text:
The U.S. won’t back down from the challenge of Putin and Hamas

Today, the world faces an inflection point, where the choices we make — including in the crises in Europe and the Middle East — will determine the direction of our future for generations to come. What will our world look like on the other side of these conflicts? Will we deny Hamas the ability to carry out pure, unadulterated evil? Will Israelis and Palestinians one day live side by side in peace, with two states for two peoples? Will we hold Vladimir Putin accountable for his aggression, so the people of Ukraine can live free and Europe remains an anchor for global peace and security? And the overarching question: Will we relentlessly pursue our positive vision for the future, or will we allow those who do not share our values to drag the world to a more dangerous and divided place? Both Putin and Hamas are fighting to wipe a neighboring democracy off the map. And both Putin and Hamas hope to collapse broader regional stability and integration and take advantage of the ensuing disorder. America cannot, and will not, let that happen. For our own national security interests — and for the good of the entire world. The United States is the essential nation. We rally allies and partners to stand up to aggressors and make progress toward a brighter, more peaceful future. The world looks to us to solve the problems of our time. That is the duty of leadership, and America will lead. For if we walk away from the challenges of today, the risk of conflict could spread, and the costs to address them will only rise. We will not let that happen. That conviction is at the root of my approach to supporting the people of Ukraine as they continue to defend their freedom against Putin’s brutal war. We know from two world wars in the past century that when aggression in Europe goes unanswered, the crisis does not burn itself out. It draws America in directly. That’s why our commitment to Ukraine today is an investment in our own security. It prevents a broader conflict tomorrow. We are keeping American troops out of this war by supporting the brave Ukrainians defending their freedom and homeland. We are providing them with weapons and economic assistance to stop Putin’s drive for conquest, before the conflict spreads farther. The United States is not doing this alone. More than 50 nations have joined us to ensure that Ukraine has what it needs to defend itself. Our partners are shouldering much of the economic responsibility for supporting Ukraine. We have also built a stronger and more united NATO, which enhances our security through the strength of our allies, while making clear that we will defend every inch of NATO territory to deter further Russian aggression. Our allies in Asia are standing with us as well to support Ukraine and hold Putin accountable, because they understand that stability in Europe and in the Indo-Pacific are inherently connected. We have also seen throughout history how conflicts in the Middle East can unleash consequences around the globe. We stand firmly with the Israeli people as they defend themselves against the murderous nihilism of Hamas. On Oct. 7, Hamas slaughtered 1,200 people, including 35 American citizens, in the worst atrocity committed against the Jewish people in a single day since the Holocaust. Infants and toddlers, mothers and fathers, grandparents, people with disabilities, even Holocaust survivors were maimed and murdered. Entire families were massacred in their homes. Young people were gunned down at a music festival. Bodies riddled with bullets and burned beyond recognition. And for over a month, the families of more than 200 hostages taken by Hamas, including babies and Americans, have been living in hell, anxiously waiting to discover whether their loved ones are alive or dead. At the time of this writing, my team and I are working hour by hour, doing everything we can to get the hostages released. And while Israelis are still in shock and suffering the trauma of this attack, Hamas has promised that it will relentlessly try to repeat Oct. 7. It has said very clearly that it will not stop. The Palestinian people deserve a state of their own and a future free from Hamas. I, too, am heartbroken by the images out of Gaza and the deaths of many thousands of civilians, including children. Palestinian children are crying for lost parents. Parents are writing their child’s name on their hand or leg so they can be identified if the worst happens. Palestinian nurses and doctors are trying desperately to save every precious life they possibly can, with little to no resources. Every innocent Palestinian life lost is a tragedy that rips apart families and communities. Our goal should not be simply to stop the war for today — it should be to end the war forever, break the cycle of unceasing violence, and build something stronger in Gaza and across the Middle East so that history does not keep repeating itself. Just weeks before Oct. 7, I met in New York with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. The main subject of that conversation was a set of substantial commitments that would help both Israel and the Palestinian territories better integrate into the broader Middle East. That is also the idea behind the innovative economic corridor that will connect India to Europe through the United Arab Emirates, Saudi Arabia, Jordan and Israel, which I announced together with partners at the Group of 20 summit in India in early September. Stronger integration between countries creates predictable markets and draws greater investment. Better regional connection — including physical and economic infrastructure — supports higher employment and more opportunities for young people. That’s what we have been working to realize in the Middle East. It is a future that has no place for Hamas’s violence and hate, and I believe that attempting to destroy the hope for that future is one reason that Hamas instigated this crisis. This much is clear: A two-state solution is the only way to ensure the long-term security of both the Israeli and Palestinian people. Though right now it may seem like that future has never been further away, this crisis has made it more imperative than ever. A two-state solution — two peoples living side by side with equal measures of freedom, opportunity and dignity — is where the road to peace must lead. Reaching it will take commitments from Israelis and Palestinians, as well as from the United States and our allies and partners. That work must start now. To that end, the United States has proposed basic principles for how to move forward from this crisis, to give the world a foundation on which to build. To start, Gaza must never again be used as a platform for terrorism. There must be no forcible displacement of Palestinians from Gaza, no reoccupation, no siege or blockade, and no reduction in territory. And after this war is over, the voices of Palestinian people and their aspirations must be at the center of post-crisis governance in Gaza. As we strive for peace, Gaza and the West Bank should be reunited under a single governance structure, ultimately under a revitalized Palestinian Authority, as we all work toward a two-state solution. I have been emphatic with Israel’s leaders that extremist violence against Palestinians in the West Bank must stop and that those committing the violence must be held accountable. The United States is prepared to take our own steps, including issuing visa bans against extremists attacking civilians in the West Bank. The international community must commit resources to support the people of Gaza in the immediate aftermath of this crisis, including interim security measures, and establish a reconstruction mechanism to sustainably meet Gaza’s long-term needs. And it is imperative that no terrorist threats ever again emanate from Gaza or the West Bank. If we can agree on these first steps, and take them together, we can begin to imagine a different future. In the months ahead, the United States will redouble our efforts to establish a more peaceful, integrated and prosperous Middle East — a region where a day like Oct. 7 is unthinkable. In the meantime, we will continue working to prevent this conflict from spreading and escalating further. I ordered two U.S. carrier groups to the region to enhance deterrence. We are going after Hamas and those who finance and facilitate its terrorism, levying multiple rounds of sanctions to degrade Hamas’s financial structure, cutting it off from outside funding and blocking access to new funding channels, including via social media. I have also been clear that the United States will do what is necessary to defend U.S. troops and personnel stationed across the Middle East — and we have responded multiple times to the strikes against us. I also immediately traveled to Israel — the first American president to do so during wartime — to show solidarity with the Israeli people and reaffirm to the world that the United States has Israel’s back. Israel must defend itself. That is its right. And while in Tel Aviv, I also counseled Israelis against letting their hurt and rage mislead them into making mistakes we ourselves have made in the past. From the very beginning, my administration has called for respecting international humanitarian law, minimizing the loss of innocent lives and prioritizing the protection of civilians. Following Hamas’s attack on Israel, aid to Gaza was cut off, and food, water and medicine reserves dwindled rapidly. As part of my travel to Israel, I worked closely with the leaders of Israel and Egypt to reach an agreement to restart the delivery of essential humanitarian assistance to Gazans. Within days, trucks with supplies again began to cross the border. Today, nearly 100 aid trucks enter Gaza from Egypt each day, and we continue working to increase the flow of assistance manyfold. I’ve also advocated for humanitarian pauses in the conflict to permit civilians to depart areas of active fighting and to help ensure that aid reaches those in need. Israel took the additional step to create two humanitarian corridors and implement daily four-hour pauses in the fighting in northern Gaza to allow Palestinian civilians to flee to safer areas in the south. This stands in stark opposition to Hamas’s terrorist strategy: hide among Palestinian civilians. Use children and innocents as human shields. Position terrorist tunnels beneath hospitals, schools, mosques and residential buildings. Maximize the death and suffering of innocent people — Israeli and Palestinian. If Hamas cared at all for Palestinian lives, it would release all the hostages, give up arms, and surrender the leaders and those responsible for Oct. 7. As long as Hamas clings to its ideology of destruction, a cease-fire is not peace. To Hamas’s members, every cease-fire is time they exploit to rebuild their stockpile of rockets, reposition fighters and restart the killing by attacking innocents again. An outcome that leaves Hamas in control of Gaza would once more perpetuate its hate and deny Palestinian civilians the chance to build something better for themselves. And here at home, in moments when fear and suspicion, anger and rage run hard, we have to work even harder to hold on to the values that make us who we are. We’re a nation of religious freedom and freedom of expression. We all have a right to debate and disagree and peacefully protest, but without fear of being targeted at schools or workplaces or elsewhere in our communities. In recent years, too much hate has been given too much oxygen, fueling racism and an alarming rise in antisemitism in America. That has intensified in the wake of the Oct. 7 attacks. Jewish families worry about being targeted in school, while wearing symbols of their faith on the street or otherwise going about their daily lives. At the same time, too many Muslim Americans, Arab Americans and Palestinian Americans, and so many other communities, are outraged and hurting, fearing the resurgence of the Islamophobia and distrust we saw after 9/11. We can’t stand by when hate rears its head. We must, without equivocation, denounce antisemitism, Islamophobia, and other forms of hate and bias. We must renounce violence and vitriol and see each other not as enemies but as fellow Americans. In a moment of so much violence and suffering — in Ukraine, Israel, Gaza and so many other places — it can be difficult to imagine that something different is possible. But we must never forget the lesson learned time and again throughout our history: Out of great tragedy and upheaval, enormous progress can come. More hope. More freedom. Less rage. Less grievance. Less war. We must not lose our resolve to pursue those goals, because now is when clear vision, big ideas and political courage are needed most. That is the strategy that my administration will continue to lead — in the Middle East, Europe and around the globe. Every step we take toward that future is progress that makes the world safer and the United States of America more secure.


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Page:Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission Act 2009.pdf/50

50 Obstruction of investigation and search

48. Any person who—
 * (a) refuses any officer of the Commission access to any premises, or fails to submit to a search by a person authorized to search him under this Act;
 * (b) assaults, obstructs, hinders or delays any officer of the Commission in the execution of his duty under this Act;
 * (c) fails to comply with any lawful demand, notice, order or requirement of an officer of the Commission in the execution of his duty under this Act;
 * (d) omits, refuses or neglects to give to an officer of the Commission any information which may reasonably be required of him and which he is empowered to give;
 * (e) fails to produce to, or conceals or attempts to conceal from, an officer of the Commission any book, document, or article, in relation to which such officer has reasonable grounds for suspecting that an offence under this Act has been or is being committed, or which is liable to seizure under this Act;
 * (f) rescues or endeavours to rescue or causes to be rescued any thing which has been duly seized;
 * (g) destroys any thing to prevent the seizure thereof, or the securing of the thing; or
 * (h) interferes with, puts fear into, threatens or abducts or attempts to interfere with, put fear into, threaten or abduct any person involved in an investigation under this Act,

commits an offence.

Offences under Act to be seizable offences and powers of officers of the Commission relating to investigations

49. (1) Every offence under this Act shall be a seizable offence for the purposes of the Criminal Procedure Code.

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/


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Page:Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission Act 2009.pdf/51

Rh (2) Every person arrested under subsection (1) may be released from custody—
 * (a) on his depositing such reasonable sum of money as an officer of the Commission may require;
 * (b) on his executing a bond, with or without sureties, as an officer of the Commission may require; or
 * (c) on his depositing such reasonable sum of money as an officer of the Commission may require and his executing a bond, with or without sureties, as an officer of the Commission may require.

(3) Any person who has been released from custody under subsection (2) may be arrested without warrant by any officer of the Commission—
 * (a) if such officer has reasonable grounds for believing that any condition on or subject to which such person was released or otherwise admitted to bail has been or is likely to be broken; or
 * (b) on being notified in writing by the surety of such person that such person is likely to break any condition on or subject to which such person was released and that surety wishes to be relieved of his obligation as surety.

(4) Any person arrested under subsection (3) and is not released shall, without unreasonable delay, and in any case within twenty-four hours (excluding the time of any necessary journey) be produced before a Magistrate’s Court and if it appears to the Court that any condition on or subject to which such person was released or otherwise admitted to bail has been or is likely to be broken, the Court may—
 * (a) remand such person in custody; or
 * (b) admit such person to bail on the same conditions or on such other conditions as it thinks fit.

(5) Where a person who is arrested for an offence under this Act is serving a sentence of imprisonment or is under detention under any law relating to preventive detention, or is otherwise in lawful custody, he shall, upon an order in writing by an officer of the Commission of the rank of Superintendent or above, be produced before such officer or before any other officer of the


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52 Commission for the purpose of investigation, and for such purpose he may be kept in lawful custody for a period not exceeding fourteen days.

(6) A person who is detained in lawful custody under subsection (5) or otherwise under any other written law may, at any time, be made available to an officer of the Commission for the purpose of investigation, or may be taken to any other place for the purpose of searching the place, or seizing any property, or identifying any person or for any other purpose related to the investigation.

(7) The period during which a person is under lawful custody under subsection (6) shall count towards the period of his imprisonment, detention or other custody.

(8) Where a person has been arrested and admitted to bail and the bailor fails to produce him or where the conditions of the bond on which or subject to which a person is released have not been complied with, the Public Prosecutor may apply to a Magistrate’s Court for an order of forfeiture of the sum of money deposited and the Court shall deal with the application in accordance with section 404 of the Criminal Procedure Code.

Presumption in certain offences

50. (1) Where in any proceedings against any person for an offence under section 16, 17, 18, 20, 21, 22 or 23 it is proved that any gratification has been received or agreed to be received, accepted or agreed to be accepted, obtained or attempted to be obtained, solicited, given or agreed to be given, promised, or offered, by or to the accused, the gratification shall be presumed to have been corruptly received or agreed to be received, accepted or agreed to be accepted, obtained or attempted to be obtained, solicited, given or agreed to be given, promised, or offered as an inducement or a reward for or on account of the matters set out in the particulars of the offence, unless the contrary is proved.

(2) Where in any proceedings against any person for an offence under section 161, 162, 163 or 164 of the Penal Code,


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Rh it is proved that such person has accepted or agreed to accept, or obtained or attempted to obtain any gratification, such person shall be presumed to have done so as a motive or reward for the matters set out in the particulars of the offence, unless the contrary is proved.

(3) Where in any proceedings against any person for an offence under section 165 of the Penal Code it is proved that such person has accepted or attempted to obtain any valuable thing without consideration or for a consideration which such person knows to be inadequate, such person shall be presumed to have done so with such knowledge as to the circumstances as set out in the particulars of the offence, unless the contrary is proved.

(4) Where in any proceedings against any person for an offence under paragraph 137(1)(b) of the Customs Act 1967, it is proved that any officer of customs or other person duly employed for the prevention of smuggling has accepted, agreed to accept or attempted to obtain any bribe, gratuity, recompense, or reward, such officer or person shall be presumed to have done so for the neglect or non-performance of his duty as set out in the particulars of the offence, unless the contrary is proved.

Evidence of corroboration

51. In any proceedings against any person for an offence under this Act, it may be proved that at or about the time of the alleged offence, or at any time thereafter, the accused, or any relative or associate of his—
 * (a) held any property for which he, or his relative or associate, as the case may be, is unable to give a satisfactory account as to how he came into its ownership, possession, custody or control; or
 * (b) had entered into any dealing for the acquisition of any property and he is unable to satisfactorily account for the consideration for which it is to be acquired,

and the evidence in relation thereto shall be presumed to corroborate any evidence relating to the commission of the offence.


text:
Page:The complete poetical works and letters of John Keats, 1899.djvu/251

Rh Dungeoner of my friends, that wicked strand

Where they were wreck'd and live a wrecked life;

That monstrous region, whose dull rivers pour,

Ever from their sordid urns unto the shore,

Unown'd of any weedy-haired gods;

Whose winds, all zephyrless, hold scourging rods,

Iced in the great lakes, to afflict mankind;

Whose rank-grown forests, frosted, black, and blind,

Would fright a Dryad; whose harsh herbaged meads

Make lean and lank the starved ox while he feeds;

There bad flowers have no scent, birds no sweet song,

And great unerring Nature once seems wrong.

O, for some sunny spell

To dissipate the shadows of this hell!

Say they are gone,—with the new dawning light

Steps forth my lady bright!

O, let me once more rest

My soul upon that dazzling breast!

Let once again these aching arms be placed,

The tender gaolers of thy waist!

And let me feel that warm breath here and there

To spread a rapture in my very hair,—

O, the sweetness of the pain!

Give me those lips again!

Enough! Enough! it is enough for me

To dream of thee!

your mercy—pity—love—aye, love!

Merciful love that tantalizes not,

One-thoughted, never-wandering, guileless love,

Unmask'd, and being seen—without a blot!

O! let me have thee whole,—all—all—be mine!

That shape, that fairness, that sweet minor zest

Of love, your kiss,—those hands, those eyes divine,

That warm, white, lucent, million-pleasured breast,—

Yourself—your soul—in pity give me all,

Withhold no atom's atom, or I die,

Or living on perhaps, your wretched thrall,

Forget, in the mist of idle misery,

Life's purposes—the palate of my mind

Losing its gust, and my ambition blind!


text: The complete poetical works and letters of John Keats/Verses to Fanny Brawne


text:
Page:Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission Act 2009.pdf/54

54 Evidence of accomplice and agent provocateur

52. (1) Notwithstanding any written law or rule of law to the contrary, in any proceedings against any person for an offence under this Act—
 * (a) no witness shall be regarded as an accomplice by reason only of such witness having—
 * (i) accepted, received, obtained, solicited, agreed to accept or receive, or attempted to obtain any gratification from any person;
 * (ii) given, promised, offered or agreed to give any gratification; or
 * (iii) been in any manner concerned in the commission of such offence or having knowledge of the commission of the offence;
 * (b) no agent provocateur, whether he is an officer of the Commission or not, shall be presumed to be unworthy of credit by reason only of his having attempted to commit, or to abet, having abetted or having been engaged in a criminal conspiracy to commit, such offence if the main purpose of such attempt, abetment or engagement was to secure evidence against such person; and
 * (c) any statement, whether oral or written, made to an agent provocateur by such person shall be admissible as evidence at his trial.

(2) Notwithstanding any written law or rule of law to the contrary, a conviction for any offence under this Act solely on the uncorroborated evidence of any accomplice or agent provocateur shall not be illegal and no such conviction shall be set aside merely because the court which tried the case has failed to refer in the grounds of its judgment to the need to warn itself against the danger of convicting on such evidence.

Admissibility of statements by accused persons

53. (1) In any trial or inquiry by a court into an offence under this Act, any statement, whether the statement amounts to a confession or not or is oral or in writing, made at any time, whether before or after the person is charged and whether in


text: The complete poetical works and letters of John Keats/Sonnet: 'The day is gone and all its sweets are gone'


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Page:Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission Act 2009.pdf/55

Rh the course of an investigation or not and whether or not wholly or partly in answer to question, by an accused person to or in the hearing of any officer of the Commission, whether or not interpreted to him by any other officer of the Commission or any other person, whether concerned or not in the arrest of that person, shall, notwithstanding any written law or rule of law to the contrary, be admissible at his trial in evidence and, if that person tenders himself as a witness, any such statement may be used in cross-examination and for the purpose of impeaching his credit.

(2) No statement made under subsection (1) shall be admissible or used as provided for in that subsection if the making of the statement appears to the court to have been caused by any inducement, threat otor [sic] promise having reference to the charge against the person, proceeding from a person in authority and sufficient in the opinion of the court to give that person grounds which would appear to him reasonable for supposing that by making it he would gain any advantage or avoid any evil of a temporal nature in reference to the proceedings against him.

(3) Where any person is arrested or is informed that he may be prosecuted for any offence under this Act, he shall be served with a notice in writing, which shall be explained to him, to the following effect:
 * “You have been arrested/informed that you may be prosecuted for ... (the possible offence under this Act). Do you wish to say anything? If there is any fact on which you intend to rely in your defence in court, you are advised to mention it now. If you hold it back till you go to court, your evidence may be less likely to be believed and this may have a bad effect on your case in general. If you wish to mention any fact now, and you would like it written down, this will be done.”.

(4) Notwithstanding subsection (3), a statement by any person accused of any offence under this Act made before there is time to serve a notice under that subsection shall not be rendered inadmissible in evidence merely by reason of no such notice having been served on him if such notice has been served on him as soon as is reasonably possible thereafter.


text: The complete poetical works and letters of John Keats/Lines to Fanny


text:
Page:Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission Act 2009.pdf/56

56 (5) No statement made by an accused person in answer to a written notice served on him pursuant to subsection (3) shall be construed as a statement caused by any inducement, threat or promise as is described in subsection (2), if it is otherwise voluntary.

(6) Where in any criminal proceedings against a person for an offence under this Act, evidence is given that the accused, on being informed that he might be prosecuted for it, failed to mention any such fact, being a fact which in the circumstances existing at the time he could reasonably have been expected to mention when so informed, the court, in determining whether the prosecution has made out a prima facie case against the accused and in determining whether the accused is guilty of the offence charged, may draw such inferences from the failure as appear proper; and the failure may, on the basis of those inferences, be treated as, or as capable of amounting to, corroboration of any evidence given against the accused in relation to which the failure is material.

(7) Nothing in subsection (6) shall in any criminal proceedings—
 * (a) prejudice the admissibility in evidence of the silence or other reaction of the accused in the face of anything said in his presence relating to the conduct in respect of which he is charged, in so far as evidence thereof would be admissible apart from that subsection; or
 * (b) be taken to preclude the drawing of any inference from any such silence or other reaction of the accused which could be drawn apart from that subsection.

Admissibility of statements and documents of persons who are dead or cannot be traced, etc.

54. Notwithstanding any written law to the contrary, in any proceedings against any person for an offence under this Act—
 * (a) any statement made by any person to an officer of the Commission in the course of an investigation under this Act; and


text: The complete poetical works and letters of John Keats/To Fanny: 'I cry your mercy—pity—love—ay, love!'


text:
Page:Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission Act 2009.pdf/57

Rh :(b) any document, or copy of any document, seized from any person by an officer of the Commission in the exercise of his powers under this Act or by virtue of his powers under this Act or by virtue of this Act, shall be admissible in evidence in any proceedings under this Act before any court, where the person who made the statement or the document or the copy of the document is dead, or cannot be traced or found, or has become incapable of giving evidence, or whose attendance cannot be procured without an amount of delay or expense which appears to the court unreasonable.

Certificate of position or office held

55. (1) A certificate issued by a principal or an officer on behalf of his principal shall be admissible in evidence in any proceedings against any person for any offence under this Act as prima facie proof that the person named in such certificate—
 * (a) held the position, office or capacity as specified in such certificate and for such period as so specified; and
 * (b) received the emoluments as specified in such certificate.

(2) A certificate issued under subsection (1) shall be prima facie proof that it was issued by the person purporting to issue it as principal or on behalf of the principal without proof of the signature of the person who issued such certificate and without proof of the authority of such person to issue it.

Admissibility of translation of documents

56. (1) Where any document which is to be used in any proceedings against any person for an offence under this Act is in a language other than the national language or the English language, a translation of such document into the national language or the English language shall be admissible where the translation is accompanied by a certificate of the person who translated the document setting out that it is a true and faithful translation and the translation had been done by such person at the instance of the Public Prosecutor or an officer of the Commission.


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Page:Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission Act 2009.pdf/58

58 (2) Subsection (1) shall apply to a document which is translated, regardless whether the document was made within or outside Malaysia, or whether the translation was done within or outside Malaysia, or whether possession of such document was obtained by the prosecution within or outside Malaysia.

Evidence of custom inadmissible

57. In any civil or criminal proceedings under this Act, evidence shall not be admissible to show that any such gratification as is mentioned in this Act is customary in any profession, trade, vocation or calling or on a social occasion.

Prosecution of offences

58. A prosecution for an offence under this Act shall not be instituted except by or with the consent of the Public Prosecutor.

Jurisdiction of the Sessions Court

59. Notwithstanding the provisions of the Subordinate Courts Act 1948 [Act 92], a prosecution for an offence under this Act shall be commenced in the Sessions Court.

Trial by High Court on a certificate by the Public Prosecutor

60. (1) Notwithstanding the provision of section 417 of the Criminal Procedure Code and subject to subsection (5), the Public Prosecutor may in any particular case triable in the Sessions Court for an offence under this Act, issue a certificate specifying the High Court in which the proceedings are to be instituted or transferred and requiring that the accused person be caused to appear or be produced before such High Court.


text:
Page:Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission Act 2009.pdf/59

Rh (2) The power of the Public Prosecutor under subsection (1) shall be exercised by him personally.

(3) The certificate of the Public Prosecutor issued under subsection (1) shall be tendered to the Sessions Court whereupon the Sessions Court shall transfer the case to the High Court specified in the certificate and cause the accused person to appear or be brought before such Court as soon as may be practicable.

(4) When the accused person appears or is brought before the High Court in accordance with subsection (3), the High Court shall fix a date for his trial which shall be held in accordance with the procedure under Chapter XX of the Criminal Procedure Code.

(5) This section shall apply to all cases before the Sessions Court to try offences under this Act, whether the proceedings are instituted before or after the coming into operation of this Act, provided that the accused person has not pleaded guilty and no evidence in respect of the case against him has begun to be adduced.

Joinder of offences

61. Notwithstanding anything contained in section 164 of the Criminal Procedure Code, where a person is accused of more than one offence under this Act he may be charged with and tried at one trial for any number of such offences committed within the space of any length of time.

Defence statement

62. Once delivery of documents by the prosecution pursuant to section 51 of the Criminal Procedure Code has taken place, the accused shall, before commencement of the trial, deliver the following documents to the prosecution:
 * (a) a defence statement setting out in general terms the nature of the defence and the matters on which the accused takes issue with the prosecution, with reasons; and
 * (b) a copy of any document which would be tendered as part of the evidence for the defence.


text:
Page:Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission Act 2009.pdf/60

60 Examination of offenders

63. (1) Whenever two or more persons are charged with an offence under this Act the court may, on an application in writing by the Public Prosecutor, require one or more of them to give evidence as a witness or witnesses for the prosecution.

(2) Any person referred to in subsection (1) who refuses to be sworn or to be affirmed to answer any lawful question shall be dealt with in the same manner as witnesses so refusing may by law be dealt with by the court.

(3) Every person required to give evidence under subsection (1) who, in the opinion of the court, makes a true and full discovery of all things as to which he is lawfully examined, shall be entitled to receive a certificate of indemnity under the seal of the court stating that he has made a true and full discovery of all things as to which he was examined, and such certificate shall be a bar to all legal proceedings against him in respect of all such things.

(4) An application by the Public Prosecutor under subsection (1) may be presented to the court by the officer conducting the prosecution.

Member of Special Committee not to be member of Advisory Board, etc.

64. (1) A member of the Special Committee on Corruption shall not be appointed a member of the Anti-Corruption Advisory Board or a member of any other committee established for the purposes of this Act, whether established under this Act, any regulations made under this Act or otherwise.

(2) A member of the Advisory Board shall not be appointed a member of the Special Committee on Corruption or a member of any other committee established for the purposes of this Act, whether established under this Act, any regulations made under this Act or otherwise.


text:
Page:Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission Act 2009.pdf/61

Rh (3) A member of any committee established for the purposes of this Act, whether established under this Act, any regulations made under this Act or otherwise shall not be appointed a member of the Special Committee on Corruption, a member of the Advisory Board or a member of any other committee established for the purposes of this Act, whether established under this Act, any regulations made under this Act or otherwise.

Protection of informers and information

65. (1) Subject to subsection (2), where any complaint made by an officer of the Commission states that the complaint is made in consequence of information received by the officer making the complaint, the information referred to in the complaint and the identity of the person from whom such information is received shall be secret between the officer who made the complaint and the person who gave the information, and everything contained in such information, identity of the person who gave the information and all other circumstances relating to the information, including the place where it was given, shall not be disclosed or be ordered or required to be disclosed in any civil, criminal or other proceedings in any court, tribunal or other authority.

(2)	If any book, paper or other document, or any visual or sound recording, or other matter or material which is given in evidence or liable to inspection in any civil, criminal or other proceedings in any court, tribunal or other authority as are referred to in subsection (1) contains any entry or other matter in which any person who gave the information is named or described or shown, or which might lead to his discovery, the court before which the proceedings are held shall cause all such parts thereof or passages therein to be concealed from view or to be obliterated or otherwise removed so far as is necessary to protect such person from discovery.

(3) Any person who gives the information referred to in subsection (1) knowing that the information is false commits an offence and shall on conviction be liable to imprisonment for a term not exceeding ten years, and shall also be liable to a fine not exceeding one hundred thousand ringgit; and for the purposes of any investigation into, or prosecution of, any offence under this subsection, subsections (1) and (2) shall not apply.


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62 Liability for offences outside Malaysia

66. (1) The provisions of this Act shall, in relation to citizens and permanent residents of Malaysia, have effect outside as well as within Malaysia, and when an offence under this Act is committed in any place outside Malaysia by any citizen or permanent resident, he may be dealt with in respect of such offence as if it was committed at any place within Malaysia.

(2) Any proceedings against any person under this section which would be a bar to subsequent proceedings against such person for the same offence if such offence was committed in Malaysia shall be a bar to further proceedings against him under any written law relating to the extradition of persons, in respect of the same offence, outside Malaysia.

Application of provisions of this Act to a prescribed offence

67. Notwithstanding any other written law to the contrary, the provisions of this Act shall apply to a prescribed offence regardless of whether the prosecution or any other proceedings in respect of such offence are instituted or taken by an officer of the Commission, or a police officer or customs officer, or any other officer having powers to investigate, prosecute or take any proceedings in respect of such offence.

General offence

68. Any person who fails to comply with any provision of this Act or any order, direction or notice given by or on behalf of a court, the Public Prosecutor, or an officer of the Commission in the exercise of his functions under this Act, commits an offence.

General penalty

69. Every person convicted of an offence under this Act for which no penalty is specifically provided shall be liable to a fine not exceeding ten thousand ringgit or to imprisonment for a term not exceeding two years or to both.


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Rh Powers of police officers under this Act

70. Nothing contained in this Act shall derogate from the powers of a police officer to investigate into any offence under this Act and to prosecute any person in respect of any such offence, so long as the provisions of this Act are complied with.

Minister’s power to make orders, regulations and rules and amend Schedule

71. (1) The Minister may, from time to time, by order published in the Gazette, prescribe any society, union, organization or body to be a public body.

(2) The Minister may make regulations or rules for the further, better and more convenient carrying out of the provisions of this Act, and without prejudice to the generality of this provision, the Minister may make regulations or rules—
 * (a) relating to any board or committee established under this Act;
 * (b) providing for the form of any notice, order, declaration or other matter under this Act; and
 * (c) providing for the service or delivery of any notice, order, direction, instruction, requirement or other thing lawfully done under this Act.

(3) The Minister may, from time to time, by order published in the Gazette, amend the Schedule.

Immunity

72. No action, suit, prosecution or other proceedings whatsoever shall lie or be brought, instituted, or maintained in any court or before any other authority against—
 * (a) the Government of Malaysia;
 * (b) any officer or employee of the Government of Malaysia or of the Commission;
 * (c) any member of the Advisory Board or the Special Committee or any other committee established under or for the purposes of this Act; or


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64 :(d) any person lawfully acting on behalf of the Government of Malaysia, Commission, officer or employee of the Government of Malaysia or Commission, for or on account of, or in respect of, any act done or statement made or omitted to be done or made, or purporting to be done or made or omitted to be done or made, in pursuance or in execution of, or intended pursuance or execution of this Act, or any order in writing, direction, instruction, notice or other thing whatsoever issued under this Act:

Provided that such act or such statement was done or made, or was omitted to be done or made, in good faith.

Repeal

73. The Anti-Corruption Act 1997 is repealed.

Saving

74. (1) Any act done or action taken prior to the commencement of this Act by an officer of the Anti-Corruption Agency established under the Anti-Corruption Act 1997 shall be deemed to have been done or taken under this Act and may accordingly be continued by the officer.

(2) Any order made under section 60 of the Anti-Corruption Act 1997 and in force immediately before the commencement of this Act shall, upon the commencement of this Act, continue to remain in full force and may be revoked or amended in accordance with this Act.

(3) The provisions of this Act which relate solely to procedure or evidence shall apply to any offence against the law repealed under section 73 and such provisions may be used in the course of any pending investigations and in any court proceedings instituted before or after the commencement of this Act in respect of such offence.


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232 'Jostling my way I gain'd the stairs, and ran

To the first landing, where, incredible!

I met, far gone in liquor, that old man,

That vile impostor Hum,'

So far so well,—

For we have proved the Mago never fell

Down stairs on Crafticanto's evidence;

And therefore duly shall proceed to tell,

Plain in our own original mood and tense,

The sequel of this day, though labour 't is immense!

star, would I were steadfast as thou art!

Not in lone splendour hung aloft the night,

And watching, with eternal lids apart,

Like Nature's patient sleepless Eremite,

The moving waters at their priestlike task

Of pure ablution round earth's human shores

Or gazing on the new soft fallen mask

Of snow upon the mountains and the moors:

No—yet still steadfast, still unchangeable,

Pillow'd upon my fair love's ripening breast,

To feel for ever its soft fall and swell,

Awake for ever in a sweet unrest,

Still, still to hear her tender-taken breath,

And so live ever—or else swoon to death.


text: The complete poetical works and letters of John Keats/The Last Sonnet


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Rh [Paragraph 3(a), definition of “prescribed offence”] Offences punishable under sections 161, 162, 163, 164, 165, 213, 214, 215, 384, 385, 386, 387, 388, 389, 403, 404, 405, 406, 407, 408, 409, 417, 418, 419, 420, 465, 466, 467, 468, 469, 471, 472, 473, 474, 475, 476 and 477 of the Penal Code.


text: Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission Act 2009


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 hoop. I could not see the hoop; but it was the right hoop. I shuddered from head to foot.

Words were wholly inadequate, so I slouched heavily after that impossible ball. Again I hit it away into the night, in what I supposed was the vague direction of the quite invisible stick. And in the dead silence I heard the stick rattle as the ball struck it heavily.

I threw down my mallet. "I can't stand this," I said. 'My ball has gone right three times. These things are not of this world."

"Pick your mallet up," said Parkinson, "have another go."

"I tell you I daren't. If I made another hoop like that I should see all the devils dancing there on the blessed grass."

"Why devils?" asked Parkinson; " they may be only fairies making fun of you. They are sending you the ' Perfect Game,' which is no game."

I looked about me. The garden was full of a burning darkness, in which the faint glimmers had the look of fire. I stepped across the grass as if it burnt me, picked up the mallet, and hit the ball somewhere—somewhere where another ball might be. I heard the dull click of the balls touching, and ran into the house like one pursued.

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 shook the room; because metaphysics is the only thoroughly emotional thing. And the difference between us was very deep, because it was a difference as to the object of the whole thing called broad-mindedness or the opening of the intellect. For my friend said that he opened his intellect as the sun opens the fans of a palm tree, opening for opening's sake, opening infinitely for ever. But I said that I opened my intellect as I opened my mouth, in order to shut it again on something solid. I was doing it at the moment. And as I warmly pointed out, it would look uncommonly silly if I went on opening my mouth infinitely, for ever and ever.

Now when this argument was over, or at least when it was cut short (for it will never be over), I went away with one of my companions, who in the confusion and comparative insanity of a General Election had somehow become a member of Parliament, and I drove with him in a cab from the corner of Leicester-square to the members' entrance of the House of Commons, where the police received me with a quite unusual tolerance. Whether they thought that he was my keeper or that I was his keeper is a discussion between us which still continues.

It is necessary in this narrative to preserve the

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Rh and corruptible; for even he supposes that there is a receptacle for it, and that it possesses a luminous body, but that everything generated involves a necessity of corruption. Those, however, who assert the immortality of the soul are especially strengthened in their opinion by those passages [in Plato's writings], where he says, that both there are judgments after death, and tribunals of justice in Hades, and that the virtuous [souls] receive a good reward, while the wicked [ones] suitable punishment. Some notwithstanding assert, that he also acknowledges a transition of souls from one body to another, and that different souls, those that were marked out for such a purpose, pass into different bodies, according to the desert of each, and that after certain definite periods they are sent up into this world to furnish once more a proof of their choice. Others, however, [do not admit this to be his doctrine, but will have it that Plato affirms that the souls] obtain a place according to the desert of each; and they employ as a testimony the saying of his, that some good men are with Jove, and that others are ranging abroad [through heaven] with other gods; whereas that others are involved in eternal punishments, as many as during this life have committed wicked and unjust deeds.

And people affirm that Plato says, that some things are without a mean, that others have a mean, that others are a mean. [For example, that] waking and sleep, and such like, are conditions without an intermediate state; but that there are things that had means, for instance virtue and vice; and there are means [between extremes], for instance grey between white and black, or some other colour. And they


text: Index:Parliamentary Constituencies Act 1986.pdf


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52 say, that he affirms that the things pertaining to the soul are absolutely alone good, but that the things pertaining to the body, and those external [to it], are not any longer absolutely good, but reputed blessings. And that frequently he names these means also, for that it is possible to use them both well and ill. Some virtues, therefore, he says, are extremes in regard of intrinsic worth, but in regard of their essential nature means, for nothing is more estimable than virtue. But whatever excels or falls short of these terminates in vice. For instance, he says that there are four virtues—prudence, temperance, justice, fortitude—and that on each of these is attendant two vices, according to excess and defect: for example, on prudence, recklessness according to defect, and knavery according to excess; and on temperance, licentiousness according to defect, stupidity according to excess; and on justice, foregoing a claim according to defect, unduly pressing it according to excess; and on fortitude, cowardice according to defect, foolhardlness according to excess. And that these virtues, when inherent in a man, render him perfect, and afford him happiness. And happiness, he says, is assimilation to the Deity, as far as this is possible; and that assimilation to God takes place when any one combines holiness and justice with prudence. For this he supposes the end of supreme wisdom and virtue. And he affirms that the virtues follow one another in turn, and are uniform, and are never antagonistic to each other; whereas that vices are multiform, and sometimes follow one the other, and sometimes are antagonistic to each other. He asserts that fate exists; not, to be sure, that all things are produced according to fate, but that there is even something in our power, as in the passages where he says, "The fault is his who chooses, God is blameless;" and "the following law of Adrasteia."


text:
Comprehensive Anti-Apartheid Act of 1986

 * Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled,

{{SECTION|SEC. 1.|SECTION 1}}. SHORT TITLE.

 * This Act may be cited as the "Comprehensive Anti-Apartheid Act of 1986".

{{SECTION|SEC. 2.|SECTION 2}}. TABLE OF CONTENTS.

 * The table of contents of this Act is as follows:

 * Sec. 1. Short title.
 * Sec. 2. Table of contents.
 * Sec. 3. Definitions.
 * Sec. 4. Purpose.

TITLE I — POLICY OF THE UNITED STATES WITH RESPECT TO ENDING APARTHEID

 * Sec. 101. Policy toward the Government of South Africa.
 * Sec. 102. Policy toward the African National Congress, etc.
 * Sec. 103. Policy toward the victims of apartheid.
 * Sec. 104. Policy toward other countries in Southern Africa.
 * Sec. 105. Policy toward "frontline" states.
 * Sec. 106. Policy toward a negotiated settlement.
 * Sec. 107. Policy toward international cooperation on measures to end apartheid.
 * Sec. 108. Policy toward necklacing.
 * Sec. 109. United States Ambassador to meet with Nelson Mandela.
 * Sec. 110. Policy toward the recruitment and training of black South Africans by United States employers.

TITLE II — MEASURES TO ASSIST VICTIMS OF APARTHEID

 * Sec. 201. Scholarships for the victims of apartheid.
 * Sec. 202. Human rights fund.
 * Sec. 203. Expanding participation in the South African economy.
 * Sec. 204. Export-Import Bank of the United States.
 * Sec. 205. Labor practices of the United States Government in South Africa.
 * Sec. 206. Welfare and protection of the victims of apartheid employed by the United States.
 * Sec. 207. Employment practices of United States nationals in South Africa.
 * Sec. 208. Code of Conduct.
 * Sec. 209. Prohibition on assistance.
 * Sec. 210. Use of the African Emergency Reserve.
 * Sec. 211. Prohibition on assistance to any person or group engaging in "necklacing".
 * Sec. 212. Participation of South Africa in agricultural export credit and promotion programs.

TITLE III — MEASURES BY THE UNITED STATES TO UNDERMINE APARTHEID

 * Sec. 301. Prohibition on the importation of krugerrands.
 * Sec. 302. Prohibition on the importation of military articles.
 * Sec. 303. Prohibition on the importation of products from parastatal organizations.
 * Sec. 304. Prohibition on computer exports to South Africa.
 * Sec. 305. Prohibition on loans to the Government of South Africa.
 * Sec. 306. Prohibition on air transportation with South Africa.
 * Sec. 307. Prohibitions on nuclear trade with South Africa.
 * Sec. 308. Government of South Africa bank accounts.
 * Sec. 309. Prohibition on importation or uranium and coal from South Africa.
 * Sec. 310. Prohibition on new investment in South Africa.
 * Sec. 311. Termination of certain provisions.
 * Sec. 312. Policy toward violence or terrorism.
 * Sec. 313. Termination of tax treaty and protocol.
 * Sec. 314. Prohibition on United States Government procurement from South Africa.
 * Sec. 315. Prohibition on the promotion of United States tourism in South Africa.
 * Sec. 316. Prohibition on United States Government assistance to, investment in, or subsidy for trade with, South Africa.
 * Sec. 317. Prohibition on sale or export of items on Munition List.
 * Sec. 318. Munitions list sales, notification.
 * Sec. 319. Prohibition on importation of South African agricultural products and food.
 * Sec. 320. Prohibition on importation of iron and steel.
 * Sec. 321. Prohibition on exports of crude oil and petroleum products.
 * Sec. 322. Prohibition on cooperation with the armed forces of South Africa.
 * Sec. 323. Prohibition on sugar imports.

TITLE IV — MULTILATERAL MEASURES TO UNDERMINE APARTHEID

 * Sec. 401. Negotiating authority.
 * Sec. 402. Limitation on imports from other countries.
 * Sec. 403. Private right of action.

TITLE V — FUTURE POLICY TOWARD SOUTH AFRICA

 * Sec. 501. Additional measures.
 * Sec. 502. Lifting of prohibitions.
 * Sec. 503. Study of health conditions in the "homelands" areas of South Africa.
 * Sec. 504. Reports on South African imports.
 * Sec. 505. Study and report on the economy of southern Africa.
 * Sec. 506. Report on relations between other industrialized democracies and South Africa.
 * Sec. 507. Study and report on deposit accounts of South African nationals in United States banks.
 * Sec. 508. Study and report on the violation of the international embargo on sale and export of military articles to South Africa.
 * Sec. 509. Report on Communist activities in South Africa.
 * Sec. 510. Prohibition on the importation of Soviet gold coins.
 * Sec. 511. Economic support for disadvantaged South Africans.
 * Sec. 512. Report on the African National Congress.

TITLE VI — ENFORCEMENT AND ADMINISTRATIVE PROVISIONS

 * Sec. 601. Regulatory authority.
 * Sec. 602. Congressional priority procedures.
 * Sec. 603. Enforcement and penalties.
 * Sec. 604. Applicability to evasions of Act.
 * Sec. 605. Construction of Act.
 * Sec. 606. State or local anti-apartheid laws; enforce.

{{SECTION|SEC. 3.|SECTION 3}}. DEFINITIONS.

 * As used in this Act—

 * (1) the term "Code of Conduct" refers to the principles set forth in section 208(a);

 * (2) the term "controlled South African entity" means—
 * (A) a corporation, partnership, or other business association or entity organized in South Africa and owned or controlled, directly or indirectly, by a national of the United States; or
 * (B) a branch, office, agency, or sole proprietorship in South Africa of a national of the United States;

 * (3) the term "loan"—
 * (A) means any transfer or extension of funds or credit on the basis of an obligation to repay, or any assumption or guarantee of the obligation of another to repay an extension of funds or credit, including—
 * (i) overdrafts,
 * (ii) currency swaps,
 * (iii) the purchase of debt or equity securities issued by the Government of South Africa or a South African entity on or after the date of enactment of this act,
 * (iv) the purchase of a loan made by another person,
 * (v) the sale of financial assets subject to an agreement to repurchase; and
 * (vi) a renewal or refinancing whereby funds or credits are transferred or extended to the Government of South Africa or a South African entity, and
 * (B) does not include—
 * (i) normal short-term trade financing, as by letters of credit or similar trade credits;
 * (ii) sales on open account in cases where such sales are normal business practice; or
 * (iii) rescheduling of existing loans, if no new funds or credits are thereby extended to a South African entity or the Government of South Africa;

 * (4) the term "new investment"—
 * (A) means—
 * (i) a commitment or contribution of funds or other assets, and
 * (ii) a loan or other extension of credit, and
 * (B) does not include—
 * (i) the reinvestment of profits generated by a controlled South African entity into that same controlled South African entity or the investment of such profits in a South African entity;
 * (ii) contributions of money or other assets where such contributions are necessary to enable a controlled South African entity to operate in an economically sound manner, without expanding its operations; or
 * (iii) the ownership or control of a share or interest in a South African entity or a controlled South African entity or a debt or equity security issued by the Government of South Africa or a South African entity before the date of enactment of this Act, or the transfer or acquisition of such a share, interest, or debt or equity security, if any such transfer or acquisition does not result in a payment, contribution of funds or assets, or credit to a South African entity, a controlled South African entity, or the Government of South Africa;

 * (5) the term "national of the United States" means—
 * (A) a natural person who is a citizen of the United States or who owes permanent allegiance to the United States or is an alien lawfully admitted for permanent residence in the United States, as defined by section 101(a)(20) of the Immigration and Nationality Act (8 U.S.C. 1101(a)(20)); or
 * (B) a corporation, partnership, or other business association which is organized under the laws of the United States, any State or territory thereof, or the District of Columbia;

 * (6) the term "South Africa" includes—
 * (A) the Republic of South Africa;
 * (B) any territory under the Administration, legal or illegal, of South Africa; and
 * (C) the "bantustans" or "homelands", to which South African blacks are assigned on the basis of ethnic origin, including the Transkei, Bophuthatswana Ciskei, and Venda; and

 * (7) the term "South African entity" means—
 * (A) a corporation, partnership, or other business association or entity organized in South Africa; or
 * (B) a branch, office, agency, or sole proprietorship in South Africa of a person that resides or is organized outside South Africa; and

 * (8) the term "United States" includes the States of the United States, the District of Columbia, the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico, and any territory or possession of the United States.

{{SECTION|SEC. 4.|SECTION 4}}. PURPOSE.

 * The purpose of this Act is to set forth a comprehensive and complete framework to guide the efforts of the United States in helping to bring an end to apartheid in South Africa and lead to the establishment of a nonracial, democratic form of government. This Act sets out United States policy toward the Government of South Africa, the victims of apartheid, and the other states in southern Africa. It also provides the President with additional authority to work with the other industrial democracies to help end apartheid and establish democracy in South Africa.

Approved October 2, 1986.

Legislative History
HOUSE REPORTS: No. 99-638, Pt. 1 (Committee on Foreign Affairs) and Pt. 2 (Committee on Ways and Means).

SENATE REPORTS: No. 99-370 accompanying S. 2701 (Committee on Foreign Relations).

CONGRESSIONAL RECORD, Vol. 132 (1986):
 * June 18, considered and passed House.
 * Aug. 12, 14, S. 2701 considered in Senate.
 * Aug. 15, S. 2701 considered in Senate; H.R. 4868 considered and passed Senate, amended.
 * Sept. 12, House concurred in Senate amendment.

WEEKLY COMPILATION OF PRESIDENTIAL DOCUMENTS, Vol. 22 (1986):
 * Oct 2, Presidential veto message.

CONGRESSIONAL RECORD, Vol. 132 (1986):
 * Sept 29, House overrode veto.
 * Oct. 2, Senate overrode veto.


text: Page:America Burning.pdf/3

title: Page:America Burning.pdf/3


text:
Page:America Burning.pdf/5

 The Report of The National Commission on Fire Prevention and Control

title: Page:America Burning.pdf/5


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title: Page:America Burning.pdf/7


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title: Page:America Burning.pdf/8


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Rh And thus some [contend for his upholding] a system of fate, whereas others one of free-will. He asserts, however, that sins are involuntary. For into what is most glorious of the things in our power, which is the soul, no one would [deliberately] admit what is vicious, that is, transgression, but that from ignorance and an erroneous conception of virtue, supposing that they were achieving something honourable, they pass into vice. And his doctrine on this point is most clear in The Republic, where he says, "But, again, you presume to assert that vice is disgraceful and abhorred of God; how then, I may ask, would one choose such an evil thing? He, you reply, [would do so] who is worsted by pleasures. Therefore this also is involuntary, if to gain a victory be voluntary; so that, in every point of view, the committing an act of turpitude, reason proves to be involuntary." Some one, however, in opposition to this [Plato], advances the contrary statement, "Why then are men punished if they sin involuntarily?" But he replies, that he himself also, as soon as possible, may be emancipated from vice, and undergo punishment. For that the undergoing punishment is not an evil, but a good thing, if it is likely to prove a purification of evils; and that the rest of mankind, hearing of it, may not transgress, but guard against such an error. [Plato, however, maintains] that the nature of evil is neither created by the Deity, nor possesses subsistence of itself, but that it derives existence from contrariety to what is good, and from attendance upon it, either by excess and defect, as we have previously affirmed concerning the virtues. Plato unquestionably then, as we have already stated, collecting together the three departments of universal philosophy, in this manner formed his speculative system.


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Rh into the Purgunnah and village schools. In short, the means of every description for establishing a system of national instruction, will be accumulated at these central points; and our future operations are likely to be unembarrassed and efficacious in proportion as this foundation is well and securely laid. We have, at present, only to do with outlines, but they should be drawn with a strict reference to the details which will hereafter have to be filled in.

A great deal has been said about the importance of preparing books in the vernacular languages; and it has been even urged as a proof that there is something unsound in our plan of operations, that there is a greater demand for English books than for books in the vernacular languages. This objection seems to me to arise from a disposition to anticipate the natural course of events. There


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54

Aristotle, who was a pupil of this [Plato], reduced philosophy into an art, and was distinguished rather for his proficiency in logical science, supposing as the elements of all things substance and accident; that there is one substance underlying all things, but nine accidents,—namely, quantity, quality, relation, where, when, possession, posture, action, passion; and that substance is of some such description as God, man, and each of the beings that can fall under a similar denomination. But in regard of accidents, quality is seen in, for instance, white, black; and quantity, for instance two cubits, three cubits; and relation, for instance father, son; and where, for instance at Athens, Megara; and when, for instance during the tenth Olympiad; and possession, for instance to have acquired; and action, for instance to write, and in general to evince any practical powers; and posture, for instance to lie down; and passion, for instance to be struck. He also supposes that some things have means, but that others are without means, as we have declared concerning Plato likewise. And in most points he is in agreement with Plato, except the opinion concerning soul. For Plato affirms it to be immortal, but Aristotle that it involves permanence; and after these things, that this also vanishes in the fifth body, which he supposes, along with the other four [elements],—viz. fire, and earth, and water, and air,—to be a something more subtle [than these], of the nature of spirit. Plato therefore says, that the only really good things are those pertaining to the soul, and that they are sufficient for happiness; whereas Aristotle introduces a threefold classification of good things, and asserts that the wise man is not perfect, unless there are present to him both the


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Rh good things of the body and those extrinsic to it. The former are beauty, strength, vigour of the senses, soundness; while the things extrinsic [to the body] are wealth, nobility, glory, power, peace, friendship. And the inner qualities of the soul he classifies, as it was the opinion of Plato, under prudence, temperance, justice, fortitude. This [philosopher] also affirms that evils arise according to an opposition of the things that are good, and that they exist beneath the quarter around the moon, but reach no farther beyond the moon; and that the soul of the entire world is immortal, and that the world itself is eternal, but that [the soul] in an individual, as we have before stated, vanishes [in the fifth body]. This [speculator], then holding discussions in the Lyceum, drew up from time to time his system of philosophy; but Zeno [held his school] in the porch called Poecilé. And the followers of Zeno obtained their name from the place—that is, from Stoa—[i.e. a porch], being styled Stoics; whereas Aristotle's followers [were denominated] from their mode of employing themselves while teaching. For since they were accustomed walking about in the Lyceum to pursue their investigations, on this account they were called Peripatetics. These indeed, then, were the doctrines of Aristotle.

The Stoics themselves also imparted growth to philosophy, in respect of a greater development of the art of syllogism, nnd included almost everything under definitions, both Chrysippus and Zeno being coincident in opinion on this point. And they likewise supposed God to be the one originating principle of all things, being a body of the utmost refinement, and that His providential care pervaded everything;


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182 nue had been committed to their hands. The general interests of science formed no part of their public charge, but it must not be supposed that they were on that account personally indifferent to them. No men are more disposed than the members of the Education Committee to admire the exertions of, of , of Turner, of Masson, or are more anxious to contribute to their success in any way that does not involve a sacrifice of public duty. The gentlemen whom I have named, and others who are associated with them, are turning the ancient Arabic and Sanskrit records to their proper account. Owing to the vastly superior means now at our disposal, they are worse than useless, considered as a basis of popular education; but as a medium for investigating the history of the country, and the progress of mind and manners during so many ages, they are highly deserving of being studied and preserved. These two objects have no more to do with each other than the Royal Society has with Mr. Wyse’s Committee on National Education, or the societies for Preserving Welch and Gaelic Literature, with the British and Foreign School Society. By joining them in a forced and unnatural union the progress of both has been retarded. Philological and antiquarian research was supported on


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56 and these speculators were positive about the existence of fate everywhere, employing some such example as the following: that just as a dog, supposing him attached to a car, if indeed he is disposed to follow, both is drawn, or follows voluntarily, making an exercise also of free power, in combination with necessity, that is, fate; but if he may not be disposed to follow, he will altogether be coerced to do so. And the same, of course, holds good in the case of men. For though not willing to follow, they will altogether be compelled to enter upon what has been decreed for them. [The Stoics], however, assert that the soul abides after death, but that it is a body, and that such is formed from the refrigeration of the surrounding atmosphere; wherefore, also, that it was called psyche (i.e. soul). And they acknowledge likewise, that there is a transition of souls from one body to another, that is, for those souls for whom this migration has been destined. And they accept the doctrine, that there will be a conflagration, a purification of this world, some say the entire of it, but others a portion, and that [the world] itself is undergoing partial destruction; and this all but corruption, and the generation from it of another world, they term purgation. And they assume the existence of all bodies, and that body does not pass through body, but that a refraction takes place, and that all things involve plenitude, and that there is no vacuum. The foregoing are the opinions of the Stoics also.


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Epicurus, however, advanced an opinion almost contrary to all. He supposed, as originating principles of all things, atoms and vacuity. He considered vacuity as the place that would contain the things that will exist, and atoms the matter out of which all things could be formed; and that from the concourse of atoms both the Deity derived existence, and all the elements, and all things inherent in them, as well as animals and other [creatures]; so that nothing was generated or existed, unless it be from atoms. And he affirmed that these atoms were composed of extremely small particles, in which there could not exist either a point or a sign, or any division; wherefore also he called them atoms. And acknowledging the Deity to be eternal and incorruptible, he says that God has providential care for nothing, and that there is no such thing at all as providence or fate, but that all things are made by chance. For that the Deity reposed in the intermundane spaces, [as they] are thus styled by him; for outside the world he determined that there is a certain habitation of God, denominated "the intermundane spaces," and that the Deity surrendered himself to pleasure, and took his ease in the midst of supreme happiness; and that neither has he any concerns of business, nor does he devote his attention to them. As a consequence on these opinions, he also propounded his theory concerning wise men, asserting that the end of wisdom is pleasure. Different persons, however, received the term "pleasure" in different acceptations;


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can be no dispute as to what our duty as the rulers of India requires us to do. But it has been said, and may be said again, that whatever our duty may be, it is not our policy to enlighten the natives of India; that the sooner they grow to man’s estate, the sooner they will be able to do without us; and that by giving them knowledge, we are giving them power, of which they will make the first use against ourselves.

If our interest and our duty were really opposed to each other, every good man, every honest Englishman, would know which to prefer. Our national experience has given us too deep a sense of the true ends of government, to allow us to think of carrying on the administration of India except for the benefit of the people of India. A nation which made so great a sacrifice to redeem a few hundred thousand negroes from slavery, would shudder at the idea of keeping a hundred millions of Indians in the bondage of ignorance, with all


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 Him the seed of Abraham. Wherefore in all things it behoved Him to be made like unto His brethren;;" "made of a woman, made under the law." In the manhood thus assumed the Lord fought against the spiritual enemies of our race, and by conquering them has consecrated for us a new and living way, whereby "He is able also to save them to the uttermost that come unto God by Him." As the Captain of our saivation, He was made "perfect through suffering;" and He said, "Ought not Christ to have suffered these things, and to enter into His glory?" The glory into which He entered by these means was the Deification of His Humanity, by which He became the Saviour forevermore. It was the humanity so distinguished which appeared at the Transfiguration, the Resurrection, and the Ascension, and of which the Apostle speaks as the Lord's "glorious body." In this "He ever liveth to make intercession for us," and "is alive for evermore." Now is it reasonable to suppose that this Humanity would have been assumed to accomplish redemption, to become the object of this glory, and to be ever living to make intercession for us, if it had been intended, at any time, to stop the continuance of the human race, and when, of course, there would be no one for whom to intercede? Is it probable that the Divine would have assumed a medium by which to redeem mankind, and to become a Saviour for evermore, if a time is to come when there will be no more men for whom to intercede, and no more people to save? The idea strikes us as being without any foundation in truth, and as incapable of any reasonable defence. Surely God has not made provision to continue for ever a Divine Hu-


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58 for some [among the Gentiles understood] the passions, but others the satisfaction resulting from virtue. And he concluded that the souls of men are dissolved along with their bodies, just as also they were produced along with them, for that they are blood, and that when this has gone forth or been altered, the entire man perishes; and in keeping with this tenet, [Epicurus maintained] that there are neither trials in Hades, nor tribunals of justice; so that whatsoever any one may commit in this life, that, provided he may escape detection, he is altogether beyond any liability of trial [for it in a future state]. In this way, then, Epicurus also formed his opinions.

And another opinion of the philosophers was called that of the Academics, on account of those holding their discussions in the Academy, of whom the founder Pyrrho, from whom they were called Pyrrhonean philosophers, first introduced the notion of the incomprehensibility of all things, so as to [be ready to] attempt an argument on either side of a question, but not to assert anything for certain; for that there is nothing of things intelligible or sensible true, but that they appear to men to be so; and that all substance is in a state of flux and change, and never continues in the same [condition]. Some followers, then, of the Academics say that one ought not to declare an opinion on the principle of anything, but simply making the attempt to give it up; whereas others subjoined the formulary "not rather" [this than


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Rh that], saying that the fire is not rather fire than anything else. But they did not decLare what this is, but what sort it is.

But there is also with the Indians a sect composed of those philosophizing among the Brachmans. They spend a contented existence, abstain both from living creatures and all cooked food, being satisfied with fruits; and not gathering these from the trees, but carrying off those that have fallen to the earth. They subsist upon them, drinking the water of the river Tazabena. But they pass their life naked, affirming that the body has been constituted a covering to the soul by the Deity. These affirm that God is light, not such as one sees, nor such as the sun and fire; but to them the Deity is discourse, not that which finds expression in articulate sounds, but that of the knowledge through which the secret mysteries of nature are perceived by the wise. And this light which they say is discourse, their god, they assert that the Brachmans only know on account of their alone rejecting all vanity of opinion which is the soul's ultimate covering. These despise death, and always in their own peculiar language call God by the name which we have mentioned previously, and they send up hymns [to him]. But neither are there women among them, nor do they beget children. But they who aim at a life similar to these, after they have


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60 crossed over to the country on the opposite side of the river, continue to reside there, returning no more; and these also are called Brachmans. But they do not pass their life similarly, for there are also in the place women, of whom those that dwell there are born, and in turn beget children. And this discourse which they name God they assert to be corporeal, and enveloped in a body outside himself, just as if one were wearing a sheep's skin, but that on divesting himself of body that he would appear clear to the eye. But the Brachmans say that there is a conflict in the body that surrounds them, [and they consider that the body is for them full of conflicts]; in opposition to which, as if marshalled for battle against enemies, they contend, as we have already explained. And they say that all men are captive to their own congenital struggles, viz. sensuality and inchastity, gluttony, anger, joy, sorrow, concupiscence, and such like. And he who has reared a trophy over these, alone goes to God; wherefore the Brachmans deify Dandamis, to whom Alexander the Macedonian paid a visit, as one who had proved victorious in the bodily conflict. But they bear down on Calanus as having profanely withdrawn from their philosophy. But the Brachmans, putting off the body, like fishes jumping out of water into the pure air, behold the sun.


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The victory of Bolshevism in Russia and the Austrian, the Hungarian, and the German experiences of the last few years have accentuated the differences among the various kinds of Socialists the world over. Revolutionary Socialists have grown in numbers everywhere and have come to feel themselves ready for action. Thus it happened that when the Bolsheviki a year ago called an international conference to meet in Moscow for the purpose of creating a revolutionary Bolshevik or Communist international association, they found many ready to follow their leadership and prepared to pursue Bolshevik tactics. Not all Socialists, however, were invited to the conference; an attempt was made to exclude moderate or Menshevik Socialists and to pick Bolshevik or prospectively Bolshevik organizations and groups. The American groups invited were the Socialist Labor Party, the I. W. W., and the Left Wing of the Socialist Party, represented by the Socialist Propaganda League and Eugene V. Debs.

The conference issued a Manifesto, which declared the identity of Bolshevism or Communism with the Socialism of the first International, and condemned the policy and tactics of the second International of Menshevik Socialists. It said that Capitalism was trying to save itself by international imperialism but that it must be destroyed and can only be ended by a proletarian dictatorship throughout the world. It affirmed that the development of Capitalism had so undermined political


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 the modern abuse of masses for the dead, and the doctrine of purgatory. You found it stated in the account of the ancient liturgies (Tract lxiii.), that "prayers for the dead" occurred in the several ancient liturgies, founded upon those of St. Peter, St. James, St. Mark, and St. John.

Our departed friend, namely, put together an interesting paper, showing "the antiquity of the existing Liturgies." From the tract itself, it would appear that his main object was to direct persons' attention to the view taken in those Liturgies of the consecration and oblation of the Eucharist (p. 16), since the consecration of the Eucharist is now so often regarded as a mere preliminary, instead of being in itself an essential part of the service; and this falls in with a part of the self-exalting rationalism of the day. In giving an account, however, of the points wherein "all the ancient Liturgies now existing, or which can be proved ever to have existed, resemble one another" (p. 7.), he was necessitated to mention "prayers for the dead" (p. 8, 9.), or, as he explains it, "for the rest and peace of all those who have departed this life in God's faith and fear;" and having mentioned that they "all contain (4.) a prayer, answering in substance to ours for the whole state of Christ's Church militant," he added (5.), "and likewise another prayer (which has been excluded from the English Ritual) for the rest and peace," &c.

He carefully guarded, then, against perplexing men's minds; he did not put the question prominently forward; he did not blame the Reformers under Edward VI. for having yielded to the judgment of foreign ultra-reformers, against their own previous judgment; he stated the simple fact, that this prayer had been excluded, i.e. whereas it had been retained on the first putting together of our Liturgy in "Edward VI.'s 1st book," it was excluded from the 2nd, at the instigation of Bucer and Calvin; and Bucer's alteration was adopted. The original unbiassed judgment, then, of our Reformers was to retain the prayer; and it argues no tendency to Popery, if any one wish that our Reformers had, in this and other points,

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 Rh democracy, that the proletarian revolution must be carried through by workmen's councils and not by political democracy and the vote. When formed, the new revolutionary State, based on workmen's councils, should have a new army to protect itself in the civil war which would come with the revolution. The Manifesto repudiated "the vacillation, mendacity and superficiality of the Socialist parties," and calls out for Communist parties everywhere. It ends: "Join us, proletarians, in every country—flock to the banner of the workmen's councils, and fight the revolutionary fight for the power and dictatorship of the proletariat!"

What are the groups in the United States which subscribe to such a programme and how many American Bolsheviki are there?

The first American group mentioned in the invitation to the Moscow International was the Socialist Labor Party. While this party maintains that it is a Bolshevik organization, it refuses to deal with the other American Bolsheviki. Moreover, though it declares that it has the theory of Bolshevism, it relies more than Bolshevism does upon the vote—at least more than Bolshevism did in Russia and more than the other American Bolsheviki in this country outline in their programs. For these reasons, the Socialist Labor Party cannot be considered a replica of the Russian Bolshevik Party, nor even an active part of the American Communist movement. Besides, since it has less than 3,000 members, its effect is almost negligible.

The other American organization invited to affiliate with the Communist International is the Industrial Workers


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 manity which a contingency in the history of our race is to render superfluous! A notion, indeed, prevails in the professing Church, which supposes that the mediatory office of the Lord will cease. This view is expressed in the commentaries: it is drawn from a statement of the Apostle's, namely, "Then cometh the end, when He shall have delivered up the kingdom to the Father,—then shall the Son also Himself be subject unto Him, that God may be all in all" (1 Cor. xv. 24-28). However this passage may appear to teach such a doctrine, that certainly could not have been the Apostle's meaning. Peter has told us that Paul said some things hard to be understood (2 Pet. iii. 16), but the suggestion of a difficulty does not mean an impossibility. He who said of the Lord, "He ever liveth to make intercession for us," could never have intended to teach that the kingdom and power of Jesus were to continue only for a limited time. Those who so interpret the above passage make him inconsistent with himself, for of two opposite statements one only can be true. Besides, such a view supposes that the Saviour, after having saved the human race, is to be deprived of the glory belonging to His work, and made to retire from His connection with the Godhead! What is to be His position when so separated, no one professes to know. Well may Dr. A. Clarke, in summing up his strange remarks upon the passage, say, "How this shall be we cannot tell, nor know." Certainly not: but the difficulty is created by an untenable doctrine, and not by a correct interpretation of the Apostle's meaning. Speaking of the Lord, he said, "This Man for ever sat down at the right hand of God" (Heb. x. 12); that is, His manhood is for ever endowed with omnipotence to save. No man goeth to the Father but by Him; He is the Way, He has all power both in heaven and in earth. The Apostle was too wise to indicate so strange a thought as that of subduing the Omnipotent. The "end" of which the Apostle speaks is the Divine purpose of the Lord towards mankind; this end is their salvation; the means to it are truth and goodness. The Lord, as the Son, is the Truth, and as the Father, He is the good: He and the Father are one (John x. 30). In Him dwelleth all the fulness of the Godhead bodily (Col. ii. 9). Men at first receive the truth, and submit to its direction; but in the process of their regeneration, the truth which they receive leads them on to goodness, until goodness is established in its full dominion. Thus the Son He is alive for evermore, and therefore there will always be people for the reception of His


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 for which they had the authority of the early Church, adhered to their first judgment. These same Reformers had at that time a clause in the Litany, which has since been excluded, praying against "the tyrannye of the Bishop of Rome, and all his detestable enormities;" so that you could hardly accuse them of Papistry.

The following is the part of the prayer omitted:—

Now to this prayer neither Calvin nor Bucer objected that it was Papistical. On the contrary, Calvin says, in his letter to the Protector (Epp. p. 39. fol.),

Calvin argues further against the practice, 1st, as "not being founded on Scripture;" 2nd, as "not answering the true and lawful use of prayer."

Bucer, again, says, (Censura in Ordinat Eccl. Opp. Angl. p. 467.)

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 blessings. He said, "Because I live, ye shall live also:" as the existence of His life is given as a Divine reason why we live; so the perpetuity of that life is a Divine reason why mankind should be continued. The Lord most plainly came into the world to provide for the continuance of mankind; and how reasonable is the conclusion that He then glorified His humanity to the end that there always should be a people to instruct and save. The circumstance, then, of God having become flesh and dwelt among us, ought to be accepted as affording one of the most distinguished arguments in proof of the Divine intention to maintain for ever in the world a race of rational beings, with whom He has mercifully associated Himself, by the assumption and glorification of their nature.


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28 of the World. Founded in 1905 as an industrial union to help introduce Socialism according to the Socialist Labor Party's idea of the process, it approached at the beginning very close to the Bolshevik position. Though the I. W. W. was not to affiliate with any political party, its preamble called for action on the political as well as the industrial field. The revolution was to be the act of the industrial organization aided by the protection of a political party. But this idea was abandoned in 1908, the organization changing its preamble and its policies. Since that time, the I. W. W. has committed itself solely and without reserve to industrial action alone. It looks upon industrial action—sabotage, the strike, the general strike, the strike on the job, etc.—as the means of preparation for the revolution towards common ownership. The revolution is to be obtained by locking out the employers, and thus taking over industry and social control. Considering industrial action alone as fundamental to the revolution, and aiming at an industrial State based on common ownership, the I. W. W., since 1908, has been a Syndicalist organization, that is to say, it relies upon the action of labor unions to accomplish a communist revolution. It is not strictly Bolshevik because it considers political action unnecessary. Bolshevism employs both political and industrial action to seize the power of the State; the I. W. W. uses industrial action alone for the direct purpose of seizing industry, and thus seizing indirectly the power of the State.

But the fact that the leaders of Bolshevism invited the I. W. W., as well as other foreign syndicalist organizations, to the Moscow or Communist International hints at the close affinity of Bolshevism and Syndicalism. Bolshevism relies very much upon economic action; both the I. W. W. and Bolshevism look forward to a Socialist society with the occupational groups as the constituencies of the new kind of State; both aim at the seizure of political power and not at a political victory at the


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 And having gone over the testimonies from St. Cyprian, Tertullian, St. Ambrose, and Dionysius, he subjoins,

Of Scriptural grounds Bucer adduces John v. 24. only, as opposed to this custom, arguing,

It may have been on this ground, as Mr. Palmer conjectured, (English Ritual, tom. ii. p. 94–97.) that these prayers were omitted, as being so connected in the minds of the common people with the idea of purgatory, that their continuance would have involved the risk of propagating that cruel and pernicious error. If so, the Revisers of the Prayer Book, in abandoning their former ground, did wisely and charitably, and as the necessity of the times demanded; and although neither Calvin nor Bucer thought the practice legitimately connected therewith, yet the common people may then well have fallen into the mistake, since yourself, who are said to be a theologian, have now done so: for on this ground alone could you have selected this incidental mention of prayers for God's departed servants, as Papistical.

It may not be amiss to subjoin a few of the remarks of the learned Bp. Collyer on this our first reformed liturgy.

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 Rh polls. For these reasons, the I. W. W., while not exactly Bolshevik, can be considered so, and the Syndicalist movement can be considered a part of Bolshevism.

It is not known how many members of the I. W. W. there are in this country. The Acting Secretary-Treasurer of the I. W. W. reports a membership of 119,000 in May, 1917. Later in the same year, a Government commission said that there were about 200,000 members. The membership declined again and the latest report given out by the organization claims a membership of about 70,000. But the membership figures of the I. W. W. have been notoriously unreliable in the past, and it is possible that 70,000 is an exaggerated estimate. Moreover, many belong to the I. W. W. because they hope to obtain, through their membership, better wages, hours, etc., and not because they are for a revolution. When, for example, a new union was formed among the Northwest timber workers during the war, many left the I. W. W. to join the new organization.

The other American group invited to the Communist International was the Left Wing of the Socialist Party. Before the Soviet Revolution and even before the war, there were some members of the Socialist Party who came very close to Bolshevism. The influence of the I. W. W. and the sterility of the Socialist Party inclined some towards a more revolutionary policy than the party called for. This took the form of a demand for "dualism," i. e., for political action, and for economic action through industrial unions. The bone of contention was the I. W. W. Finally the party in 1912 compromised on the question by recommending industrial unionism, by condemning such tactics as sabotage and violence, and by refusing to commit itself to the general strike. But


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 And having quoted Tertullian, St Cyprian, the Apostolical Constitutions, St. Ambrose, St. Chrysostom, St. Augustine, and referred to the ancient liturgies, he subjoins:—

And, again, having considered Bucer's objections:

With regard to your insinuation that those who approve of the primitive practice of praying for the dead, "will feel a new proof that the Church, which has retained this office, is alone worthy of their regard," Collyer furnishes the answer, 1. That the Church of England no where restrains her children from praying for their departed friends, if this approves itself to their consciences. 2. That the terms of joining with the Church of Rome are so hard, her corruptions so manifold, that

Since Rome has blended the cruel invention of purgatory with the primitive custom of prayer for the dead, (not to speak

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 30 the more revolutionary section of the party were turning away from political reformism and thus were dissatisfied over the official position of the party.

The collapse of International Socialism in 1914 inclined many towards the belief that the Socialist policy of trying to usher in the revolution through political success at a national election was not the best way of going about the matter. The war experience taught others that economic reforms if engineered by the State, would merely strengthen the State, the bureaucracy and capitalism, and bring society no closer to the coöperative commonwealth. Then the Soviet Revolution came, and it clinched that conviction in the minds of many.

During the latter part of 1918 and the first half of 1919, intense propaganda was carried on within the ranks of the Socialist Party to capture it for the Bolshevik tactics. But with the expulsion from the party of the Slavic Federation and the Michigan State Branch in May, 1919, many of the American Bolsheviki decided to form a separate Communist, or Bolshevik, Party. Others of them, still hoping to capture the Socialist Party, waited for the Socialist Emergency Convention to meet in August.

The Socialist Convention opened in Chicago on August 30, 1919. Many of the "Left Wingers" were refused credentials, and they and other Left Wingers," who had retired from the Socialist Convention, met on August 31st and formed a Communist Labor Party. The next day the Slavic Federation and the Michigan State Branch, with a few others, formed their Communist Party.

Attempts at uniting the two Communist parties have met with failure. They have remained separate organizations though they stand for identical doctrines. Both have issued Bolshevik manifestos and programs. Both adhere completely to the Communist International of Moscow.