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27 of his views. He seems to have belonged to that interesting type of man, not uncommon in every age, who knows too much to write. It is not a little remarkable that this reticence of learning has been a strong mental feature in some of the greatest of discoverers. Perhaps it was the motive of Copernicus, who so dreaded the prejudices of mankind that for thirty years he is said to have detained in his closet the Treatise of Revolutions. From what Harvey says, very much the same reasons restrained the publication of his work. To the lesser circulation, with the authority of Galen and Columbus to support it, men 'will give their adhesion’, but the general circulation 'is of so novel and unheard-of character that I not only fear injury to myself from the envy of a few, but I tremble lest I have mankind at large for my enemies, so much doth wont and custom, that has become as another nature, and doctrine once sown and that hath struck deep root and rested from antiquity, influence all men'. He felt, as he says to Riolan, that it was in some sort criminal to call in question doctrines that had descended through a long succession of ages and carry the authority of the ancients; but he appealed unto Nature that bowed to no antiquity and was of still higher authority than the ancients. Men have been for years in conscious possession of some of the greatest of truths before venturing to publish them. Napier spent twenty years developing the theory of Logarithms and Bacon kept the Novum Organum by him for twelve years, and year by year touched it up—indeed, Rowley states that he saw twelve copies. Two other famous discoveries by Englishmen have the same curious history—the two which can alone be said to be greater than the demonstration of the circulation of the blood. Zachariah

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28 Wood speaks of Harvey as the surmiser of the little world, to distinguish him from another Englishman who first went about the greater world. But a greater than both—Isaac Newton—had grasped the secret of a cosmic circulation, and brooded in silence over the motion of the spheres for more than twenty years before publishing the Principia. Between the writing of the rough sketch in 1842 and the appearance of the Origin of Species seventeen years elapsed ; and from the date of the journal notes, 1836, in which we have the first intimation of Darwin’s theory, more than twenty years. In Harvey’s case this intellectual reticence, this hesitation ‘to quit the peaceful haven’, as he says, has cost us dear. Only a happy accident gave us the De Generatione, and the College can never be too grateful to Sir George Ent for that Christmas visit, 1650, so graphically described, and to which we owe one of the masterpieces of English medicine. How many seventeenth-century treatises we could have spared to have had the Practice of Medicine conformable to his Thesis of the Circulation of the Blood! How instructive his prospective Medical Observations would have been we can gather from the remarkable series of cases scattered through the manuscript notes and his published writings. His ‘treatise apart’ on Eventilation or Respiration; the Medical Anatomy, or Anatomy in its Application to Medicine, as he says, ‘I also intend putting to press’; the work ‘from observations in my possession’ on Organs of Motion in Animals—all of these, with the work on Generation in Insects, and others mentioned by Dr. Merrett, the then library keeper, 1667, were probably dispersed when those sons of Belial ransacked his chambers at Whitehall.

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29 ‘Still the die is cast, and my trust is in the love of truth and the candour that inheres in cultivated minds.' With these words he consoles himself, knowing from experience that the publication of even a portion of the work, as in one place he calls the little book, would raise a tempest. Zachariah Wood in the preface to the English edition, 1673, expresses what many of his contemporaries must have felt, 'Truly a bold man indeed, O disturber of the quiet of physicians! O seditious citizen of the Physical Commonwealth! who first of all durst oppose an opinion conformed for so many ages by the consent of all.' De Bach of Amsterdam describes the dilemma in which teachers found themselves : 'This new thing I did examine, which the first entrance did seem very easily to be refuted, but being weighed in a just balance, and having added to reason my own ey-sight it was found inexpugnable, nay (the very prick of truth enforcing) to be embraced with both arms. What should I doe? Must Hippocrates be left, Galen slighted? No, if we follow the truth senced with reason and our sense, we are still Hippocrates his, we are still Galens' (English edition, 1653).

The history of the next thirty years illustrates the truth of Locke's dictum in the struggle for acceptance. Not the least interesting part of the story, it should be told at greater length and with more detail than it has yet received—more than I am able to give it. That the repeated demonstrations, aided by the strong personal influence of the man, brought the College, as a body, to the new views is witnessed rather by the esteem and affection the Fellows bore to Harvey than by any direct evidence. The appearance of the book in 1628 made no great stir; it was not a literary sensation—a not uncommon fate of epoch-making works, the authors of

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30 THE GROWTH OF TRUTH which are too far ahead of their contemporaries to be appreciated. The same event happened to Newton’s Principia; as Sir William Petty remarks, 'I have not met with one man that put an extraordinary value on the book.'

Among Englishmen, Primrose alone, brought up among the strictest sect of the Galenists, and at the time not a Fellow—wrote a criticism from the old standpoint (1632), and remained unconvinced twelve years later, as his controversy with Regius shows. And only one special treatise in favour of the circula- tion was written in England—that of Sir George Ent, a pupil and friend of Harvey, who wrote (1641) specially against Parisanus, a Venetian, a foeman quite unworthy of his quill. In the universities the new doctrine rapidly gained acceptance—in Cambridge through the influence of Glisson, while in part to Harvey’s work and influence may be attributed that only too brief but golden renaissance of science at Oxford. A little incident mentioned in the autobiographical notes of the celebrated Wallis shows how the subject was taken up quite early in the universities : 'And I took into it the speculative part of physick and anatomy as parts of natural philosophy, and, as Dr. Glisson has since told me, I was the first of his sons who (in a public disputation) maintained the circulation of the blood, which was then a new doctrine, though I had no design of practising physick.' This was in the early ‘thirties’. But the older views were very hard to displace, and as late as 1651 we find such intelligent members of the 'invisible college’ as Boyle and Petty carrying out experiments together in Ireland to satisfy themselves as to the truth of the circulation of the blood.

It took much longer for the new views to reach the

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3i textbooks of the day. From no work of the period does one get a better idea of the current anatomical and physiological teaching in London than from Crooke’s Body of Man (1615 and 1631). Collected out of Vesalius, Plantinus, Platerius, Laurentius, Valverda, Bauchinus, and others, it is an epitome of their opinions, with the comments of the professor who read the anatomy lecture to the Company of the Barber-Surgeons. In the preface to the first edition he speaks of the contentment and profit he had received from Dr. Davies’s Lumleian Lectures at the College of Physicians. There is no indication in the second edition that he had benefited by the instruction of Dr. Davies’s successor. Galen is followed implicitly, with, here and there minor deviations. The views of Columbus on the lesser circulation are mentioned only to be dismissed as superfluous and erroneous. The Gresham Professor of the day, Dr. Winston, makes no mention of the new doctrine in his Anatomy Lectures which were published after his death, 1651, and are of special interest as showing that at so late a date a work could be issued with the Galenical physiology unchanged. In Alexander Reid’s Manual, the popular textbook of the day, the Harveian views are given in part in the fifth edition, in which, as he says in the preface, ‘the book of the breast’ is altogether new—an item of no little interest, since he was a man advanced in years, and, as he says, ‘the hourglass hasteneth, and but a few sands remain unrun.’ Highmore, the distinguished Dorsetshire anatomist, and a pupil of Harvey, in his well-known Anatomy published in 1651, gives the ablest exposition of his master’s views that had appeared in any systematic work of the period, and he urges his readers to study the de Motu Cordis as ‘fontem ipsum’ from which to get clearer knowledge. He quotes an

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32 appropriate motto for the period— laudamus veteres : sed nostris utimur annis. But even so late as 1671 the old views were maintained in the English edition of Riolan. And yet the knowledge of Harvey’s views must have spread broadcast, not only in the profession, but in that large outside circle of distinguished men who felt the new spirit of science working in their veins. From converse or from the Lumleian lectures, which no doubt he often attended, Kenelm Digby must have had the information about Harvey’s views on generation, as at the date of the issue of his Two Treatises, 1644, they had not been published anywhere. While he knew well the motion of the blood as expounded by Harvey, and having, in making his great antidote, studied the action of the viper’s heart, Digby, like Descartes, could not emancipate himself from the old views, as shown in the following passage : ‘But if you desire to follow the blood all along every steppe, in its progresse from the hart round about the body, till it returne back againe to its center, Doctor Harvey, who most acutely teacheth this doctrine, must be your guide. He will show you how it issueth from the hart by the arteries; from whence it goeth on warming the flesh, untill it arrive to some of the extremities of the body : and by then it is grown so coole (by long absence from the fountaine of its heate; and by evaporating its owne stocke of spirits, without any new supply) that it hath need of being warmed anew; it findeth itself returned backe againe to the hart, and is there heated againe, which returne is made by the veines, as its going forwardes, is performed only by the arteries.’

Sir William Temple well expresses the attitude of mind of the intellectual Philistine of the time, who looked for immediate results. Speaking of the work of Harvey and of Copernicus he says : 'Whether either of

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Rh these be modern discoveries or derived from old foundations is disputed; nay, it is so too, whether they are true or no; for though reason may seem to favour them more than the contrary opinions, yet sense can hardly allow them, and to satisfy mankind both these must concur. But if they are true, yet these two great discoveries have made no change in the conclusions of Astronomy nor in the practice of Physic, and so have been but little use to the world, though, perhaps, of much honour to the authors.' It is pleasant to notice that our old friend, Sir Thomas Browne, with his love of paradox, declared that he preferred the circulation of the blood to the discovery of America.

Of the reception of Harvey’s views in Holland and Germany there is nothing to add to the admirable account given by Willis. The early and strenuous advocacy o t Descartes must have influenced the Dutch physicians; but in this, as in so many other things, the infection of his early years proved too powerful, and he could not get rid of the ‘ancient spirits'. Of the discovery of the circulation he says it is 4 la plus belle et la plus utile que Ton put faire en medecine'. 'Tout a fait contraire au sein (sic) touchant le mouvement du coeur,' which he held to be due to an ebullition of the spirits—a sort of ferment (espece de levain) existing in it. Much more actively discussed in Holland than elsewhere, the writings of Drake, Walaeus, Regius, Plempius, Sylvius, de Bach, Conringius, T. Bartholini (the Dane), and others threshed out the whole question very thoroughly, and their views, with those of Hoffman, Siegel, and others, are referred to by Willis and given in greater detail by Riolan.

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34

In the oft-quoted statement that Harvey, 'conquering envy, hath established a new doctrine in his lifetime,' Hobbes was right so far as England and Holland are concerned. But it was far otherwise in France, where it met with a bitter and protracted hostility. The Medical School of the University of Paris, at the time one of the best-organized and most important in Europe, declined to accept the circulation of the blood during his lifetime and for some years after his death. The history of the period is pictured for us in vivid colours in that journal intime which Gui Patin kept up with his friends, Spohn and Falconet of Lyons and the Belins (pere et fils). With all his faults, particularly his scandalous lack of charity, one cannot but feel the keenest sympathy with this dear old man. Devoted to his saints, Hippocrates and Galen, Fernel and Duret, and to his teachers, Pietre and Riolan, to him the circulation of the blood was never more than an ingenious paradox. To such a lover of books and of good literature every- thing can be forgiven, and in his letters we follow with deepest interest his vigorous campaign against his dear enemies, the Cuisiniers arabesques, who had enslaved people and physicians alike, the haemophobes, the chemists, the astrologers and the stibiate, or as he calls it, the Stygiate group. To him the Koran was less dangerous than the works of Paracelsus, the appearance of the new Geneva edition of which he deeply deplores. Reverence for Galen and friendship with Riolan, rather than any deep interest in the question, inspired his opposition. To him the new doctrine was ridiculous, and it was he who called the partisans of it circulateurs in allusion to the Latin word, circulator, meaning charlatan. In 1652 he writes to Spohn that the question is still open whether the blood passes through the septum

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Rh of the heart or through the lungs. In 1659 he promises to send him a work of Vinean against the circulation. More extraordinary still is the fact that as late as 1670, twelve years after Harvey’s death, the thesis of one Cordelle, a bachelor of medicine, publicly discussed the circulation of the blood, and Gui Patin, who presided, decided in the negative. The fiction of an ingenious narrator, le doux songe of Harvey, are the terms in which he speaks of it. The whole passage is worth quoting as possibly the last public denouncement of what seemed a rank heresy to the old Galenists : 'Supposer que le sang se meut toujours circulairement, que de la veine cave ascendante il tombe dans Toreillette droite du coeur, que de la il aille traverser toute la substance du poumon pour retomber de la dans Toreillette gauche en passant par la veine pulmonaire, et qu’enfin de la il soit projete dans l’aorte et toutes les arteres qui le feront passer dans les veines et dans le coeur, lui faisant par ce moyen suivre un circuit, voila le doux songe de Harvey, la fiction d’un narrateur ingenieux, mais nullement prouvee par l’evidence. La circulation du sang, son transport circulaire par les vaisseaux, c’est Tenfantement d’un esprit oisif, un vrai nuage qu’embrassent les Ixions pour procreer les Centaurs et les monstres.’

As I said, we can forgive a great deal to the man who has left us such a picture of seventeenth-century life, drawn, all unconsciously, with a master hand; and through the mists of prejudice and hate we can recognize the good sense which had the courage to protest against the forfanterie arabesque et bezoardesque in much of the therapeutics of the day.

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36 Though a professor in the Paris Faculty and a brilliant lecturer, Patin at that time did not occupy such a distinguished position, nor was his opposition of such importance as that of Riolan—‘John Riolan, the Son, the most experienced Physician in the Universitie of Paris, the Prince of Dissection of Bodies, and the King’s professor, and Dean of Anatomie and of the knowledge of simples, chief physician to the queen-mother of Louis XIII'—as he is quaintly, but very truly, described by Harvey. Brought up by his father to regard Hippocrates and Galen as the sources of all wisdom, the intensity of his zeal increased with his years until at last ‘to see the physic of Galen kept in good repair’ became the passion of his life. The deep pity of it all is that such mental blindness should have stricken a really great man, for he was a brilliant anatomist and teacher, the author of the best anatomical textbook of its day, a man of affairs, profoundly versed in literature, a successful practitioner, and for years the head of the profession in France.

The opposition of such a man was serious, and naturally had a profound influence. Not content with the comparatively brief statement in the Encheiridion, 1648, Riolan published in England the following year his Opuscula Anatomica nova, one very large section of which is taken up with the problem of circulation. It was this probably as much as a present of the Encheiridion that induced Harvey to break his long silence and to reply. After a report of a discussion upon a thesis in 1645 and a statement of objections, a most interesting discussion follows of the literature, in which the opinions of various writers are examined, particu-

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Rh larly those of Cartesius, Conringius, Walaeus, and Plempius.

It is quite possible that the second Disquisition of Harvey to Riolan, published with the first in duodecimo form at Cambridge in 1649, was brought out by Riolan’s latter publication, though it is not directly referred to. Little did Harvey appreciate that his old friend was both blind and deaf—incapable of seeing obvious facts. It was not a question of being conversant with anatomy or of having had experience, on both of which points Harvey dwells at length. Riolan knew his anatomy as well as, or better, than any man of his generation. It was not that he would not—but he that could not—see the truth which was staring him in the face. As Reynaud mentions, an occasional thesis (Fagon, 1663;. Mattot, 1665) supporting the circulation did slip through the Faculty: but the official recognition in France did not come until 1673, when Louis XIV founded a special Chair of Anatomy at the Jardin des Plantes for the propagation of the new discoveries.

The satire of Moliere and the Arret Burlesque of Boileau completed the discomfiture of the 'anticirculateurs’, but it had taken nearly half a century to overcome the opposition of those who saw in the new doctrines the complete destruction of the ancient system of medicine.

Even when full grown in the conscious stage Truth may remain sterile without influence or progress on any aspects of human activity. One of the most remarkable

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38 of phenomena in mental biography is the failure of the Greeks to succeed after giving the world such a glorious start. They had every essential for permanent success : scientific imagination, keen powers of observation; and if in the days of Hippocrates the mathematical method of interrogating Nature prevailed rather than the experimental, Galen carried the latter to a degree of perfection never again reached until the time of Harvey. Only when placed in its true position in relation to Greek religion and philosophy, as has been done so skilfully by Gomperz, do we realize the immensity of the debt we owe to those ‘our young light-hearted masters’. And Gomperz makes clear the nature of the debt of Greek thought to the practical sense of the physicians. But alas! upon the fires they kindled were poured the dust and ashes of contending philosophies, and neither the men of the Alexandrian school nor the brilliant labours of the most encyclopaedic mind that has ever been given to medicine sufficed to replenish them. Fortunately, here and there amid the embers of the Middle Ages glowed the coals from which we have lighted the fires of modern progress. The special distinction which divides modern from ancient science is its fruitful application to human needs—not that this was unknown to the Greeks; but the practical recognition of the laws of life and matter has in the past century remade the world. In making knowledge effective we have succeeded where our masters failed. But this last and final stage, always of slow and painful

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Rh consummation, is evolved directly from truths which cannot be translated into terms intelligible to ordinary minds. Newton’s great work influenced neither the morals nor the manners of his age, nor was there any immediate tangible benefit that could be explained to the edification or appreciation of the 1 ordinary man ’ of his day; yet it set forward at a bound the human mind, as did such truths as were proclaimed by Copernicus, by Kepler, by Darwin, and others. In a less conspicuous manner Harvey’s triumph was on the same high plane. There was nothing in it which could be converted immediately into practical benefit, nothing that even the Sydenhams of his day could take hold of and use. Not so much really in the demonstration of the fact of the circulation as in the demonstration of the method—the Inventum mirabile sought for by Descartes, the Novum Organum of Bacon—lies the true merit of Harvey’s work. While Bacon was thinking, Harvey was acting; and before Descartes had left his happy school at La Fleche Harvey was using la nouvelle methode; and it is in this way that the de Motu Cordis marks the break of the modern spirit with the old traditions. No longer were men to rest content with careful observation and with accurate description; no longer were men to be content with finely-spun theories and dreams, which ‘serve as a common subterfuge of ignorance’; but here for the first time a great physiological problem was approached from the experimental side by a man with a modern scientific mind, who could weigh evidence and not go beyond it, and who had the sense to let the conclusions emerge naturally but firmly from the observations. To the age of the hearer, in which men had heard, and heard only, had succeeded the age of the eye, in which men had seen and had been

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40 content only to see. But at last came the age of the hand—the thinking, devising, planning hand; the hand as an instrument of the mind, now reintroduced into the world in a modest little monograph of seventy-two pages, from which we may date the beginning of experimental medicine.

No great discovery in science is ever without a corresponding influence on medical thought, not always evident at first, and apt to be characterized by the usual vagaries associated with human effort. Very marked in each generation has been the change wrought in the conceptions of disease and in its treatment by epoch-making discoveries as to the functions of the body. We ourselves are deeply involved to-day in toxins and antitoxins, in opsonins, tulases, and extracts as a direct result of the researches in bacteriology and in internal secretion. There were sanguine souls in Harvey’s day, who lamented with Floyer that the discovery had not brought great and general innovations into the whole practice of physic. But had the old Litchfield physician lived he would have seen the rise of a school based directly upon the studies of Harvey and Sanctorius, the brilliant reasonings of Descartes and the works of Bellini and Borelli. The mechanical school rose in its pride on solid foundations which appealed to practical men with singular force. Very soon that ‘beatific epitome of creation’, man, was 'marked out like a spot of earth or a piece of timber with rules and compasses', and the medical terminology of the day ⁶became unintelligible to the older practitioners who could make nothing of the 'wheels and pulley, wedges, levers, screws, cords, canals and cisterns, sieves and strainers’, and they cracked their jokes on ‘angles, cylinders, celerity, percussion, resistance, and such-like

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Rh terms which they said had no more to do with physic on the human body than a carpenter has in making Venice treacle or curing a fever Once accepted, men had a feeling that so important a discovery must change all the usual conceptions of disease. As has been said before, Harvey tells that he had in preparation a Practice of Medicine conformable to his Thesis of the Circulation of the Blood, and it soon became customary to put in the title-pages of works some reference to the new doctrine. Even Riolan’s Opuscula Anatomia makes an allusion to it. Walaeus, a keen defender of Harvey, published in 1660 a little compendium of practice ad circulationem sanguinis adornata, but there is nothing in it to suggest any radical change in treatment. Rolfinck’s Dissertationes Anatomicae, 1650, embracing the older and more recent views in medicine are ad circulationem accommodatae, and even as late as 1690 the well-known anatomy of Dionis was suivant la circulation. With the loss of his work on the Practice of Medicine it is impossible to say whether Harvey’s own practice was modified in any way. To part from the spirits and humours must have left his attitude of mind very sceptical, and that his ‘therapeutic way’ was not admired (as Aubrey tells us) speaks for a change which may have set many against him. More important than any influence upon treatment was, the irresistible change in the conceptions of disease caused by destruction of the doctrine of spirits and humours, which had prevailed from the days of Hippocrates. While Harvey, as he says, had in places to use the language of physiology, that is, the language of the day, he makes it very clear, particularly in the second letter to Riolan, that he will have none of the old doctrine to which the de Motu Cordis dealt the death blow.

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42 But the moving hand reminds your orator, Mr. President, of a bounden duty laid upon him by our great Dictator to commemorate on this occasion by name all of our benefactors; to urge others to follow their example; to exhort the Fellows and Members to study out the secrets of Nature by way of experiment; and, lastly, for the honour of the profession, to continue in love and affection among ourselves. No greater tribute to Harvey exists than in these simple sentences in which he established this lectureship, breathing as they do the very spirit of the man, and revealing to us his heart of hearts. Doubtless, no one more than he rejoices that our benefactors have now become so numerous as to nullify the first injunction; and the best one can do is to give a general expression of our thanks, and to mention here and there, as I have done, the more notable among them. But this is not enough. While we are praising famous men, honoured in their day and still the glory of this College, the touching words of the son of Sirach remind us : ‘Some there be that have no memory, who are perished as though they had never been, and are become as though they had never been born.' Such renown as they had, time has blotted out; and on them the iniquity of oblivion has blindly scattered her poppy. A few are embalmed in the biographical dictionaries; a few are dragged to light every year at Sotheby’s, or the memory is stirred to reminiscence as one takes down an old volume from our shelves. But for the immense majority on the long roll of our Fellows—names! names! names!—nothing more; a catalogue as dry and meaningless as that of the ships, or as the genealogy of David in the Book of Chronicles. Even the dignity of the Presidential chair does not suffice to float a man down the few centuries that have passed since the foundation

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Rh of the College. Who was Richard Forster? Who was Henry Atkins? Perhaps two or three among us could tell at once. And yet by these men the continuity and organic life of the College has been carried on, and in maintaining its honour, and furthering its welfare, each one in his day was a benefactor, whose memory it is our duty, as well as our pleasure, to recall. Much of the nobility of the profession depends upon this great cloud of witnesses, who pass into the silent land—pass, and leave no sign, becoming as though they had never been born. And it was the pathos of this fate, not less pathetic because common to all but a few, that wrung from the poet that sadly true comparison of the race of man to the race of leaves!

The story of Harvey’s life, and a knowledge of the method of his work, should be the best stimulus to the Fellows and Members to carry out the second and third of his commands; and the final one, to continue in love and affection among ourselves, should not be difficult to realize. Sorely tried as he must have been, and naturally testy, only once in his writings, so far as I have read, does the old Adam break out. With his temperament, and with such provocation, this is an unexampled record, and one can appreciate how much was resisted in those days when tongue and pen were free. Over and over again he must have restrained himself as he did in the controversy with Riolan, of whom, for the sake of old friendship, he could not find it in his heart to say anything severe. To-day his commands are easier to follow, when the deepened courtesies of life have made us all more tolerant of those small weaknesses, inherent in our nature, which give diversity to character without necessarily marring it. To no man does the right spirit in these matters come by nature, and I would urge upon

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44 our younger Fellows and Members, weighing well these winged words, to emulate our great exemplar, whose work shed such lustre upon British Medicine, and whom we honour in this College not less for the scientific method which he inculcated than for the admirable virtues of his character.

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XXI.]

As Rüdeger’s retainers unto the guests came nigh,

Right many were the lance-shafts one saw raised up on high,

By warriors’ hands uplifted, as is the knightly mode;

And then before the ladies praiseworthily they rode.

This brought they to an ending; then many of the men

Greeted each other kindly. The fair Gotlinda then

To where she saw Kriemhilda they brought upon her way.

They who could serve the ladies had little rest that day.

The lord of Bechelaren up to his wife did ride;

The noble lady-margrave was right well satisfied

That he from the Rhine country all safe and sound had won.

And somewhat was her sorrow in happiness undone.

When she had made him welcome, he bade her on the green

Dismount, with all the ladies who in her train were seen.

Then many a noble liegeman was busy as could be;

And service to the ladies was done right readily.

As now the lady Kriemhild the margravine espied,

Standing with her attendants, she would no nearer ride;

But with the rein her palfrey at once began to stay,

And bade them from the saddle to lift her down straightway.

His sister’s daughter leading one saw the bishop soon,

With Eckewart, to make her unto Gotlinda known;

And, in a trice, the people made wide the way for this.

Upon the lips the stranger did Gotelinda kiss.


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224

Then spake in loving fashion the wife of Rüdeger:

“Now well is me, dear lady, that I thy presence fair

Within my country’s borders and with mine eyes have seen.

To me could at this season no greater joy have been.”

“Most noble Gotelinda, God give you your reward!

If haply I,” spake Kriemhild, “and Botlung’s son be spared,

One day you may be joyful that you have seen my face.”

They both were all unknowing of what must come to pass.

Due courtesies exchanging, walk’d many maidens fair;

Their services to render the warriors ready were.

They sat, the greetings ended, upon the clover down,

And many made acquaintance, who were till then unknown.

Wine brought they for the ladies; and now ’twas full midday;

The noble folk would therefore no longer there delay.

They rode on till they came where large huts and many stood,

And for the noble strangers was waiting service good.

That night they slept in quiet until the dawning brake.

But they of Bechelaren themselves did ready make,

So that they might provide for so many a worthy guest.

Well Rüdeger had managed that little should be miss’d.

One saw how every window stood open in the wall:

The castle of Bechlaren was entry-free to all.

Therein the guests came riding, well seen of all around.

The noble host had bidden good hostel to be found.


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 bed till the next morning, the chances are you will be all right, though a little shaky about the legs. You should continue the quinine, taking it in five-grain doses, up to fifteen to twenty grains a day for a week after any attack of fever, but you must omit the opium pill. The great thing in West Africa is to keep up your health to a good level; that will enable you to resist fever, and it is exceedingly difficult for most people to do this, because of the difficulty of getting exercise and good food. But do what you may it is almost certain you will get fever during a residence of more than six months on the Coast, and the chances are two to one on the Gold Coast that you will die of it. But, without precautions, you will probably have it within a fortnight of first landing, and your chances of surviving are almost nil. With precautions, in the Rivers and on the S.W. Coast your touch of fever may be a thing inferior in danger and discomfort to a bad cold in England.

Yet remember, before you elect to cast your lot in with the West Coasters, that 85 per cent. of them die of fever or return home with their health permanently wrecked. Also remember that there is no getting acclimatised to the Coast. There are, it is true, a few men out there who, although they have been resident in West Africa for years, have never had fever, but you can count them up on the fingers of one hand. There is another class who have been out for twelve months at a time, and have not had a touch of fever; these you want the fingers of your two hands to count, but no more. By far the largest class is the third, which is made up of those who have a slight dose of fever once a fortnight, and some day, apparently for no extra reason, get a heavy dose and die of it. A very considerable class is the fourth—those who die within a fortnight to a month of going ashore.

The fate of a man depends solely on his power of resisting the so-called malaria, not in his system becoming inured to it. The first class of men that I have cited have some unknown element in their constitutions that renders them immune. With the second class the power of resistance is great, and can be renewed from time to time by a spell home in a European climate. In the third class the state is that of cumulative poisoning; in the fourth of acute poisoning.

Let the new-comer who goes to the Coast take the most cheerful view of these statements and let him regard himself as preordained to be one of the two most favoured classes. Let him take every care short of getting frightened, which is as deadly as taking no care at all, and he may—I sincerely


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 hope he will—survive; for a man who has got the grit in him to go and fight in West Africa for those things worth fighting for—duty, honour and gold—is a man whose death is a dead loss to his country.

The cargoes from West Africa truly may "wives and mithers maist despairing ca' them lives o'men." Yet grievous as is the price England pays for her West African possessions, to us who know the men who risk their lives and die for them, England gets a good equivalent value for it; for she is the greatest manufacturing country in the world, and as such requires markets. Nowadays she requires them more than new colonies. A colony drains annually thousands of the most enterprising and energetic of her children from her, leaving behind them their aged and incapable relations. Moreover, a colony gradually becomes a rival manufacturing centre to the mother country, whereas West Africa will remain for hundreds of years a region that will supply the manufacturer with his raw material, and take in exchange for it his manufactured articles, giving him a good margin of profit. And the holding of our West African markets drains annually a few score of men only—only too often fer ever—but the trade they carry on and develop there—a trade, according to Sir George Baden-Powell, of the annual value of nine millions sterling—enables thousands of men, women and children to remain safely in England, in comfort and pleasure, owing to the wages and profits arising from the manufacture and export of the articles used in that trade.

So I trust that those at home in England will give all honour to the men still working in West Africa, or rotting in the weed-grown, snake-infested cemeteries and the forest swamps—men whose battles have been fought out on lonely beaches far away from home and friends and often from another white man's help, sometimes with savages, but more often with a more deadly foe, with none of the anodyne to death and danger given by the companionship of hundreds of fellow soldiers in a fight with a foe you can see, but with a foe you can see only incarnate in the dreams of your delirium, which runs as a poison in burning veins and aching brain—the dread West Coast fever. And may England never again dream of forfeiting, or playing with, the conquests won for her by those heroes of commerce, the West Coast traders; for of them, as well as of such men as Sir Gerald Portal, truly it may be said—of such is the Kingdom of England.


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, on returning from her first visit to the West Coast of Africa in 1894, brought with her a miscellaneous collection of zoological specimens, sufficiently large to show the interest she took in the fauna of the countries visited by her. Last year she started again from England, with the object of extending her travels in the interior of the Gaboon country; and as she intended to follow during a part of this expedition the course of the Ogowé River, she readily fell in with my view that an opportunity of collecting the fishes of this mighty river should not be lost. The means of preserving and transporting the specimens were naturally limited, as Miss Kingsley travelled alone with a native crew; besides, whilst traversing the region of the rapids, which extends over some hundred of miles, the upsetting of her canoe was a matter of frequent occurrence. Nevertheless she succeeded in bringing home in excellent condition a collection of eighteen species of Reptiles and about sixty-five species of Fishes, which will be enumerated or described in this paper, besides a number of other, especially entomological, specimens.

During a temporary stay at Old Calabar and a visit to the island of Corisco some freshwater fishes were added to the main collection from the Ogowé River. These will be also embodied in the present paper, whilst the marine species, being all well known, are omitted.


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 Thirty years ago scarcely anything but the name was known of the Ogowé River; but between 1860 and 1870 French officials and traders began to trace its course inland, discovering a long stretch of rapids in its middle course which render navigation dangerous and, at places, impossible to any vessel larger than a boat. Among those earlier explorers an Englishman, Mr. R. B. N. Walker, took a prominent part, making two expeditions in 1866 and 1873, and penetrating to Lopé, in the Okanda country. The survey of the upper parts of the river was completed by Messrs. de Brazza and Balay.

All that was known before the year 1860 of the reptiles and fishes of the Gaboon country has been collected by Aug. Duméril in his memoir "Reptiles et Poissons de l'Afrique Occidentale," in Arch. Mus, vol. x. I find that in the list at the end of his memoir he mentions eight freshwater fishes from Gaboon, all being from the littoral portion of the country. In 1867 I described the collection made by Walker on the Ogowé, adding seventeen species to its fauna, ten of which were new. This list was increased by six others found by Buchholz and determined by Peters (MB. Berlin Akad. 1876, p. 244). Two years later M. Sauvage commenced to publish the results of his examination of the materials that had accumulated in the Paris Museum (Bull. Soc. Philom. 1878, pp. 90-103), giving a complete account of the then knowledge of this fish-fauna in his memoir "Étude sur la Faune ichthyologique de l’Ogôoué," in N. Arch. Mus. iii. 1880. In it he enumerates thirty-seven species, a part of which, however, he knew only from the papers of his predecessors. This number has been increased by him in a last supplementary list to forty-six (Bull. Soc. Zool. France, ix. 1884).

In the present paper I have added to the Gaboon fauna from Miss Kingsley's collection the following sixteen species:—

 * Gobius æneofuscus, Gthr.
 * Eleotris senegalensis, Stdchr.
 * Ophiocephalus obscurus, Gthr.
 * Ctenopoma gabonense, sp. n. (?=Ct. multispine, Sauv., nec Ptrs.).
 *  nanum, sp. n.
 *  Kingsleyæ, sp. n. (?=Ct. Petherici, Sauv., nec Gthr.).


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 :Chromis ogowensis, sp. n. (?= Ch. microcephalus, Sauv., nec Blkr.).
 * Cynoglossus senegalensis, Kaup.
 * Clarias Walkeri, sp. n.
 * Eutropius liberiensis, Hubrecht.
 * Chrysichthys Büttikoferi, Stdchr. (=Ch. macrops, Sauv., nec Gthr.).
 * Barilius bibie, Joannis.
 * Alestes lengipinnis, Gthr.
 * Kingsleyæ, sp. n.
 * Mormyrus amblystoma, sp. n.
 * Notopterus nigri, Gthr.

Deducting from M. Sauvage's list three species which I consider merely synonyms, and allowing for four others which I believe to figure in my and M. Sauvage's lists under different names, I compute the total number of species known at present from this river to be fifty-one, a number which may be expected to be doubled by future investigations. The fish-fauna of the Nile consists of about ninety species.

The localities which will be mentioned in this report are the following:

 * Warri, on the Forcados River (mouth of the Niger).
 * Egwanga, on the Opobo River (Niger delta region).
 * Corisco Island, off the Gaboon Coast.
 * Lambarene Ogowé River.
 * Talagouga, about 180 miles from the mouth of the Ogowé.
 * Kondo-Kondo, an island in the Alemba Rapids of the Ogowé.
 * Kondo-Kondo, an island in the Alemba Rapids of the Ogowé.

The Reptiles were collected at Lambarene, and belong to the following species:—


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 return we observed that the horsemen had taken their flight through the garden, which appeared to have been their common in and out-let since the burning down of the village.

I left the residence of these robbers very much dissatisfied; the Austrian, on the contrary, was highly pleased, representing to me that we should not know much more of the matter than we had heard, even if we had surprised them; that I did wrong if I complained of having been disappointed, being now informed of my servant's fate, and the mystery of the castle; and that every wish of taking personal vengeance on these miscreants was not becoming men like ourselves, because the hangman would have been defrauded of his perquisites if we had killed some of them.

"All what we could do," added he, "would be to give notice of what we have seen and heard to the magistrates of the next town; but I fear the gang is too numerous than that they could be taken prisoners


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 besides, they will take care not to suffer themselves to be entraped, and if the magistrates were to take cognizance of our denunciation, and should fail in their attempt to destroy the whole crew, they perhaps would be made a second example of the revengeful daring spirit of these lawless wretches, and pay dearly for having enacted the laws against them. Remember the agony of grief you felt when you beheld the horrid consequences of opposition against these outlaws, in viewing the ruins of the village which but lately has fallen a victim to their cruel resentment, and then tell me whether it is advisable to inform against them? We had better leave their punishment to that supreme Judge who certainly will overtake them with his vengeance when their measure shall be full."

I returned to our inn at the next village, comforted by the seasonable reasoning of my worthy friend, and I never shall forget the wise instructions he gave me on the way; I


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 never shall forget his tender exhortations to take care not to follow the first impulse of the moment, but always to listen attentively to the voice of reason before I should engage in any undertaking, and to bridle the youthful ardour of heedlessness by prudence and cool reflection.

We entered our inn at two o'clock in the morning, and we were met by the landlord, who had been very uneasy at our staying away so long, because many murders had been committed lately within the environs of the village. We told him we had taken a walk, but having missed our way, had strayed about 'till the dawn of day had assisted us in finding our way back. He appeared to believe our words and we went to rest.

We awoke at eight o'clock, and departed at nine for F, where our absence had not been much taken notice of, those secret journeys being very common among recruiting officers; yet some of my friends puzzled


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 not always light upon the most deserving, but comes to those who are unprepared; witness Saul."

"It seems that it isn't to be now," murmured the countess, following with her eyes the movements of the Frenchman. Landau got up and joined them.

"May I listen?" asked he.

"Oh, yes! I did not wish to disturb you," said the countess, tenderly. "Sit down with us."

"The essential thing is not to close one's eyes to the light," continued Alekseï Aleksandrovitch.

"Akh! if you knew what a blessing we experience when we feel His constant presence in our souls," said the Countess Lidia Ivanovna, with an ecstatic smile.

"But a man may feel himself incapable of rising to such a height," said Stepan Arkadyevitch, convinced that the heights of religion were not his forte, but fearing to offend a person who, by one word to Pomorsky, might get him the place that he wanted.

"You mean that sin may prevent him?" asked Lidia Ivanovna. "But that is a mistaken view. For him who believes, there is no more sin. Sin is already redeemed. Pardon," she added, as the lackey brought ber another note. She read it, and answered verbally, "Say to-morrow at the grand duchess's; "then she continued, "For the believer there is no sin."

"Yes; but 'faith without works is dead,'" said Stepan Arkadyevitch, recalling this phrase of his catechism, with a smile establishing his independence.

"That is the famous passage in the Epistle of St. James," said Alekseï Aleksandrovitch, in a reproachful tone, looking at the countess, as if to recall frequent discussions on the subject, "How much harm the false interpretation of that passage has done! It has driven more persons from the faith than anything else! 'I have no works, therefore I cannot believe,' is the logical conclusion from it. It means exactly the opposite."

"It is our monks who claim to be saved by works, by their fastings, their abstinences," said the countess, with an air of fastidious scorn. "Our way is far better and easier," she added, looking at Oblonsky with that scorch

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 themselves very much, by various conjectures, about the reasons of my connexion with the Austrian; but neither we nor our trusty serjeants communicated our adventures to any one of our acquaintance.

During our absence a strange accident had happened to one of our comrades, which had made every one wish for the return of the Austrian, and no sooner were we arrived, before all the officers repaired to my room to inform us of it.

The officer who lodged at the haunted inn, coming home against midnight three days ago, sat down to finish a letter to his colonel. As soon as it had struck twelve o'clock he heard a tremendous rap at the door, which he did not mind at first, but continued writing. A second rap, more violent than the first, disturbed him soon after, but he still took little notice of it. A third, not unlike a clap of thunder, ensued, after a short pause, the door


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 ing smile with which, at court, she was wont to wither young maids of honor, disconcerted at the newness of their position.

"We are saved by Christ who suffered for us; we are saved by faith," resumed Alekseï Aleksandrovitch.

"Vous comprenez l'anglais?" asked Lidia Ivanovna; and, receiving an affirmative answer, she rose, and took a small book from a side-table. "I'm going to read to you, 'Safe and Happy; or, Under the Wing,'" said she, with a look of interrogation at Karenin. "It is very short," added she, resuming her seat and opening the book. "Here the way is described by which faith is attained, and the joy which is higher than any that earth can give, which fills the soul of the believer. Man who believes cannot be unhappy, because he is no longer alone. Yes, and here you see...." She was about to go on reading, when again the lackey appeared. "From Borozdin? Say to-morrow, at two o'clock. .... Yes," she said, with a sigh, marking the place in the book with her finger, and looking up with her pensive, loving eyes. "This is the way true faith is acquired. Are you acquainted with Marie Sanina? You have heard of her great affliction? She lost her only son. She was in despair. Well, how is it now? She found this friend. She thanks God for the death of her child. Such is the happiness faith can give!"

"Ah, yes; this is very...." murmured Stepan Arkadyevitch, glad to be able to keep silent during this reading, and to think over his affairs a little. "I shall do better not to ask anything to-day," thought he; "only how can I get out of this without compromising myself?"

"This will be dull for you," said the countess to Landau. "You don't understand English; but this is short."

"Oh! I shall understand," said he, with a smile; and he shut his eyes.

Alekseï Aleksandrovitch and the countess significantly looked at one another, and the reading began.

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 dozen loops in a white thread stocking—Yes, yes—I see, you cunning gipsy!—'tis long, and taper—you need not pin it to your knee—and that 'tis your own—and fits you exactly.

—That Nature should have told this creature a word about a statue's thumb!

—But as this sample is worth all their thumbs—besides I have her thumbs and fingers in at the bargain if they can be any guide to me,—and as Janatone withal (for that is her name) stands so well for a drawing—may I never draw more, or rather may I draw like a draught-horse, by main strength all the days of my life,—if I do not draw her in all her proportions, and


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 to praise God. Many were struck down by the power of God and had visions.

The people continued from day to day to look on in wonder, and say we have seen strange things today. Many would weep, others turn pale when they saw the power of the Lord was present to save and to heal.

Many came from hospitals, given up by the best doctors in the city as incurable. They were saved and healed. Some of them soon went to hard labor, proving what great things the Lord had done for them.

(Reprinted from the Apostolic Light, of Salem, Oregon.)

St. Louis, Mo.—Rejoice with us in the goodness of our God and Saviour, for he has been very gracious to us. During the last two months, at Sister Woodworth-Etter’s meetings alone, hundreds have been saved, and a greater number healed. Most of the latter were chronic cases; many only came after the doctors had pronounced them incurable. One woman had spent $500 on her child for healing. Several hundred have had hearing restored; some had been paralyzed, others had tumors, consumption, and withered limbs, and were healed.

Yesterday during the afternoon meeting the Lord Jesus bowed the heavens and came down. Many were under the power. Two women and a girl were struck down unconscious, and lay on the floor. The girl came to after an hour and said she was saved and had the witness of the Spirit. The second woman lay unconscious for about two and one-half hours, with both arms raised to heaven. When she was recovering she sang praises unto God in the Spirit, and warned sinners to repent. The third woman lay unconscious till the evening meeting, about four hours, and said she had a message for us from the Lord, the substance of which I wrote in stenography, so you have it direct from the Throne of God. She said:

“T was carried away and was with Jesus in heaven. I saw my parents there, and my children who had gone before me, and others I knew. Some are dead that I did not see; they were cast into the outer darkness. A man who had been put to death by cruel men, and whom I had been burdened about for months, I

10

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 with as determin'd a pencil, as if I had her in the wettest drapery.

—But your worships chuse rather that I give you the length, breadth, and perpendicular height of the great parish church, or a drawing of the fascade of the abbey of Saint Austreberte which has been transported from Artois hither—every thing is just I suppose as the masons and carpenters left them,—and if the belief in Christ continues so long, will be so these fifty years to come—so your worships and reverences, may all measure them at your leisures—but he who measures thee, Janatone, must do it now—thou carriest the principles of change within thy frame; and considering the chances of a transitory life, I would not answer for thee a moment;


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 saw; he had been executed by men and was in heaven. Some I had never thought to meet in heaven, I saw. Others who were thought to have died innocent, I did not see.

The Lord said to me, “Go back and warn the people of my coming soon. If they spit in your face, say Amen; and I will be with you. Wonderful things will be done in the meetings at St. Louis. There will be a hard battle, but hold up my power; and sinners, make your peace with me before it is too late.”

We rejoice daily at the marvellous manifestations of the presence of God in our midst. I never saw such wonderful works as those God has wrought in Sister Woodworth-Etter’s meetings during the last two weeks. God the Father is glorifying Jesus Christ, in healing all manner of diseases, in saving souls, in giving peace, love and joy to repentant sinners. “Ye are also helping together by prayer for us, that for the gift bestowed upon us by the means of many persons thanks may be given by many on our behalf.” II.-Cor. I:11.

The Lord Jesus is pouring out his spirit on these meetings. He showed it to one sister in a vision, and we at the meetings see it. About a dozen have fallen as dead, and laid for hours on

the floor, and had visions and revelations. Sometimes the Spirit will take possession of a man just after he has finished singing, with hymn book in hand and hand upraised, and hold him as a statute for fifteen or twenty minutes; others standing up or kneeling have been held in this way. Yesterday two women were converted sitting in their seats, and got the witness of the Spirit, and knew they were born from above. Sister Etter herself went under the power at the afternoon meeting, on March 24th, and had to be laid on the platform for over an hour. She had a vision, and the Lord showed her many things, and especially with regard to. the immediate future of the work in St. Louis.

All those who have had visions and revelations bring back the message to warn the people that Jesus is coming soon; that sinners make their peace with him, and that those who are saved get established and anointed with power and sealed with the knowledge that he is coming soon, that they may be found faithful and true at his appearing.

All that have had revelations while under the power bring

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 back the message that our Lord comes very soon. Praise his name. What a glorious time that will be for His saints.

We made a visit to St. Louis. The Lord was there in great power; there were wondrous miracles of healing and the Holy Ghost power was manifested in many signs and wonders, and in speaking in other tongues with the interpretation, and with heavenly songs.

One sister was almost carried by the power of God, from the platform into the congregation and stood there and had a wonderful vision, and spoke in many different languages.

A young boy was struck dumb and deaf and blind. After three days his sight returned while they were praying for him, but his hearing and speech did not return till a month after. While he was deaf and dumb the Lord wonderfully used him and gave him many visions and relevations. He prophesied of earthquakes, of fire, and floods, and they have come to pass.

A Swedish sister was entirely under the power of God and spake in many different languages and gave the interpretation. She made many prophesies that will reach right on till the Lord comes. Many of them have come to pass.

Another sister was wonderfully baptized and sang an anthem in Greek and one in Latin. She sang a heavenly song which could be heard far away. It sounded like as though it came from heaven. She spoke in several different languages and stood up and preached while the tears streamed down her face.

Another young lady received her baptism and spoke in eight different languages, and spoke many times afterwards when the power took possession of her and everyone knew it was the power of God.”

While preaching and explaining Pentecost, how they too spoke in other tongues, the power of God took possession of me and I began to speak as the Spirit gave utterance in other tongues. I spoke in three different languages, preaching the wonderful works of Pentecost in other languages. I sang several songs in the Spirit, and laughed in a manner resembling the laughter of several other nations.

All who received the baptism speaking in other tongues received great power.

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handled duplicate of the old fashioned tin dipper that used to hang by the well, lies twinkling in the northern half of the sky. This Dipper is ornamented with seven bright stars although a telescope or a field-glass will disclose dozens more encrusted on its handle and a starry phosphorescence in its bowl.

This Dipper may be found near the zenith, almost overhead, during the early evening hours in April and May; it is west of the North Star in July and August, near the northern horizon in October and November and in the east during January and February.

Although every twenty-four hours this Sky Dipper swings completely around the North Star, half of the journey is invisible because the strong light of the sun prevents us from seeing the stars in the daytime.

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 A young girl came to the meeting and made fun of the workers, but the Lord saved her and showed her the darkness of Roman Catholicism, and she gave a wonderful testimony of how the Lord had delivered her.

The Lord appeared to her in a vision and told her to go to the suburb where she had previously lived, on the next day, and he would give her many souls. He showed her in a vision those he would save.

She obeyed and went the next day and called on one of her old friends.

They expressed surprise at seeing her look so happy, as before her conversion, she hardly ever smiled,, and was dissatisfied and unhappy, and used such rough language. They said, “What has happened to you? You look so happy. We want that kind of religion too.” She told them how to get it, and they went to praying. God sent His power, and pretty soon they all fell over, and lay for fifteen or twenty minutes. A little girl, about nine years-old, ran about the house shouting and saying, “Mama, I see Jesus, I see Jesus.” They all came out brightly converted, and shouting. Ten in all, including the hired girl.

Then she went to another house, and they said the same thing, they saw such a great change in her, and asked her what she had done, and she told them she was converted. The power of God came on her while speaking, and she began to preach to them while under the power of God, and when she came to, she found they were all overpowered; they lay for a while, and came out shouting the praises of God, nineteen of them in all, as neighbors had been called in.

After this, as she was walking down the street, she met a girl friend, who was going to a dance hall, to attend a committee meeting, to arrange for a picnic next day. She was invited to go too; at first she refused, but the Lord showed her to go.

When she got there, she found it was one of the places she had seen in her vision. When she began to speak, the power of the Holy Ghost came on her, and she preached to them, and when she had finished they were all twenty of them lying round on the floor, like a battlefield. She prayed for them, and they all came out brightly converted.

Forty-nine were saved that day, of whom forty-eight were Roman Catholics, and one a backslidden Methodist.

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 CHAPTER XXII

felt perfectly bewildered by these strange and to him unwonted discourses to which he had been listening. After the stagnation of Moscow, the complication of life in Petersburg as a general thing had an enlivening effect on him; but he liked it and was at home in it when he was among those whom he knew well. In this unfamiliar environment, he was bewildered and stupefied, and could not make anything out of it.

As he listened to the reading, and saw the brilliant eyes of Laudau—naive or knavish, he could not tell which—fixed on him, he felt a peculiar heaviness in his head. The most heterogeneous thoughts went whirling through his brain.

"Marie Sanina is happy in having lost her son. .... It would be good if I could only smoke! .... To be saved, one needs only to believe. .... The monks do not understand about this, but the Countess Lidia Ivanovna does. What makes my head feel so heavy? Is it the brandy, or the strangeness of all this? I have done nothing out of the way as yet; but I shan't venture to ask anything to-day. It is said they make you say your prayers. Suppose they should make me say mine! That would be too nonsensical. What stuff that is she is reading! But she reads well. Landau Bezzubof .... why is he Bezzubof?"

Suddenly Stepan Arkadyevitch felt that his lower jaw was irresistibly beginning to accomplish a yawn. He smoothed his whiskers to conceal the yawn, and shook himself; but the next moment he felt sure that he was asleep, and even beginning to snore. The voice of the Countess Lidia Ivanovna waked him, saying:—

"He's asleep."

Stepan Arkadyevitch waked with a start, feeling a consciousness of guilt. But instantly he was relieved to find that the words, "He's asleep," had reference, not to himself, but to Landau. The Frenchman was as sound asleep as Stepan Arkadyevitch had been. But

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 The stars, however, rise two hours earlier every month and this brings the Dipper, when observed during the early hours of darkness, to different positions in the sky during the different seasons.

Since this conspicuous star figure travels completely around the arctic circle of the heavens in twenty-four hours, the space within this circle has been likened to a great star clock, the two outer stars on the bowl—called "The Pointers"—forming the hour hand which always points toward the center of the clock marked by the North Star. With a little attention anyone may learn to judge the time by this timepiece and wager as much on it as the Carrier in Shakespeare's King Henry IV who looks up as he enters the Inn Yard with his lantern and remarks:

The Big Dipper is called "Charles' Wain" in England, the bowl being the wagon or wain, and the stars on the handle, the horses. It is also called "David's chariot" and the "Plowshare." In Rome these seven bright stars were called "Septentriones" or "The Seven Plowing Oxen"; in Greece, simply the "Triones."

Boötes, so the story runs, being of an ingenious turn of mind, tilled his land in fine order by inventing the plow which he hitched to two oxen. For this he was given the title of the "Herdsman" or the "Ox-driver" and placed in the heavens to follow the stars of the Big Dipper which resembles a "wain" or a plow. Boötes' constellation, though very large, is formed of faint stars,—with the exception of one brilliant golden-yellow star which may be located by drawing a curve from the end of the Big Dipper's handle.

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 Another time she was impressed to write to Mrs. V., who had a daughter who was born deaf and dumb, and who seventeen months ago was run into by a street car, the result of which was she was paralyzed from the hips down, and the doctors put her in plaster of paris cast.

Mrs. V. brought her daughter to St. Louis, and called and asked the sister to come and pray for her. She went, and as she was praying fell under the power of the Holy Ghost, and talked with the daughter, using the deaf and dumb language, ''although she did not, and does not know a single letter of it,'' telling her how to give herself to the Lord. Then when the sick deaf and dumb one prayed she also fell under the power of the Holy Ghost, and spoke, saying, “I see Jesus; He said, ‘You can walk,’ and reached out His hand.” She took the tips of his fingers, and rose right up out of bed, the cast breaking, and walked across to her father, and as she reached out and touched him on the forehead, he too fell under the power of God, and was saved, also seven others.

The next day she went home and spoke over the telephone to a friend, who had been a cripple, using crutches for sixteen years, but she would not believe that a girl born deaf and dumb could hear and talk, but said, “It is Agnes,” the name of a girl friend of hers.

She replied, “Come over and see.” When the cripple entered on her crutches, and saw Verne healed, she cried, “If you can walk, I can too,” and threw away her crutches and walked.

A Sister was suffering from appendicitis, gallstone and another disease. One day she became unconscious, and remained so until nine p.m. The people she lived with had her removed to the City Hospital. When she came to, she found herself in bed there, and they told her she would have to be operated on.

An operation was performed, and twenty-five stitches were taken. She got so bad after it, that she could not see nor speak, and they put a death screen round her, as is customary when a patient is about to die, and a doctor and a nurse were watching for her to die.

A Sister from the Mission came to visit her and said, when leaving, “We will pray for you to be healed at nine o’clock,” and two nurses standing by heard it.”

During the day she got worse, her limbs turning black up to the elbows and knees, and her fingers stiff; she also had

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 Stepan Arkadyevitch's nap would have offended them,—he did not think of this at the time, so strange did everything seem,—but Landau's rejoiced them exceedingly, and especially the Countess Lidia Ivanovna.

"Mon ami," said the Countess Lidia Ivanovna, cautiously, so as not to disturb him; and, picking up the folds of her silk gown, in the enthusiasm of the moment, calling Karenin, not Alekseï Aleksandrovitch, but, "Mon ami, donnez lui la main! vous voyez? Sh-h!" said she to the lackey, who once more entered the parlor with a message. "I can't receive it now."

The Frenchman slept, or pretended to sleep, leaning his head on the back of his arm-chair, and resting his hand on his knee, but making feeble gestures, as if he were trying to catch something.

Alekseï Aleksandrovitch got up, and cautiously, though he tripped over a table as he did so, stepped over to the chair, and put his hand into the Frenchman's hand. Stepan Arkadyevitch also got up, and opening his eyes wide, and trying to decide whether he were asleep or not, looked from one to the other, and felt his ideas growing more and more confused.

"Que la personne qui est arrivée la dernière, celle qui demande, qu'elle ....sorte. Qu'elle sorte," murmured the Frenchman, without opening his eyes.

"Vous m'excuserez, mais vous voyez—revenez vers dix heures, encore mieux demain."

"Qu'elle sorte,' repeated the Frenchman, impatiently.

"C'est moi, n'est ce pas?" asked Oblonsky, and at an affirmative sign, forgetting what he was going to ask Lidia Ivanovna, forgetting his sister's affairs, with one single desire to escape as soon as possible, hastened out on his tiptoes and rushed down into the street, as if he were fleeing from a pest-house, and for a long time talked and jested with his driver, so as to bring back his spirits.

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42 of that and partly because he is not a thinker but a feeler, the poet, the artist or the musician is almost invariably an audible socialist. True, some of these "intellectuals" (they might better be called emotionals) are themselves fairly thrifty and prosperous, and in the redistribution of wealth which many of them impudently propose would be first to experience the mischance of "restitution." But doubtless they do not expect their blessed "new order of things " to come in their day. Meantime there are profit and a certain picturesqueness in "hailing the dawn" of a better one, just as if it had already struck "the Sultan's tower with a shaft of light."

The socialist notion appears to be that the world's wealth is a fixed quantity, and A can acquire only by depriving B. He is fond of figuring the rich as living upon the poor — riding on their backs, as Tolstoi (staggering under the weight of his wife, to whom he had given his vast estate) was pleased to signify the situation. The plain truth of the matter is that the poor live mostly on the rich — entirely unless with their own hands they dig a bare subsistence out of their own farms or gravel claims; if they do better than that they are not poor. A man may remain in poverty


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, the blood coming out of her mouth, nose and ears, so that her clothing was saturated with blood. Shortly before nine o'clock, all her limbs stretched out, as when a person dies, and the nurse believing her dead, went and told the doctor, “She is gone;” he came to see, and found her sitting up: he was astonished, and told her she must lie down. She said, “I am healed;” he told her she was out of her head, but she insisted God had healed her, and at last he saw that it was so.

“Next day twenty-nine doctors came to see her, and said: “It was the most wonderful case they had ever known. She is perfectly healed.” They had not known of any one else to recover from that operation.

In such cases the stitches are never taken out before fifteen days, but in her case, as she was healed, they were taken out the fourth day.

When Visiting day came, as she had no visitors, the Medical Superintendent of the Hospital said he and his wife would be pleased to visit her. They came, and as they sat by her bed, she told the story of her conversion, and there were tears in his wife’s eyes.

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 At the French Theater, which he reached in time for the last act, and afterward over his champagne at the the Tartars', Stepan Arkadyevitch gradually began to breathe more freely in the familiar atmosphere. Nevertheless, all that evening he was very far from being himself.

When he returned to the house of Piotr Oblonsky, where he made his home in Petersburg, he found a note from Betsy. She wrote him that she was very desirous of finishing their talk, and urged him to call the next day. He had hardly finished reading this note and making up a face at it, when heavy shuffling steps were heard down-stairs as of men lifting some heavy object.

Stepan Arkadyevitch went out to see what it was. It was the rejuvenated Piotr Oblonsky, who was so tipsy that he could not walk up-stairs; but when he caught sight of Stepan Arkadyevitch, he ordered his attendants to put him on his feet, and, clinging to Stepan Arkadyevitch's arm, he managed to reach his room, where he began to relate how he had spent the evening, till he fell asleep.

Stepan Arkadyevitch himself was in such a weak state of mind, that, contrary to his custom, he did not fall asleep quickly. What he had heard and seen during the day was disgusting. But more disgusting than anything else was the recollection of the evening at the Countess Lidia Ivanovna's.

The next day he received from Alekseï Aleksandrovitch a flat refusal in the matter of the divorce, and knew that this decision was based on the words which the Frenchman had uttered during his slumber, real or feigned.

CHAPTER XXIII

order that anything may be accomplished in family life, it is requisite that between the husband and wife there should be either absolute discord or loving harmony. But when the relations between the two are uncertain, and there is neither the one nor the other, nothing can be accomplished.

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 Many families remain for years in places of which the husband and wife both are tired and disgusted, simply because there is neither full discord nor full concord.

Unendurable to Vronsky and Anna was their life in Moscow, in the heat and dust, when the sun shone, not now with its springtime beauty, but with summer fervor, and all the trees along the boulevards had been long in leaf, and the leaves were already thick with dust. Though they had long before decided to remove to Vozdvizhenskoye, still they continued to live in Moscow, which was detestable to them both, and the reason for this was that of late there had been no harmony between them.

The exasperation which tended to keep them apart had no tangible cause, and all attempts at an explanation, instead of closing the chasm, only widened it. It was an internal irritation which, as far as she was concerned, had for its source the diminution of his love for her, and on his part his annoyance because, thanks to her, he found himself placed in an embarrassing position, which she, instead of trying to relieve, made still more difficult. Neither he nor she formulated any definite complaints, but each considered the other in the wrong, and at every opportunity tried to make this evident.

She considered that he, with ail his habits, ideas, desires, with all his spiritual and physical tendencies, had one distinguishing quality,—the power of loving women; and this love, she felt, ought by good rights to be wholly concentrated on her. This love had diminished; consequently, in her opinion, a part of this love must necessarily be transferred to others or to some other woman, and—she was jealous. She was jealous, not of any definite woman, but of his diminished love for her.

Having as yet no definite object for her jealousy to rest on, she was on the watch for one. On the slightest pretext she would transfer her jealousy from one person to another. Sometimes she suspected him of low amours, which he might enter into as an unmarried man about town; sometimes she distrusted ladies whom he might meet in society; then again, with the imaginary young lady whom he would be likely to marry in case he broke

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 with her. This form of jealousy especially tormented her, for the reason that he himself had carelessly, in a moment of confidence one day, spoken of his mother's lack of tact in having ventured to propose to him to marry the young Princess Sorokin.

And being thus jealous, Anna felt indignant with him and kept finding reasons for her indignation. For all the painfulness of her position she blamed him. She considered him responsible for her painful state of expectancy which she was enduring in Moscow, as it were suspended between heaven and earth, for the uncertainty in which she lived, for Alekseï Aleksandrovitch's delay and indecision, and for her loneliness. If he loved her, he would understand the difficulty of her position, and save her from it. He was to blame because she was living in Moscow and not in the country. He could not live in the country, as she wanted to do. He wanted society, and so condemned her to this horrible position, the trials of which he could not comprehend, And, again, he was responsible for depriving her forever of her son. Even those rare moments of tenderness which they occasionally enjoyed did not appease her; she now detected in his tenderness a shade of calmness, of assurance, which he had never before shown, and which exasperated her.

It was getting dark. Vronsky was at a gentlemen's dinner; and Anna, while waiting for him, had taken refuge in his library, where the noise of the street was less oppressive than in the rest of the house. She walked up and down, going over in memory their last altercation.

As she recalled in memory the insulting words that had been spoken, and tried to think what had led to it, she at last remembered how the quarrel had begun. For some time she found it impossible to believe that any dissension could have arisen from such an inoffensive conversation, from a subject which was so unimportant to any one. But such was the fact. It all began from his having made sport of women's gymnasia, declaring them unnecessary, and she had taken up the cudgels in

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 their defense. He had disrespectfully attacked the education of women in general, and had said that Hannah, Anna's English protégée, had not the slightest need of knowing anything about physics.

That had irritated Anna. She saw in it a derogatory reference to her own occupations, and she conjured up and uttered a phrase which was meant to repay him for the pain he inflicted on her.

"I did not expect that you would comprehend me and my feelings as a man who really loved would, but I expected at least some delicacy," said she.

And in reality he had reddened with vexation and made some unpleasant remark. She did not remember what retort she then made, but, whatever it was, he had said with the manifest intention of hurting her feelings:—

"I confess your devotion to that girl does not interest me, because I can see in it nothing but an affectation."

This cruelty of his, with which he demolished the fabric which she had with such labor erected so as to endure the trials of her life, this injustice of his in accusing her of pretense and affectation, drove her frantic.

"It is very unfortunate that only what is low and material is comprehensible to you," she had retorted, and she left the room.

When, in the evening, he came to see her, the discussion was not resumed, but they both felt that it was not forgotten.

All this day he had not been at home; and she was so lonely and wretched, as she thought of their quarrels, that she resolved to forget everything, to ask his forgiveness, and to take the blame on herself, so as to bring about a reconciliation at any cost.

"I am to blame; I am irritable; I am absurdly jealous. I will make it up with him, and we will leave for the country, and there I shall be calmer," she thought.

"Affectation!"—nenaturalno. She suddenly remembered the word which had so affronted her, above all in his intention of causing her pain by it.

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 "I know what he meant. He meant by affected that I did not love my daughter, but loved another's child. What does he know of the love a child can inspire? Has he the least idea what I sacrificed for him in giving up Serozha? But this desire to wound me! No, he loves another woman; it must be so."

And seeing that, even while she wanted to calm herself she was once more going over the circle she had so many times traversed, and was once more returning to the same state of irritation, she was horror-struck.

"Is it wholly out of the question? Can I not attach him to myself?" she queried, and then she began at the beginning again. "He is true, he is honorable, he loves me. I love him; in a day or two dissension will be ended. What is necessary? Calmness, gentleness, and I shall bring him back to me. Yes; now, when he comes, I will tell him that I was to blame .... although I was not to blame; .... and we will go off."

And, in order not to think any more, and not to give way to her irritation, she gave orders to bring down her trunks, to begin preparations for departure.

At ten o'clock Vronsky came in.

CHAPTER XXIV

did you have a gay time?" asked Anna, going to meet him with an apologetic and affectionate look on her face.

"As such things usually are," answered he, noticing at once by her face that she was in one of her best moods. He was already accustomed to such metamorphoses, and this time he was particularly glad, because he himself was in his happiest frame of mind. "What do I see? This is good," he added, pointing to the trunks in the entry.

"Yes, we must go. I went out to walk to-day, and it was so good that I longed to get back to the country. There's nothing to keep you here, is there?"

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 "I should like nothing better. .... I will be back immediately, and we will talk it over; all I want is to change my coat. Have the tea brought."

There was something irritating in the tone in which he said, "This is good," as one speaks to a child which has ceased to be capricious, and still more irritating was the discrepancy between her apologetic and his self-confident tone, and for a moment she felt rising within her the desire to be pugnacious. But making an effort to restrain herself, she relinquished it, and met Vronsky as gayly as before.

When he came in, she told him calmly the incidents of the day, and her plans for departure, using in part the very words she had thought over.

"Do you know, it came over me like an inspiration," said she,—"why wait here for the divorce? Will it not be all the same when we are in the country? I cannot wait longer. I want to stop hoping about the divorce. I don't want to hear anything more about it. I think it won't have any more effect on my life. Don't you agree with me?"

"Oh, yes!" said he, looking with disquietude at Anna's excited face.

"Come, tell me what you did; who were there?" said she, after a moment's silence.

Vronsky named over the guests.

"The dinner was excellent. And we had a boat-race, and it was all very jolly. But in Moscow nothing can be done sans ridicule. Some woman, the swimming-teacher of the queen of Sweden, gave us an exhibition of her art."

"What! Did she swim for you?" demanded Anna, frowning.

"Yes, in an ugly red costume de natation. She was old and hideous. .... What day do we go?"

"What an inane idea! Was there anything extraordinary about her method of swimming?" asked Anna, not replying to his question.

"Not at all. I tell you it was horribly stupid. When have you decided to go?"

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188 can bear arms, out upon the plateau in an effort to overwhelm the Kalkars and destroy the guns.”

She stood and thought for a long time, and presently the officer of the guard returned and halted before her, awaiting her commands. Slowly she raised her head and looked at him.

“Go into the city,” she said, “and gather every Laythean who can carry a sword, a dagger, or a lance. Tell them to assemble on the inner terraces below the castle, and that I, Nah-ee-lah their Jemadav, will address them. The fate of Laythe rests with you. Go.”

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 endow them with wealth and with heritages, and thou thinkst that there lives an other man offended even more deeply than thou, yet equally cold-livered and meanspirited, crawling upon the face of the earth, and hast dared to suppose that one other to be John Balfour?"

"For my own feelings," said Morton composedly, "I am answerable to none but Heaven—To you, Mr Balfour, I should suppose it of little consequence whether Basil Olifant or Lord Evandale possess these estates."

"Thou art deceived," said Burley; "both are indeed in outer darkness, and strangers to the light, as he whose eyes have never been opened to the day. But this Basil Olifant is a Nabal—a Demasa—base churl, whose wealth and power are at the disposal of him who can threaten to deprive him of them. He became a professor because he was deprived of these lands of Tillietudlem—he turned a papist to obtain possession of them—he called himself


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 thou still hope to possess the fair-haired girl with her wide and rich inheritance?"

"I have no such hope," answered Morton calmly.

"And for whom then hast thou ventured to do this great thing, to seek to rend the prey from, the valiant, to bring forth food from the den of the lion, and to extract sweetness from the maw of the devourer?—For whose sake hast thou undertaken to read this riddle, more hard than Sampson's?"

"For Lord Evandale's and that of his bride," replied Morton firmly. "Think better of mankind, Mr Balfour, and believe there are some who are willing to sacrifice their happiness to that of others."

"Then, as my soul liveth," replied Balfour, "thou art, to wear beard, and back a horse, and draw a sword, the tamest and most galless puppet that ever sustained injury unavenged. What! thou wouldst help that accursed Evandale to the arms of the woman that thou lovest?—thou wouldst


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 overwhelmed in the abyss below, bidding foemen on the farther side stand at defiance, and leaving enemies on this at the mercy of one who never yet met his equal in single fight."

"Of such defences," said Morton, "I should have thought you would now have had little need."

"Little need?" said Burley impatiently, "What little need, when incarnate fiends are combined against me on earth, and Sathan himself—but it matters not," added he, checking himself—"Enough that I like my place of refuge—my cave of Adullam, and would not change its rude ribs of limestone rock for the fair chambers of the castle of the Earls of Torwood, with their broad bounds and barony. Thou, unless the foolish fever-fit be over, mayst think differently."

"It was of these, very possessions I came to speak," said Morton, "and I doubt not to find Mr Balfour the same rational and reflecting person which I knew him


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 to be in times when zeal disunited brethren."

"Ay," said Burley; "Indeed?—Is such truly your hope?—wilt thou express it more plainly?"

"In a word then," said Morton, "you have exercised, by means at which I can guess, a secret, but most prejudicial influence over the fortunes of Lady Margaret Bellenden and her grand-daughter, and in favours of that base, oppressive apostate, Basil Olifant, whom the law, deceived by thy operations, has placed in possession of their lawful property."

"Sayest thou?" said Balfour.

"I do say so," replied Morton; "and face to face you will not deny what you have vouched by your hand-writing."

"And suppose I deny it not?" said Balfour, "and suppose that thy eloquence were found equal to persuade me to retrace the steps I have taken on matured resolve, what will be thy meed? Doest


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 and chill which sent an old soldier to his fencing exercise, to prevent his blood from chilling. This done, he proceeded in the cold determined manner which was peculiar to his ordinary discourse.

"Thou hast tarried long, Henry Morton, and hast not come to the vintage before the twelfth hour has struck. Art thou yet willing to take the right hand of fellowship, and be one with those who look not to thrones or dynasties, but to the rule of Scripture for their directions?"

"I am surprised," said Morton, evading the direct answer to his question, "that you should have known me after so many years."

"The features of those who ought to act with me are engraved on my heart," answered Burley; "and few but Silas Morton's son durst have followed me into this my castle of retreat. Seest thou that drawbridge of Nature's own construction?" he added, pointing to the prostrate oak-tree—one spurn of my foot, and it is.


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 The little star just above the star in the crook of the handle of the Dipper is sometimes spoken of as a 'rider.' The Arabs call these two stars a "Horse and its Rider," the English call the rider "Jack-on-the-Middle-Horse," while the Germans call him "Hans-on-the-Middle Horse." Hans chose this position in preference to any other on the face of the earth or in the kingdom of Heaven.

Astronomers have still another name for the Horse and its Rider. To them it is a "naked-eye double," the tiny star being called "Alcor," and the one on the Dipper's handle just below it, "Mizar." A 3-inch telescope discloses a still closer companion to Mizar which has a decided greenish tinge in its light. Of the two stars composing Mizar, each one is itself composed of two, which revolve around a common center of gravity in a period to be counted in thousands of years. This wonderful law of gravitation which holds not only planets in their orbits, but also stars, was discovered by Sir Isaac Newton, an English philosopher and mathematician. Two stars revolving around a common center of gravity in this manner are called a "binary"; in the case of Mizar and its companion, each of the two visual components is called a "spectroscopic binary." The brighter component was discovered to be a binary in 1889 by E. C. Pickering with the aid of a spectroscope and the fainter component was found to be a spectroscopic binary in 1908 by Frost and Lee. Alcor is also a spectroscopic binary.

The stars are such an exceedingly great distance from the earth that even though they are in constant motion, they do not seem to change their relations to other stars through long periods of time. The whole configuration of the Big Dipper will some day be changed because its stars are traveling in various directions. Through the skill of various scientists this infinitesimal difference in motion is detected and recorded,—not only that a star is moving, but which way and how fast! Thus the spectroscope exploded the

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 old idea that the stars were "fixed." The facts, however, are amazing and one must immediately readjust his ideas of what constitutes big and little, fast and slow, for in studying astronomy the small distances on our earth and the vast distances in space, and man-made speed and God-made speed, can hardly even be compared.

The stars of the Big Dipper are an exceptional group for they are all bright stars of the second magnitude, with the exception of Megrez at the junction of the handle to the bowl. These seven stars, and the "Rider," were given names by the Arabian astronomers, and although modern astronomers prefer for the most part a Greek letter prefixed to the genitive case of the Latin name of the constellation—such as β Ursae Majoris—these names are rather interesting to know. Starting from the top of the Big Dipper's handle, the Arabian names are as follows: Benetnasch, Mizar, Alioth, Megrez, Phaed, Merak, and Dubhe.

The "Little Dipper" hangs on the Pole of the Heavens, swinging swiftly around night after night, century after century. It hangs stiffly, as a dipper should, from the bright golden nail of the North Star. From its appearance, it would seem that the rapid

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 motion near the pivot of the starry dome had caused its handle to bend forward at a most precarious angle—surely nothing less than the immortality conferred upon it as a part of Ursa Minor could prevent it from flinging its bowl through the depths of space and whirling henceforth an uninteresting stub of a handle.

The Little Dipper is rather faintly outlined, the only bright stars being those which mark the extremities. The two more conspicuous stars were named "The Guards" for it was thought that they protected the "hole in which the axle of the earth is borne." This "hole," which was imagined as keeping in place the north pole of the heavens, is marked by the North Star. To be exact, the North Star does not mark its precise location but is about twice the diameter of the moon away from it. Such a small distance, however, is scarcely discernible to the eye.

As mentioned before, all the stars travel in unchanged order along their arcs from east to west except this one star which marks the north pole of the heavens. There is no star directly above the pole of the southern hemisphere of our earth. The North Star, or "Polaris," is therefore the only star which remains in an apparently fixed position in the sky, and all the other stars visible to us whirl around it as a center, although in most cases only a portion of their arcs may be seen. If the earth should falter or halt in its rotation, so would the whirl of the stars, and this remarkable exhibition, which is only a delusion dependent on the motion of the earth, would immediately cease to be.

Polaris has a minute blue companion star which may be viewed in a 2- or 3-inch telescope.

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 The most reliable method of establishing a true meridian in surveying is to take observations on Polaris. "Amid the blue ice and rose-petal night of the pole" this star is, of course, in the very dome of the sky, and Admiral Peary once had the unique distinction of having it shine directly over his head. But in any other location, this star burns like the light of a signal fire marking the north, and its steady, never-failing presence has always heartened and given a feeling of security to travelers, as well as being useful to surveyors.

The two sky Dippers are only the flanks and the tails of the whole constellations which are called the "Great Bear" and the "Little Bear." Their names are usually written in Latin—"Ursa Major" and "Ursa Minor."

The tail of the Great Bear, outlined by the bright stars of the Big Dipper's handle, is the most clearly marked portion of his anatomy. So inordinately proud is he of this huge appendage, (which is also, the most clearly marked figure in the sky), that, so old legends assert, he gazes jealously at the lone bright star on the end of the Little Bear's tail in hopes that some day he may gain possession of it and add it to his own. This is another reason why the "Guards" have been placed to watch the North Star.

The feet of this Bear extend to three pairs of stars set nearly equidistant, although there are no stars for one of his forefeet. The Arabs call these the "Doe's Leaps." The Bear's head is sprinkled with a scattered group of faint stars on a line with the bowl of the Dipper.

This interesting creature is most impressive when in the spring-

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