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 give me this shame?" said Claudio. "Think you I can fetch a resolution from flowery tenderness? If I must die, I will encounter darkness as a bride, and hug it in my arms."—"There spoke my brother," said Isabel; "there my father's grave did utter forth a voice. Yes, you must die; yet would you think it, Claudio! this outward sainted deputy, if I would yield to him my virgin honour, would grant your life. O, were it but my life, I would lay it down for your deliverance as frankly as a pin!"—"Thanks, dear Isabel," said Claudio. "Be ready to die to-morrow," said Isabel. "Death is a fearful thing," said Claudio. "And shamed life a hateful," replied his sister. But the thoughts of death now overcame the constancy of Claudio's temper, and terrors, such as the guilty only at their deaths do know, assailing him, he cried out: "Sweet sister, let me live! The sin you do to save a brother's life, nature dispenses with the deed so far, that it becomes a virtue."—"O faithless coward! O dishonest wretch!" said Isabel; "would you preserve your life by your sister's shame? O fie, fie, fie! I thought, my brother, you had in you such a mind of honour, that had you twenty heads to render up on twenty blocks, you would have yielded them up all, before your sister should stoop to such dishonour." "Nay, hear me, Isabel!" said Claudio. But what he would have said in defence of his weakness, in desiring to live by the dishonour of his virtuous sister, was interrupted by the entrance of the duke; who said: "Claudio, I have overheard what has passed between you and your sister. Angelo had never the purpose to corrupt her; what he said, has only been to make trial of her virtue. She having the truth of honour in her, has given him that gracious denial which he is most glad to receive. There is no hope that he will pardon you; therefore


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 pass your hours in prayer, and make ready for death." Then Claudio repented of his weakness, and said: "Let me ask my sister's pardon! I am so out of love with life, that I will sue to be rid of it." And Claudio retired, overwhelmed with shame and sorrow for his fault.

The duke being now alone with Isabel, commended her virtuous resolution, saying: "The hand that made you fair, has made you good."—"O," said Isabel, "how much is the good duke deceived in Angelo! if ever he return, and I can speak to him, I will discover his government." Isabel knew not that she was even now making the discovery she threatened. The duke replied: "That shall not be much amiss; yet as the matter now stands, Angelo will repel your accusation; therefore lend an attentive ear to my advisings. I believe that you may most righteously do a poor wronged lady a merited benefit, redeem your brother from the angry law, do no stain to your own most gracious person, and much please the absent duke, if peradventure he shall ever return to have notice of this business." Isabel said, she had a spirit to do anything he desired, provided it was nothing wrong. "Virtue is bold, and never fearful," said the duke: and then he asked her, if she had ever heard of Mariana, the sister of Frederick, the great soldier who was drowned at sea. "I have heard of the lady," said Isabel, "and good words went with her name."—"This lady," said the duke, "is the wife of Angelo; but her marriage dowry was on board the vessel in which her brother perished, and mark how heavily this befell to the poor gentlewoman! for, beside the loss of a most noble and renowned brother, who in his love towards her was ever most kind and natural, in the wreck of her fortune she lost the affections of her husband, the well-seeming Angelo; who pretending to discover

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 some dishonour in this honourable lady (though the true cause was the loss of her dowry) left her in tears, and dried not one of them with his comfort. His unjust unkindness, that in all reason should have quenched her love, has, like an impediment in the current, made it more unruly, and Mariana loves her cruel husband with the full continuance of her first affection." The duke then more plainly unfolded his plan. It was, that Isabel should go to lord Angelo, and seemingly consent to come to him as he desired at midnight; that by this means she would obtain the promised pardon; and that Mariana should go in her stead to the appointment, and pass herself upon Angelo in the dark for Isabel. "Nor, gentle daughter," said the feigned friar, "fear you to do this thing; Angelo is her husband, and to bring them thus together is no sin." Isabel being pleased with this project, departed to do as he directed her; and he went to apprise Mariana of their intention. He had before this time visited this unhappy lady in his assumed character, giving her religious instruction and friendly consolation, at which times he had learned her sad story from her own lips; and now she, looking upon him as a holy man, readily consented to be directed by him in this undertaking.

When Isabel returned from her interview with Angelo, to the house of Mariana, where the duke had appointed her to meet him, he said: "Well met, and in good time; what is the news from this good deputy?" Isabel related the manner in which she had settled the affair. "Angelo," said she, "has a garden surrounded with a brick wall, on the western side of which is a vineyard, and to that vineyard is a gate." And then she showed to the duke and Mariana two keys that Angelo had given her; and she said: "This bigger key opens the vine-


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 yard gate; this other a little door which leads from the vineyard to the garden. There I have made my promise at the dead of the night to call upon him, and have got from him his word of assurance for my brother's life. I have taken a due and wary note of the place; and with whispering and most guilty diligence he showed me the way twice over."—"Are there no other tokens agreed upon between you, that Mariana must observe?" said the duke. "No, none," said Isabel, "only to go when it is dark. I have told him my time can be but short; for I have made him think a servant comes along with me, and that this servant is persuaded I come about my brother." The duke commended her discreet management, and she, turning to Mariana, said: "Little have you to say to Angelo, when you depart from him, but soft and low, Remember now my brother!"

Mariana was that night conducted to the appointed place by Isabel, who rejoiced that she had, as she supposed, by this device preserved both her brother's life and her own honour. But that her brother's life was safe the duke was not well satisfied, and therefore at midnight he again repaired to the prison, and it was well for Claudio that he did so, else would Claudio have that night been beheaded; for soon after the duke entered the prison, an order came from the cruel deputy, commanding that Claudio should be beheaded, and his head sent to him by five o"clock in the morning. But the duke persuaded the provost to put off the execution of Claudio, and to deceive Angelo, by sending him the head of a man who died that morning in the prison. And to prevail upon the provost to agree to this, the duke, whom still the provost suspected not to be anything more or greater than he seemed, showed the provost a letter written with the duke's hand, and sealed with his seal, which


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VII.

The fire broke from her armour, as driven by the wind;

Hard were the spear-thrusts dealt by the son of Siegelind!

So much King Gunther never had done with his own hand.

With all her strength, the maiden such blows could not withstand.

The beauteous Brunhilda, how soon she up did bound!

“I thank thee, noble Gunther, thy shot its mark hath found!”

She thought that he had done it by his own strength alone;—

But no, there slipt behind him a far more mighty one.

Away she sped full swiftly, and wrathful was her mood;

The stone aloft she lifted— this noble maid and good—

Then from her hand she hurled it with all her might and main,

And after it she leapt while her armour rang again.

Thes tone fell twelve good arms’ lengths beyond her standing-place;

But further yet the maid sprang, and cleared the stone a pace.

Then came the noble Siegfried to where the stone did lie:

’Twas Gunther that did lift it, ’twas Siegfried let it fly.

So bold a man was Siegfried, so mighty and so tall,

He threw the stone still further, and leapt beyond its fall.

His subtle arts had given such wondrous power of limb,

That, in the leap, King Gunther, he bore along with him.

Thus was the leaping over, and hurling of the stone;

And they who looked saw no one, save Gunther there alone.

The beauteous Brunhilda all red with wrath became:

For Siegfried had prevented King Gunther’s death and shame.


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 when the provost saw, he concluded this friar must have some secret order from the absent duke, and therefore he consented to spare Claudio; and he cut off the dead man's head, and carried it to Angelo.

Then the duke in his own name, wrote to Angelo a letter, saying, that certain accidents had put a stop to his journey, and that he should be in Vienna by the following morning, requiring Angelo to meet him at the entrance of the city, there to deliver up his authority; and the duke also commanded it to be proclaimed, that if any of his subjects craved redress for injustice, they should exhibit their petitions in the street on his first entrance into the city.

Early in the morning Isabel came to the prison, and the duke, who there awaited her coming, for secret reasons thought it good to tell her that Claudio was beheaded; therefore when Isabel inquired if Angelo had sent the pardon for her brother, he said: "Angelo has released Claudio from this world. His head is off, and sent to the deputy." The much-grieved sister cried out: "O unhappy Claudio, wretched Isabel, injurious world, most wicked Angelo!" The seeming friar bid her take comfort, and when she was become a little calm, he acquainted her with the near prospect of the duke's return, and told her in what manner she should proceed in preferring her complaint against Angelo; and he bade her not fear if the cause should seem to go against her for a while. Leaving Isabel sufficiently instructed, he next went to Mariana, and gave her counsel in-what manner she also should act.

Then the duke laid aside his friar's habit, and in his own royal robes, amidst a joyful crowd of his faithful subjects, assembled to greet his arrival, entered the city of Vienna, where he was met by Angelo, who delivered up his authority in the proper form. And there came Isabel, in the manner of a


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 petitioner for redress, and said: "Justice, most royal duke! I am the sister of one Claudio, who, for the seducing a young maid, was condemned to lose his head. I made my suit to lord Angelo for my brother's pardon. It were needless to tell your grace how I prayed and kneeled, how he repelled me, and how I replied; for this was of much length. The vile conclusion I now begin with grief and shame to utter. Angelo would not but by my yielding to his dishonourable love release my brother; and after much debate within myself, my sisterly remorse overcame my virtue, and I did yield to him. But the next morning betimes, Angelo, forfeiting his promise, sent a warrant for my poor brother's head!" The duke affected to disbelieve her story; and Angelo said that grief for her brother's death, who had suffered by the due course of the law, had disordered her senses. And now another suitor approached, which was Mariana; and Mariana said: "Noble prince, as there comes light from heaven, and truth from breath, as there is sense in truth and truth in virtue, I am this man's wife, and my good lord, the words of Isabel are false; for the night she says was with Angelo, I passed that night with him in the garden-house. As this is true, let me in safety rise, or else for ever be fixed here a marble monument." Then did Isabel appeal for the truth of what she had said to friar Lodowick, that being the name the duke had assumed in his disguise. Isabel and Mariana had both obeyed his instructions in what they said, the duke intending that the innocence of Isabel should be plainly proved in that public manner before the whole city of Vienna; but Angelo little thought that it was from such a cause that they thus differed in their story, and he hoped from their contradictory evidence to be able to clear himself from the accusation of


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 Isabel; and he said, assuming the look of offended innocence: "I did but smile till now; but, good my lord, my patience here is touched, and I perceive these poor distracted women are but the instruments of some greater one, who sets them on. Let me have way, my lord, to find this practice out."—"Ay, with all my heart," said the duke, "and punish them to the height of your pleasure. You, lord Escalus, sit with lord Angelo, lend him your pains to discover this abuse; the friar is sent for that set them on, and when he comes, do with your injuries as may seem best in any chastisement. I for a while will leave you, but stir not you, lord Angelo, till you have well determined upon this slander." The duke then went away, leaving Anglo well pleased to be deputed judge and umpire in his own cause. But the duke was absent only while he threw off his royal robes and put on big friar's habit; and in that disguise again he presented himself before Angelo and Escalus: and the good old Escalus, who thought Angelo had been falsely accused, said to the supposed friar: "Come, sir, did you set these women on to slander lord Angelo?" He replied: "Where is the duke? It is he who should hear me speak." Escalus said: "The duke is in us, and we will hear you. Speak justly."—"Boldly at least," retorted the friar; and then he blamed the duke for leaving the cause of Isabel in the hands of him she had accused, and spoke so freely of many corrupt practices he had observed, while, as he said, he had been a looker-on in Vienna, that Escalus threatened him with the torture for speaking words against the state, and for censuring the conduct of the duke, and ordered him to be taken away to prison. Then, to the amazement of all present, and to the utter confusion of Angelo, the supposed friar threw off his disguise, and they saw it was the duke himself.


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 The duke first addressed Isabel. He said to her: "Come hither, Isabel. Your friar is now your prince, but with my habit I have not changed my heart. I am still devoted to your service." "O give me pardon," said Isabel, "that I, your vassal, have employed and troubled your unknown sovereignty." He answered that he had most need of forgiveness from her, for not having prevented the death of her brother—for not yet would he tell her that Claudio was living; meaning first to make a further trial of her goodness. Angelo now knew the duke had been a secret witness of his bad deeds, and he said: "O my dread lord, I should be guiltier than my guiltiness, to think I can be undiscernible, when I perceive your grace, like power divine, has looked upon my actions. Then, good prince, no longer prolong my shame, but let my trial be my own confession. Immediate sentence and death is all the grace I beg." The duke replied: "Angelo, thy faults are manifest. We do condemn thee to the very block where Claudio stooped to death; and with like haste away with him; and for his possessions, Mariana, we do instate and widow you withal, to buy a better husband."—"O my dear lord," said Mariana, "I crave no other, nor no better man": and then on her knees, even as Isabel had begged the life of Claudio, did this kind wife of an ungrateful husband beg the life of Angelo; and she said: "Gentle my liege, O good my lord! Sweet Isabel, take my part! Lend me your knees, and all my life to come I will lend you all my life, to do you service!" The duke said: "Against all sense you importune her. Should Isabel kneel down to beg for mercy, her brother's ghost would break his paved bed, and take her hence in horror." Still Mariana said: "Isabel, sweet Isabel, do but kneel by me, hold up your hand, say nothing! I will speak all. They say, best men are moulded out of faults, and for the most part


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 become much the better for being a little bad. So may my husband. Oh Isabel, will you not lend a knee?" The duke then said: "He dies for Claudio." But much pleased was the good duke, when his own Isabel, from whom he expected all gracious and honourable acts, kneeled down before him, and said: "Most bounteous sir, look, if it please you, on this man condemned, as if my brother lived. I partly think a due sincerity governed his deeds, till he did look on me. Since it is so, let him not die! My brother had but justice, in that he did the thing for which he died."

The duke, as the best reply he could make to this noble petitioner for her enemy's life, sending for Claudio from his prison-house, where he lay doubtful of his destiny, presented to her this lamented brother living; and he said to Isabel: "Give me your hand, Isabel; for your lovely sake I pardon Claudio. Say you will be mine, and he shall be my brother too." By this time lord Angelo perceived he was safe; and the duke, observing his eye to brighten up a little, said: "Well, Angelo, look that you love your wife; her worth has obtained your pardon: joy to you, Mariana! Love her, Angelo! I have confessed her, and know her virtue." Angelo remembered, when dressed in a little brief authority, how hard his heart had been, and felt how sweet is mercy.

The duke commanded Claudio to marry Juliet, and offered himself again to the acceptance of Isabel, whose virtuous and noble conduct had won her prince's heart. Isabel, not having taken the veil, was free to marry; and the friendly offices, while hid under the disguise of a humble friar, which the noble duke had done for her, made her with grateful joy accept the honour he offered her; and when she became duchess of Vienna, the excellent example of the virtuous Isabel worked such a complete reform-


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 ation among the young ladies of that city, that from that time none ever fell into the transgression of Juliet, the repentant wife of the reformed Claudio. And the mercy-loving duke long reigned with his beloved Isabel, the happiest of husbands and of princes.


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5 that bias in favour of received ideas which expresses itself in such dogmas as “What every one says must be true,” or “The voice of the people is the voice of God.” On the other hand, the fact disclosed by a survey of the past, that majorities have usually been wrong, must not blind us to the complementary fact, that majorities have usually not been entirely wrong. And the avoidance of these extremes being a prerequisite to catholic thinking, we shall do well to provide ourselves with a safe-guard against them, by making a valuation of opinions in the abstract. To this end we must contemplate the kind of relation that ordinarily subsists between opinions and facts. Let us do so with one of those beliefs which under various forms has prevailed among all nations in all times.

§2. The earliest traditions represent rulers as gods or demigods. By their subjects, primitive kings were regarded as superhuman in origin, and superhuman in power. They possessed divine titles; received obeisances like those made before the altars of deities; and were in some cases actually worshipped. If there needs proof that the divine and half-divine characters originally ascribed to monarchs were ascribed literally, we have it in the fact that there are still existing savage races, among whom it is held that the chiefs and their kindred are of celestial origin, or, as elsewhere, that only the chiefs have souls. And of course along with beliefs of this kind, there existed a belief in the unlimited power of the ruler over his subjects — an absolute possession of them, extending even to the taking of their lives at will: as even still in Fiji, where a victim stands unbound to be killed at the word of his chief; himself declaring, “whatever the king says must be done.”

In times and among races somewhat less barbarous, we find these beliefs a little modified. The monarch, instead of being literally thought god or demigod, is conceived to be a man having divine authority, with perhaps more or less of divine

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 la section de frontière bordant la Vistule, le plein et entier contrôle du fleuve, en y comprenant sa rive Est sur la distance qui pourra être nécessaire à sa réglementation et à son améelioration L'Allemagne s'engage à ce qu'aucune fortification ne soit à aucune époque établie sur aucune portion dudit territoire restant allemand.

Les Principales Puissances alliées et associées formuleront en même temps une rêglementation assurant, dans des conditions équitables, à la population de la Prusse Orientale l'accès et l'usage de la Vistule soit pour eux-mêmes, soit pour leurs marchandises, ou pour leurs bateaux, au mieux de leurs intérêts.

La fixation de la frontière et les règlements ci-dessus prévus eront obligatoires pour toutes les parties intéressées.

Dès que l'administration du pays aura été assumée respectivement par les autorités de la Prusse Orientale et de la Pologne, les pouvoirs de la Commission prendront fin.

L'Allemagne et la Pologne concluront, dans l'année qui suivra la mise en vigueur du présent Traité, des conventions dont les termes, en cas de contestation, seront établis par le Conseil de la Société des Nations, à l'effet d'assurer, d'une part à I'Allemagne des facilités complètes et appropriées pour communiquer par voie ferrée, par télégraplie et par téléphone, avec le reste de l'Allemagne et la Prusse Orientale à travers le territoire polonais, et d'autre part à la Pologne les mêmes facilités pour ses communications avec la Ville libre de Dantzig à travers le territoire allemand qui pourra se trouver sur la rive droite de la Vistule, entre la Pologne et la Ville libre de Dantzig.

 MEMEL.

L'Allemagne renonce, en faveur des Principales Puissances alliées et associées, à tous droits et titres sur les territoires compris entre la mer Baltique, la frontière Nord-Est de la Prusse Orientale décrite à l'article 28 de la Partie II (Frontières d'allemagne) du présent Traité et les anciennes frontières entre I'Allemagne et la Russie.


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6 nature. He retains however, as in the East to the present day, titles expressing his heavenly descent or relationships; and is still saluted in forms and words as humble as those addressed to the Deity. While the lives and properties of his people, if not practically so completely at his mercy, are still in theory supposed to be his.

Later in the progress of civilization, as during the middle ages in Europe, the current opinions respecting the relationship of rulers and ruled are further changed. For the theory of divine origin, there is substituted that of divine right. No longer god or demigod, or even god-descended, the king is now regarded as simply God’s vice-gerent. The obeisances made to him are not so extreme in their humility; and his sacred titles lose much of their meaning. Moreover his authority ceases to be unlimited. Subjects deny his right to dispose at will of their lives and properties; and yield allegiance only in the shape of obedience to his commands.

With advancing political opinion has come still greater restriction of imperial power. Belief in the supernatural character of the ruler, long ago repudiated by ourselves for example, has left behind it nothing more than the popular tendency to ascribe unusual goodness, wisdom, and beauty to the monarch. Loyalty, which originally meant implicit submission to the king’s will, now means a merely nominal profession of subordination, and the fulfilment of certain forms of respect. Our political practice, and our political theory, alike utterly reject. those regal prerogatives which once passed unquestioned. By deposing some, and putting others in their places, we have not only denied the divine rights of certain men to rule; but we have denied that they have any rights beyond those originating in the assent of the nation. Though our forms of speech and our state-documents still assert the subjection of the citizens to the ruler, our actual beliefs and our daily proceedings implicitly assert the contrary. We obey no laws save those of our own making. We have entirely divested the monarch of legislative power; and should im-

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7 mediately rebel against his or her exercise of such power, even in matters of the smallest concern. In brief, the aboriginal doctrine is all but extinct among us.

Nor has the rejection of primitive political beliefs, resulted only in transferring the authority of an autocrat to a representative body. The views entertained respecting governments in general, of whatever form, are now widely different from those once entertained. "Whether popular or despotic, governments were in ancient times supposed to have unlimited authority over their subjects. Individuals existed for the benefit of the State; not the State for the benefit of individuals. In our days, however, not only has the national will been in many cases substituted for the will of the king; but the exercise of this national will has been restricted to a much smaller sphere. In England, for instance, though there has been established no definite theory setting bounds to governmental authority; yet, in practice, sundry bounds have been set to it which are tacitly recognized by all. There is no organic law formally declaring that the legislature may not freely dispose of the citizens’ lives, as early kings did when they sacrificed hecatombs of victims; but were it possible for our legislature to attempt such a thing, its own destruction would be the consequence, rather than the destruction of citizens. How entirely we have established the personal liberties of the subject against the invasions of State-power, would be quickly demonstrated, were it proposed by Act of Parliament forcibly to take possession of the nation, or of any class, and turn its services to public ends; as the services of the people were turned by primitive rulers. And should any statesman suggest a re-distribution of property such as was sometimes made in ancient democratic communities, he would be met by a thousand-tongued denial of imperial power over individual possessions. Not only in our day have these fundamental claims of the citizen been thus made good against the State, but sundry minor claims likewise. Ages ago, laws regulating dress and mode of living fell into disuse; and

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8 any attempt to revive them would prove the current opinion to be, that such matters lie beyond the sphere of legal control. For some centuries we have been asserting in practice, and have now established in theory, the right of every man to choose his own religious beliefs, instead of receiving such beliefs on State-authority. Within the last few generations we have inaugurated complete liberty of speech, in spite of all legislative attempts to suppress or limit it. And still more recently we have claimed and finally obtained under a few exceptional restrictions, freedom to trade with whomsoever we please. Thus our political beliefs are widely different from ancient ones, not only as to the proper depositary of power to be exercised over a nation, but also as to the extent of that power.

Not even here has the change ended. Besides the average opinions which we have just described as current among ourselves, there exists a less widely-diffused opinion going still further in the same direction. There are to be found men who contend that the sphere of government should be narrowed even more than it is in England. The modern doctrine that the State exists for the benefit of citizens, which has now in a great measure supplanted the ancient doctrine that the citizens exist for the benefit of the State, they would push to its logical results. They hold that the freedom of the individual, limited only by the like freedom of other individuals, is sacred; and that the legislature cannot equitably put further restrictions upon it, either by forbidding any actions which the law of equal freedom permits, or taking away any property save that required to pay the cost of enforcing this law itself. They assert that the sole function of the State is the protection of persons against each other, and against a foreign foe. They urge that as, throughout civilization, the manifest tendency has been continually to extend the liberties of the subject, and restrict the functions of the State, there is reason to believe that the ultimate political condition must be one in which personal freedom is the greatest possible and

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9 governmental power the least possible: that, namely, in which the freedom of each has no limit but the like freedom of all; while the sole governmental duty is the maintenance of this limit.

Here then in different times and places we find concerning the origin, authority, and functions of government, a great variety of opinions — opinions of which the leading genera above indicated subdivide into countless species. What now must be said about the truth or falsity of these opinions? Save among afew barbarous tribes the notion that a monarch is a god or demigod is regarded throughout the world as an absurdity almost passing the bounds of human credulity, In but few places does there survive a vague notion that the ruler possesses any supernatural attributes. Most civilized communities, which still admit the divine right of governments, have long since repudiated the divine right of kings: Elsewhere the belief that there is anything sacred in legislative regulations is dying out: laws are coming to be considered as conventional only. While the extreme school holds that governments have neither intrinsic authority, nor can have authority given to them by convention; but can possess authority only as the administrators of those moral principles deducible from the conditions essential to social life. Of these various beliefs, with their innumerable modifications, must we then say that some one alone is wholly right and all the rest wholly wrong; or must we say that each of them contains truth more or less completely disguised by errors? The latter alternative is the one which analysis will force upon us. Ridiculous as they may severally appear to those not educated under them, every one of these doctrines has for its vital element the recognition of an unquestionable fact. Directly or by implication, each of them- insists on a certain subordination of individual actions to social requirements. There are wide differences as to the power to which this subordination is due; there are wide differences as to the motive for this subordination; there are

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10 wide differences as to its extent; but that there must be some subordination all are agreed. From the oldest and rudest idea of allegiance, down to the most advanced political theory of our own day, there is on this point complete unanimity. Though, between the savage who conceives his life and property to be at the absolute disposal of his chief, and the anarchist who denies the right of any government, autocratic or democratic, to trench upon his individual freedom, there seems at first sight an entire and irreconcileable antagonism; yet ultimate analysis discloses in them this fundamental community of opinion; that there are limits which individual actions may not transgress — limits which the one regards as originating in the king’s will, and which the other regards as deducible from the equal claims of fellow-citizens.

It may perhaps at first sight seem that we here reach a very unimportant conclusion; namely, that a certain tacit assumption is equally implied in all these conflicting political creeds an assumption which is indeed of self-evident validity. The question, however, is not the value or novelty of the particular truth in this case arrived at. My aim has been to exhibit the more general truth, which we are apt to overlook, that between the most opposite beliefs there is usually something in common, — something taken for granted by each; and that this something, if not to be set down as an unquestionable verity, may yet be considered to have the highest degree of probability. A postulate which, like the one above instanced, is not consciously asserted but unconsciously involved ; and which is unconsciously involved not by one man or body of men, but by numerous bodies of men who diverge in countless ways and degrees in the rest of their beliefs; has a warrant far transcending any that can be usually shown. And when, as in this case, the postulate is abstract — is not based on some one concrete experience common to all mankind, but implies an induction from a great variety of experiences, we may say that it ranks next in certainty to the postulates of exact science.

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 classifications of material science; it is true, and still more evidently true, of the species of common thought, it is true of common terms. Take the word chair. When one says chair, one thinks vaguely of an average chair. But collect individual instances, think of arm-chairs and reading-chairs, and dining-room chairs and kitchen chairs, chairs that pass into benches, chairs that cross the boundary and become settees, dentists' chairs, thrones, opera stalls, seats of all sorts, those miraculous fungoid growths that cumber the floor of the Arts and Crafts Exhibition, and you will perceive what a lax bundle in fact is this simple straightforward term. In co-operation with an intelligent joiner I would undertake to defeat any definition of chair or chairishness that you gave me. Chairs just as much as individual organisms, just as much as mineral and rock specimens, are unique things—if you know them well enough you will find an individual difference even in a set of machine-made chairs—and it is only because we do not possess minds of unlimited capacity, because our brain has only a limited number of pigeon-holes for our correspondence with an unlimited universe of objective uniques, that we have to delude ourselves into the belief that there is a chairishness in this species common to and distinctive of all chairs.

Let me repeat; this is of the very smallest importance in all the practical affairs of life, or indeed in relation to anything but philosophy and wide generalisations. But in philosophy it matters profoundly. If I order two new-laid eggs for breakfast, up come two unhatched but still unique avian individuals, and


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11 Do we not thus arrive at a generalization which may habitually guide us when seeking for the soul of truth in things erroneous? While the foregoing illustration brings clearly home the fact, that in opinions seeming to be absolutely and supremely wrong something right is yet to be found; it also indicates the method we should pursue in seeking the something right. This method is to compare all opinions of the same genus; to set aside as more or less discrediting one another those various special and concrete elements in which such opinions disagree; to observe what remains after the discordant constituents have been eliminated; and to find for this remaining constituent that abstract expression which holds true throughout its divergent modifications.

§3. A candid acceptance of this general principle and an adoption of the course it indicates, will greatly aid us in dealing with those chronic antagonisms by which men are divided. Applying it not only to current ideas with which we are personally unconcerned, but also to our own ideas and those of our opponents, we shall be led to form far more correct judgments. We shall be ever ready to suspect that the convictions we entertain are not wholly right, and that the adverse convictions are not wholly wrong. On the one hand we shall not, in common with the great mass of the unthinking, let our beliefs be determined by the mere accident of birth in a particular age on a particular part of the Earth’s surface; and, on the other hand, we shall be saved from that error of entire and contemptuous negation, which is fallen into by most who take up an attitude of independent criticism.

Of all antagonisms of belief, the oldest, the widest, the most profound and the most important, is that between Religion and Science. It commenced when the recognition of the simplest uniformities in surrounding things, set a limit to the previously universal fetishism. It shows itself everywhere throughout the domain of human knowledge: affecting men’s interpretations alike of the simplest mechanical accidents and

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12 of the most complicated events in the histories of nations. It has its roots deep down in the diverse habits of thought of different orders of minds. And the conflicting conceptions of nature and life which these diverse habits of thought severally generate, influence for good or ill the tone of feeling and the daily conduct.

An unceasing battle of opinion like this which has been carried on throughout all ages under the banners of Religion and Science, has of course generated an animosity fatal to a just estimate of either party by the other. On a larger scale, and more intensely than any other controversy, has it illustrated that perennially significant fable concerning the knights who fought about the colour of a shield of which neither looked at more than one face. Each combatant seeing clearly his own aspect of the question, has charged his opponent with stupidity or dishonesty in not seeing the same aspect of it; while each has wanted the candour to go over to his opponent’s side and find out how it was that he saw everything so differently.

Happily the times display an increasing catholicity of feeling, which we shall do well in carrying as far as our natures permit. In proportion as we love truth more and victory less, we shall become anxious to know what it is which leads our opponents to think as they do. We shall begin to suspect that the pertinacity of belief exhibited by them must result from a perception of something we have not perceived. And we shall aim to supplement the portion of truth we have found with the portion found by them. Making a more rational estimate of human authority, we shall avoid alike the extremes of undue submission and undue rebellion — shall not regard some men’s judgments as wholly good and others as wholly bad; but shall rather Jean to the more defensible position that none are completely right and none are completely wrong.

Preserving, as far as may be, this impartial attitude, let us then contemplate the two sides of this great controversy.

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13 Keeping guard against the bias of education and shutting out the whisperings of sectarian feeling, let us consider what are the à priori probabilities in favour of each party.

§4. When duly realized, the general principle above illustrated must lead us to anticipate that the diverse forms of religious belief which have existed and which still exist, have all a basis in some ultimate fact. Judging by analogy the implication is, not that any one of them is altogether right; but that in each there is something right more or less disguised by other things wrong. It may be that the soul of truth contained in erroneous creeds is very unlike most, if not all, of its several embodiments; and indeed, if, as we have good reason to expect, it is much more abstract than any of them, its unlikeness necessarily follows. But however different from its concrete expressions, some essential verity must be looked for. To suppose that these multiform conceptions should be one and all absolutely groundless, discredits too profoundly that average human intelligence from which all our individual intelligences are inherited.

This most general reason we shall find enforced by other more special ones. To the presumption that a number of diverse beliefs of the same class have some common foundation im fact, must in this case be added a further presumption derived from the omnipresence of the beliefs. Religious ideas of one kind or other are almost if not quite universal. Even should it be true, as alleged, that there exist tribes of men who have nothing approaching to a theory of creation — even should it be true that only when a certain phase of intelligence is reached do the most rudimentary of such theories make their appearance; the implication is practically the same. Grant that among all races who have passed. a certain stage of intellectual development there are found vague notions concerning the origin and hidden nature of surrounding things; and there arises the inference that such notions are necessary products: of progressing intelligence. Their endless variety serves but

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 Harvey, occupied with matters purely medical, found leisure in the intervals of practice for that brooding of the mind which is necessary for the effective incubation of all fertile ideas.

The intellectual and literary productiveness of these thirty years was such as must strike our special wonder. In this period Shakespeare pro- duced " Hamlet," Macbeth," "Othello," " Lear," and other plays, admittedly the greatest creations of the human mind; Gilbert published his work "De Magnete;" Galileo's discoveries were bringing him into conflict with the Holy Office at Rome, Kepler enunciated his laws; Napier announced the invention of logarithms, and Francis Bacon was busy in issuing his pregnant thoughts.

From 1629 to 1649 Harvey's life was less settled. First, he is appointed by the King to travel with the young Duke of Lennox; next he attends his Sovereign in Scotland, and then goes with Lord Arundel on an embassy to Vienna. This brings us to the year 1636, and three years later we find him appointed senior physician in ordinary to the King, with whose fortunes thenceforward he is closely and personally associated. Harvey was in charge of the young Princes at the battle of Edgehill in 1642, lived with the King at Oxford while that city served the functions of a Court and barrack as well as of a university, and was Warden of Merton College from April, 1645, to May, 1646, when the city finally capitulated to Fairfax.


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14 to strengthen this conclusion: showing as it does a more or less independent genesis — showing how, in different places and times, like conditions have led to similar trains of thought, ending in analogous results. That these countless different, and yet allied, phenomena presented by all religions are accidental or factitious, is an untenable supposition. A candid examination of the evidence quite negatives the doctrine maintained by some, that creeds are priestly inventions. Even as a mere question of probabilities it cannot rationally be concluded that in every society, past and present, savage and civilized, certain members of the community have combined to delude the rest, in ways so analogous. To any who may allege that some primitive fiction was devised by some primitive priesthood, before yet mankind had diverged from a common centre, a reply is furnished by philology; for philology proves the dispersion of mankind to have commenced. before there existed a language sufficiently organized to express religious ideas. Moreover, were it otherwise tenable, the hypothesis of artificial origin fails to account for the facts. It does not explain why, under all changes of form, certain elements of religious belief remain constant. It does not show us how it happens that while adverse criticism has from age to age gone on destroying particular theological dogmas, it has not destroyed the fundamental conception underlying these dogmas. It leaves us without any solution of the striking circumstance that when, from the absurdities and corruptions accumulated’ around them, national creeds have fallen into general discredit, ending in indifferentism or positive denial, there has always by and by arisen a re-assertion of them: if not the same in form, still the same in essence. Thus the universality of religious ideas, their independent evolution among different primitive races, and their great vitality, unite in showing that their source must be deep-seated instead of superficial, In other words, we are obliged to admit that if not supernaturally derived as

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 you with for an explanation of the apparition of last night?"

"I gazed at him in dumb silence."

"If you wish to have unfolded that incident," he resumed, after a short pause, "then await me this evening, by ten o'clock, at the town gate, next to the inn."

"The stranger pronounced these words with a friendly courteous mien, made me a bow, and left the bower, disappearing amid the crowd."

"The waiter brought the chocolate, but I could not swallow a single drop. In vain did I now roam all over the garden, in hopes of meeting the stranger; in vain ask all my acquaintances and the waiters, describing minutely the stranger to every one; nobody had seen him."


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 This made an end of the semblance of Court life. The King was now practically a fugitive and the Royal Household all adrift.

When the King's cause reached its final catastrophe in 1649, it must have brought to Harvey a deep sense of personal loss, for we have abundant proof that the physician enjoyed the absolute confidence of Charles, who at Edgehill confided to his keeping those that were dearest to him, and who chose Merton College as a safe asylum for his Queen at a time when Harvey was its warden.

From 1649 Harvey, who was now a widower, was without a home of his own; but we find him in the City, or at Roehampton, or at Combe, as the wel- come guest of one or other of his brothers, who had so well managed his worldly affairs that he was, despite the troublous times, very well off. He still retained the Lumleian lectureship. It was in 1650 that Ent, in a famous interview, obtained from Harvey the manuscripts of his work on generation. In 1651 Harvey expressed his intention of building a library and muscum for our College, which was opened in 1653; and the year following he excused himself, on the score of age, from assuming the burden of our Presidency. In 1656 he resigned the Lumleian Lectureship, which he had held for forty years, and in doing so gave us his estate at Bur- marsh; and on June 3rd, 1657, he died at the age of seventy-nine.*

 * Some eight or ten generations of men have passed away since


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80

Unto her court-folk turning, she loudly spake, as she,

Acrass the ring, the hero all safe and sound did see:

“Come hither, quick, my kinsmen, and my good lieges all,

Ye must now to King Gunther be underlings and thrall!”

Then laid these stalwart warriors their weapons from their band

At Gunther’s feet, the rich king from the Burgundian land;

Then bent to do him homage full many a dauntless knight;—

They thought that he the contest had won by his own might.

He gave her gentle greeting, for he was courtly bred.

Then by the hand she took him, that famous maid, and said:

She would henceforth allow him the rule and power to hold.

Right glad thereat was Hagen, the warrior brave and bold.

She bade the noble hero along with her to go

Into the wide-room’d palace; which being done also,

More fittingly was service paid to the noble knight.

Dankwart and Hagen glad were to see such pleasant sight.

Meanwhile, the ready Siegfried wisely his plans did lay:

He took the hood of darkness and hid it safe away.

Then the great hall he entered, where many ladies sat,

And fell to question Gunther, and artfully did that:

“Wherefore, my lord, delay you? when doth the game begin

At which the queen so often hath challenged you to win?

Let us behold and quickly in what wise it is done!”

As though he knew naught of it behaved the crafty one.


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 the chances are they serve my rude physiological purpose. I can afford to ignore the hens' eggs of the past that were not quite so nearly this sort of thing, and the hens' eggs of the future that will accumulate modification age by age; I can venture to ignore the rare chance of an abnormality in chemical composition and of any startling aberration in my physiological reaction; I can, with a confidence that is practically perfect, say with unqualified simplicity "two eggs," but not if my concern is not my morning's breakfast but the utmost possible truth.

Now let me go on to point out whither this idea of uniqueness tends. I submit to you that syllogism is based on classification, that all hard logical reasoning tends to imply and is apt to imply a confidence in the objective reality of classification. Consequently in denying that, I deny the absolute validity of logic. Classification and number, which in truth ignore the fine differences of objective realities, have in the past of human thought been imposed upon things. Let me for clearness' sake take a liberty here—commit, as you may perhaps think, an unpardonable insolence. Hindoo thought and Greek thought alike impress me as being overmuch obsessed by an objective treatment of certain necessary preliminary conditions of human thought—number and definition and class and abstract form. But these things, number, definition, class and abstract form, I hold are merely unavoidable conditions of mental activity—regrettable conditions rather than essential facts. The forceps of our minds are clumsy forceps, and crush the truth a little in taking hold of it.


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 Harvey was a born naturalist. He could not help observing. He was, in this respect, like Aristotle

Harvey's time, a period which appears long to the individual, but which is but a brief span in the history of a nation or the history of human progress. In connection with Harvey there are facts which show the continuance of our national life, which seem to bring us nearer to him, and which are not without interest. Our gracious Queen is but eighth in direct descent from James I, to whom Harvey was physician extraordinary. Our Prime Minister comes in the direct line from Burleigh, the great Minister of Queen Elizabeth, and Cecil, the great Minister of James. It was Elizabeth who pensioned Dr. Gilbert; it was Burleigh who befriended John Gerard. Queen Victoria has shown her regard for science by calling two successive Presidents of the Royal Society to the House of Peers, a gracious act which has certainly met with the approval of the Prime Minister, the scientific and philosophie qualitics of whose mind are perhaps to be traced to the circumstance that Cecil was the grandson of Sir Anthony Cooke, who was also the grand- father of Francis Bacon.

Again, it is not without interest to remember that the most un. sparing critic of Harvey's great discovery among his own country- men was Dr. James Primrose, the collateral ancestor of another living statesman distinguished for his wit, learning, and patriotism, of whom it may be justly said that he is nothing if not critical.

Sir John Spencer, who was Chairman of the Court when Harvey was elected to St. Bartholomew's, had been Lord Mayor, and was the father of that Elizabeth Spencer who eloped with Lord Northampton, and from whom is descended a well known living enthusiast for municipal government.

Lord Arundel, with whom Harvey travelled, and with whom he was on the best of terms, is only seven generations in the direct line from the present Postmoster General.

Two of the witnesses of Harvey's will, Mr. Heneage Finch and Sir Edward Dering, were his nephews, by virtue of marriage with Elizabeth and Mary Harvey respectively, the daughters of Daniel Harvey of Combe. The present Earl of Winchilsea is only fifth in direct descent from Elizabeth Harvey; while the present holder of the Dering baronetey is eighth in direct descent from Mary.


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 Oh! oh!—said Slop, casting a glance of undue freedom in Susannah's face, as she declined the office;—then, I think I know you, madam—You know me, Sir! cried Susannah fastidiously, and with a toss of her head,—levelled evidently, not at his profession, but at the doctor himself,—you know me! cried Susannah again.—Doctor Slop clapped his finger and his thumb instantly upon his nostrils;—Susannah's spleen was ready to burst at it;—'Tis false, said Susannah.—Come, come, Mrs. Modesty, said Slop, not a little elated with the success of his last thrust,—if you won't hold the candle, and look—you may hold it and shut your eyes:—That's one of your popish shifts, cried Susannah:—'Tis better, said Slop, with a nod, than no shift at all, young


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 or Pliny, Nehemiah Grew, White of Selborne, John Hunter, and Charles Darwin. Like all men who have learnt to distinguish words from facts, his literary style was simple and direct. With him brevity is the soul of wit." His essay De Motu Cordis," the result of at least twelve years of study, meditation, and experiment, is so simple and direct, and written with such attention to method and logical sequence, that it cannot fail to convince the unprejudiced mind. There is in it scarcely a redundant word, and it may be read in a few hours.

Harvey's passion for observation is made evident by several passages in his life. In his study of the circulation he made use of every living thing within his reach that had a visible heart. When absent with the Duke of Lennox in France in 1631, he writes to Lord Dorchester, that "by the way, we can scarce see a dog, crow, kite, raven, or any other bird, or anything to anatomise." When in attend- ance upon the King in Scotland in 1633 Harvey escapes from the pomp of courts and ascends the Bass Rock to study for himself this procreant cradle of the sea-birds. When he was travelling with Lord Arundel we learn how Harvey (whom the Ambassador styles "Little Doctor Harvey" and "Honest little Harvey") "would still be making observations of strange trees and plants, earths, &c., and sometimes like to be lost."

After the outbreak of the Civil War we find Harvey stealing a few hours from duty to visit


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 woman;—I defy you, Sir, cried Susannah, pulling her shift sleeve below her elbow.

It was almost impossible for two persons to assist each other in a surgical case with a more splenetic cordiality.

Slop snatched up the cataplasm,—Susannah snatched up the candle;—A little this way, said Slop; Susannah looking one way, and rowing another, instantly set fire to Slop's wig, which being somewhat bushy and unctuous withal, was burnt out before it was well kindled.—You impudent whore! cried Slop,—(for what is passion, but a wild beast)—you impudent whore, cried Slop, getting upright, with the cataplasm in his hand;—I never was the destruction of any body's nose, said Susannah,—which is more than you can say:


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 knew the uses of fanaticism, he was not one to tolerate the mastery of a mob. One cannot but contrast the safety of Harvey with the fate of Lavoisier, who, a hundred and fifty years later, was burried to execution with the cry that "The Republic has no need of savants."

I have next, by Harvey's bidding, to exhort my brethren to search out the secrets of nature by way of experiment.

Not only is it true that, as Aristotle pointed out, the greatest pleasure in life is contemplation, but the philosophic mind is never dull, and the joys of the successful investigator are probably the greatest which this world has to give.

We are told how Archimedes, when the idea of specific gravity" flashed upon him, was overcome by a paroxysm of delight.

Surely, also, we may surmise that the sight of the New World on October 12th, 1492, must have more than compensated Columbus for all his toil. (6

One wonders what must have been the feeling of Horrocks, the gifted contemporary of Harvey, the parish priest of Hoole in Lancashire, who at the age of twenty, having foretold a transit of Venus, which Kepler had overlooked, verified his prophecy by actual observation, on Sunday, November 24th, 1649, in the short and precious interval between matins and evensong.


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 It was about this difficulty that the mind of Plato played a little inconclusively all his life. For the most part he tended to regard the idea as the something behind reality, whereas it seems to me that the idea is the more proximate and less perfect thing, the thing by which the mind, by ignoring individual differences, attempts to comprehend an otherwise unmanageable number of unique realities.

Let me give you a rough figure of what I am trying to convey in this first attack upon the philosophical validity of general terms. You have seen the results of those various methods of black-and-white reproduction that involve the use of a rectangular net. You know the sort of process picture I mean—it used to be employed very frequently in reproducing photographs. At a distance you really seem to have a faithful reproduction of the original picture, but when you peer closely you find not the unique form and masses of the original, but a multitude of little rectangles, uniform in shape and size. The more earnestly you go into the thing, the closer you look, the more the picture is lost in reticulations. I submit the world of reasoned inquiry has a very similar relation to the world I call objectively real. For the rough purposes of every day the net-work picture will do, but the finer your purpose the less it will serve, and for an ideally fine purpose, for absolute and general knowledge that will be as true for a man at a distance with a telescope as for a man with a microscope, it will not serve at all.

It is true you can make your net of logical interpretation finer and finer, you can fine your classification


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 One can well credit what is recorded of Newton, that when the goal of his great discovery was in sight his mind was so moved that his calculations had to be finished by a friend.

In like manner, the modern investigator, who by infinite pains turns a disease from a word into a fact; and who by careful isolation, cultivation, and inoculation, draws back the veil of mystery, and points the way towards the prevention and cure of a pestilence; surely experiences an unsullied joy such as the victorious general, the idolised pluto- crat, the lucky gambler, and the adroitest of Par- liamentary hands have no knowledge of.

The soul is invulnerable. The well-stored mind soars above the whips and scorns of time. When, after a period of civil strife unequalled in the history of this country, Ent sought out IIarvey in 1650, and asked if all were well with him?" "How can it be?" was Harvey's reply, " when the Commonwealth is full of distractions, and I myself am still in the open sea." "And truly," he con- tinued, "did I not find a solace in my studies and a balm for my spirit in the memory of my observa- tions of former years, I should feel very little desire for longer life. But so it has been, that this life of obscurity, this vacation from public business which causes tedium and disgust to so many, has proved a sovereign remedy to me." Here we have from Harvey's own lips precious testimony to the content


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 Is it? cried Slop, throwing the cataplasm in her face;—Yes, it is, cried Susannah, returning the compliment with what was left in the pan.

Slop and Susannah filed cross-bills against each other int he parlour; which done, as the cataplasm had failed, they retired into the kitchen to prepare a fomentation for me;—and whilst that was doing, my father determined the point as you will read.

see 'tis high time, said my father, addressing himself equally to my uncle Toby and Yorick, to take this young creature out of these women's hands, and put him into those of a private governor. Marcus Antoninus provided four-


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 more and more—up to a certain limit. But essentially you are working in limits, and as you come closer, as you look at finer and subtler things, as you leave the practical purpose for which the method exists, the element of error increases. Every species is vague, every term goes cloudy at its edges; and so, in my way of thinking, relentless logic is only another phrase for a stupidity,—for a sort of intellectual pig-headedness. If you push a philosophical or metaphysical inquiry through a series of valid syllogisms—never committing any generally recognised fallacy—you nevertheless leave a certain rubbing and marginal loss of objective truth and you get deflections that are difficult to trace, at each phase in the process. Every species waggles about in its definition, every tool is a little loose in its handle, every scale has its individual error. So long as you are reasoning for practical purposes about the finite things of experience, you can every now and then check your process, and correct your adjustments. But not when you make what are called philosophical and theological inquiries, when you turn your implement towards the final absolute truth of things. Doing that is like firing at an inaccessible, unmarkable and indestructible target at an unknown distance, with a defective rifle and variable cartridges. Even if by chance you hit, you cannot know that you hit, and so it will matter nothing at all.

This assertion of the necessary untrustworthiness of all reasoning processes arising out of the fallacy of classification in what is quite conceivably a universe of uniques, forms only one introductory aspect


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 teen governors all at once to superintend his son Commoduss education,—and in six weeks he cashiered five of them;—I know very well, continued my father, that Commoduss mother was in love with a gladiator at the time of her conception, which accounts for a great many of Commoduss cruelties when he became emperor;—but still I am of opinion, that those five whom Antoninus dismissed, did Commoduss temper in that short time, more hurt than the other nine were able to rectify all their lives long.

Now as I consider the person who is to be about my son, as the mirror in which he is to view himself from morning to night, and by which he is to adjust his looks, his carriage, and perhaps the inmost sentiments of his heart;—I would have one, Yorick, if possible, polished at


text: The Life and Opinions of Tristram Shandy, Gentleman/Volume 6/Chapter 3


text: The Life and Opinions of Tristram Shandy, Gentleman/Volume 6/Chapter 4


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VII.

“How can it e’er have happened,” thereon inquired the queen,

“That you, most noble Siegfried, naught of the game have seen,

Wherein I have been worsted by mighty Gunther’s hand?”

Then answered her Sir Hagen of the Burgundian land.

He spake: “Yourself, O lady, did much disturb our mood;

So to the ship departed Siegfried, the hero good,

What time our lord of Rhineland did win the game from you:

Therefore he knows naught of it,” said Gunther's liegeman true.

“Now welcome are these tidings,” quoth warrior Siegfried,

“That thus your pride hath fallen doth please me well, indeed,

That some one there is living who may your master be!

Now must you, noble maiden, go with us o’er the sea.”

Then spake the noble fair one: “This may not yet befall:

My kinsmen first must hear it, and my good liegemen all;

I may not thus so lightly desert my land, I trow;

My chief friends must be sent there, ere I myself shall go.”

Then sent she heralds riding here, there and everywhere,

To bid her friends and kinsmen, and lieges all repair

To Isenstein the fortress, nor would she take excuse;

And bade that costly raiment be given for their use.

So daily came they riding, from early hours till late

Unto Brunhilda’s castle, like to an army great.

“Now, by my faith!” cried Hagen, “see now what we have done!

With fair Brunhilda’s liegemen we’ll trouble have anon.


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 L'Allemagne s'engage a reconnaitre les dispositions que les Principales Puissances alliées et associées prendront relativement à ces territoires, notamment en ce qui concerne la nationalite des habitants.

 VILLE LIBRE DE DANTZIG.

L'Allemagne renonce, en faveur des Principales Puissances alliées et associées, à tons droits et titres sur le territoire compris dàns les limites ci-après:

de la mer Baltique, vers le Sud et jusqu'au point de rencontre des chenaux de navigation principaux de la Nogat et de la Vistule (Weichsel):

la frontière de la Prusse Orientale telle qu'elle est décrite à l'article 28 de la Partie II (Frontières d'Allemagne) du présent Traité;

de là le chenal de navigation principal de la Vistule vers l'aval et jusqu'à un point situé à environ 6 kilomètres 5 du Nord du pont de Dirschau;

de là, vers le Nord-Ouest et jusqu'à la cote 5 située à 1 kilomètre 5 au Sud-Est de l'église de Güttland:

une ligne à déterminer sur le terrain;

de là, vers l'Ouest et jusqu'au saillant fait par la limite du cercle Berent, à 8 kilomètres 5 au Nord-Est de Schöneck:

une ligne à déterminer sur le terrain, passant entre Mühlbanz, au Sud, et Rambeltsch, au Nord;

de là, vers l'Ouest, la limite du cercle Berent jusqu'au rentrant qu'elle fait à 6 kilomètres au Nord-Nord-Ouest de Schöneck;

de là et jusqu'à un point situé sur la ligne médiane du Lonkener See: une ligne à déterminer sur le terrain, passant au Nord de Neu Fietz et Schatarpi et au Sud de Barenhütte et Lonken;

de là, la ligne médiane du Lonkener See, jusqu'à son extrémité Nord;

de là, et jusqu'à l'extrémité Sud du Pollenziner See:

une ligne à déterminer sur le terrain;

de là, la ligne médiane du Pollenziner See jusqu'à son extrémité Nord;


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 things that are; to know the constitution of the world and the operation of the elements; the beginning and end and middle of times; the alternation of the solstices and the changes of seasons; the circuit of years and the position of stars; the nature of living creatures and the ragings of wild beasts; the violence of winds and the thoughts of men; the diversities of plants and the virtues of roots."

The establishment of facts is now recognised to be of such importance that the highest scientific honours are rightly reserved for the disciplined worker who helps in ever so small a degree to increase the sum of the verities. No man of science thinks less highly of a discovery because its practical utility may not be apparent. Gene- ralisations can only be made after the accumulation of many facts, and the fortunate man who demon- strates some far-reaching law of nature must recognise that he owes his discovery to the patient disciplined workers who have made his generalisa- tion possible.

The great generalisations of modern times, such as the laws of gravity, the doctrine of evolution, and the correlation of the physical forces are asso- ciated with the names of Newton, Darwin, Joule, Grove, and others, but those famous men all re- cognised that the stones of which their edifices were built had been quarried, squared, and set by an army of workers without whom the genius of the architect could not be manifested.


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 Harvey's discovery was not a great generalisa- tion applicable to the whole visible universe, and its importance was appreciable only to a specially educated class.

Harvey's discovery was nevertheless the first of a series which have exercised enormous influence over human welfare.

Before we possessed a fair knowledge of the physics of the circulation, a proper appreciation of the symptoms of the varicd discases of the circula- tory organs, such as syncope and asphyxia, throm- bosis and embolism, was impossible. Sufferers who are now treated rationally instead of being tormented empirically have to thank those who have sought out the secrets of Nature by way of experiment.

The fact of the systemic and pulmonary circula- tions having been demonstrated, men began to

culation for ten years before Bacon that philosopher gives us no hint that he was aware of it. Harvey's treatise was not finally published until two years after Bacon's death, so that Bacon's silence about Harvey's discovery is not very astonishing. But it points to the isolation of scientific workers before the establish- ment of the Royal Society, which has served as an invaluable ex- change and mart for commodities, compared with which all the gold of the earth is "as a little sand."
 * Although Harvey had probably taught the doctrine of the cir.

Our late President once remarked to me that Shakspeare's appreciation of our profession was not very flattering. This is not to be wondered at, for the doctrine of the circulation was certainly not taught until the year of Shakspeare's death (1616), and before the establishment of this doctrine rational medicine or rational. biology was impossible.


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 search out the reason of this double circulation, but it was not until Priestly and Cavendish and Lavoisier had founded modern chemistry that the relationship of circulation to respiration was fully established. The necessity of fresh air and the quantity needed for the healthy working of the body are now commonplaces. The working classes of this country have shown themselves ready to sup- port politicians who have legislated for more light and air in the house and in the workshop, and some day they will recognise that this advance is really traceable to the quiet workers who have been engaged in searching out the secrets of Nature by way of experiment, among whom Harvey must ever stand pre-eminent.

The microscope has informed us of the various cellular elements which circulate with the blood, and we have learnt, and are still learning, to dif- ferentiate various forms of anæmia, to attribute to cach its true proximate cause, and to indicate the direction in which relief is to be found. The spectroscope, again, is informing us as to the in- fluence of inspired gases on the blood, and the precise dangers incurred by workers in noxious places. This knowledge has suggested preventive measures and measures of recovery, for which thanks are due to those who have been busy in searching out the secrets of Nature by way of experiment.

The great advance of the latter half of this


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82

“While thus in power and numbers they throng throughout the land,

What is the queen’s intention we cannot understand:

What if she be against us so wroth that we be lost?

The noble maiden surely was born to our great cost!”

Then spake the sturdy Siegfried: “All this will I forestall;

The danger you are dreading I will not let befall.

I must go hence, and succour bring quickly to this shore,—

A band of chosen warriors ne’er known to you before.

“Ye must not seek to find me, I go across the sea;

May God meanwhile preserve you from all indignity!

I’ll come hack quickly, bringing a thousand men with me,

The very best of warriors that ever one could see.”

“Be not too long gone from us,” the king in answer said:

“In this our need we shall be right glad to have your aid.”

Said he: “I'll come back to you, ere many days be spent;

And you must tell the queen that by you I have been sent.”

So thence went Siegfried unto the haven on the strand,

Clad in his hood of darkness, to where a boat did stand.

Therein he stood, all hidden, this son of Siegmund brave;—

He steered it quickly seaward, as ’twere the wind that drave.


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text: Wallenstein/The Death of Wallenstein/A1S07


text: Treaty of Peace with Germany.djvu/Section 10/fr


text: The Lay of the Nibelungs/Chapter 7

title: The Lay of the Nibelungs/Chapter 7


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text: Abitron Austria GmbH v. Hetronic International, Inc.


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text: Abitron Austria GmbH v. Hetronic International, Inc./Opinion of the Court


text: Wallenstein/The Death of Wallenstein/A1S08


text: Abitron Austria GmbH v. Hetronic International, Inc./Opinion of Justice Jackson


text: Abitron Austria GmbH v. Hetronic International, Inc./Opinion of Justice Sotomayor


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  CZECHO-SLOVAK STATE.

Grermany. in conformity with the action aleady taken by the Allied and Associated Powers, recognizes the complete independence of the Czecho-slovak State which will include the autonomous territory of the Ruthenians to the south of the Carpathians. Germany hereby recognizes the frontiers of this State as determined by the Principal Allied and Associated Powers and the other interested States.

The old frontier as it existed on August 3, 1914, between Austria-Hungary and the German Empire will constitute the frontier between Germany and the Czecho-Slovak State.

Germany renounces in favour of the Czecho-Slovak State all rights and title over the portion of Silesian territory defined as follows:

starting from a point about 2 kilometres south-east of Katscher, on the boundary between the Kreise of Leobschütz and Ratibor:

the boundary between the two Kreise:

then, the former boundary between Germany and Austria-Hungary up to a point on the Oder immediately to the south of the Ratibor-Oderberg railway;

thence, towards the north-west and up to a point about 2 kilometres to the south-east of Katscher:

a line to be fixed on the spot passing to the west of Kranowitz.

A Commission composed of seven members, five nominated by the Principal Allied and Associated Powers, one by Poland and one by the Czecho-Slovak State, will be appointed fifteen days after the coming into force of the present Treaty to trace on the spot the frontier line between Poland and the Czecho-slovak State.

The decisions of this Commission will be taken by a majority and shall be binding on the parties concerned.


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 Grermany hereby agrees to renounce in favour of the Czecho-Slovak State all rights and title over the part of the Kreis of Leobschütz comprised within the following boundaries in case after the determination of the frontier between Germany and Poland the said part of that Kreis should become isolated from Germany:

from the south-eastern extremity of the salient of the former Austrian frontier at about 5 kilometres to the west of Leobschütz southwards and up to the point of junction with the boundary between the Kreise of Leobschütz and Ratibor:

the former frontier between Germany and Austria-Hungary;

then, northwards, the administrative boundary between the Kreise of Leobschütz and Ratibor up to a point situated about 2 kilometres to the south-east of Katscher;

thence, north-westwards and up to the starting-point of this definition: a line to be fixed on the spot passing to the east of Katscher.

German nationals habitually resident in any of the territories recognized as forming part of the Czecho-Slovak State will obtain Czecho-Slovak nationality ipso facto and lose their German nationality.

Within a period of two years from the coming into force of the present Treaty, German nationals over eighteen years of age habitually resident in any of the territories recognized as forming part of the Czecho-Slovak State will be entitled to opt for German nationality. Czecho-Slovaks who are German nationals and are habitually resident in Germany will have a similar right to opt for Czecho-Slovak nationality.

Option by a husband will cover his wife and option by parents will cover their children under eighteen years of age.

Persons who have exercised the above right to opt must within the succeeding twelve months transfer their place of residence to the State for which they have opted.


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 They will be entitled to retain their landed property in the territory of the other State where they had their place of residence before exercising the right to opt. They may carry with them their moveable property of every description. No export or import duties may be imposed upon them in connection with the removal of such property.

Within the same period Czecho-Slovaks who are German nationals and are in a foreign country will be entitled, in the absence of any provisions to the contrary in the foreign law, and if they have not acquired the foreign nationality, to obtain Czecho-Slovak nationality and lose their German nationality by complying with the requirements laid down by the Czecho-Slovak State.

The Czecho-Slovak State accepts and agrees to embody in a Treaty with the Principal Allied and Associated Powers such provisions as may be deemed necessary by the said Powers to protect the interests of inhabitants of that State who differ from the majority of the population in race, language or religion.

The Czecho-Slovak State further accepts and agrees to embody in a Treaty with the said Powers such provisions as they may deem necessaiy to protect freedom of transit and equitable treatment of the commerce of other nations.

The proportion and nature of the financial obligations of Germany and Prussia which the Czecho-Slovak State will have to assume on account of the Silesian territory placed under its sovereignty will be determined in accordance with Article 254 of Part IX (Financial Clauses) of the present Treaty.

Subsequent agreements will decide all questions not decided by the present Treaty which may arise in consequence of the cession of the said territory.  POLAND.

Germany, in conformity with the action already taken by the Allied and Associated Powers, recognizes the complete independence of Poland, and renounces in her favour all rights and title over the territory bounded by the Baltic Sea, the eastern frontier of Germany as laid down in Article 27 of


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 Part II (Boundaries of Germany) of the present Treaty up to a point situated about 2 kilometres to the east of Lorzendorf, then a line to the acute angle which the northern boundary of Upper Silesia makes about 3 kilometres north-west of Simmenau, then the boundary of Upper Silesia to its meeting point with the old frontier between Germany and Russia, then this frontier to the point where it crosses the course of the Niemen, and then the northern frontier of East Prussia as laid down in Article 28 of Part II aforesaid.

The provisions of this Article do not, however, apply to the territories of East Prussia and the Free City of Danzig, as defined in Article 28 of Part II (Boundaries of Germany) and in Article 100 of Section XI (Danzig) of this Part.

The boundaries of Poland not laid down in the present Treaty will be subsequently determined by the Principal Allied and Associated Powers.

A Commission consisting of seven niembers, five of whom shall be nominated by the Principal Allied and Associated Powers, one by Germany and one by Poland, shall be constituted fifteen days after the coming into force of the present Treaty to delimit on the spot the frontier line between Poland and Germany.

The decisions of the Commission will be taken by a majority of votes and shall be binding upon the parties concerned.

In the portion of Upper Silesia included within the boundaries described below, the inhabitants will be called upon to indicate by a vote whether they wish to be attached to Germany or to Poland:

starting from the northern point of the salient of the old province of Austrian Silesia situated about 8 kilometres east of Neustadt, the former frontier between Germany and Austria to its junction with the boundary between the Kreise of Leobschütz and Ratibor;

thence in a northerly direction to a point about 2 kilometres south-east of Katscher:

the boundary between the Kreise of Leobschütz and Ratibor;


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 thence in a south-easterly direction to a point on the course of the Oder immediately south of the Ratibor-Oderberg railway:

a line to be fixed on the ground passing south of Kranowitz:

thence the old boundary between Germany and Austria, then the old boundary between Germany and Russia to its junction with the administrative boundary between Posnania and Upper Silesia;

thence this administrative boundary to its junction with the administrative boundary between Upper and Middle Silesia;

thence westwards to the point where the administrative boundary turns in an acute angle to the south-east about 3 kilometres north-west of Simmenau:

the boundary between Upper and Middle Silesia;

then in a westerly direction to a point to be fixed on the ground about 2 kilometres east of Lorzendorf:

a line to be fixed on the ground passing north of Klein Hennersdorf:

thence southwards to the point where the boundary between Upper and Middle Silesia cuts the Städtel-Karlsruhe road:

a line to be fixed on the ground passing west of Hennersdorf, Polkowitz, Noldau, Steinersdorf and Dammer, and east of Strehlitz, Nassadel, Eckersdorf, Schwirz and Städtel;

thence the boundary between Upper and Middle Silesia to its junction with the eastern boundary of the Kreis of Falkenberg;

then the eastern boundary of the Kreis of Falkenberg to the point of the salient which is 3 kilometres east of Puschine;

thence to the northern point of the salient of the old province of Austrian Silesia situated about 8 kilometres east of Neustadt:

a line to be fixed on the ground passing east of Zülz.

The régime under which this plebiscite will be taken and given effect to is laid down in the Annex hereto.

The Polish and German Governments hereby respectively bind themselves to conduct no prosecutions on any part of their territory and to take no exceptional proceedings for any political action performed in Upper Silesia during the period of the régime laid down in the Annex hereto and up to the settlement of the final status of the country.


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 Germany hereby renounces in favour of Poland all rights and title over the portion of Upper Silesia lying beyond the frontier line fixed by the Principal Allied and Associated Powers as the result of the plebiscite.

ANNEX.

1.

Within fifteen days from the coming into force of the present Treaty the German troops and such officials as may be designated by the Commission set up under the provisions of paragraph 2 shall evacuate the plebiscite area. Up to the moment of the completion of the evacuation they shall refrain from any form of requisitioning in money or in kind and from all acts likely to prejudice the material interests of the country.

Within the same period the Workmen's and Soldiers' Councils which have been constituted in this area shall be dissolved. Members of such Councils who are natives of another region and are exercising their functions at the date of the coming into force of the present Treaty, or who have gone out of office since March 1, 1919, shall be evacuated.

All military and semi-military unions formed in the said area by inhabitants of the district shall be immediately disbanded. All members of such military organizations who are not domiciled in the said area shall be required to leave it.

2.

The plebiscite area shall be immediately placed under the authority of an International Commission of four members to be designated by the following Powers; the United States of America, France, the British Empire and Italy. It shall be occupied by troops belonging to the Allied and Associated Powers, and the German Government undertakes to give facilities for the transference of these troops to Upper Silesia.

3.

The Commission shall enjoy all the powers exercised by the German or the Prussian Government, except those of legislation or taxation. It shall also be substituted for the Government of the province and the Regierungsbezirk.


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 It shall be within the competence of the Commission to interpret the powers hereby conferred upon it and to determine to what extent it shall exercise them, and to what extent they shall be left in the hands of the existing authorities.

Changes in the existing laws and the existing taxation shall only be brought into force with the consent of the Commission.

The Commission will maintain order with the help of the troops which will be at its disposal, and, to the extent which it may deem necessary, by means of gendarmerie recruited among the inhabitants of the country.

The Commission shall provide immediately for the replacement of the evacuated German officials and, if occasion arises, shall itself order the evacuation of such authorities and proceed to the replacement of such local authorities as may be required.

It shall take all steps which it thinks proper to ensure the freedom, fairness and secrecy of the vote. In particular, it shall have the right to order the expulsion of any person who may in any way have attempted to distort the result of the plebiscite by methods of corruption or intimidation.

The Commission shall have full power to settle all questions arising from the execution of the present clauses. It shall be assisted by technical advisers chosen by it from among the local population.

The decisions of the Commission shall be taken by a majority vote.

4.

The vote shall take place at such date as may be determined by the Principal Allied and Associated Powers, but not sooner than six months or later than eighteen months after the establishment of the Commission in the area.

The right to vote shall be given to all persons without distinction of sex who:

(a) Have completed their twentieth year on the 1st of January of the year in which the plebiscite takes place;

(b) Were born in the plebiscite area or have been domiciled there since a date to be determined by the Commission, which shall not be subsequent to January 1, 1919, or who have been expelled by the German authorities and have not retained their domicile there.


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text: Index:Jedidiah Chapman House, 562 South Main Street, Geneva, Ontario County, NY HABS NY,35-GEN,4- (sheet 0 of 12).tif


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text: Wallenstein/The Death of Wallenstein/A1S09


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text:
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Rh For Hugh the vacation came and went with a rush. It was glorious to get home again, glorious to see his father and mother, and, at first, glorious to see Helen Simpson. But Helen had begun to pall; her kisses hardly compensated for her conver¬ sation. She gave him a little feeling of guilt, too, which he tried to argue away. “Kissing is n’t really wrong. Everybody pets; at least, Carl says they do. Helen likes it but. . .” Always that “but” intruded itself. “But it does n’t seem quite right when—I don’t really love her.” When he kissed her for the last time before returning to college, he had a distinct feeling of relief: well, that would be off his mind for a while, anyway.

It was a sober, quiet crowd of students—for the first time they were students—that returned to their desks after the vacation. The final examinations were ahead of them, less than a month away; and those examinations hung over their heads like the relentless, glittering blade of a guillotine. The boys studied. “College life” ceased; there was a brief period of education.

Of course, they did not desert the movies, and the snoW and ice claimed them. Part of Indian Lake was scraped free of snow, and every clear aft¬ ernoon hundreds of boys skated happily, explain¬ ing afterward that they had to have some exercise if they were going to be able to study. On those afternoons the lake was a pretty sight, zestful, alive


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Rh no playing of golf in the hallways, no rolling of bats down the stairs, no shouting, no laughter; a man who made any noise was in danger of a serious beat¬ ing. Even the greetings as the men passed each other on the campus were quiet and abstracted. They ceased to cut classes. Everybody attended, and everybody paid close attention even to the most tiresome instructors.

Studious seniors began to reap a harvest out of tutoring sections. The meetings were a dollar “a throw,” and for another dollar a student could get a mimeographed outline of a course. But the tu¬ toring sections were only for the “plutes” or the athletes, many of whom were subsidized by fra¬ ternities or alumni. Most of the students had to learn their own lessons; so they often banded to¬ gether in small groups to make the task less ardu¬ ous, finding some relief in sociability.

The study groups, quite properly called seminars, would have shocked many a worthy professor had he been able to attend one; but they were truly educative, and to many students inspiring. The professor had planted the seed of wisdom with them; it was at the seminars that they tried hon¬ estly, if somewhat hysterically and irreverently, to make it grow.

Hugh did most of his studying alone, fearing that the seminars would degenerate into bull sessions, as many of them did; but Carl insisted that he join


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Rh uched it: Calvert’s chest had broken it a tiny laction of a second before. Hugh almost collapsed after the race. Two !en caught him and carried him, despite his prosts, to the dressing-room. At first he was aware ily of his overwhelming weariness. Something ry important had happened. It was over, and
 * was tired, infinitely tired. A rub-down refreshed

s muscles, but his spirit remained weary. For a onth he had thought of nothing but that race— en Cynthia had become strangely insignificant in mparison with it—and now that the race had en run and lost, his whole spirit sagged and ooped.

He was pounded on the back; his hand was asped and shaken until it ached; he was cheered an echo by the thrilled Sanford men; but still s depression remained. He had won his letter, iiled; he had not justified himself. A few days later he entered Henley’s office, intiding to make only a brief visit. Henley conlatulated him. “You were wonderful, Hugh,” said enthusiastically. “The way that you awled up on him the last hundred yards was rilling. I shouted until I was hoarse. I never
 * had run a magnificent race, all Sanford sang his
 * aise—Norry Parker had actually cried with ex, ement and delight—but he felt that he had


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Rh mail bring a summons from the dean? President Culver spoke sternly in chapel and hinted that there would be no Prom the coming year. Most of the men said that the Prom had been an “awful brawl,” but there were some who insisted that it was no worse than the Proms held at other colleges, and recited startling tales in support of their ar¬ gument.

Leonard Gates finally settled the whole matter for Hugh. There had been many discussions in the Nu Delta living-room about the Prom, and in one of them Gates ended the argument with a sane and thoughtful statement.

“The Prom was a brawl,” he said seriously, “a drunken brawl. We all admit that. The fact that Proms at other colleges are brawls, too, does n’t make ours any more respectable. If a Yale man happens to commit murder and gets away with it, that is no reason that a Harvard man or a San¬ ford man should commit murder, too. Some of you are arguing like babies. But some of you are going to the other extreme.

“You talk as if everybody at the Prom was lit. Well, I wasn’t lit, and as a matter of fact most of them were n’t lit. Just use a little common sense. There were three hundred and fifty couples at the Prom. Now, not half of them even had a drink. Say that half did. That makes one hun¬ dred and seventy-five fellows. If fifty of those


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text: Treaty of Peace with Germany.djvu/Section 7/en


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Page:Hudibras - Volume 2 (Butler, Nash, Bohn; 1859).djvu/261

RV 399 (CANTO III.])


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text:
Page:Hudibras - Volume 2 (Butler, Nash, Bohn; 1859).djvu/262

RV 400 (CANTO II.])


text: The Incas of Peru/Chapter 6

title: The Incas of Peru/Chapter 6