to for assistance, and every advantage promised the Company can wish. The com- mittee are of opinion it should be given as soon as the nabob is secured. For my own part, I am persuaded there can be neither peace nor security while such a monster reigns."

From the concluding part of this extract it may be inferred that the Com- pany were not yet prepared for the kind of co-operation which Clive was Vol. I. 72


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 •'>70 HISTORY OF INI HA. | liooK ill.

A. 1). 1757, evidently contemplating. Tiiey were for giving assistance only "as soon a« tli" nabob is secured." la other words, they were not disposed to act as principals in the conspiracy, ]>ut had no objections to countenance it, and take advantag*i

Irii^bT *^^ ^^ ^^ ^^'® event of its success. Such appears to have been their first view.

comediica but any scruples they had were afterwards overcome, and in their letter to the

parties to.

thecou- secret committee at home they advocate direct co-operation, arguing that from si'iracj. ^j^g detestation in which Surajah Dowlah was held, the conspiracy, or, as the rather choose to call it, the confederacy, must succeed; but that if they with- held their aid they could expect no advantages from such success; whereas, if they took a prominent part, they might look for remuneration for past losse.-. and full security against any future misfortune, similar to that to which the!:- weakness had before exposed them. The "prominent part" had always been Olive's wish, and he immediately began to prepare for it with all his charac- teristic energy. The tirst thing deemed necessary was to dissipate any sas- picions which the nabob had felt, and convince him that he might calculate on the British as sincere and faithful allies. In playing this deceitful game, Clivv^ was greatly aided by a letter which he received about this time from the Peishwa Bajee Rao, who, after expressing indignation at the treatment the English haii received from Surajah Dowlah, and offering to avenge their wrongs, pro- posed to invade Bengal. On condition of Chve's co-operation with his troop.*- he would repay double the amount of the losses that had been sustained, ana vest the commerce of the Ganges exclusively in the East India Company I'roposai Clive knew the character of the Mahrattas too well to invite them into Bengal,

Irom the ^

Mahrattas. and the Only use which he made of the Peishwa's letter was to send it to tlit- nabob. If it was spurious, as some suspected, and had been written at the suggestion of the nabob himself, as a means of sounding the Company, and ascertaining how far they were actuated by ambitious ^'iews, the return of the letter would be equivalent to taking him in his own snare ; if it was genuine, how could there be a greater proof of good faith than in preferring his alliance to the tempting offers of the Mahratta? "The letter," says Sir John Malcolm, " was genuine ; and the nabob expressed himself much gratified by the conduc' of Clive, who, on this occasion and others, endeavom'ed to remove the suspicions that Surajah Dowlah entertained of the designs of the confederates." One of the other methods which Clive took of removing the nabob's suspicious, or. as his biographer calls it, 'of luUing him into security," was as foUows: — Having sent back the Company's troops to Calcutta, and ordered those undev his own independent control into garrison, he observed in a letter to the nabob, "that while the armies continued in the field their enemies would be endeavour- ing to interrupt that perfect harmony and friendship which subsisted between them ; that he had therefore put his army into quarters ; and though he had no reason to doubt his excellency's strict adherence to, and full compliance with all the articles of the treaty, yet, nevertheless, he wished he could dis-


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 I

C;:ap. X.j CONSPIRACY AGAINST THE NABOB. o71

appoint those hopes their mutual enemies entertained, by withdrawing his army ad. itst. trom Plassey."

While Clive was thus endeavouring to impose upon the credulity of the I'rogros* o» nabob, and telling him of " that perfect harmony and friendship wldch subsisted racy iigainft between them," he was apparently by the same messenger who carried the uowiaii. letter to the nabob sending letters to Mr. Watts with such passages as the fol- lowing: — "The nabob is a villain, and cannot be trusted; he must be overset, or we must fall." " As for any gratuity the new nabob may bestow on the troop.s, it is left to his generosity and to your and Omichund's management." "1 have wrote the nabob a soothing letter; this accompanies another of the

same kind, and one to Mohuu Loll (the nabob's chief favourite) agreeable to j]

your desire." "To take away all suspicion 1 have ordered aU the artillery and tumbrils to be embarked in boats and sent to Calcutta," but " I am ready, and will engage to be at Nusary in twelve hours after I receive your letter, which place is to be the rendezvous of the whole army." " Tell Meer Jaffier to fear nothing ; that I will join him with 5000 men who never turned their backs; and that if he fails seizing him, we shall be strong enough to di'ive him out of the country. Assure him I will march night and day to his assistance, and stand by him as Jong as I have a man left."

Before the conspiracy reached the point to which we have now brought it, a number of important preliminaries had been arranged. The object was to get quit of Surajah Dowlah at all events; and in this his most influential ministers and subjects were ready to concur. At first, however, there was some difficulty in determining who was to be the new nabob. The earlie-st tho ciaiM- aspirant was Yar Luttief Khan, who commanded 2000 horse in the nabob's ii.e nabob- service, but was at the same time in the pay of the Seats, whom he was ^"^' engaged to defend, even against the nabob himself This officer having requested a secret conference with Mr. Watts, was referred by him to Omichund, to whom he stated that the overthrow of the nabob would be easy, in consequence of the general detestation in which he was held ; and that if the English, whom he had sworn to extirpate, would take advantage of his absence on an intended expedition to Patna against the Afghans, to seize upon Moor.shedabad, they

might, by proclaiming him as tlie new nabob, obtain any advantages for which ||j

they might stipulate. The scheme was approved by Mr. Watts, and forthwith

sanctioned by Clive. Yar Luttief Khan was probably put forward by the ^

Seats merely for the jnu-pose of sounding the views of the English commander,.

for the very next day after the conference, an Aimenian of the name of Petrus came to Mr. Watts with similar proposals from Meer Jaffier, who — declaring that

he w^s in danger of assassination every time he went to tlie dm-bar, and Ij

that the Dewan Roydullub, the Seats, and several officers of the fii-st rank in the army had engaged to join, if the English would assist in dethroning the nabob — requested that if the scheme were accepted tlie terms should be .settled


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 o7:

HISTORY OK INDIA.

[Hook III,

Meur JalTiur ))refcrre<l.

dt'Utis.

A.u 1767. without delay, and that Colonel Clive would immediately Vjreak up hi« {;amp, and soothe the nabob with every apfjearance of pacific intentioas until hostilities .should commence.

Meer Jaffier, l)eing a far more important personage than Yar Luttief Khan, had no difficulty in obtaining the preference. He was brother-in-law of the late nabob, Ali Verdy Khan, and held both under him and Surajah Dowlah the office of paymaster-general, which necessarily gave him great influence with the army, and has caused him to be sometimes described as its commander-in- chief Ali Verdy made a trial of his military talents, by appointing him Uj the command of a large detachment, intended to expel the united Mahrattas and Afghans from Orissa. His incapacity was, however, soon proved ; and after his indolence and pusillanimity had enabled the enemy to gain decided advantages. Ali Verdy was obliged to supersede him. Meer Jaffier .showed his resentment, and endeavoured to gratify his revenge by leaguing secretly with a treasonable laction, and though, more from fear of the danger than a sense of returning duty, he abandoned the league, he had gone too far to be forgiven, and wa."- deprived of all his employments. He seems to have been reinstated at a late-

B:s.intece period, as he figures among the principal persons whom Surajah Dowlah, on his accession, dismissed from office, in order to make way for his own favourites. Meer Jaffier expressed his resentment, as before, by placing liimself at the head of a treasonable intrigue, and encom'aging Shokut Jung, governor of Pumeah, to assert his claim to the musnud. The failure of that attempt had induced him to shake himself free of all connection with it ; and he had insinuated himself into the good graces of the nabob, for he was present in his capacity of buckshee or paymaster-general at the capture of Calcutta, and is the only officer of dis- tinction who stands chargeable with a direct participation in the atrocities of the Black Hole. The English woman, wdio sm'vived the horrors of that night, was carried off in triumph to Meer Jaffier's harem.

Such was the man who, again plotting for the overthrow of his master, was selected to usurp his place. His character must have been too well known to invite confidence in his professions, and care was therefore taken to insert all the obligations exacted from him, in formal written docimients, to which, not with much propriety, the names of a public and a private treaty have been given. The public treaty, wi'itten in Persian, commenced with the following sentence, in Meer Jaffier's oyii hand: — "I swear by God, and the Prophet of God, to abide by the terms of this treaty whilst I have life." It is entitled, " Treaty made with the Admiral and Colonel Clive" (Sabut Jung Behauder), and consists of twelve articles, and a thirteenth, called an additional article. The first article simply agrees to comply with " whatever articles were agreed upon in the time of peace" with the Nabob Surajah Dowlah. The second article is, "The ene- mies of the English are my enemies, whether they be Indians or Europeans." Ai-ticle III. confiscates to the English all the effects and factories of the French

His agree- ment with the Com- pany.


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 I

k

OnAP. X.] AGREEMENT WITH MEER JAFFIER. 573

ill Bengal, Behar, and Orissa, and engages never more to "allow them any more a.d. it&7. to settle in the three provinces." Ai'ticles IV., V., VI., and VII. give compensa- tion as follows: — To the Company for losses, and the maintenance of forces, one crore of rupees (£1,000,000) ; to the English inhabitants in Calcutta, fifty lacs Agreemint of rupees (£500,000); to the Gentoos, Mussulmans, and other subjects of MeeiJumei Calcutta, twenty lacs (£200,000) ; to the Armenian inhabitants, seven lacs compl^y. (£70,000). Article VIII. gives to the Company all the land within the Mah- ratta. Ditch belonging to zemindars, and also 600 yards without the ditch. Article IX. convei-ts all the land to the south of Calcutta, as far as Culpee, into a zemindary, and gives it to the Company, subject, however, to the payment of revenue, in the same manner as other zemindars. Article X. engages to pay for the maintenance of any English troops whose assistance may be demanded ; Article XL, not to erect any new fortifications, below Hooghly, near the Ganges; and Ai'ticle XII., to pay the aforesaid stipulated sums on being established in the government of the three provinces.

The thirteenth, or additional article, is the counter-obligation, in which, "on Tiie com- pany's condition that Meer Jafiier Khan Beliauder shall solemnly ratify, confirm by comiter-

oath, and execute all the above articles, we, the underwi-itteu, do, on behalf of *^''*^'"®"

the Honourable East India Company, declare on the holy Gospels, and before

God, that we wiU assist Meer Jaffier Khan Beliauder, with all our force, to

obtain the soubahship of the province of Bengal, Behar, and Orissa ; and fui-ther,

that we will assist him to the utmost against all his enemies whatevef, as soon

as he caUs upon us for that end ; provided that he, on his coming to be nabob,

shall fulfil the aforesaid articles." This article, as well as the treaty, was signed

by Admiral Watson, Mr. Drake, governor of Calcutta, Colonel Clive, Mr. Watts,

Major Kilpatrick, and Mr. Becher, one of the membei"s of council. Had there

been no objection to it in any other respect, it is strange how it never occurred

to them that in engaging to employ all their force to obtain the soubahship for

a creature of their own, they were usm-ping the sovereign rights of the Mogul

emperor, and pledging them.selves, if he resisted or resented their interference,

to wage open war against him. This ovei"sight is the more remarkable, becaase

the treaty, on the face of it, recognizes the emperor's su])remacy. Meer Jaffier

designates him.self "servant of King Alumgeer," and the date of the deed is

"the foui-th year of the reign." What right then had Meer Jaffier to rule over

provinces to which, even if he had been the next heir, instead of being a

stranger in blood, his title would not have been valid until confirmed at Delhi ?

and what right could the representatives of a body of English merchants have,

not only to sanction his usui-pation, but solemnly pledge themselves " to assi.st

him to the utmost against all his enemies whatever?" No answer can be given

that will bear a moment's examination ; but it is needless, when so much of an

extravagant nature was done, to dwell on a matter which, in the now degraded

condition of the Mogul empire, may possibly have been regarded as mere pmictilio.


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 574

UISTOllV OF INDIA.

[Pm>ok III.

A.D 1767. The private treaty, though it appears to have been an after-thought, was probably regarded V)y some of the parties as the more important of the two. In a passage, quoted above, Clive mentions, in a letter to Mr. Watts, that " as >nvate ^q ^ny gratuity the new nabob may bestow on the troops, it is left to hi.s MeerJaffier, generosity." A more mercenary spirit was aftei'wards developed A gratuity to the army and navy only had been first proposed ; but, when the matter was discussed in the select committee, Mr. Becher, one of the members, suggested that, "as they had set the machine in motion, it was reasonable and f»roper that they should be considered." The hint was sufficient ; and it was resolved, as Clive describes it in a letter to Mr. Watts, that, instead of tru.sting to Meer Jaffier's generosity, his "private engagement should be obtained in writing to make them (the committee, in which you are included;, a present of twelve lacs of rupees, and a present of forty lacs to the army and navy, over and above what is stipulated in the agi-eement. ' This engagement formed the sulyect of the private treaty, and by means of it enormous sums, while they still continued to be misnamed presents, were regularly constituted as debts. It will be seen, as the narrative proceeds, that there was a third treaty of a very .singular description.

The ti'eaties, signed by Meer Jaffier, arrived in Calcutta on the 10th of Jime, and two days after, the troops stationed there, together with 150 .sailors from the squadron, were proceeding uji the river, in a fleet of 200 boats, to join the main body under Clive at Chandernagore. The danger of delay was manifest. A plot to which so many were privy could not be effectually concealed. The soldiers, both at Calcutta and Chandernagore, began to talk of it openly; and Omi-

chund, who from the
 * iKSsasSt^ .r first had a leading

share in its managre- ment, had threatened to divulge it to the nabob, unless his si- lence was purchased at an enormous cost. The nabob's own sus- picions were aroused, and his first impulse was to attack the palace, and thus ob- tain possession of the person of Meer Jaftier. Had he acted on it he might possibly have escaped the fate impending over him; but he hesitated, after putting Meer Jaffier on his guard, and was so overwhelmed with astonishment and ten-or, when the sudden flight of Mr. Watts from Moorshedabad revealed the fulJ macmitude of the danger, that he

(.live sets out to per- form his part ill the conspiracy.

Ghavt at M00BSHEDAB.U). — From a drawing by Captain Smith, 44th Regiment.


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 Crap. X.j OLIVE'S MARCH '"Co

descended from menace to entreaty, and made overtures for an accommodation, ad 1757. To this Meer Jaffier assented, and, during a visit which the nabob paid to him, swore upon tlie Koran that he would neither join nor give assistance to the English. This was of course in direct contradiction to the oath of the treaty ; but Meer Jaffier had no scioiples, and was ready to commit any amount of perjury when anything could be gained by it. The nabob felt so secure after this recon- ciliation with his paymaster-general, that on the loth he sent a letter to Clive, inveighing bitterly against the treachery manifested by Mr. Watts, whom con- scious guilt alone had forced to flee. "Suspicion," he said, "that some trick wa.s intended, liad been the real cause which induced him to keep his army so long at Plassey; but God and the Prophet would puuisli tho.se by whom the treaty was violated." As soon as he had thus committed him.self to hostilities, he ordered the whole of his army to assemble forthwith at their former encamp- ment at Plassey, and also wrote M. Law, who had proceeded with his soldiers no farther than Rajamahal, to join him with the utmost expedition.

The nabob's message of defiance must have passed another which Clive, on ciive',.stiie.

nient of

commencing his march, had addressed to him. After enumerating all the grieT.ame*. grievances, real and imaginary, to which the English had been subjected by the nabob's caprice, violence, and perfidy, he announced that he had determined, with the approbation of all who are charged with the Company's affairs, 1 1 proceed immediately to Cossimbazar, and submit their disputes to the arbitra- tion of Meer Jaffier, RoyduUub, Juggut Seat, and others of his great men; that if it should appear he (Clive) deviated from the treaty, he then swore to give up all further claims; but that if it appeared his excellenc}- had broken it, he should then demand satisfaction for all the losses sustained by the English, and all thf charges of their army and navy. He added, in conclusion, "that the rains being so near, and it requiring many days -to receive an answer, he found it necessary to wait upon him immediately." Clive, in quitting Chandemagore, left only 100 sailors to garrison it, and set out at the head of about 3000 men, of whom 800 were Europeans. The artillery consisted of eight six-pounder?

and a howitzer. Bold as he was, he would not have ventured to commence uismaroh

fn>ni Chan- operations with this force had he not trusted to the promise of Meer Jaffier .iema.;..re

to join him. With great anxiety, therefore, he continued his march day by day, while Meer Jaffier, not only did not make his appearance, but returned no answer to repeated messages which were sent to him. It was not until the 17th, when the army had advanced far on its way, and, by means of a detach- ment sent forward under Captain Coote, had captured the towTi and fort of Cutwali, situated at the confluence of the Hadjee with the Bhagaruttee, that the first letter from Meer Jaffier arrived. Its content^ were very unsatisfactory, for, instead of announcing his approach to form the promised junction, it s[)oke in rather ambiguous terms of the reconciliation with the nabob, and the oath by which he had bound himself not to take part against him. Meer Jaffier

■ t


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 576

HISTORY OF INDIA.

[Book ill.

AD. 1767.

S lupifiiouR ( oiiduct of .MeurJiiflitr.

Clive holds a council 'if war.

of course declared that the whole was, on his part, a trick, by which he lioped to lure the nabob more easily t<^ his ruin; but when, on the 19th, another lett<ir arrived, in which he gave only the vague intelligence that hi.s tent would be either on the left or the right of the army, and excased himself for not being more explicit, because guards were stationed on all the roads t^) intercept all messages, Olive's suspicions were thoroughly roased. Meer Jaffier either meant to deceive him, or had miscalculated his strength. On either supposition further advance was perilous in the extreme.

The light in which matters now appeared to Olive is evidenced by a letter written to the secret committee, on the same day on which that of Meer Jaffier was received: — " The party I sent has taken Outwah town and fort. Both are strong. Notwithstanding which, I feel the greatest anxiety at the little intel- ligence I receive from Meer Jaffier; and if he is not treacherou.s, his so/ag froid, or want of strength, will, I fear, overset the expedition. I am trying a last effort, by means of a Brahmin, to prevail upon him to m.arch out and join us

1 have appointed Plassey the place of rendezvous, and have told him at the .same time, unless he gives this or some other sufficient proof of the sincerity of his inten- tions, I will not cross the river; this, I hope, will meet with yoir approbation. 1 shall act with such caution as not to risk the loss of our forces ; and whUst we have them, we may always have it in our power to bring about a revolution, should the present not succeed. They say there is a considerable quantity of grain in and about this place. If we can collect eight or ten thousand maimds, we may maintain our situation diu-ing the rains, which will greatly distress the nabob ; and either reduce him to terms which may be depended upon, or give us time to bring in the Beer Bhoom Rajah, Mahrattas, or Ghazi-u-din. I desire you will give your sentiments freely, how you think I should act, if Meer Jaffier can give us no assistance."

The dubiety and indecision thus expressed, were not produced by a mo- mentary fit of despondency, for on the 21st of June, two days after despjatching the above letter, Olive, unable to satisfy himself as to the course which it was expedient to pursue, or decide it on his own responsibilit}-, held a coimcil of war, and submitted to it the following question: — "Whether, in our present situation, without assistance, and on om* own bottom, it woidd be prudent to attack the nabob ; or, whether we should wait tUl joined by some coimtry

Uhait at Cutwah, uu me Ganges.— From LieuteaautColonel Forrest's

Tour ou thu GangtB.


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 Chap. X.]

CLIVE HOLDS A COUNCIL OF VA1{.

■U i

Sir Eyre Coote. — From a print after H. Morlaiid.

power?" Tlie council consisted of sixteen members, of whom nine voted the iitfirmative, and seven the negative. The former was thus carried, Clive not only vothig with the majority, but lending liis influence to secure it by violating the ordinary routine, and giving his own opinion first, instead of beginning with the youngest officer. Eyre Coote, who had already given proofs of the military genius which afterwards made him famous in Indian warfare, stood at the head of the minority. To all appearance, Surajah Dowlah was now safe, at least from the conspiracy which was to have discardeil him, in order to make way for Meer Jaffier, and Bengal was not to be revolutionized till one of its own petty rajahs could usm-p the government ; or one of the most worthless viziers who had ever held office at the covu't of Lelhi could be bribed to mingle in the plot ; or the Company, in despair of accomplishing their object by other means, should resort to the miserable alternative of leao-uing with the Mahrattas. But though the majority of the council of war had voted as Clive had in a manner dictated, by anticipating instead of waiting to receive tiieir opinion, he was not himself satisfied. The arguments of Coote had not been lost upon him, and within an hour after the council broke uj), the army received orders to be in readiness to start next morning. This change of opinion in Clive is said, by Orme, to have been }>roduced after an interval of deep and solitary meditation in an adjoining grove. It must, indeed, have been an anxious moment ; for, even after the absurdity of stopping where he was had become apparent, he could not act in opposition to his own previousl}' declared con- viction and the decision of the council of war, without feeling how immensely he had added to his responsibility.

The hazards which the army was now about to run were of the most formidable description. It was occupjdng the town of Cutwah, and could not reach the nabob's army without passing into a large flat which, from being nearly inclosed by two arms of the Ganges, was known by the name of the island of Cossimbazai". Between it and the army ran a deej) and rapid river, the passage of which, had the enemy known how to use his advantages, might have been successfully disputed, or, at all events, could not have been effected without serious loss. This obstacle overcome, the peril of the position wa.s indefinitely increased Retreat was impossible. A body of troops not exceeding 3000 was about to encounter an army of not less than 50.000 infantry and 18,000 cavalry, in a position where, if a reverse was sustained, not a man would

A.D. 1757.

Olive litfter- miiies to praceeil.

Fonniiliible ilirtiiultie.s.

Vol. I.

73


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 578 HISTOllV OF iNJjlA. [Eook III

AD. 17.17. escape to tell the tale. The river was crossed witliout oppo.sition, and shortly

after a letter arrived from Mcer Jafiier, giving notice of the nabob's movements,

and suggesting the possibility of taking him by sur|)rise; but, in other respects,

so far from satisfactory, that Clive immediately sent back the messenger who

ciive brought it, with the answer "that he .should march to Pla-ssey witliout delay,

iii;u-ehe8 to iiii i -i ••i/'i

I'lLssey. and would the next morning advance six miles turther to the village of Daud- pore ; but if Meer Jaffier did not join him there he would make peace with the nabob." According to Meer Jaffier s information, the nabob had airived at Muncarra, a village six miles south of Co.ssimbazar, intending there to entrench himself and wait the event. This information proved false; for when Clive arrived at Plassey, at one in the morning, after a fatiguing march of fifteen miles, the continual sound of drums, clarions, and cymbals, which alwa3-s accom- l)any the night watches of an Indian camp, told him that the nabob's army was not a mile distant. The intention to encamp at Mimcarra had been formed in the belief that Clive would advance immediately after the capture of Cutwah ; but from circum.stances already explained, his movements not having been .so rapid as was expected, the nabob quickened liis own pace and arrived at Plassey before him. Naturally of a cowardly disposition, and surrounded by treachery, of which the evidences could not have escaped his notice, the nabob became more and more desponding as the danger approached. On the evening of his arrival, his attendants had gone out, one by one, to say their usual prayers, at the time of .sunset. Being at the time absorbed in his own gloomy reflections, he was not aware that they had left him alone, till looking up he perceived a man who had secretly entered the tent, probably to steal. Starting up, and calling loudly for his attendants, he exclaimed — " Surely they see me dead. ' The hostile In the immediate 'icinity of Plassey was a grove of mango trees, planted

Plassey. in regular rows, and extending about 800 yards, with a breadth of 300. It was inclosed by a slight bank, and a ditch nearly choked up with weeds and brambles, and slanted with its west side along the bank of the river, which was distant at the southern extremity 200 yards, and at the north not more than fifty. At a short distance north of the grove was an entrenchment, which RoyduUub, while encamped here, had tlirown up. It stretched for about 200 yards from the bank of the river, in a line nearly parallel to the north side of the grove, and then diverging to the north-east, was continued in that direction for about three miles. The nabob's army was encamped within this entrench- ment, and began at daybreak, on the 23d of June, to issue from various open- ings and advance towards the grove. His artillery consisted of forty to fifty pieces of caimon, mostly of the largest calibre. Several of them were mounted on a redoubt constructed in the entrenchment, in the angle formed by the change in its direction ; four of them on the bank of a large tank about 900 yards south of the redoubt, under forty Frenchmen, headed by one Sinfray ; and two on a line with the tank, and close to the river. The rest of the artillery,


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reserved to accompany the army in its movements, was placed on machines, each forming a kind of stage, about six feet high, and large enough to contain a cannon, with its ammunition, and the gunners required to manage it. Every machine was dragged along by forty to fifty yoke of white oxen of the largest size, and attended, moreover, by an elephant trained to assist at difficult tugs by shoving with his forehead. Behind the posts occupied by Sinfray, and the two cannon near the river, Meer Mudden, the son of Mohun Loll, was stationed with 5000 horse and 7000 foot. The rest of the army, consisting of separate compact masses, formed an immense curve which commenced at a hillock of trees, situated without the entrenchment, about 300 yards east of the redoubt, and terminated about half a mile east of the southern angle of the grove. The artillery, two, three, and four pieces together, were stationed at the different openings between the columns in the curve. Clive had fixed his head-quarters at a hunting-house of the nabob, situated a little north of the grove, on the bank of the river, and, having ascended to the roof, surveyed the vast host in splendid array hemming him in on every side, except that towards the river. At first, to show the enemy how unable they were to intimidate him, he abandoned the shelter of the grove, and drew up his little army in front of it in a line facing the tank. The battalion occupied the centre, while the sepoys in two equal divisions formed the wings. Three of the field-pieces were placed on the right, and three on the left of the battalion; the other two field-pieces and the howitzers were advanced about 200 yards in front of the left wing. At eight o'clock the first shot was fired by the enemy, and a distant cannonade was kept up for some time. It produced no result, and Clive again placed his men under the shelter of the grove. This apparent retreat elated the enemy, who now, advancing nearer, fired with great vivacity, though to very little purpose, for the troops remained quietly seated among the trees, while the artillery, sheltered behind the bank, continued the cannonade. Though Clive had drawn up in line of battle he had no intention of bringing on a general engagement. He knew the advantages which night would give him; and hence, in accordance with his original design, it was resolved at eleven o'clock, after consulting his officers, to continue the cannonade during the day, and attack the camp at mid-night. After this resolution his personal presence was less necessary, and he retired into his quarters to snatch an interval of rest. He had lain down, and is said to have been fast asleep, when Major Kilpatrick sent to inform him that he had a good opportunity of seizing the tank which Sinfray occupied, and was about to advance for that purpose with two companies of the battalion and two field-pieces. Clive started up, and running to the detachment stopped it, at the same time reprimanding the major for acting without orders. He soon perceived, however, that the proposed attack ought to be executed, and placing himself at the head of the detachment, found little difficulty in driving out Sinfray and his Frenchmen, and obliging them to retire into the redoubt.


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 580 lll.STUKY OF JMjJ.A. [Book III.

AD. 17.07 A great change had taken place in the condition of tlie enemy, and the

victory, which CHve had not ventured to anticijjate before nndnight. wa« about to be forced upon liim before the day closed. As the enemy's ammunition lay

AKBiiciai exposed on the machines, i)artial exijlosions of it were repeatedly heard ilurint:

cngagfiaent ' ' i ^ n

brought on. the cannonade. A still more serious misfoiiune befell it at noon, when a heavy fall of rain rendered a great part of the powder u.seless. The fire from tiie machines immediately .slackened. Nor was this the nabobs only misfortune. For, about the very time when the ammunition failed, Meer Mudden, the best and mo.st faithful of his officers, was brought into his tent moi-tally wounded Vjy a cannon-ball, and died in his presence, after uttering a few words expressive of his own loyalty and the want of it in others. The nabob had hitherto; remained in his tent, beyond the reach of danger, alternately yielding to his fears and buoyed up with assurances of victory. He now lost all self-command, and imder the influence of terror and despair sent for Meer Jaffier. As soon as he arrived, the nabob, throwing his tm*ban on the gi-ound, implored him in the name of Ali Verdy Khan, the brother-in-law of the one and grandfather of the other, to forgive the past, and become the defender of his life and honour. Meer Jaffier readily promised all that was asked of liim, and immediately proceeded to com- plete his treachery, first by sending a message to Clive, informing him of what had oassed, and uro-ing him either to an instant or a nocturnal attack on the camp; and secondly, by urging the nabob to recall his army within the entrench- ments, and renew the engagement on the following day. The mes.sage to Clive was not delivered, as the messenger was afraid to proceed with it during the cannonade ; but the treacherous advice, backed by the influence of Roydullub, another of the leading conspirators, was, after some demur, adopted, and the fatal order was issued to retire within the camp. Mohun Loll, who was probably aware of the motives which dictated the advice, and foresaw the inevitable con- sequences, at first refused to obey, and showed that the very attempt to retire would spread an universal panic, and tlii-ow the whole army into confu-sion. His remonstrances, however, were unavailing ; and the preparations for retiring were immediately perceived in the almost total cessation of the cannonade on the part of the enemy, the j^oking of the trains of oxen to the unwieldy machines, and a gradual retrograde movement of the whole army. It was at this stage that Clive had been aroused by Kilpatrick s message.

Tiie victory 'While the detachment was driving Sinfray from the tank, the portion ot

of Plassey.

the nabob's army stationed farthest to the south-east was observed to linger behind th§ rest, and even advance in the direction of the gi"ove. The movement was at first misunderstood, and Clive haang sent a detachment to oppose their further progress, some execution was done before it was ascertained that the troops acting so suspiciously were those of Meer Jaffier, who had now at last thrown off" the ma.sk, and openly declared himself Had the issue of the battle been any longer doubtful. Jaffier's conduct would have decided it. Clive, when

O"


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 I

CiiAv. X.] THE VICTORY OF PLASSEY. 581

once certain that he could calculate on the neutrality if not the co-operation of ad. itot. a large part of the army opposed to him, determined on a vigorous effoi-t, and carried at once both the redoubt to which Sinfray had retired, and the com- manding hillock immediately to the east of it. By five o'clock the British force was within the entrenchment, and in possession of the camp. The nabob, on being made acquainted with Meer Jaffier's de.sertion and the British advance, mounted a camel, and tied at its utmost i)ace, accompanied by about 2 horsemen. With his departiu^e all idea of resistance ceased, and nothing re- mained but to reap the fruits of the victory. The soldiers who had gained it, seeing the baggage of a whole camp lying before them, were naturally reluc- tant to leave it unplundered, but on being promised a donative, received the order to advance with acclamation. The pursuit, continued for about six The pursuit, miles, brought them in the evening to Daudpore. The loss of the victors in killed and wounded was only seventy-two ; that of the vanquished was also trifling, and is computed by Clive himself at not more than oOO. The victory thus feebly contested on the one hand, and won unexpectedly, almost without im effort, on the other, was in its results the most important that had been gained in India since Europeans first landed on its shores. It founded the British empii'e in the East.

On the evening of the battle Meer Jatfier, who had remained encamped in cuveKUutes the neighbourhood, .sent a mes.sage to Clive, congratulating him on his success, ;',s naixii.. and on the following day met hini by appointment at Daudi)ore. Conscious how dilatory and even suspicious his conduct had been, he was not free from misgivings as to the manner in which he would be received, and hence, when ( >n his approach the guard drew up and rested their arms to pay him the usual honours, he mistook the com})liment, and suppo.sed it to be a signal for his destruction. Clive, seeing his alann, soon reassured him by hastening forward to embrace him, and salute him Nabob of Bengal, Behar, and Oi'issa. But it was no time for idle ceremony, and Meer Jaffier after a short delay proceeded to the capital to complete the ctory by the capture of Surajah Dowlah and his trea.sures. This dastardly prince was still in his palace, and had given out that he intended to defend himself to the last. It was plain, liow- ever, from his conduct, that he was only meditating flight. On the morning after the battle he sent off" the inmates of his seraglio with fifty loaded ele- ])hants, and was only lingering behind till the darkness of night should favour his escape. His preparations were not completed when the news of Meer Jaffier s arrival told him he had not a moment to lose. Hastily assmning the dress of a menial, and canying a casket of liis most valuable jewels, he slipped out at a window, accompanied only by his favourite concubine and an eunuch. At the palace wharf he entered a boat which had been previously prepared, and was carried up the river at a ra])id rate.

^Feer Jatfier was not informed of the nabob's flight till midnight, and imme-

'3

ll


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 582 llLSTO); OF IMjIA. [liooK 111.

AD 1767. diately .sent parties in pursuit. Being tlias fnxstrated in liin denign of seizing the person of his kte master, he made sur.j of the next most important object, by taking possession of his treasury. The whole value found in it arnount<'d st;iteoftim only to 150 lacs of rupees, or £1,500,000 sterling, thougli Mr. Watts had with Moor^<^.ea;l slugular extravagance estimated it at twenty-four crores, or £24', 000,000 The city meanwhile remained in confusion ; but the gi-adual apjiroach of Clive with his army prevented any attempt at insun-ection. He arrived within a short distance on the 25th, but did not make his entrance till the 2fJth. He was escorted by 200 of the battalion and 300 sepoys, and established his quarters in a palace spacious enough to accommodate all the troops that came with him Mr. Watts and Mr. WaLsh, with 1 00 .sepoys, had been sent forward on the 25th, and had spent the interval in ascertaining the state of the treasury, and endea- vouring to make arrangements for payments of the sums which Meer Jaffier had promised, but which it was now very apparent he had not then the means of discharging. By the public and private treaties he had incurred obligations to the amount of £2,750,000, whereas his treasury, if drained of its last rupee, would yield only £1,500,000. Nor was this all. In addition to the stipulated sums, immense presents were expected. Of these no less than £100,000 were destined for Clive, £80,000 for Mr. Watts, £50,000 for Mr. W^alsh, £30,000 for Major Kilpatrick, and £20,000 for Mr. Scrafton. The acceptance of such pre- sents under the circumstances, and after the state of the treasury was known. deserves no better name than extortion. Even a worse name might be used for it afterwards appeared that Meer JaflBer in making them was under the impression that he had purchased an influence which might enable him to escape from the obligations he had contracted to the Compan}' and to other parties, cuve seats CUve, immediately after his entrance, proceeded to the nabob's palace, where

on the mils Mcer Jaffier and all the great officers of the city were waiting to receive him. The musnud or throne stood in the hall of audience unoccupied, for Meer Jaffier, after the first salutation, retii-ed to a different part of the hall, as if desirous to avoid it. Clive perceiving this, took him by the hand, led him to it, and placed him upon it. This done, he made obeisance to him as nabob in the usual forms, and ha'ing presented him with a plate of gold rupees, addressed the great officers through an interpreter, congratulating them on the good fortune which had given them so excellent a prince in exchange for a despicable tATant. The hint was sufficient, and all the persons present imitated Clive's example, by doing homage and presenting gold. The following morning the nabob retm'ned Clive's visit, and at once opened the subject which he knew to be nearest the hearts of both of them — the obligations he had undertaken, and his present inability to pay them. It was agreed to refer the matter to the Seats, to whose house they forthwith proceeded, attended by Watts, Scrafton, Meerun, the nabob's son, and Roydullub. Omichund, who was attending, followed, under the impression that he stood high in Clive's estimation, in consequence of the

I

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 work out concrete proposals. This is a question on which you must force the laborites to follow suit. You must call upon Morones and Company to advocate our revolutionary proposals on the subject of labor legislation. Under no circumstances must the Party resort to compromise in this matter. We repeat that the entrance of your Party into the arena of the parliamentary struggle signifies a triumph of revolutionary class policy over the anarcho-petty-bourgeois ideology and tactics of the syndicalists; but bound up with this victory is the danger to which all the so-called revolutionary parties of Mexico have hitherto succumbed, i. e. of "reforming" a party, which is struggling for the class interests of the poor peasants, into a Party of "superior" proletarians and petty-bourgeois intellectuals, seeking for careers; a Party pursuing a policy of continual compromise with bourgeois democracy at the expense of the workers and peasants. The Communist Party must therefore exercise continual self-criticisms of the work and tactics of every worker in the Party. But, at the same time, every comrade, as soon as the Party has decided on a definite tactic and has resorted to action, must observe the strictest discipline, and as long as the need for action lasts, must renounce adverse criticism. A Party can fight only when it is united. The Communist Party will gain decisive political importance when it is able, within the frame-work of the nation, to work out a united class policy of the workers and peasants, and to organize a united struggle for the realization of this policy. The Party must be conscious of the historic role of the working class, which consists in supplanting the bourgeois social system by that of the proletariat, i. e., a communist system. The proletariat forms the overwhelming majority of the population and only when the Communist Party understands how to fight and pursue a policy on behalf of the daily needs and the class interests of this majority, will it become the leading party of the proletariat and of the proletarian revolution.

Mexico is approaching another presidential election. The whole political life of the next few months will be centered about this question. The results of the election will clearly show us the proportionate strength of the individual sections of the bourgeoisie in Mexico today. But it would be a mistake to infer that the Communist Party can confine itself to a policy of "watchful waiting." On the contrary, the Party must assume an unequivocal stand so that the simplest worker and peasant will see what the Communist Party is and what it is fighting for. Hence a detailed knowledge