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Rh terror of just punishment. His Lordship is fully prepared to sanction the use of judicious measures in aid of the power of the Rajah of Duspullah whenever that chieftain shall have discovered the commission of this crime in any of his villages. Immediate injunctions should be issued, not to him only, but all other Tributary Rajas having nominal authority over a Kund population, expressive of the views of the British Government and of its determination to do all in its power for the effectual repression of this atrocious practice. You will be pleased to report upon every instance in which in your opinion the British power in support of that of the Rajahs themselves may be exerted without the hazard of serious embarrassment and disturbance. The Governor is not disposed to accord his sanction at once to your proposal for the annual progress of a military force under an officer vested with the power of summary punishment for the purpose of suppressing human sacrifices. This point may be considered and decided on before the commencement of the ensuing cold season. Should it appear by the failure of the contemplated measures of interference that the chiefs of the Kunds are either unable or unwilling to exert themselves effectively for the maintenance of order and repression of crime, the expediency of the occupation of the country, or of some part of it, by British troops may become a question for consideration.”

It is here announced to be the expectation of Government that, in addition to the coercive measures contemplated, the cessation of these atrocities will be effected chiefly by the progress of civilization as a consequence of general instruction. But general instruction, especially in the case of these fierce and unruly tribes, can be communicated only by a Government that knows its value and consults large and general interests. If without the employment of direct means for the communication of general instruction, we trust to the unaided progress of civilization, centuries may elapse before it reaches them. Some specific plan, then, must be formed, and some specific provision made to communicate that instruction which is justly regarded by Government as the necessary forerunner of civilization. In the present state of our knowledge respecting these tribes, it seems probable that no one plan would be adapted to them all, but they have several characteristics in common. They have several distinct languages amongst them with affinities to each other, but with no affinity to the dialects that are of Sanscrit derivation and are used by the different Hindu tribes. They have no written character, and consequently no instruction in letters; no caste in a religious sense, although they have numerous distinctions of tribes; and no peculiar prejudices or jealousy respecting their women who mix freely in the ordinary intercourse of life. Their worship is Sabean, and their superstitions rude, unsystematized and often


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334 cruel. They are in no case nomades, many live by the produce of the bow and arrow, but in general they cultivate the soil. To attempt to teach the English language indiscriminately to these savage tribes appears one of the wildest flights of benevolence. To teach them Hindi, or whatever may be the language of the contiguous district or province, is somewhat more rational. But the most judicious course appears to have been adopted, apparently on Bishop recommendation, with the Surgeemaree school for the Garrows who were taught in the first place their own language in the Bengali character; then, if practicable, the Bengali language; and lastly, in the case only of the more intelligent boys, the English language. With respect to all the tribes bordering on Bengal, their own language in the Bengali character seems to be the proper medium of instruction; with respect to all the tribes bordering on Orissa, their own language in the Ooria character; and with respect to all the tribes in Central and Western India, their own languages in the Nagari, Marathi, or Guzerathi character; in short, in every case their own language with the modification in respect of written character which convenience and utility may dictate. Having fixed upon a language and character, the next, step would be to prepare some easy elementary but instructive books adapted to the comprehension of persons in a very low grade of civilization, but capable of raising them a grade higher. This would not present so great difficulties as might at first be supposed. I have understood that materials already exist for a dictionary of the language of the Rajmahal tribes, whose friendly disposition would suggest that a beginning should be made with them, and whose language when known would probably afford facilities for the acquisition of the dialects of some of the other hill-tribes. The means of communication also are by no means wanting. These tribes in general maintain regular communications with the more civilized races of the plains for the purpose of disposing of their own surplus produce and of purchasing articles which they need and do not themselves produce. In this way they acquire some knowledge of Bengali, Hindi, Ooria, &c.; and Hindus, Musalmans, Oorias, &c., mix with them and acquire a knowledge of their dialects. In my communications with Santhals, I employed as an interpreter a Bengali trader of this description, who had for many years trafficked with them and who appeared to possess a very good colloquial knowledge of the Santhali dialect. With the aid of these persons the necessary books might be prepared; and the same persons, or others who would be found to quality themselves, might be employed to go amongst them as teachers, and by means of the system of public examinations and rewards to teachers and scholars, modified as circumstances might suggest, the love and desire of knowledge would take root in their minds, and its elevating and restraining influences be witnessed in their habits and pursuits.

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Rh

Another extensive class of the population unprovided with the means of instruction by the natives themselves is the female sex. I need not dwell here on the necessity of female cultivation in any country to its advance in civilization. This is, of course, admitted; and the privacy, subjection, and ignorance of the sex in this country, amongst both Hindus and Musalmans, are equally well known. All the established native institutions of education exist for the benefit of the male sex only, and the whole of the female sex is systematically consigned to ignorance, and left wholly without even the semblance of a provision for their instruction. The ignorance and superstition prevailing in native society, the exacting pride and jealousy of the men, the humiliating servitude and inaccessibility of the women, early marriages, juvenile widowhood, the interdiction of second marriages, and consequent vice and degradation, are obstacles to amelioration which appear all but insuperable. The only question that can arise is whether Government can with advantage interfere in the matter of female instruction, and this can be determined only by considering the actual or possible modes of interference.

There are three modes in which a beginning has been made to communicate instruction to native females. The first is by means of institutions in which they are not only taught, but fed, clothed, and lodged. The children are either orphans, or the daughters of native Christians, or of idolatrous parents. These institutions are exclusively under Christian management and the instruction is chiefly religious, but not to the exclusion of general knowledge and the arts of domestic industry. It must be evident that they give the teachers and superintendents an absolute control over the minds of the pupils, and this is the object of their establishment. They also tend to break the ties between parents and children in those cases in which the former are alive, especially if they are not Christians. The second mode is by the establishment of schools such as those described in Chapter 1st, Section XI., and referred to in Section XII., para. 5, p. 219. The children are the offspring of the poorest classes of native society. They are paid for attendance, and elderly females are employed to conduct them to and from school. This mode gives the teachers and superintendents a much less firm hold of the minds of the scholars, but it leaves the domestic tie unbroken. It is opposed to native prejudices, as it requires that the scholars should leave home to attend school, and it involves unproductive expenditure, as the matrons are paid only to secure attendance at school, not attention to study; and yet the reports of such institutions are filled with expressions


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336 of regret on account of irregular attendance, slow progress, withdrawal from school after marriage, &c. The third mode is that which has recently been adopted by some wealthy and respectable natives who have commenced either themselves to instruct their female relatives, or for that purpose to admit female teachers into their families whom they retain as domestic servants. The rich and good-caste families will probably in general prefer this course, and they will be the more incited to it in proportion as the state of instruction amongst the male population is improved and in proportion as female instruction is extended to the poorer classes.

Under such circumstances, what can Government do without offence to promote female instruction, so essential an element of civilization and of public and private morality? One mode not only inoffensive, but probably highly acceptable, would be the preparation of a small series of books framed, of course, with a cautious avoidance of religious controversy and with a judicious adaptation to the character, condition, circumstances, and attainments of the sex in this country. If these books were introduced only into the two descriptions of female schools that have been described above, an important object would be gained; for the effect would be to improve the instruction of the native female Christian population, which is probably at present too narrow, and which, for their own sake as well as for the sake of the effect on society, should be rendered more comprehensive and practical. The pupils of these schools would thus be fitted to become the native female teachers of the country, but before being recognized as such, they should be required to pass through a series of examinations corresponding with what has been proposed for the male teachers of vernacular schools. When approved female teachers are thus obtained they might be encouraged, with the aid of books received in reward of their attainments, to offer their services to families on the plan of visiting the homes of their pupils, or of collecting them in a common neighborhood for instruction, with, of course, the consent of heads of families. A native female teacher who should thus devote five hours a day to the females of five different families, receiving two rupees a month from each family, in addition to the presents of clothes and food which would naturally flow from such a relation, might be considered well paid; and this is an expense which many native families would willingly incur, if Government will take the first step of preparing proper books and of vouching for the qualifications of teachers. In order to judge how far the teachers were entitled to the presents of books or other higher rewards, as endowments, &c., which it might be deemed advisable to hold out to them, it would be impossible to subject their pupils, as in the case of common schools, to public examinations; but this might be remedied, either by sending native female examiners, always, of course, with the consent of heads of families,


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Rh to ascertain and report the progress of the pupils of different teachers at fixed periods, or as a check upon such reports by receiving the certificates of heads of families as to the amount of instruction communicated by the teachers to their female relatives within the periods in question.

Without going further into details, it is sufficient to indicate the general views which have occurred to me on this subject, and to add that this mode of promoting female instruction is one which respectable native families have themselves shown a disposition to adopt, and that the stimulus which the encouragement of Government would supply would probably give it general acceptance and prevalence.

My chief object in this Section is to re-call attention to recommendations proceeding from the highest authorities which do not appear to have received all the consideration they deserve.

Lord Moira, in the Minute of 1815, to which I have had occasion repeatedly to refer, speaking of the state of public tuition in the principal towns, adds—“In these towns will also be found the same medium scale of education for the class of shop-keepers, artificers, and laborers as in the country villages, but in these towns and principally in the chief station of the zillah, and in the neighborhood of our jails, will be found a numerous population which seems to call for the particular attention of Government. I allude to the offspring of mendicants and vagrants who, nurtured in idleness and vice, are destined to recruit the ranks of the professional thieves infesting all great cities. Houses of industry for the education, employment, and reformation of these infant profligates appear to he particularly needed.”

The Court of Directors in a revenue letter to Bengal, dated 15th January 1812, makes the following remarks on the means of improving the system of Indian agriculture:—“To a Government taking an interest in the improvement of the country with a view to the increase of its own revenue, it might be a farther subject of consideration whether more could not be done than has hitherto been attempted towards bettering the system of Indian agriculture. The rural economy of the Hindus we understand, generally speaking, to be wretched in the extreme. The rudeness of their implements, the slovenliness of their practice, and their total ignorance of the most simple principles of science, are said to be equally remarkable. It has, however, been stated in a late publication that the agriculture of some parts of Mysore constitutes an exception to this remark; while it shows the Hindoo farmer in


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338 certain situations to be neither stupid nor indocile. Whether the general system of cultivation be susceptible of improvement, and whether Government can successfully contribute to the accomplishment of so desirable an object, are questions, though of high moment, perhaps not easy of solution. But if an attempt at improvement is at all to be hazarded under the auspices of Government, it surely cannot be made in any way with such prospect of success as when coupled with a plan for rendering it subservient to the increase of the Government revenue as well as to the prosperity of its subjects. The nature of this attempt and the mode in which it ought to be directed would rest with those to point out whom residence in the country and an intimate acquaintance with the characters and manners of the natives may have qualified for giving advice upon such topics. It is of all things desirable to ascertain whether the rude implements and accustomed processes of the Indian peasant could be advantageously supplanted by those of Europe, and whether the establishment of experimental farms in various parts of the country hinder the superintendence of proper persons selected by Government for the purpose might not be useful, in the way of example, as a corrective of some of the vices and defects of the prevailing system. We are fully sensible that the poverty, prejudices, and indolence of the natives of India strongly operate against improvement. These are, in fact, the most inveterate enemies to improvement in all countries, but they are no where invincible when met with prudence, skill, and perseverance. We do not mean that we should vexatiously interfere with the usages of the inhabitants, or that we should attempt forcibly to change their habits,—far from it. But on the other hand, when their habits are bad, let us not plead their attachment to them as an apology perhaps for our own indolence in not endeavoring to correct them. Our efforts may for a long time be unavailing; but, if judiciously directed, we do not despair of their eventual success.”—Selections, Vol. I., p. 66, paras. 99—105.

The Honourable Court points so directly, in the concluding part of the extract, to another cause than “the poverty, prejudices, and indolence of the natives of India” operating against improvement, that it is not necessary to corroborate this prescient warning except by stating without comment that a period of about twenty-three years has elapsed since Lord Moira’s proposition was made for the establishment of houses of industry at the chief station of each zillah, and a period of about twenty-six years since the Court’s proposition for the establishment of experimental farms in various parts of the country; and that there is as much necessity now for re-urging the consideration and adoption of these or similar measures as there ever was. It may be hoped that the attention of Government will now be revived to both these designs with some practical result; and when the subject shall receive full consideration, it will probably appear that the Khas Mahals afford ample


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 their Ears at the Wickedness of these, and when the very Scandals of the Times shall Blush for, and reprove them. This universal Contempt of them; this general Aversion, if any Thing on Earth can work upon them, will have some Effect; there are few guilty Men harden'd against the Battery of general Clamour; it seems to be an Assault to be resisted only by Innocence, Crime must certainly fall under it; Innocence may hold up the Head in such a Storm; but Guilt will certainly and soon founder, and suffer Shipwreck.

, there seems to be some affinity in Crime, between the People who We are now Censuring, and another horrid modern Generation too vile to name, and yet who seems to be seeking Protection under these. There may be indeed an essential Difference; but in what small and minute Articles does it exist? But as the Particulars will not admit a nearer Enquiry, I think the better Way is to reject both with Contempt, with an Abhorrence suitable to the vileness of the Facts, and cast them out together.

will aid the modest Part of the World in their just Opposition to all Indecency; and if we did nothing else, our Work would recommend itself to that Part of Mankind which are really most valuable; and as for the rest, let them act as they please, their Approbation will add no Credit to the Cause.

I have now done. I have said not all I had to say, but all I have Room to say here; and having brought the very Conclusion to a Close, I would only add one Thing by


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8 Brahmasankar, and Sarkar Sahib, whose inner discoveries have surpassed those of the previous ages, as the scientific discoveries of the nineteenth century have wrested far newer secrets from the material world. This parallelism in the thought of the fifteenth century is of profound importance as being the seed-time of thought movements which sprouted forth in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, ushering in a new era, objectively in the Europe and subjectively in the East, resulting in the creation or mutation of some new species of culture according to respective culture-patterns. In this sense the movements of which Columbus and Luther were the products were so deep and profound that the results of their activities have not yet been fully worked out; their importance will be felt more and more in the light of later developments. "The coming age in American literature is an age of spiritual pioneering, of contempt for material success, of sublimation of failure, of a new idealism based on the acceptance, not on the denial, of limitations. The energies of the American people, long extraverted to the conquest of the continent, are now intraverted to the perfecting of human relationships." So the objective expansion of European thought and the subjective discoveries in new Hindu systems more than four centuries ago might have laid the seeds of the true foundation of God's own country—the day of perfection of Sons of Man by complete inner self-mastery and through control of forces outside—on earth as in Heaven—who knows?

This is a study of anthropology only as a culture-trait in the regional limits of America. It has been conditioned like psychology by the history of America, colored by the kind of supporting institutions which brought it into existence. In the case of American anthropology the institutional limitations of its museum birth and growth, nucleating round the objective study of the American Indian, has left its mark on its growth. On the other hand American thought was influenced by Europe.


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 A first procès-verbal of the deposit of ratifications will be drawn up as soon as the Treaty has been ratified by Germany on the one hand, and by three of the Principal Allied and Associated Powers on the other hand.

From the date of this first procès-verbal the Treaty will come into force between the High Contracting Parties who have ratified it. For the determination of all periods of time provided for in the present Treaty this date will be the date of the coming into force of the Treaty.

In all other respects the Treaty will enter into force for each Power at the date of the deposit of its ratification.

The French Government will transmit to all the signatory Powers a certified copy of the procès-verbaux of the deposit of ratifications.

126282°—S. Doc. 51, 66–1——35

O


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Rh scope and means for experimental farms and houses of industry with a view both to “the increase of the Government revenue” and “the prosperity of its subjects.”

I have now completed the duty that was assigned to me. I have collected information respecting the state of native education, reported the results of my inquiries, and recommended those measures which observation and reflection have suggested. It is for Government to deliberate, to resolve, and to act. I am by no means sanguine that my views will be adopted; and even if they are generally approved with the modifications which may occur to others, I would guard against the supposition that I desire or expect them to be all immediately and simultaneously carried into operation. It is only by gradual and constantly widening efforts perseveringly and consistently directed to one object that the various agencies and institutions I have indicated can be fully utilized. If I were desired to state in what direction those efforts should be first employed, I would earnestly recommend that a beginning should be forthwith made with the series of measures suggested for the improvement and extension of vernacular instruction.

To whatever extent the present recommendations may be approved, and in whatever direction the efforts of Government may be primarily employed, I disclaim the expectation of producing a permanent or an extensive effect by education alone unaccompanied by the other appropriate aids of civilization, or by any means whatever in a very short time. No change that shall be at the same time salutary and lasting can be suddenly produced on personal, much less national, character. The progress of individuals and of classes in intelligence and morality to be sure and satisfactory must be gradual, and improvement by an almost imperceptible process interwoven with the feelings, thoughts, and habits of domestic and social life. Moreover, all great results affecting the condition and character of a whole people will be found to be attainable only by the concurrence of many causes. The effect of religion cannot be overlooked, although it is a subject with which, in reference to the native population, the Government of this country cannot justly or safely meddle. The influence of just and equal laws purely administered, security of person and property, freedom of industry and enterprize, protection from invasion and civil war, moderate taxation, and improved internal and external communication, in one word, the influence of good government must also be great in moulding the character of a people. But it may be confidently affirmed that while education without these


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340 can do little, these without education cannot do all, and that even what they can accomplish will be much less complete and stable than when matured, directed, and steadied by the intelligence, the foresight, the consistency of purpose, and the morality of conduct which are the proper fruits of mental cultivation. Further, if it may be truly affirmed that education alone is inadequate to reform a people, a fortiori it will be admitted that instruction of any one kind, through any one medium, to any one division of the population, or by means of any one class of institutions must be insufficient for the purpose; and above all must this insufficiency be maintained in a country like India more resembling a continent, inhabited not by a single nation or people of one language, the same religion, and similar manners, customs, and habits, but by numerous and wide-spread nations and tribes, speaking different languages, professing different religions, and existing in totally dissimilar grades of civilization. No one means, no one language, no one system of institutions, can be adequate. All means, all the languages of the country, all existing institutions should be made subservient to the object.

The actual position and prevailing policy of Government demand the adoption of comprehensive measures for the promotion and right direction of national education. The position of Government is that of foreigners on a strange soil among people with whom no common associations exist. Every district has a single encampment of civil functionaries who administer its affairs, and who are so engrossed with details of public business while they remain in any one district, and are involved in such a constant whirl of change from one district to another, that it is almost impossible that any attachment can arise between them and the people, or that either can generally appreciate what is good in the other. We are among the people, but not of them. We rule over them and traffic with them, but they do not understand our character and we do not penetrate their’s. The consequence is that we have no hold on their sympathies, no seat in their affections. Under these circumstances, we are constantly complaining of the want of co-operation on the part of the people, while we do nothing to elicit it where it would be useful, or to make it intelligent and enlightened, if it were afforded. A wisely framed system of public instruction would, with other means, help to draw the people closer to the Government, give the Government a stronger hold on the affections of the people, and produce a mutual and answering sympathy between the subject many and the ruling few.

The prevailing policy of Government is characterized by various measures more or less directly bearing on the present question; by the equal eligibility to office of all classes of Her Majesty’s natural-born subjects without distinction of religion, place of birth, descent, or color; by the extended, and constantly extending, employment of native agency for the purposes of local


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Rh administration, by the approaching general use of the languages of the people in transacting the public business of the country, and by the legalized freedom of the press. These immunities and powers were equally demanded by justice and conceded by wisdom, but it must not be forgotten by the friends of improvement in this country that just in proportion as civil and political privileges are extended, is the obligation increased to bestow upon the people that instruction which can alone enable them to make a fit and salutary use of their expanding liberties. Take, for instance, the measure which bestowed on the country the liberty of unlicensed printing. The press is in itself simply an instrument, a power, an agency which may be employed either for good or for bad purposes. The capacity of such an instrument to subserve useful purposes is an exact measure of its liability to abuse; and the only effectual security against the possible abuse of its power must be sought in the intelligence and morality of those who wield the instrument and in the check imposed on them by the intelligence and morality of the community which they address and to which they belong. The measure, therefore, legalizing the freedom of the press and all other measures tending to enlarge the civil and political rights of the natives of the country are not in themselves either erroneous in principle, or necessarily injurious in their consequences, but without a national system of instruction they will remain essentially imperfect, since it is instruction only that can give a right direction to the use of these new powers. As yet no time has been lost; but if we would raise an adequate safe-guard against evils which may be distant, but which are both possible and avoidable. Government will by a general system of instruction, timely established, teach the people the proper use of the mighty instrument that has been put into their hands, and of the various franchises that have been, and from time to time may be, bestowed.

Under any circumstances, our position in this country requires wary treading. In the actual case we have done and are doing little to conciliate and not a little to alienate the good feelings of the people. Individual cases, sometimes enlarging into classes, no doubt exist where a feeling of attachment to the English rule called forth by peculiar circumstances is strong and decided so long as those circumstances last and so far as their effect is felt. But among certain other classes dissatisfaction is not sought to be concealed; and the utmost that can be said of native society in general, even in its most favorable aspect, is that there is no hostility, but in place of it a cold, dead, apathetic indifference which would lead the people to change masters to-morrow without a struggle or a sigh. A system of national instruction, if judiciously executed, would be the commencement of a new era in the spirit and principles of our Government. Excluded as we are from much social intercourse with the natives of the country, it would be one of the most effectual means that could be employed to throw down


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340 the barrier which the pride of foreign rulers and the prejudices of native society have combined to raise. In proportion as the scheme was extended over the country it would place the Government in friendly relations with every city, town, and hamlet, with every head of a family, with every instructor of youth, and with the entire juvenile population speedily to become the instructed adult population of the country. It would constitute a chain, the links of which would be found in every village and at every hearth. It would produce men not only able to understand the measures of Government, which would be something; but, what would be still better, morally disposed to appreciate the good intentions of Government and to co-operate in carrying them into effect.

“Sovereigns and chiefs of nations!” says DeFellenberg, “the fruitful source of sedition, of crime, of all the blood which flows upon the scaffold, is owing to the erroneous education of the people. Landlords! it is here you must seek the cause of all those obstacles which the idleness and growing vices of the laboring classes oppose to the increase of the produce of your estates.”—“By degrading the people we dry up the richest source of power, of wealth, and of happiness which a State can possess.”

“In the infancy of the British administration in this country,” says Lord Moira, “it was perhaps a matter of necessity to confine our legislation to the primary principle of justice, ‘not that nice and delicate justice, the offspring of a refined humanity, but that coarse though useful virtue, the guardian of contracts and promises, whose guide is the square and the rule, and whose support is the gallows.’ The lapse of half a century and the operation of that principle have produced a new state of society which calls for a more enlarged and liberal policy. The moral duties require encouragement. The arts which adorn and embellish life will follow in ordinary course. It is for the credit of the British name that this beneficial revolution should arise under British sway. To be the source of blessings to the immense population of India is an ambition worthy of our country. In proportion as we have found intellect neglected and sterile here, the obligation is the stronger on us to cultivate it. The field is noble. May we till it worthily!”


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 way of Challenge to that Part of Mankind, who I may have touch'd in this Satyr, and who, for ought I know, may be angry; for, indeed, they have nothing else left for it, but to be angry, and rail at the Reproof; according to a known Distich used upon a like Occasion:

in this Case, I say, I have a fair Offer to make to those Gentlemen in a few Words, viz.

1. them prove that the Fact here reprehended is not in being; that 'tis all a Fiction or Shadow, a Man of Straw; that there's nothing in it, and that I am in the wrong. Or,

2. if it is in being, that tho' the Fact is true, and tho' such Things are done, they merit no Satyr, that they ought not to be reproved or exposed; I say, let them do this, and then they shall Rail their hill, and treat Me, and the Work which I have just now finished, in as scandalous a manner as they please. Or,

3. Which I had much rather they should do, let them ; take the hint, fall under the Reproof, and at once sink the Crime.

I confess, it seems rational that one or other of these should be done: The two first, which are in some respect the same, I am out of fear of; the last seems a Debt; 'tis just I should demand it; let them repel the Charge, or reform the Practice.


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Rh The following are a few words connected with the administration of justice:—

Of this class of words four are Malay, two Sanskrit, and one Arabic, and they are all that can be found in the two dictionaries. One of the Malay words is singular for the senses given to it. Bâlanggu in Malay means “chains,” or “fetters,” but in the Bisaya it signifies “a prison,” while a derivative from it is rendered “an alguazil.”

Connected with government or administration, I find only the following seven words in the dictionaries:—

Four of these words only are Malayan or Sanskrit. The Malay word pöun, “a tree,” here used for “a chieftain,” in its original language also means “stem,” “stock,” or “source,” as well as “a tree.” One of the words used for counsel or advice in the Tagala is most probably the Sanskrit word patih, “a minister,” or “councillorcouncilor [sic].”

In reference to the examination of the Philippine languages now made, when it is considered that not more than 26 words


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 for 'Bassein,' one of the mint towns, or for 'Bastardo,' the name of the largest tin coin. The arrows are symbolic of the martyrdom of St. Sebastian after whom the king was called. The size of the coin is 30 mm. = $1 3⁄16$ in; weight 11.3 to 11.9 grammes (pl. I, figs. 4 and 4a).

Another coin, which very probably also belongs to this reign, bears on the obverse the letters B and A, with three crossed arrows between them, and on the reverse the sphere. The coin is too small for the letter B to stand for 'Bastardo,' and it is pro- bably the mint mark of Bassein, whilst the letter A may stand either for 'Asia' or 'Albuquerque (see above p. 190). The three crossed arrows show that the coin was struck during the reign of Sebastian, like the previous coin, and the two dots above them probably indicate its value in dinheiros. Eight specimens were found: size 17 mm. = $11⁄16$ in; weight 3.5 to 3.7 grammes (pl. II, figs. 12 and 12a).

The coin pictured on pl. I, fig. 1, of which there is only one specimen, was probably struck at Goa, as its obverse bears a device very like the wheel, the symbol of the martyrdom of St. Catherine, the patron saint of Goa. This wheel is often found on coins struck at Goa, as it commemorates the conquest of Goa by the Portuguese on St. Catherine's Day, November 25th, 1510. Its reverse is entirely smooth. Size 27 mm. = $1 1⁄16$ in.; weight 8.9 grammes.

A small coin, represented by five specimens, shows on the obverse a coat-of-arms, and on the reverse a ship, but no inscrip- tion whatever. Size 18 mm. = $3⁄4$ in.; weight 2.2 to 2.4 grammes (pl. I, figs 6 and 6a).

A considerably larger coin shews on the obverse the coat- of-arms, and on the reverse the sphere, but has no inscription either. There are five specimens of it. Size 28 mm. = $1 1⁄8$ in.; weight 10 to 11.2 grammes (pl. I, figs. 3 and 3).

Finally there is a coin represented by only one specimen shewing on the obverse a small coat-of-arms surrounded by large and deeply impressed Roman letters, and on the reverse the sphere. Notwithstanding that the letters are deeply im- pressed and only little worn, they are so very rough, that my efforts to decipher them have not been successful. Size 24 mm. = $15⁄16$ in; weight 3.7 grammes (pl. II, fig. 7).


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 1811 to 1815, copper Duits of the years 1811 to 1813 and lead Duits of 1814.

The Dutch Government of Java has so far issued no gold coins. The first silver coins, Guilders, seem to have been struck in 1821, the first copper coins in 1817 or 1818. The Malacca collection contains four copper coins.

In addition to coins current in Java also some of the well-known tokens issued by British merchants and traders in Sumatra were found, further some coins struck by the British East India Company for Penang, and finally a coin from India and one from Holland.

Most of the coins issued by this Company bear the monogram, formed of the letters V. O. C., standing for 'Vereenigde Oost-Indische Compagnie,' i. e. United East India Company.

 * 1. Copper. One Duit.
 * Obv. Coat-of-arms consisting of a crowned shield containing two lions passant.
 * Rev. VOC.svg 1729.
 * See Netscher and Chijs. p. 103. No. 21; pl. IV, No. 21c
 * 2. Copper. One Duit.
 * Obv. Coat-of-arms consisting of a crowned shield containing one lion rampant.
 * Rev. VOC.svg 1730.
 * Except for date similar to Netscher and Chijs, pl. III fig. 21a,
 * 3. Copper. One Duit.
 * Dated 1731. Otherwise similar to No. 1.
 * 4. Copper. One Duit.
 * Obv. Coat-of-arms with two lions rampant. Around it the legend 'SP NOS IN DEO' (i.e. Spes nostra in Deo).
 * Rev. VOC.svg 1732.
 * Except for date similar to Netscher and Chijs, pl. IV, No. 21d.


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196 : 5. Copper. One Duit.
 * Obv. Coat-of-arms with two lions rampant. Around it the legend 'SPES NOSTRA IN DEO' (written in full).
 * Rev. VOC.svg (Date effaced).
 * 6. Copper. One Duit.
 * Obv. Coat-of-arms with one lion rampant; no legend.
 * Rev. VOC.svg 1735.
 * Except for date similar to Netscher and Chijs, pl. IV, fig. 22a.
 * 7. Copper. One Duit.
 * Date 1737. Otherwise identical with No. 6.
 * 8. Copper. One half Duit.
 * Obv. Coat-of-arms consisting of a crowned shield without lions. The shield is divided by a diagonal line, a bende, the upper and sinister portion of the shield being argent, the lower and dexter portion gule.
 * Rev. VOC.svg 1753.
 * See Netscher and Chijs, pl. IV, fig. 22c.
 * 9. Copper. One half Duit.
 * Date 1754. Otherwise identical with No. 8.
 * 10. Copper. One Duit.
 * Obv. Coat-of-arms consisting of a shield similar to that of Nos. 8 and 9, but supported on the left and right by two rampant lions.
 * Rev. VOC.svg 1786.
 * Except for date similar to Netscher and Chijs, pl. IV, fig. 21c.
 * 11. Copper. One Duit.
 * Obv. Coat-of-arms consisting of a crowned shield, the lower half of which contains three horizontal wavy lines, the upper half a demi-lion.
 * Rev. VOC.svg 1786.
 * Except for date similar to Netscher and Chijs, pl. IV, fig. 22h.
 * 12. Copper. One Duit.
 * Dated 1790. Otherwise similar to No. 10.


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Rh : 13. Copper. Two Duits.
 * Dated 1790. About twice as large as No. 12, but otherwise similar to it.
 * 14. Copper. One Duit.
 * Obv. Coat-of-arms, consisting of a crowned shield containing two lions passant.
 * Rev. VOC.svg 1792.
 * Except for date similar to Netscher and Chijs, pl. IV, fig. 22c.

 * 1. Copper. One Duit.
 * Obv. 'JAVA, 1810'. Below this the letter 'Z.'
 * Rev. A monogram of the two letters 'L. N.', standing for Louis Napoleon.
 * See Netscher and Chijs, p. 112, No. 60; pl. VII, fig. 60a.
 * 2. Copper. Two Duits.
 * Obv. 'JAVA'. Date effaced.
 * Rev. 'L. N.'

The Malacca collection contains a copper coin, probably one Duit, of the following description:

Obverse: Coat-of-arms consisting of a crowned shield enclosing a lion rampant, with the figures '5' and '$1⁄16$' to the right and left of the shield respectively.

Reverse: the legend INDIÆ BATAV, 1816.

In 1816 Java was handed back by the British to the Dutch, and as the coin bears a coat-of-arms used by the Dutch East India Company throughout the eighteenth century, there is no reasonable doubt that the coin is of Dutch, not British origin. Coins identical with it, except for the date, were issued by the Batavian Republic previous to the English occupation of Java, and by the Dutch Government after the English occupation, and the Raffles Museum contains such coins of the years 1802, 1818, 1819, 1821 and 1824. But the Museum also contains a coin of 1815, that is a coin struck in Batavia with the Dutch coat-of-arms during the time of the English rule. Therefore it is just


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 possible that the above coin of 1816, found at Malacca, may also have been struck under English rule. I cannot offer any explan- ation of this.

A coin of this kind, but of the year 1802, is figured by Netscher and Chijs, pl. VI, fig. 39. The figures '5' and '$1⁄16$' to the right and left of the shield respectively are somewhat mysterious. Netscher and Chijs (p. 108) say that they are not able to offer any explanation of their meaning, nor am I in a position to do so.

 * 1. Copper. $1⁄8$ Stuiver.
 * Obv. A coat-of-arms consisting of a crowned shield enclosing a lion rampant, with the figure to the right and the letter S to the left of the shield.
 * Rev. NEDERL. INDIE 1823.
 * See Netscher and Chijs, pl. IX, fig. 85.
 * 2. Copper. $1⁄4$ Stuiver.
 * Date 1826. Except for size, date and the figure $1⁄4$ instead of $1⁄9$, similar to No. 1.
 * 3. Copper. One Cent.
 * Obv. The usual coat-of-arms enclosing a lion rampant with '1' and 'Ct' to the right and left of the shield respectively.
 * Rev. NEDERL. INDIE 1838.
 * 4. Copper. One Cent.
 * Date 1856. Identical with the currency of the present day.

 * 1. Copper. One Keping.
 * Obv. The Company's coat-of-arms, and around, in Roman characters, the legend 'Island of Sumatra, 1804.'
 * Rev. The legend, in Malay characters, 'Satu Keping, 1219.'
 * See Rodgers (14), Vol. II, pl. VIII, No. 12081; Ellis (7) p. 9, No. 1; Atkins (1), p. 204, No. 24.


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 : 2. Copper. One Keping.
 * Obv. A Bantam Cock, with the legend, in Malay characters, 'Tanah Malayu' (i. e. the Land of the Malays).
 * Rev. In Malay characters: 'Satu keping, 1247,' (i. e. 1881 A.D.)
 * See Rodgers (14), Vol. II, pl. VIII, No. 12083; Millies (11), pl. II, fig. 23.
 * 3. Copper. One Keping.
 * Obv. As in No. 2.
 * Rev. A star of sixteen points, with the legend, in Bugis, 'The Land of the Bugis, One Keping, 1250' (i. e. 1834 A. D.)
 * See Netscher and Chijs. p. 188, No. 251; pl. XXVII, fig. 254.

 * 1. Copper. Three Kepings.
 * Obv. A heart-shaped shield diagonally divided into four sections with the letters V. E. I. C. respectively (i. e. United East India Company). The shield is surmounted by the figure '4'. Below the date 1798.
 * Rev. 'Tiga Keping, 1213', in Malay characters.
 * See Netscher and Chijs, p. 123, No. 100; pl. X, fig. 100b.
 * 2. Copper. Four Kepings.
 * Obv. The Company's coat-of-arms with the legend East India Company in Roman letters around it. Below, the date 1804.
 * Rev. 'Ampat Keping, 1219', in Malay.
 * See Netscher and Chijs. p. 123, No. 99; pl. X, fig. 99.
 * 3. Copper. Two Kepings.
 * Obv. Smaller than, but otherwise identical with, No. 2.
 * Rev. 'Dua Keping, 1219,' in Malay.
 * See Millies (11), p. 93, No. 14; pl. I, fig. 14.

There are two more coins which belong to none of the above sections.


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312 flight as soon as they saw us, and it was impossible to pursue them through the mire.

In the island of Pangesani I frequently traversed thick forests of the palm, known by the name of corypha umbraculifera, where I found squirrels of the species called sciurus palmarum, which always fled at the approach of a man.

The natives had erected several sheds near the shore, where they kept the bamboo hurdles, upon which they place their fish when they dry them at the fire in order to preserve them.

The islanders, aware of the danger of living near the morasses, which render the northern coast of Pangesani very unhealthy, have built no villages in that part of the country. It was in the midst of these morasses that our crew became first infected with a dysentery of a very contagious nature, which produced the greater ravages amongst us, as we were already much debilitated by the long use of bad provisions, which had become still more unwholesome during the course of our voyage. I was also infected with this disorder which proved fatal to great numbers of our crew.

8th. This morning at sun-rise, four chiefs, who bore the title of Oran-kai, came on board to notify to us, that we were not permitted to land,


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174 by asserting that He is merely the cause of quality resident in matter, and by maintaining that matter itself is uncreated, come now let us put the question, What is at any time … is immutable. Matter, then, is immutable. But if matter be immutable, and the immutable suffers no change in regard to quality, it does not form the substance of the world. For which reason it seems to them superfluous, that God has annexed qualities to matter, since indeed matter admits of no possible alteration, it being in itself an uncreated thing. But further, if matter be uncreated, it has been made altogether according to a certain quality, and this immutable, so that it cannot be receptive of more qualities, nor can it be the thing of which the world is made. But if the world be not made from it, [this theory] entirely excludes God from exercising power on the creation [of the world].

"And dipped himself," says [the Scripture], "seven times in Jordan." It was not for nothing that Naaman of old, when suffering from leprosy, was purified upon his being baptized, but [it served] as an indication to us. For as we are lepers in sin, we are made clean, by means of the sacred water and the invocation of the Lord, from our old transgressions; being spiritually regenerated as new-born babes, even as the Lord has declared: "Except a man be born again through water and the Spirit, he shall not enter into the kingdom of heaven."

If the corpse of Elisha raised a dead man, how much more shall God, when He has quickened men's dead bodies, bring them up for judgment?


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1911] forms especially in the region of the Koettlitz glacier are unique.

The Strait has been frozen over a week. I cannot understand why the Hut Point party doesn't return. The weather continues wonderfully calm though now looking a little unsettled. Perhaps the unsettled look stops the party, or perhaps it waits for the moon, which will be bright in a day or two.

Any way, I wish it would return, and shall not be free from anxiety till it does.

Cherry-Garrard is experimenting in stone huts and with blubber fires—all with a view to prolonging the stay at Cape Crozier.

Bowers has placed one thermometer screen on the floe about ¾′ out, and another smaller one above the Ramp. Oddly, the floe temperature seems to agree with that on Wind Vane Hill, whilst the hut temperature is always 4° or 5° colder in calm weather. To complete the records a thermometer is to be placed in South Bay.

Science—the rock foundation of all effort!!

Wednesday, May 10.—It has been blowing from the south 12 to 20 miles per hour since last night; the ice remains fast. The temperature −12° to −19°. The party does not come. I went well beyond Inaccessible Island till Hut Point and Castle Rock appeared beyond Tent Island—that is, well out on the space which was last seen as open water. The ice is 9 inches thick—not much for eight or nine days' freezing; but it is very solid—the surface wet but very slippery. I suppose Meares waits


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 mens liues: for foure or fiue little townes thereabouts, who profeſſed to hold againſt the King, taking example by Vandoſme, yeelded themſelues in leſſe than foure or fiue dayes. The Caſtle and twone of Lauerden began firſt, and were followed by the Townes of Mount-ouert, Mount-richard, and Chateau-du-loyre, who did all great hurt, eſpecially to Towers, keeping the paſſages vnto it. The Towne of Vandoſme beeing taken, finding himſelfe ſo neare Towers, his Maieſtie minded to make a ſmall iourney thether, to ſee the Lordes of his Councell, and to determine with them certaine principles of his buſineſſe: leauing in the meane while the Armie to bee conducted by the Marſhall Byron; by whoſe preſence hee reduced all the aforeſayde Townes, except Mount richard, which was reduced by the voyage which his Maieſtie made vnto Towers.

Hee departed from Meſlay by Vandoſme vppon Tueſday beeing the one and twentieth of Nouember, and arriued the ſame day at Towers, two towers within night: where hee was attended with ſo great ioye and gladneſſe of all the people of Towers, and ſuch ſtoare of lights there was in the ſtreates at his arriuall, as if it had been at noone daye.

The ſame daye at night, my Lorde the Cardinall of Vandoſme, came to doo reuerence vnto the King, and receiued intertainment and countenaunce agreeable to his neereneſſe in bloud vnto the Kings Maieſtie.


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1911] The work goes on very steadily—the men are making crampons and ski boots of the new style. Evans is constructing plans of the Dry Valley and Koettlitz Glacier with the help of the Western Party. The physicists are busy always, Meares is making dog harness, Oates ridding the ponies of their parasites, and Ponting printing from his negatives.

Science cannot be served by ‘dilettante’ methods, but demands a mind spurred by ambition or the satisfaction of ideals.

Our most popular game for evening recreation is chess; so many players have developed that our two sets of chessmen are inadequate.

Friday, July 14.—We have had a horrible fright and are not even yet out of the wood.

At noon yesterday one of the best ponies, ‘Bones,’ suddenly went off his feed—soon after it was evident that he was distressed and there could be no doubt that he was suffering from colic. Oates called my attention to it, but we were neither much alarmed, remembering the speedy recovery of ‘Jimmy Pigg’ under similar circumstances. Later the pony was sent out for exercise with Crean. I passed him twice and seemed to gather that things were well, but Crean afterwards told me that he had had considerable trouble. Every few minutes the poor beast had been seized with a spasm of pain, had first dashed forward as though to escape it and then endeavoured to lie down. Crean had had much difficulty in keeping him in, and on his legs, for he is a powerful beast. When he


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Rh

True knowledge, then, consists in the understanding of Christ, which Paul terms the wisdom of God hidden in a mystery, which "the natural man receiveth not," the doctrine of the cross; of which if any man "taste," he will not accede to the disputations and quibbles of proud and puffed-up men, who go into matters of which they have no perception. For the truth is unsophisticated ; and "the word is nigh thee, in thy mouth and in thy heart," as the same apostle declares, being easy of comprehension to those who are obedient. For it renders us like to Christ, if we experience "the power of His resurrection and the fellowship of His sufferings." For this is the affinity of the apostolical teaching and the most holy "faith delivered unto us," which the unlearned receive, and those of slender knowledge have taught, not "giving heed to endless genealogies," but studying rather [to observe] a straightforward course of life; lest, having been deprived of the Divine Spirit, they fail to attain to the kingdom of heaven. For truly the first thing is to deny one's self and to follow Christ; and those who do this are borne onward to perfection, having fulfilled all their Teacher's will, becoming sons of God by spiritual regeneration, and heirs of the kingdom of heaven; those who seek which first shall not be forsaken.


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 our members, free from the charge of desultoriness, I feel sure this suggestion deserves thoughtful consideration, and I hope the Editors will invite communications. offering suggestions, from their many readers.—F. T. L. [We do invite such communications, and think F. T. L.'s remarks most valuable—Eds. M. N. J.]

.—Allow me as a subscriber to your journal to ask S. S. R. of Redditch, end other naturalists privileged to live near Midland ponds with such inhabitants as he describes, to help me to specimens. I will send battles and pay all expenses with pleasure. But I live here in a district covered with glacial clay, which seems inimical to rotifer life. A paper of mine on Melicerta ringens, published in the "Monthly Microscopical Journal" for December last, brought me one of Mr. Bolton’s (of Stourbridge) delightful little beetles. He still assists me, but I should he glad of extended help. To any gentleman who takes an interest in the subject, I shall be happy to send a copy of my paper on M. ringens. It may serve as lines to work on.—F. A., Fort Hall, Bridlington Quay, Yorks.

—I think Mr. Mott has unduly limited the meaning of the word knowledge. The verb “to know” is used to express two classes of cognition for which in many other languages two distinct words are used. Thus, we Lave in French connoitre and savoir, in German kennen and wissen, in Latin nori and scio. The first words of each of these pairs are used for knowledge accrued by means of the senses, and thus correspond nearly to the English “to be acquainted with" or "aware of;" whilst the others are used for knowledge obtained by the reasoning faculties, and signifies to comprehend or to know thoroughly —C. J..

.—It is necessary lo say a few words in reply to your correspondent, although it is hardly possible to imagine that any student in Botany would, for one moment, suppose there could be anything animal-like (except in the one respect) in the two distinct existences of the same plant being likened to the two existences of an insect, (the caterpillar or butterfly.) Care was also taken to explain the exact meaning of the terms used. Animals and plants copy each other—some in one particular and some in another. The sea-anemone is an animal, and only takes its panic from its resemblance {in one respect) to a plant. No one would think of confusing the Bee Orchid or the Butterfly Orchid with a Bee or a Butterfly; the Sunflower, Moonwort, or Windflower, with the Sun, Moon, or Wind; the Hare's-foot fern or Stag’s-horn fern, with a Hare or a Stag; the Cats-tail, Dog-rose, Bull-rush, or Horseradish, with a Cat, Dog, Bull, or Horse. The Oak-fern does not bear acorns, nor the Holly-fern berries, nor the Beech-fern nuts. We might, also, enumerate Lady’s-slipper, Harebell, Buttercup, Cowslip, Snowdrop, Iceplant, and many others, Perhaps it would have been better to have described those two distinct generations of fern life as—1st, the prothallium-state, and 2nd, the perfect-fern—the first as sexual and the second as asexual, With regard to the remaining passages, "the spiral filaments swarmed about the pistillidium in numbers," "these filaments being tossed into the air, and by landing in certain cups are said to fertilise the plant," and "these, from their activity, are culled Animalcules;” they are the expressions used by and, and have been copied and used by such authorities as Henfrey, Moore, &c., and therefore may again be used with impunity.—K. J. Lowe.

.—Would some of your readers kindly describe the best methods of preserving fungi?—C. T. M.


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176

Those who have become acquainted with the secondary (i.e. under Christ) constitutions of the apostles, are aware that the Lord instituted a new oblation in the new covenant, according to [the declaration of] Malachi the prophet. For, "from the rising of the sun even to the setting my name has been glorified among the Gentiles, and in every place incense is offered to my name, and a pure sacrifice;" as John also declares in the Apocalypse: "The incense is the prayers of the saints." Then again, Paul exhorts us "to present our bodies a living sacrifice, holy, acceptable unto God, which is your reasonable service." And again, "Let us offer the sacrifice of praise, that is, the fruit of the lips." Now those oblations are not according to the law, the handwriting of which the Lord took away from the midst by cancelling it; but they are according to the Spirit, for we must worship God "in spirit and in truth." And therefore the oblation of the Eucharist is not a carnal one, but a spiritual; and in this respect it is pure. For we make an oblation to God of the bread and the cup of blessing, giving Him thanks in that He has commanded the earth to bring forth these fruits for our nourishment. And then, when we have perfected the oblation, we invoke the Holy Spirit, that He may exhibit this sacrifice, both the bread the body of Christ, and the cup the blood of Christ, in order that the receivers of these antitypes may obtain remission of sins and life eternal. Those


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The works comprised in the following Bibliography have been selected on account of their suitability to supply the reader with a general view of the several branches of occult science. Modern works in English have, for the most part, been preferred to ancient or to foreign authorities, in an endeavour to render the list of service to those approaching the subject for the first time. In many cases Bibliographies have already been appended to the more exhaustive articles, and where this has been done, reference has been made to the article in question.

ALCHEMY. See article " Alchemy."

ASTROLOGY. W. Lilly [1602-81], Introduction to Astrology, edited by ' Zadkiel ' (Lt, R. J. Morrison]. Bohn's Library, 1852 ; new edition, 1893. Alan Leo, Practical Astrology. New edition. Wooderson, 191 1.

H. T. Waite, Compendium of Natal Astrology and Universal Ephemeris. Kegan Paul, 1917. {See also article " Astro- logy-")

DEMONOLOGY. A. E. Waite, Devil Worship in France. Kegan Paul, 1896.

Sir Walter Scott, Letters on Demonology and Witchcraft [1830]. Routledge, n. d.

J. Beaumont, Treatise on Spirits, Apparitions, and Witchcraft, 1705.

A. Calmet, The Phantom World [1751], translated with notes by H. Christmas, 2 vols., Bentley, 1850.

Becker, Le Monde Enchante.

MAGIC. ' Eliphas Levi ' [L. A. Constant], History of Magic [i860], translated by A. E. Waite. Rider, 1913. ' Eliphas Levi ' The Mysteries of Magic [1861], translated by A. E. Waite. Kegan Paul, 1886.

,, ,, Transcendental Magic, translated by A. E. Waite.

A. E. Waite, Book of Black Magic and of Pacts. Kegan Paul, 1898.

W. H. Davenport Adams, Witch, Warlock, and Magician ; historical sketches. Chatto, 1889. W. Godwin, Lives of the Necromancers (1834]. New edition. Chatto, 1876.

E. Salverte, The Philosophy of Magic, Prodigies, and Apparent Miracles, [translation of his Des Sciences Occultes]

2 vols. Bentley, 1846.

F. Hartmann, Magic, Black and White [Madras, n. d.] New edition. Kegan Paul, 1893.

Francis Barrett, The Magus, or Celestial Intelligencer [1801]. New edition. Theosophical Pub. Soc, 1896. F. Lenormant, Chaldean Magic; translated [by W. R. Cooper]. Bagster, n. d. [1877].- Lewis Spence, Myths of Ancient Egypt. Harrap, 1915.

„ ,, Myths of Babylonia and Assyria. Harrap, 1916.

(Both the above include chapters on Magic.) D. L. Macgregor Mathers, The Key of Solomon the King (Clavicula Solomonis) [1888}. New edition Kegan Paul 1909 J. A. S. Collin de Plancy, Dictionnaire Infernel. 6th edition. Paris, 1863.

J. P. Migne [ed.], Dictionnaire des Sciences Occultes, forming vols, xlviii-ix. of the First Series of the Encyclopedic Theologique.

MYSTICISM ; MYSTERIES. A. E. Waite, New Light of Mysteries : Azoth, or the Star in the East. Theosophical Pub Soc, 1893. c

A. E. Waite, The Hidden Church of the Holy Grail, its Legends and Symbolism. Rebman 1909 Studies in Mysticism and Certain Aspects of the Secret Tradition. Hodder, 1906 „ ,, The Real History of the Rosicrucians. Kegan Paul, 1887.

,, ,, The Doctrine and Literature of the Kabalah. 1902.

F. Cumont, The Mysteries of Mithra ; translated by T. J. McCormack. Open Court Pub. Co., Chicago 1903

G. R. S. Mead, Fragments of a Faith Forgotten [Gnosticism]. Theosophical Pub. Soc. 1900.

„ ,, Thrice-Greatest Hermes : Studies in Hellenistic Theosophy and Gnosis. 3' vols. 1906 „ ,, Introduction to Plotinus. Theosophical Pub. Soc, 1899. ,, „ Echoes from the Gnosis. Evelyn Underhill [Mrs. Stuart-Moore], Mysticism : a study in the nature and development of man's spiritual con- sciousness. Methuen, n. d. [1911]. Evelyn Underhill, The Mystic Way : a psychological study in Christian Origins. Dent 1913 Iamblichus (4th cent., A.D.], Theurgia, or the Mysteries of the Egyptians, Chaldeans, and Assyrians ; translated by

T. Taylor. 2nd edition. Dobell, 1895. Hargrave Jennings, The Rosicrucians, their Rites and Mysteries [1870]. 4th edition. Routledge 1907 Jacob Boehme [1575-1624], Works ; translated. Glasgow, 1886. '

I. de Steiger, On a Gold Basis : a Treatise on Mysticism. Wellby, 1907.

Carl Du Prel, The Philosophy of Mysticism ; translated by C. C. Massey, 2 vols. Kegan Paul 1889. Em. Swedenborg, Treatise concerning Heaven and Hell (De Coelo et de Inferno] ; translated by J. W. Hancock. Swedenborg Society, 1850.


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Rh persons, then, who perform these oblations in remembrance of the Lord, do not fall in with Jewish views, but, performing the service after a spiritual manner, they shall be called sons of wisdom.

The apostles ordained, that "we should not judge any one in respect to meat or drink, or in regard to a feast day, or the new moons, or the sabbaths." Whence then these contentions? whence these schisms? We keep the feast, but in the leaven of malice and wickedness, cutting in pieces the church of God; and we preserve what belongs to its exterior, that we may cast away these better things, faith and love. We have heard from the prophetic words that these feasts and fasts are displeasing to the Lord.

Christ, who was called the Son of God before the ages, was manifested in the fulness of time, in order that He might cleanse us through His blood, who were under the power of sin, presenting us as pure sons to His Father, if we yield ourselves obediently to the chastisement of the Spirit. And in the end of time He shall come to do away with all evil, and to reconcile all things, in order that there may be an end of all impurities.


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attempting to compile a volume which might serve as a handbook or work of reference to the several occult sciences, I have not lost sight of the extensive character of the subject, which, now that I have completed my task, is more than ever painfully perceptible. Excursions into the literature of the occult, of a somewhat extensive kind, led me to the belief that popular misconceptions concerning its several branches were many and varied. Regarding definitions there did not appear to be any substantial agreement, and application in encyclopædias and ordinary works of reference generally resulted in disappointment. That a department of human thought so pregnant with interest and so abounding in vitality should not hiterto have been reduced to presentation in reference form struck me as singular; and I resolved to d what I could to supply what seemed to me a very real literary and scientific necessity. That I have been entirely successful is too much to hope. But I have made a beginning, and this volume may inspire a more worthy hand to the compilation of a more perfect handbook of the subject.

The science of Anthropology has of late years done much to elucidate questions relating to the origins of magic, and in writing this volume I have freely applied its principles. I have not, however, permitted scientific considerations to blind me to the marvellous and romantic character of the material which I have laboured. Indeed, I am convinced that had I in any way attempted to subvert this innate quality of the occult to purely scientific considerations—however worthy of statement—the romance inherent in it would, by reason of its very native force have defeated such an intention, and, even if arrayed in the poorest of verbiage, would still retain its marvellous powers of attraction, no estimate of which can be too high.

I have relegated the subject of methods and theories to the introduction. It remains to thank the many kind friends who have assisted me actively and by advice in the compilation of this volume. My assistants, Miss Mavie Jack and Miss K. Nixey, have places me under a deep debt of obligation by their careful collection, arrangement and independent work upon the extensive literature relative to psychic science. To Mr. David MacRichie, F.S.A. (Scot.), F.R.A.I., late President of the Gypsy Lore Society, I owe thanks for the article "Gypsies." The late Lieut. William Begg collected much Theosophical matter; and Mr. W. G. Blaikie Murdoch has rendered me the greatest assistance with difficult biographical material. My lamented friend, the late Mr. A. J. B. Graham, greatly smoothed my path by throwing light on legal questions.

I have not burdened the articles with references, but have supplied a bibliographical appendix. L. S.

66, Arden Street,
 * EDINBURGH.

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HE present work is intended as a comprehensive account of medieval times, drawn up on the same lines as The Cambridge Modern History, but with a few improvements of detail suggested by experience. It is intended partly for the general reader, as a clear and, as far as possible, interesting narrative ; partly for the student, as a summary of ascertained facts, with indications (not discussions) of disputed points; partly as a book of reference, containing all that can reasonably be required in a comprehensive work of general history. A full bibliography is added to every chapter, and a portfolio of illustrative maps is published to accompany each volume.

There is nothing in the English language resembling the present work. Germany, indeed, has Heeren and Oncken, but in France even the great work of Lavisse and Rambaud deals with the Middle Ages on a much smaller scale than is here contemplated. The present volumes are intended to cover the entire field of European medieval history, so that in every chapter a specialist sums up recent research upon the subject, America, France, Germany, Austria, Bulgaria, Hungary, Italy, Spain and Russia are represented in the list of contributors.

The principles on which the work is constructed were laid down by the late Lord Acton for The Cambridge Modem History. Professor Bury, Lord Acton’s successor as Regius Professor of Modern History, was invited by the Syndics of the Press to plan the History as a whole, and to draw up the scheme of each volume. The first editors appointed were the Rev. H. M. Gwatkin, M.A., Dixie Professor of Ecclesiastical History, Miss Mary Bateson and Mr G. T. Lapsley, M.A., Fellow of Trinity College. On Miss Bateson’s death, the Rev. J. P. Whitney, B.D. of King’s College, was appointed in her stead ; but on Mr Lapslcy’s


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vi retirement through ill-health (happily only temporary) his place was not filled up. The present editors are, therefore, Professor Gwatkin and Mr Whitney. They wish to place on record their grateful thanks for the helpful advice which Professor Bury has always been ready to give them when requested ; but it should be understood that the editors are alone responsible for the matter contained in each volume, for the selection of the writers of the various chapters and for the general treatment of the subjects discussed.

It is hoped to publish two volumes yearly in regular succession.

September 1911


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HE present volume covers a space of about two hundred years beginning with Constantine and stopping a little short of Justinian. At its opening the Roman Empire is standing in its ancient majesty, drawing new strength from the reforms of Diocletian and the statesmanship of Constantine : at its dose the Empire has vanished from the West, while the East is slowly recovering from the pressure of the barbarians in the fifth century, and gathering strength for Justinian’s wars of conquest. At its opening heathenism is still a mighty power, society is built up on heathen pride of class, and Rome still seems the centre of the world: at its ending we see Christianity supreme, Constantinople the seat of power, and the old heathen order of society in the West dissolving in the confusion of barbarian devastations. At its opening Caesar’s will is law from the Atlantic to Armenia: at its ending a great system of Teutonic and Arian kingdoms in the West has just been grievously shaken by the conversion of the Franks from heathenism direct to orthodoxy.

In our first chapter we trace the rise of Constantine, his reunion of the Empire, his conversion to Christianity, the political side of the Nicene Council, and the foundation of Constantinople. Then follows Dr Reid’s account of the reforms of Diocletian and Constantine, which fixed for centuries the general outline of the administration. After this Mr Norman Baynes takes up the struggle with Persia under Constantius and Julian, and continues in a later chapter the story of the wars of Rome in East and West in the times of Valentinian and Theodosius. The victory of Christianity is treated by Principal Lindsay; and he describes also the rival systems of Neoplatonism and Mithraism, and gives an account of Julian’s reaction and the last struggles of heathenism. The next chapter is devoted to Arianism. First the doctrine is described, in itself and in some of its relations to modern thought; then the religious side of the Nicene Council is given, and the complicated history of the reaction is traced down to the decisive overthrow of Arianism in the Empire by Theodosius. After this Mr C. H. Turner describes the organisation of the Church—clergy, creeds and worship—looking back to the beginning, but chiefly concerned with its development in the age of the great Councils.


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160 the Arian trouble presbyters were not allowed to preach there. At any rate it is just down to the time of Alexander and his successor, Athanasius, that those writers who testify to peculiar privileges of the Alexandrine presbyterate in the appointment of the patriarch suppose them to have survived. The most precise evidence comes from a tenth century writer, Eutychius, who relates that by ordinance of St Mark twelve presbyters were to assist the patriarch, and at his death to elect and lay hands upon one of themselves as his successor, Athanasius being the first to be appointed by the bishops. Severus of Antioch, in the sixth century, mentions that “in former days” the bishop was “appointed” by presbyters at Alexandria. Jerome (in the same letter that was cited alx>ve, but independent for the moment of Ambrosiaster) deduces the essential equality of priest and bishop from the consideration that the Alex- andrine bishop “down to Heraclas and Dionysius” (232-265) was chosen by the presbyters from among themselves without any special form of consecration. Earlier than any of these is the story told. in connexion with the hermit Poemen in the Apophthegms of the Egyptian monks. Poemen was visited one day by heretics who began to criticise the arch-bishop of Alexandria as having only presbyterian ordination, a* on '''rraph. 7rp€<r/3vTepo)v 2ot ttjv x«f)orovuiv'''. Unfortunately the hermit declined to argue with them, gave them their dinner, and promptly dismissed them.

It is clear that an Alexandrine bishop of the fourth century slandered by heretics can be no one but Athanasius; and therefore this, the earliest evidence for presbyterian ordination at Alexandria, is just that which is most demonstrably false. For Athanasius was neither elected nor consecrated by presbyters: not more than ten or twelve years after the event, the bishops of Egypt affirmed categorically that the electors were “the whole multitude and the whole people” and that the consecrators were “the greater number of ourselves.” Yet this very emphasis on the part of the supporters of Athanasius reveals one line of the Arian campaign against him ; and the conjecture may be there- fore hazarded that it was by Arian controversialists that the allegations of Alexandrine “presbyterianism” were first circulated, and that their real origin lay in the desire to turn the edge of any argument that might be based upon the solidarity of the episcopate. If the Catholics called upon the bishops of the East not to champion a rebellious presbyter, their opponents would, on this view, “go one better” in their enthusiasm for episcopacy, and answer that Athanasius was no more than a presbyter himself. It is difficult for us, who have to reconstruct the history of the fourth century out of Catholic material, to form any just conception either of the mass of the lost Arian literature—exegetical and historical, as well as doctrinal and polemical—or of its almost exclusive vogue for the time being throughout the East, and of the influence which, in a thousand indirect ways, it must have exerted


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xxii with enchanters and enchantresses, pagans and giants, in all quarters of the globe, he finally, with utmost effort, slaughtered those Lombardy Dragons; then married Kaiser Ottnit’s widow, whom he had rather flirted with before; and so lived universally respected in his new empire, performing yet other notable achievements. One strange property he had, sometimes useful to him, sometimes hurtful: that his breath, when he became angry, grew flame, red-hot, and would take the temper out of swords. We find him again in the “Nibelungen,” among King Etzel’s (Attila’s} followers; a staid, cautions, yet still invincible man; on which occasion, though with great reluctance, he is forced to interfere, and does so with effect. Dietrich is the favourite hero of all those Southern Fictions, and well acknowledged in the Northern also, where the chief man, however, as we shall find, is not he but Siegfried.

“Part Third showeth of the Rose-garden at Worms, which was planted by Chrimhilte, King Gibich’s daughter; whereby afterwards most part of those Heroes and Giants came to destruction and were slain.”

In this Third Part the Southern or Lombard Heroes come into contact and collision with another as notable Northern class, and for us much more important. Chriemhild, whose ulterior history makes such a figure in the “Nibelungen,” had, it would seem, near the ancient city of Worms, a Rose-garden, some seven English miles in circuit; fenced only by a silk thread; wherein, however, she maintained Twelve stout fighting-men; several of whom, as Hagen, Volker, her three Brothers, above all the gallant Siegfried her betrothed, we shall meet with again: these, so unspeakable was their prowess, sufficed to defend the silk-thread Garden against all mortals. Our good antiquary, Von der Hagen, imagines that this Rose-garden business (in the primeval Tradition) glances obliquely at the Ecliptic with its Twelve Signs, at Jupiter's fight with the Titans, and we know not what confused skirmishing in the Utgard, or Asgard, or Midgard of the Scandinavians. Be this as it may, Chriemhild, we are here told, being


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Rh upon Catholic writers of the next generations. Jerome, writing amid Syrian surroundings, would eagerly accept the there current presentation of the Alexandrine tradition, though his knowledge of the later facts caused him to throw back the dates from the known to the unknown, from Athanasius and Alexander to Dionysius and Heraclas. Of course there is no smoke without fire; and presumably the Alexandrine presbyterate, in the generations immediately preceding the Council of Nicaea, must have possessed some unusual powers in the appointment of their patriarch. But it seems as likely that these were the powers which elsewhere belonged to the people as that they were the powers which elsewhere belonged to the bishops.

The explanation here offered would no doubt have to be disallowed, if it were true, as has sometimes been alleged, that Arianism all the world over stood for the rights of presbyters, while the cause of Athanasius was bound up with the aggrandisement of the episcopate. But the connexion was purely adventitious at Alexandria, or at any rate local, and the conditions did not reproduce themselves elsewhere. There is no reason at all to suppose any general alliance between presbyters and Arianism, or between the episcopate and orthodoxy: on the contrary, all the evidence goes to shew that in Syria and Asia Minor, and perhaps elsewhere, the bishops were less Catholic than their flocks. At Antioch, for instance, where Arian bishops were dominant during half a century, orthodox zeal was kept alive by the exertions of Flavian and Diodorus, originally as laymen, afterwards as priests. In so far as the doctrinal issue affected the development of organisation at all, it must on the whole, both because of the general confusion of discipline and also because of the ill repute which the tergiversations of so many bishops earned for their order, have enhanced the tendency towards the emancipation of presbyters from episcopal control.

Whatever special conditions may have affected the course of development at Rome or Alexandria, it may be taken as generally true that, by the end of the fourth century the Christian presbyter's right to celebrate the Eucharist was coming to be regarded as inherent in his sacerdotium rather than as devolved upon him by the bishop. With this right went also the right to be served by deacons as ministri or impérat, and ultimately the right to preach. While the 18th canon of Nicaea still regards the deacons as "ministers "of the bishop only, later in the fourth century the eighth book of the Apostolic Constitutions speaks of rys tpòs duporépovs diakovías, "their service to both bishops and priests," and Ambrosiaster is aghast at the audacity of trying to put presbyters and their servants on a par, "presbyteris ministros ipsorum pares facere." The right to preach had never been formally associated with any order of the Christian ministry: Ambrosiaster was certainly interpreting the documents on his own account, rather than recording tradition, when he asserts (in Eph. iv. 11, 12) "omnibus inter initia concessum est et


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170 a leading part upon the political stage, the worthy task of philosophers and statesmen. That one scale should outweigh the other was perhaps inevitable in the first attempts, and it was at least instructive for future generations that the experiment of an over-strained allegiance to each of the two theories should have been given full trial in one part or another of Christendom.

To Byzantine churchmen the vision of the Christian State and the Christian Emperor proved so dazzling that they transferred to them something of the religious awe with which their ancestors had venerated the genius of Rome and Augustus. The memory of Constantine was honoured as of an mtottootoAx*, a “thirteenth apostle.” The resentment of the native Monophysite churches of Syria and Egypt against such of their fellow-countrymen as remained in communion with Constantinople—concentrated itself in the scornful epithet of Melkite or “King's man.”

The Latins were more moved by the sentiment of the Roman name, and less by its incarnation in the Emperor. As Romans and Roman citizens, they felt the majesty of the Roman Respublica to attach to place even more than to person. If Rome was no longer the abode of emperors, it was in their eyes not Rome but emperors who lost thereby. The event which stirred men in the West to the depths of their being was not the conversion of Constantine but the fall of Rome. When Alaric led his Goths to the storm of the City in 410, there seemed to be need for a new theory of life and for revision of first principles. The great occasion was greatly met. St Augustine wrote his twenty-two books de Civitate Dei to answer the obvious objection that Rome, inviolate under her ancestral gods, perished only when she turned to Christ. True it was that the City of the World had fallen : but it had fallen in the Divine providence, when the times were ripe for a new and higher order of things to take its place. The reign of the City of God had been ushered in.

It was a natural corollary of the principles of Western churchmen that the Divine Society could not possibly be bound to imitate the organisation of the earthly society which it was to supplant. Pope Innocent, in direct opposition to the practice of the East, wrote to Alexander of Antioch in 415 that the civil division of a province ought not to carry ecclesiastical division with it ; the world might. change, not so the Church, and therefore it was not fitting “ad mobilitatem necessitatum mundanarum Dei ecclesiam commutari.” Pope Leo refused his assent to the so-called 28th “canon” of Chalcedon, not merely as an innovation, but because its deduction of the ecclesiastical primacy of Rome from her civil position was quite inconsistent with the doctrine cherished by the popes upon the subject since at least the days of Damasus.

Here then we have a bifurcation of Eastern and Western ideas, leading to a clear-cut issue, in which both sides appealed to the truth of


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Rh :He maketh the devices of the people of none effect.
 * The counsel of the Lord standeth for ever,
 * The thoughts of his heart to all generations.
 * Blessed is the nation whose God is the Lord;
 * And the people whom he hath chosen for his own inheritance.
 * The Lord looketh from heaven;
 * He beholdeth all the sons of men.
 * From the place of his habitation he looketh
 * Upon all the inhabitants of the earth.
 * He fashioneth their hearts alike;
 * He considereth all their works.
 * There is no king saved by the multitude of an host:
 * A mighty man is not delivered by much strength.
 * An horse is a vain thing for safety:
 * Neither shall he deliver any by his great strength.
 * Behold, the eye of the Lord is upon them that fear him,
 * Upon them that hope in his mercy;
 * To deliver their soul from death,
 * And to keep them alive in famine.
 * Our soul waiteth for the Lord:
 * He is our help and our shield.
 * For our heart shall rejoice in him,
 * Because we have trusted in his holy name.
 * Let thy mercy, O Lord, be upon us,
 * According as we hope in thee.


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178 2. Canon Law, even more dearly than the Creed, owed its development to the work of councils.

The conception of a Church Law, ius ecclenasticum, ius canonicum, was not matured till the fourth century, and then largely as a result of the new position of the Church in relation to the State, and in conscious or unconscious imitation of the Civil Law. Down to the dose of the era of persecutions the discipline of the Church was administered under consensual jurisdiction without any written code other than the Scriptures, in general subordination to the unwritten Kaviav or rcgtda, the ‘‘rule of truth,” “the ecclesiastical tradition.” Primitive books like the Didascalia Apostolorum and the Apostolic Church Order give us a naive picture of the unfettered action of the bishop as judge with his presbyters as assessors. But as time went on the questions to be dealt with grew more and more complex; it became no longer possible to keep the world at arm’s length, and the relations of Christians with the heathen society round them required an increasingly delicate adjustment ; the simplicity of the rigorist discipline, by which in the second century all sins of idolatry, murder, fraud, and unchastity were visited with lifelong exclusion from communion, yielded at one point after another to the demands of Christian charity and to the need of distinctions between case and case. The problem became pressing when the persecution of Decius suddenly broke up the long peace, and multitudes of professing Christians were tempted or driven to a momentary apostasy. The Novatianist minority seceded rather than hold out to these unwilling idolaters the hope of any readmission to the sacraments : the Church was forced to face the situation, and it was obviously undesirable that individual bishops should adjudicate upon similar circumstances in wholly different ways. It .was here that St Cyprian struck out his successful line: his first councils were called to deal with the dis- organisation which the persecution left behind it, and the bishops at least of Africa were induced to agree upon a common policy worked out on a uniform scale of treatment.

There is, however, nothing to shew that at Cyprian’s councils any canons were committed to writing, to serve as a permanent standard of church discipline. That crucial step was only taken fifty years later, as the persecution initiated by Diocletian relaxed and the bishops of various localities could meet to take common counsel for the repair of moral and material damage. During the decade 305-315 the bishops of Spain met at Elvira, the bishops of Asia Minor at Ancyra and at Neocaesarea, the Western bishops generally at Arles; and the codes of these four councils are the earliest material preserved in later Canon Law.

The decisions of such councils had. however no currency, in the first instance, outside their own localities, and even the Council of Arles was a concilium plenarium only of the West; but the feeling was already gaining


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Rh very beautiful and very wilful, boasts, in the pride of her heart, that no heroes on earth are to be compared with hers; and hearing accidentally that Dietrich of Bern has a high character in this line, forthwith challenges him to visit Worms, and with eleven picked men to do battle there against those other Twelve champions of Christendom that watch her Rose-garden. Dietrich, in a towering passion at the style of the message, which was “surly and stout,” instantly pitches upon his eleven seconds, who also are to be principals; and with a retinue of other sixty thousand, by quick stages, in which obstacles enough are overcome, reaches Worms, and declares himself ready. Among these eleven Lombard heroes of his are likewise several whom we meet with again in the “Nibelungen”; beside Dietrich himself, we have the old Duke Hildebrand, Wolfhart, Ortwin. Notable among them, in another way, is Monk Ilsan, a truculent gray-bearded fellow, equal to any Friar Tuck in “Robin Hood.”

The conditions of fight are soon agreed on; there are to be twelve successive duels, each challenger being expected to find his match; and the prize of victory is a Rose-garland from Chriemhild, and ein Helssen und ein Küssen, that is to say virtually, one kiss from her fair lips to each. But here as it ever should do, Pride gets a fall; for Chriemhild’s bully-hectors are, in divers ways, all successively felled to the ground by the Berners; some of whom, as old Hildebrand, will not even taken her Kiss when it is due: even Siegfried himself, most reluctantly engaged with by Dietrich, and for a while victorious, is at last forced to seek shelter in her lap. Nay, Monk Ilsan, after the regular fight is over, and his part in it well performed, calls out in succession fifty-two other idle Champions of the Garden, part of them Giants, and routs the whole fraternity; thereby earning, besides his own regular allowance, fifty-two spare Garlands, and fifty-two several Kisses; in the course of which latter, Chriemhild’s cheek, a just punishment as seemed, was scratched to the drawing of blood by his rough beard. It only remains to be added, that King Gibich, Chriemhild’s Father, is now fain to do homage for his kingdom


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Rh But a summary statement of Christian belief for the use of catechumens must have been wanted from very early times, and it is possible that what St Paul “handed over at the first” to his Corinthian converts (1 Cor. xv. 3) was nothing else than a primitive form of the Creed. Anyhow, from whatever source it was derived, a common nucleus was expanded or modified to meet the needs of different churches and different generations, so that a family likeness existed between all early Creeds, but identity between none of them.

At the Council of Nicaea the Creed was for the first time given an official and authoritative form, and was at the same time put to a novel use. The baptismal Creed of the church of Palestinian Caesarea, itself a much more technically theological document than any corresponding Creed in the West, was propounded by Eusebius : out of this Creed the Council constructed its own confession of faith, no longer for baptismal and general use, but as the “form of sound words” by acceptance of which the bishops of the churches throughout the world were to exclude the Arian conception of Christianity. The example of the Creed of Nicaea on the orthodox side was followed in the next generation by numerous conciliar formularies expressing one shade or another of opposing belief. When the Nicene cause finally triumphed, the Nicene Creed was received all the world over as the expression of the Catholic Faith ; and the Council of Ephesus condemned as derogatory to it the composition of any new formula, however orthodox.

The Council of Ephesus represented the Alexandrine position; at Constantinople, however, a new Creed was already in use, which was like enough to the Nicene Creed to pass as an expanded form of it, and was destined in the end to annex both its name and fame. This Creed of Constantinople had been developed out of some older Creed, probably that of Jerusalem, by the help of the test phrases of the Nicaenum and of further phrases aimed at the opposite heresies of the semi-Sabellian Marcell us and the semi-Arian Macedonius. It may be supposed that this Creed had been laid before the fathers of the council of 381: for at the Council of Chalcedon, where of course Constantinopolitan influences were dominant, it was recited as the Creed of the 150 fathers of Constantinople, on practically equal terms with the Creed of the 318 fathers of Nicaea. In another fifty years the two Creeds were beginning to be hopelessly confused, at least in the sphere of Constantinople, and the Constantinopolitanum was introduced into the liturgy as the actual Creed of Nicaea. In the course of the sixth century it became not only the liturgical but also the baptismal Creed throughout the East. In the West it never superseded the older baptismal Creeds—except apparently for a time under Byzantine influence in Rome—but as a liturgical Creed it was adopted in Spain on the occasion of the conversion of King Reccared and his Arian Visigoths in 589, and spread thence in the course of time through Gaul and Germany to Rome.