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The Smart Set/Volume 22/Issue 4/Locked Horns

HE two Indian axe-men went first, blazing a narrow trail as they went. Then came the guides, in a long line, with the dunnage and canoes on their shoulders. Next to them came Gabriel Matane, the forest-ranger, and next to him again Frisby, the deputy commissioner of crown lands. I brought up the rear, and at my side walked old Antoine, the guide.

The air was quite windless there in the heart of the woods, and it was unspeakably hot. The axe blows of the Indians far ahead echoed and reëchoed in strangely musical cadences through the leaf-filtered gloom. Yet in the world without we knew it was high noon.

The engulfing leafage, of a sudden, stunted down and came to a stop. Before us stood a sheer wall of rock, sixty feet in height. Along its base flashed and rippled a little stream, and between the stream and us a wild-plum thicket, in full bloom, filled the pale Canadian air with an almost oriental intoxication of perfume.

Matane, stalking about under the shadow of that grim wall for a place to pitch camp, stumbled and fell across a pair of moose horns. Once on his feet again, he kicked the horns into the open, It was then that Antoine pointed out to me that it was not one pair, but two pair of great antlers, inextricably tangled and locked, that lay at our feet.

“They came over the cliff, together,” he said, as he turned the horns over, slowly, wonderingly. Then he tried to shake them loose; but it was impossible. There were no other signs, no bones, just the twin pair of mysteriously locked horns remaining. A sense of tragedy long past and sublimated by time, such as may come to one in ruined cities and dead countries, crept over me. The isolation of the place, where, in all likelihood, the foot of man had never before pressed, together, perhaps, with the silence of the forest, and that unbetraying granite background against which our very whispers now echoed, made the impression of mystery a more tangible one.

“They met and fought, m'sieu',” said old Antoine, in his gentle French-Canadian patois, “it must have been many years ago. Neither won, m'sieu', as you see, for together they fell over the cliff, and this is all that is left. It was for love, of course, m'sieu'. That is the thing they all fight for, and fight the blindest!”

And in the murmurous and odorous shade of the far Northern wild-plum thicket old Antoine told me the story of Emmeline Belair and Phinee Lavoie, while the axe-men chopped wood for the campfire, and the locked horns and their locked history lay at our feet.

“That story, m'sieu', begins away back, I don't know how many years. But this Emmeline Belair was the daughter of old Belair the lock-tender. And one day Phinee Lavoie was pushing his boat out through the sluice-gates, when he happened to look up. Emmeline was above, and she was looking down. She was a young girl, with red lips and very big eyes. He was a brave young garçon, with a red sash and brown hair. They turned toward each other, and their eyes met. And I think, m'sieu', when they met that way something locked together, fast, forever, just like these horns.

“But nothing happened then. Phinee rowed away in his boat. Emmeline went back to the lock. It was two years later, when old Belair was crushed by the sluice-gate, and had made a pilgrimage to Ste. Anne de Beaupré, that the good saint might effect a cure. There he fell down in a fit, at the very foot of the shrine, dead, and was buried on the hill, between the St. Lawrence and the Laurentians. Then Xiste Barbette, the notary public, took little Emmeline to his house and gave her a home. But he was a poor man, and he thought that maybe a fine girl like Emmeline would find a better home, before very long, or that maybe he could arrange for a marriage. But Emmeline had grown up like a wild thing, m'sieu', living alone, and never learning to work, like the other girls along the River. So old Barbette he waited to see what he could do about that Emmeline, and she waited and said nothing. Only she knew the kind little notary public would not be altogether sad when she had gone. For he had many to feed and very little money.

“Well, big Sebastien Sauriol—Black Sauriol, the men in the bush-gangs always called him—he heard about Emmeline having no home, and all day long when he was working with his gang at the head of the River, he kept thinking about her. He remembered her when she was a little girl, on the lock, looking down at him with her solemn eyes, as he poled his boom-logs through. Then all of a sudden he dropped his cant-hook, m'sieu', and he said out loud, 'By God, I'll marry that girl—and I'll marry her right away, too!' He was the boss of that Little Saint Justin lumber camp. So none of the boys said anything, when they heard that. They knew old Barbette could not keep Emmeline all the time. And they knew Black Sauriol had plenty of money and a good house at Saint Angele. He was a pretty old man, they think, to marry a young girl like that. And maybe, m'sieu', you would never call him the most handsome man in the province. But he was the boss. And when he hit the shanty table with his big fist and said he would send down for that girl right away the boys looked at one another, and said nothing. They just waited, m'sieu', for what would happen—and they all felt sorry for Emmeline.

“The second day after that Black Sauriol called young Phinee Lavoie over to where he was reading a letter. 'Phinee,' he said, 'you are the best boy in this camp! We have always been good friends, eh? You are not too old. You have a good face, and you are honest. I want you to help me out in this thing. Old Barbette has written back to me, and he says he has talked it over with Emmeline, and she says she will marry me, tomorrow, the next day, any time they like. I have worked on this bush-gang, Phinee, a good many years. And maybe that has made me seem hard. And maybe I look a little old,' he said to the boy. 'But I have lived an honest life, and I have saved my money; I can make a good home for that little girl. So I want you to go down to Barbette's, Phinee, and bring that little woman back with you. Take the best team in all the camp. When you get here I will have the curé from Saint Angele, and the cabin on the North Gap ready. And you explain everything the best you can, so it will not be too hard on the little woman!'

“Then Phinee he stepped back and said, 'Sebastien, I'd rather you got somebody else to do this for you!' And Black Sauriol he looked at Phinee and said, 'Boy, is this the way you are going to act with the man who has been your friend, from the day you first came into his camp? I am the boss. Phinee, I say you must go!' And Phinee he looked at the fire for a long time, and then he said, 'All right, I'll go.' And Black Sauriol he said, 'Good,' and he looked at the fire, too, and sat there and thought and thought and thought.

“So Phinee fixed himself up, the way the French boys in the bush do, m'sieu', with red sash and toque and all his best clothes, as though he was getting ready for veiller himself. Then he took the team and the sleigh, and started out for Emmeline. First she asked him to wait just one day more, before he started back with her. Then she asked him to wait two, three, four days, until she got used to the thought of it all. Then she cried a little, and Phinee he did the best he could to make her feel better in her mind. Then, m'sieu', she would sit and look and look at him, and then she cried a little more. Then she went in, m'sieu', and said good-bye to her little white bed, and to the little white room, and came back to Phinee very pale, and said she was all ready.

“I think, m'sieu', that Phinee made that drive back to the camp longer than it might have been. For when he saw the shanty lights through the bush, and Emmeline started to tell him how good he had been with her, he turned away, quick, and told her not to touch him like that. 'This is the end,' he said, as he saw the curé at the shanty door. 'Yes, it's the end,' Emmeline she said, too. She leaned on his arm, as if she wanted to hold him back. Then they drove up to the shanty, and Phinee he opened the door, and Emmeline she took two, three, four steps inside. There was Sebastien, standing close by the fire, and all the boys standing and waiting round, and the curé from Saint Angele who had come to make the marriage. Phinee he pretended to be busy stamping the snow from his feet. All the boys they didn't know what to say or what to do. The curé he waited for Sebastien to speak up. But Sebastien he stood there and waited, too.

“So Emmeline she stood there by the door, two, three, four minutes, and never said one word, while she looked from one man to the other, her face white, her eyes big, her hand up this way on her breast, so, m'sieu'. Then she turned and called out to Phinee, 'Where is he?' and her face was as white as the snow on her capote. Then the curé he said, as Sebastien had asked him, 'Can you not find your husband, my child, among all these men?' And she looked from one to the other, and shook her head and said nothing. And Black Sauriol, I think, he felt bad about that, and shut his teeth. Then Phinee saw that Emmeline was more and more frightened. So he took her by the hand and led her over to the fire where Sebastien was waiting so long for her. M'sieu', I never saw a woman look in a man's face like that before. It seemed as though she was looking into a river-fog where she could hear rapids, or into a grave. Then she fell back two or three steps and said, 'No, no, not him!' and staggered over to Phinee and hung on his arm, and said that she would be all right in just one little minute.

“Then she seemed to come awake, m'sieu', for when Phinee pulled her hands off him she turned round and crept over to where Sebastien was still waiting. She stood there and they say she whispered,'What must I do, m'sieu'!' Sebastien, he saw her hands shake and he looked at her and said, 'Maybe you are afraid of me?' Then she said, very quiet, 'No, m'sieu'!' Then he said, 'I don't want to make you do this thing if you will be afraid of me all the time.' 'I have come, m'sieu',' was all she said. Then he looked at her again. She was standing in the light from the fire. Her mouth was red, and her face was white, and her eyes were big. They glowed like lamps, m'sieu'. And while he studied her face he got white, and then he turned red. He shut his hands two or three times, so. 'The sooner the better,' was all he said, as he made the sign for the curé. And most all that night young Phinee walked up and down outside in the snow, they say, while the boys had their dance in the cook-shanty, and the grand fête where Black Sauriol had given them twenty gallons of whisky, to make that the happiest wedding in the province.

“That is all there is to tell, m'sieu', until Black Sauriol was called down to the mills at Ottawa. But before he left he went to Phinee Lavoie. 'Phinee,' he said, 'you are the most honest man I know. I want you to help me out the second time!' And when he told Phinee to see that Emmeline was not lonely when he was away Phinee he said, 'Sebastien, I think I will go up with the river drivers this Spring.' Sebastien felt hurt when he heard that. 'Phinee,' he said, 'I thought you were the best friend I had!' 'That is just it!' Phinee answered. But Sebastien couldn't see what he meant. And Phinee stayed.

“That was early in the Spring. Emmeline she tried very hard to look happy in those days. And Phinee he tried very hard, I think, to do what was right. But you can see how it was, m'sieu'! It was no good. It all happened too late, for the trouble began that time she looked down from the sluice-gate, and he looked back at her again, a long time before Black Sauriol ever went away to the mills at Ottawa.

“And old Courteau, he told me what happened when Black Sauriol got homesick and came back at the end of the second week. He found no one in the house. So he walked down the little path that led to the river. Then he saw Phinee and Emmeline there, listening to the singing of a little oiseau across the water. And something made Emmeline say, 'Phinee! Oh, Phinee!' like her heart would break, when she heard that little bird sing. It was getting dark. Then Phinee held out his arms for her, and the bird stopped singing across the River, and the night got dark. And still they never moved. They just sat there and said nothing And Black Sauriol he understood. 'I got to kill that boy,' he said. And he waited and waited, two, three months. 'I'll make him as ugly as I am, when my time comes!' was all he said.

“His time never came, m'sieu', until Phinee was at work in his gang on the skidway above the Devil's Décharge Phinee was standing with his back to one of the loaded skids. He was listening to a little oiseau singing across the water. Black Sauriol watched him for a minute, from one end of the skid. Then he took his cant-hook and gave the lowest log a twist off the skid. That started them all. Two dozen, three dozen, four dozen of those big timbers went rolling down. And they took the boy with them, and under them, just like the rapids would take a birch-bark. And he was dead, m'sieu', a long time before they could get him out.

“When they told Emmeline about what had happened at the skid she begged to see the bey, and Sauriol said, 'Yes, let her see him!' But all the boys said no, it would not be right—he was crushed so badly, m'sieu'. But every day she looked at her husband with such big eyes and such a white face, and so many times when he came in he found her sitting alone, just thinking and thinking, m'sieu', that he lost his head. Then he caught her by the wrist and swung her round. 'You were in love with that young Phinee, by God!' he said to her. And she said nothing. She just looked at him with her white face. And he went out of the house, and shut his teeth and said, 'Sacredam, I will make that woman like me yet!'

“So before the bush-gang went to the head waters of the Titagami Black Sauriol he sent for old Dr. Bisnette, and explained to him that he wanted to know what made his young wife so thin and triste. And old Dr. Bisnette he talked with Emmeline. Then he talked with Black Sauriol, and told him that Emmeline's heart was not good. But Sebastien he watched her all the time, and put off using his bush-gang up the Titagami, month after month. And one day when he came home drunk and found Emmeline rocking her body from side to side, so, just saying, 'Phinee! Phinee!' over and over again, he choked her with his big hands, and shook her like a dog would shake a rat, and threw her against the wall. She stayed in bed for two days. Then she got up to cook his breakfast, like she used to. When he saw her do that he tried to tell her that he was sorry for what happened. But she just looked at him with her white face and said nothing. Then he hit the table with his big fist and said, 'My God, woman, I will not have you look at me like I was a dog!' Then she said, 'Very well,' and she turned away to make his tea, while he watched her, all the time, with his teeth shut. And he saw her put something in his tea. Then he caught her by the shoulder and dragged her to the table, and smelt his tea, and cried out, 'Baptême, you are trying to poison me, are you!' But she only laughed with a quiet little laugh and said he must be crazy.

“So she took up the spoon, m'sieu', and tasted that tea, just to show him that he was wrong. So he drank the tea, and looked at her all the time. And she looked at him all the time. Then, m'sieu', all of a sudden he jumped up from his chair, and staggered to the window and called for help. And when the neighbors ran in they found him on the floor. And when old Dr. Bisnette came and worked over him and looked at that tea-cup, he shook his head, and told him the name of the poison, and asked where Emmeline was.

“And they all began to hunt for Emmeline. They found her on her bed, with Phinee Lavoie's red sash under her. And when they found her, m'sieu', she was dead. Then they looked at Black Sauriol and shook their heads. But old Dr. Bisnette he told them that when the woman took the little taste of that poison in the spoon it was neither too much nor too little. It was just the amount, m'sieu', to kill a person. But with Black Sauriol it had been different. 'I think that little woman wanted to kill you pretty bad, Sauriol,' the old doctor said, 'for she gave you enough to poison every man and woman in this village—and that was the lucky thing for you, I think!' And Black Sauriol, he looked out of the open window, past where we all stood and watched him, and he listened to a little oiseau singing, across the River. And he said, 'I don't call it lucky!' ... And two years later, m'sieu', when he was killed in the log-jam above Doré Décharge, they brought him home and buried him next to Emmeline. But Phinee Lavoie he was buried away down the River where his old mother lived at Valiquette Mills!”

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 left after these points have been mastered a few of the easiest of Cicero’s letters may be read.

In the eighth class the study of grammar is to be attacked; but no exceptions should be learned, and not more than two hours daily should be devoted to the elements. The rest of the day may be employed in reading Virgil’s Eclogues and Cicero’s Letters. In the seventh class the pupil may advance to grammar of a more advanced kind, and to syntax. One hour daily is enough for this. Another may be devoted to reading Cicero’s De Amicitia and De Senectute. During the third hour the poets, such as Virgil, Catullus, Tibullus, and Horace, the latter only in selections, may be read. The fourth hour can be employed in exercises of style.

In these three classes the memory is the chief thing to be exercised. Neither boys nor masters should work less than four or more than five hours daily in school. The boy who now enters the sixth class is nine or ten years old and has mastered the rudiments of Latin. Cæsar’s Commentaries, Plautus, Terence, and Sallust may be added to the authors already in hand. One hour daily to be given to style and composition.

In the next class Greek is commenced. After a few months’ preliminary grammar Aesop’s Fables and the Olynthiac Orations of Demosthenes may be attempted.

The fourth class adds Homer to the list, and introduces the pupil to the study of rhetoric.

In the third class dialectic may be commenced, and should be studied in Aristotle. Cicero’s Topics and Livy are also recommended.

In the second class the Dialogues of Plato and of Cicero may be read. The pupil has now got beyond the stage when he should spend time in learning rules. What he needs is practice.


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 The boy is now fifteen years old, and enters the first class. Here he reads Aristotle’s De Interpretatione, and should learn some arithmetic, geography, history, and the elements of astrology. In the classics he should continue to read Demosthenes, Homer, and Cicero.

Religious instruction is to be left for Saints’ days and Church festivals. Before a boy leaves the school he should be well acquainted with the history of Christ and the Apostles, and with the most important events in the Old Testament. In the first class the Catechism, and in the first two the elements of Hebrew grammar should be taught. The afternoon of the last day in each week should ‘be devoted to music, since this is an essential part of a liberal education.

Such was Sturm’s scheme, the model for most of the post-Reformation schools on the continent. Humanist to the back-bone he yet sees the need of real studies, of mathematics, of history, of music. But it is not for these that the school exists. Latin, either written or spoken, is the dish served up for each form. The tardy recommendation of “modern subjects” for the first class, barely saves Sturm from falling into the category of “gerundgrinders.”

Of equal celebrity with Sturm’s establishment, though even less “modern,” was the Latin school reorganised by Calvin at Geneva in 1559. Calvin took the Strasburg school as his model, and the differences to be found in the copy are typical of the man. Great stress is laid on discipline. The boys are to be conducted home from their classes by the masters of the four lowest forms. Each lesson, no matter what the subject be, must commence with prayer, and at every turn we are confronted with the


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 OUTLINE HISTORY OF THE BRITISH CONNECTION WITH MALAYA.

[ following "Outline History" has been compiled in the hope that it may be of assistance to those, both in and out of the Colony, who are anxious to know something of its antecedents. The information has been collected from a variety of sources, and, so far as is known, can nowhere be found in the form of a suc- einet and connected narrative here adopted].

The history of the Colony is, properly speaking, but the latest chapter in the history of the British intercourse with Malaya, now extending over 280 years, and this intercourse may be divided into three periods, viz.:—

 * 1) That of individual trading (1602-1681).
 * 2) That of trading closely connected with the East India Company (1681-1762).
 * 3) That of more direct-political and military-intervention (since 1762).

A brief reference to each of these periods will best serve as preface to the history of the Colony.

The earliest dealings of our countrymen with Malaya (1602-1681) were entirely of a commercial character, not excepting the quasi-ambassadorial Commissions of Queen and her Successor to Sir, Captain and others in this first period. These so-called Envoys were, in point of fact, ship-owners and merchants, sailing, almost always at their own charge, under the encouragement of the English Sovereign, but without having, so far as is known, any other than commercial objects committed to them, and certainly without any success in obtaining other than commercial results from their missions.

At the time when these English navigators first appeared on the scene (1602), they had been preceded by the Portuguese as con-


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 querors or settlers in Malacca and elsewhere (1610-11); by the Spanish in the Manilas (1571); by the Dutch in Bantam (1596). Amboyna (1609); a little later Batavia was occupied (1619), and later still Banda (1627), and Padang (1660). No factories had, before this last date, been established in Sumatra, Borneo, or on the East Coast of the Malay Peninsula. On the Malacca side of the Peninsula the Dutch had already opened factories in Perak, Kĕdah aud Junk Ceylon.

This period consists exclusively of individual enterprises of a non-political character. These enterprises were almost wholly concerned with the pepper-trade in Bantam and the spice-trade in Banda, Amboyna, Ternate and Tidore. These were the local names the most familiar in England, and are to be found in 's "Paradise Lost," in, in 's History, &c.

There were also ventures to Bantam and the coast of Sumatra for pepper, and to the northern parts of the Peninsula for tin and pepper. The English E. I. Company, though it did not promote them, and before long began to oppose them, took advantage of these enterprises in some cases. For instance, after 's visit to Bantam in 1602, the Company established a factory there. As to political status, our merchants were entirely excluded. from it by the older settlers—the Portuguese and Spaniards, and afterwards the Dutch. When they were admitted, as at Bantam and Amboyna, into a kind of alliance with the Dutch, it was always one of subordination, even before the latter became para- mount through the capture of Malacca by the allied Dutch and Achinese (1641). After that event, the Dutch supremacy was, of course, more exclusive. No satisfaction could be obtained, either before or after 1641, for the "Massacre of Amboyna," though the story excited some indignation in England for many years.

The next period (1694-1762) is one of mixed commercial and political intercourse, promoted, and as far as possible monopolised, by the East India Company,—commerce being still first and foremost in the consideration of all, both at home and abroad.

The long Naval Wars with the Dutch, which terminated in 1674 were looked upon with little satisfaction in England, but they


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was once a man whose name was Don Giovanni de la Fortuna, and he lived in a beautiful house that his father had built, and spent a great deal of money. Indeed, he spent so much that very soon there was none left, and Don Giovanni, instead of being a rich man with everything he could wish for, was forced to put on the dress of a pilgrim, and to wander from place to place begging his bread.

One day he was walking down a broad road when he was stopped by a handsome man he had never seen before, who, little as Don Giovanni knew it, was the devil himself.

‘Would you like to be rich,’ asked the devil, ‘and to lead a pleasant life?’

‘Yes, of course I should,’ replied the Don.

‘Well, here is a purse; take it and say to it, “Dear purse, give me some money,” and you will get as much as you can want. But the charm will only work if you promise to remain three years, three months, and three days without washing and without combing and without shaving your beard or changing your clothes. If you do all this faithfully, when the time is up you shall keep the purse for yourself, and I will let you off any other conditions.’

Now Don Giovanni was a man who never troubled his head about the future. He did not once think how very


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 undoubtedly led to an improved position for our Company's merchants in Malaya. The Dutch found the difference when they tried against them at Bantam (1683) the tactics which had been so successful at Amboyna (1625). Our merchants did not, on being expelled from the former, yield up the pepper-trade, as they had yielded the clove-trade at Amboyna: on the contrary the East India Company's Government at Madras took the first opportunity to establish new forts and factories in Indrapore (1681) and Bencoolen (1685). The former settlement did not long continue, but that in Bencoolen was afterwards strengthened and secured by a strong Fort named after the great (1714); and Ben- coolen may thus be considered to be the gern of all our subsequent growth in these parts.

Other experimental establishments were also made at Achin (1666 and 1695), Jambi, Tapanuli, Natal (1752), Moco-Moco, Patani, &c., but none of them proved permanent. After 1686 all the Sumatran Settlements were rendered subordinate to Bencoolen.

The latest of the three divisions. comprising the period since 1762, is a period of political and military connection. commencing with the Bengal Government's expedition against Manila (1762). and continuing down to the present time.

The result of that expedition was that the Spanish possessions were captured without difficulty. but were restored at the Peace of Paris (1763), when our possessions in Sumatra were also secured to us. The only token of success retained by the English was the island of Bĕlambangan, which was ceded by the Sultan of Sulu in gratitude for his release from Spanish captivity on the taking of Manila. This island lies off Maladu Bay in Sabah, and is interesting as being, together with Labuan, which was then occupied for a still shorter period, our first acquisition of territory in Bornean waters. It was finally abandoned in 1803.

The familiarising of the Bengal merchants with this part of the world, consequent on such an expedition, and on the negotiations that followed at the Peace, was of importance; and after the Treaty of 1763 Fort Marlborough (Bencoolen) was formed into an independent Residency, which arrangement lasted till 1802. In 1781


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 Padang and the other Dutch Settlements in Sumatra were seized by a military expedition from Bencoolen. These acts fostered the enterprises Captain and Captain  were carrying on when a Settlement on Pulau Pinang was first projected (1781-6). That political motives and objects were not wanting is clear from the Treaty with Kĕdah, and the correspondence that preceded it, and particularly from the interest took in its foundation. The Settlement was made in 1786 by friendly cession. In 1797-8 a second expedition against Manila was fitted out from Madras by Sir, under the command of Colonel. It was recalled before it left Penang; a full account of the island at that time, written by its Commander to his brother, who had become Governor-General, is to be found in "The Wellington Despatches" (Supplementary Despatches, Vol. I., p. 25).

The history of this latest of the three divisions into which the British connection with Malaya naturally falls, is, speaking generally, the history of enterprises in which the Government, actuated by political considerations, has taken the lead in promoting British connection with those regions. There are certainly two recent exceptions to be made, in Borneo, of enterprises which bear something of the earlier private character, viz.:—Mr. 's action in Sarawak (1810-2), and Mr. 's more recent enterprise in Sabah (1880). But the general character of the period is seen in the two Manila expeditions—the successful one of 1762, and the abortive one of 1797; in the occupation, loss, recapture, and final surrender of Balambangan (1775-1803); in the foundation of Penang (1785), after some years of negotiation both in Bengal and Kĕdah; in the cessions and retrocessions of Malacca (1795-1825); in the foundation and support of Singapore (1819); and in the protection (since withdrawn) afforded to Achin (1819), and the States of the Malay Peninsula, with which Treaties have, from time to time (1818-76), been entered into since that first one with Kedah.

There are three principal dates in this interval:—1805, 1827. and 1867.

The first of these brings to a close the period in which no regular English administration had been organised; affairs were


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 managed by commercial Superintendents. and the Indian Government was content to leave their factories and possessions, in Penang at all events. outside the Indian political system.

The next stage exhibits an entire change. The Indian Government went from one extreme to the other. The rapid progress of the new Settlement's commerce at Penang was duly appreciated by the Government of Lord, the early prosperity of the place supporting his views regarding "private trade;" the expedition of 1797, and, no doubt, Colonel 's communications, brought enquiry, when quieter times followed, into Penang's political prospects. Exaggerated notions then came to be entertained of the new Settlement's importance for naval and political purposes; and in 1804-5 the East India Company decided to confer upon it an independent Government, and sent out a Governor and Council, Secretary, Assistant Secretary and several Writers, after the fashion of the older Presidencies, with which Penang was now to rank. A Recorder's Court followed (1807), and enquiry was also made as to the desirability of abandoning Malacca (1808), the better to secure Penang's position. Then came the Java expedition (1811), and the old commercial struggle with the Dutch also entered into the political phase; not so much through the temporary occupation of their possessions, as in consequence of the great political stroke of abolishing monopoly (1813), which followed shortly after our occupation. What Lord took in 1811, was restored; but his successor, Lord, was equally ready to support the talented administrator, Sir , upon whom his predecessor had relied, and who had governed Java until its restoration; and he allowed to found Singapore (1819), for objects which are very clearly explained in one of 's first letters from Singapore, dated June 10th, 1819 (preserved in the Raffles Museum).

The Penang Government was also alive to the importance of preventing any re-establishment of Dutch monopoly at this crisis. and for that purpose entered into negotiations, which will be found recorded in the earliest of our Treaties with Pêrak and Sĕlangor (1818).


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 Soon after Malacca was finally ceded to us by the Dutch (1825); and when the shiftings and changes thus came to an end, the numer- ons experiments theretofore made resulted in the existing form of united Colony, as finally settled in person by Lord (1827).

The next period is one of 10 years (1827 to 1867), in which the Colony remained an Indian dependency, but was left to develop quietly upon its own resources: with some pecuniary aid, though on a more economical scale than formerly, from the Indian Government; nor has any great break been made by the transfer, under Act of Parliament, to Colonial Office rule in April 1867: which, though a momentous change, well deserving of the trouble that was taken in bringing it about, has not disturbed the continuity of our recent history.

The prosperity of the Colony since then, and the increased importance of its administration, comprising as it now does the three Natives Stalos taken under our protection in 1874, can be gathered from a comparison of the Revenues to be administered in 1868 and those estimated for the current year:—

The Census returns shew an increase in the population of the Colony alone, during about the same period, from 273,000 (in 1866) to 423,884 (in 1881).


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The following notices of the various Settlements and the Native States now comprehended in the Colony's administration, are chiefly taken from official sources. The Settlements are treated in the order of their seniority.

Malacca is situated on the western coast of the Peninsula between Singapore and Penang, about 110 miles from the former and 240 from the latter, and consists of a strip of territory about 42 miles in length, and from 8 to 25 miles in breadth, containing an area of 659 square miles.

The principal town, called Malacca, is in 2° 10' North lat. and 102° 14' East long. The local Government is administered by a Resident Councillor.

Malacca is one of the oldest European possessions in the East, having been taken from its Malay Sultan,, by the Portuguese under in 1511, to punish an attack upon his Lieutenant,, in 1500. It was held by them till 1641, when the Dutch, after several fruitless attempts, succeeded, with the help of the Achinese, in driving them out. The place remained under Dutch government till 25th August, 1795, when it was taken military possession of by the English. It was governed by them on the Dutch system of monopoly till 1813; and it was still held by the English, after that system was abolished, till 1818; at which date it was restored to the Dutch, in accordance with the Treaty of Vienna. It finally came into our hands under the Treaty with Holland of March, 1821, in exchange for our Company's Settlement at Bencoolen, and other places on the West coast of Sumatra. By that Treaty it was also arranged that the Dutch should not again meddle with affairs, or have any settlement on the Malay Peninsula, the British Government agreeing, at the same time, to leave Sumatra to the Dutch, saving only Achin in the North, of which the independence was protected until the Treaty of 1872.


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 A few years after re-occupying Malacca, a small force of Sepoys had to proceed against Naning, the interior district of Malacca, in which Dutch sovereignty had apparently never been fully admitted. Our first expedition (1831) failed; the second (1832) succeeded. In 1833 a Treaty was made, settling the south-east boundary of the Settlement as at present. There has been no disturbance in any part of Malacca since the "Naning War."

When Malacca was taken possession of by the Portngnese in 1511, it was one of the grand entrepôts for the commerce of the East, and it so continued till the close of the 16th century; but as the Portuguese and other European nations pushed further to the East, in the Archipelago and neighbouring countries, the trade of Malacca gradually declined; and the place ceased to be of much consequence as a collecting centre, except for the trade of the Malayan Peninsula and the Island of Sumatra. This trade it retained, under Dutch rule, till the establishment of Penang in 1786; when, in the course of a few years, it became, what it has ever since been, a place of no commercial importance, but possessing some agricultural resources. Penang soon acquired most of the trade of the Malayan Peninsula and Sumatra, Borneo, the Celebes, and other places in the Archipelago, not reduced to mercantile subjection by the Dutch; but soon after Singapore was established, Penang in its turn declined in importance, the greater part of the extensive Eastern trade being centred at Singapore. [Penang's local trade has, however, largely increased within the last few years in consequence of the increased prosperity of the extensive tin mines in Lârut, Rendong, Junk Ceylon, the tobacco plantations on the East coast of Sumatra, &c.] The opening of Singapore in 1819 may be said to have accomplished, for the time being, the ruin of Malacca's commerce. To use 's own words at the time "the intermediate Station of Malacca, although occupied "by the Dutch, has been completely nullified."

The population and agricultural development of the country districts of Malacca have, however, been very considerably increased of late years, especially since roads have been made throughout the territory. The Revenue has, in the last ten years, increased in larger proportion than that of Singapore or Penang.


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Rh and religious tracts that have been translated into Ooria. The Missionaries have begun to employ masters capable of understanding the English alphabet, but still retaining the Native method of teaching by writing upon the floor when learning the letters, and thus preparing the scholars for reading books and for writing on paper or the palm-leaf. These schools are scattered over the town of Cuttack and neighborhood; and there is also another school at Bhyreepore near Cuttack, which is attended by most of the children in the village, but the number of scholars attending this school is not stated by my informant, who is himself the superintendent of the schools.

Population.—This district is comparatively of recent creation, being composed of sections from Burdwan, Midnapore, and other adjacent districts. A large proportion of the surface of this district is still in a state of nature. Gang-robbery and river-piracy were at a comparatively recent period prevalent in it, and the number of widows who sacrificed themselves on the funeral piles of their husbands was here always remarkably great. The inhabitants have the repute of being better acquainted with the existing laws of the country than those of most other districts. In 1801, the total number of inhabitants was estimated at 1,000,000, in the proportion of three Hindoos to one Mahomedan.

Indigenous Elementary Schools.—On the state of Native education in this district I derive many details from the records of the General Committee of Public Instruction, in some respects confirming and in others modifying the general view already given of the system of indigenous schools, both elementary and learned.

The indigenous elementary schools amongst Hindoos in this district are numerous, and they are divisible into two classes; first those which derive their principal support from the patronage of a single wealthy family; and secondly, those which are destitute of such special patronage, and are dependent upon the general support of the Native community in the town or village in which they are established. The former are the most numerous, there being scarcely a village without one or more of them. The primary object is the education of the children of the opulent Hindoos by whom they are chiefly supported; but as the teacher seldom receives more than three rupees a month from that source, he is allowed to collect from the neighborhood as many additional pupils as he can obtain or conveniently manage. These pay him at the rate of two to eight annas per month, in addition to which each pupil gives him such a quantity of rice, pulse, oil, salt, and vegetables at the end of each month as will suffice for one day’s


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Penang is an island about 15 miles long and 9 broad, containing an area of 107 square miles, situated off the West coast of the Malay Peninsula in 5° N. latitude, and at the northern end of the Straits of Malacca. On the opposite shore of the mainland, from which the island is separated by a sea channel from 2 to 10 miles broad, is Province Wellesley, a strip of territory containing 270 square miles, forming part of the Settlement. It averages 8 miles in width, and extends 45 miles along the coast, and includes, simce the Pangkor Treaty (1874), about 25 square miles of newly acquired territory to the south of the Krian. The local Government is administered by a Resident Councillor.

The chief town is George Town, in 5° 24' North lat, and 100° 21' East long.

Penang, or Prince of Wales' Island as it was officially called, was ceded to Captain, acting for the East India Company, by the Raja of Kedah in 1785, the sum of 10,000 dollars being annually paid to the Raja of Kedah as long as the British occupy the island. The Settlement was founded on the 17th July, 1786. In 1800, in consequence of the prevalence of piracy on the shores of the mainland opposite Penang, a strip of the coast of the mainland, now called Province Wellesley, was purchased for 2,000 dollars from the same Raja. It extended from the Muda River to the Krian River, a distance of 35 miles. Since the Pangkor Treaty of 1874 it has been enlarged, as stated above; and since that Treaty, also, the Settlement has comprised the outlying dependency of Pangkor and the Dindings, under a Superintendent, which gives an addition of territory almost equalling the Province in extent. Province Wellesley is in a high state of cultivation, when compared with the neighbouring territories. The chief articles cultivated are sugar, tapioca, paddy, and cocoa-nuts. In 1805 Penang was made a separate Presidency under the East India Company, of equal rank with Madras and Bombay. In 1826 Singapore and Malacca were incorporated with it under one Government, Penang still remaining the seat of Government. In 1837 the seat of Government was


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 transferred to Singapore. The revenue and trade of Penang have increased remarkably in the last fifteen years.

Singapore is an island about 27 miles long by 14 wide, containing an area of 206 square miles, situated at the southern extremity of the Malay Peninsula, from which it is separated by a narrow strait about three-quarters of a mile in width. There are a number of small islands adjacent to it which form part of the Settlement.

The seat of Government, for the whole Colony as well as the Settlement, is the town of Singapore, at the southern point of the island, in lat. 1° 16' North, and long. 108° 53' East.

Singapore was occupied by Sir, acting under the authority of Lord, on the 6th February, 1819, by virtue of a Treaty with the Malayan princes of Johor. It was at first subordinate to Bencoolen in Sumatra, of which was then Lieut.-Governor; but in 1823 it was placed under the Government of Bengal. It was afterwards, as above stated, incorporated with Penang and Malacca, and finally became the seat of Government (1837).

Its rapid progress was, at that time, unparallelled. On the 11th June, 1819, wrote home: "My new Colony thrives most. rapidly. We have not been established four months, and it has received an accession of population exceeding 5,000, principally Chinese, and their number is daily increasing."

Nor has it disappointed the expectations then formed of its future; both its general and local Trade and its Revenues having, for many years, exceeded that of all competitors.

The Protected States comprise three "Residencies," all on the western side of the Peninsula, between Province Wellesley and Malacca, viz.:—Pêrak (August, 1874), Sĕlângor and Sungei Ujong December, 1874).


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 The anarchy prevailing in almost all the Native States of the Malay Peninsula, and especially in Pêrak, had been, for some years prior to 1874, a source of disquiet to the Straits Settlements, and a hindrance to the growth of local trade. In the beginning of that year steps were taken by Sir to remedy this state of things by settling the affairs of Larut and Pêrak in the Pangkor Treaty (20th January, 1874), and, later on in that year, by station- ing British Residents in Perak and Selangor, and in the small State of Sungei Ujong, to advise their rulers respecting the collection of revenue and general administration. With a view also to enable the British authorities to keep order in that part of the Peninsula, a strip of land south of Province Wellesley, beyond the Krian river, about 10 miles broad, was acquired as British territory; and also a small portion of territory on the mainland, opposite the island of Pangkor, which had previously been coded to us, to sup- press piracy and without any idea of occupation, in a Treaty with Pêrak (1825).

Towards the end of 1875, Sir being then Governor, Mr., the first British Resident at Pêrak, was murdered. (2nd November 1875) and a force sent to apprehend the murderers was resisted; and, about the same time, the Residency in Sungei Ujong was menaced by bodies of Malays from some of the States near Malacca. Troops were obtained from India and China, a naval brigade was landed, aud Pêrak was fully occupied (January, 1876). During the previous month a military and naval force had already driven the enemy from a strong stockaded position in the hills between Sri Menanti and Sungei Ujong, and dispersed the malcontents in that neighbourhood. During these operations, Selangor remained quiet.

Those concerned in the murder of Mr. were captured and punished, the Sultan and some of the Chiefs being banished. Peace and order have since been maintained in all the Western States, and, so far as is known, throughout the Peninsula. On the cessation of hostilities (which had throughout been on a very small scale) it was finally laid down in Lord 's despatch of 1st June, 1876, that the Protected States, without being either directly annexed or governed by "Commissioners," might con-


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 tinue to receive assistance in their administration from British Officers styled "Residents." Since then, both in Pêrak, Sĕlângor, and Sungei Ujong, Residents have been stationed uninterruptedly, and without requiring any Military support, except such as a drilled corps of Sikhs can furnish. They are assisted by a staff comprising both native and European officers, and it is their duty to aid the native rulers by advice, and to carry out certain executive functions delegated to them. The supreme authority in Perak and Sĕlângor is vested in the State Council, consisting, in each State, of the Malay Chief, the highest native authorities, and the principal British officials. The Residents are directly under the Government of the Straits Settlements, and it is admitted that great success has hitherto attended the development of Sir 's experiment.

A. M. SKINNER.


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 MISCELLANEOUS NOTES.

Is the Journal (No. 1 of 1883) of the Société de Géographie, of Paris, appears the following paragraph which may be of interest to some of our Members. Mr. has recently been elected a Member of the Straits Asiatic Society.

"M. Brau de Saint-Pol Lius annonce le retour en Europe de M. de la Croix qui était retourné à Pérak où il avait abordé avec M. Brau de Saint-Pol Lias, lors de son premier voyage. Cette fois, il était accompagné d'un second ingénieur français. M. Manthès, chargé de contrôler les rapports techniques sur ses prospections. Tons deux ont remonté la rivière de Péral et celle de Quinta, nu de sus principaux affluents, jusqu'à la vallée de Lahat. M. Manthès a été frappé de la richesse minière du pays et les deux voyageurs revicunent également satisfais des résultats de leur exploration."

And in Journal No. 3. for 2nd March. 1833. there is the following passage on the same subject:—

"Il [M. Brau de Saint-Pol Lias] fait ensuite hommage à la Société du dernier numéro de la Nouvelle Prene, dans lequel il a raconté, en attendant la publica- tion d'un volume en ce moment sous presse, qualques épisodes de son voyage dans ce pays de Pérak, si vaillamment exploré surtout par son excellent ami, M. de la Croix. M. Bran de Sains-Pol Lia avait annoncé dernièrement le retour de M. de la Croix en Europ; il a le plaisir d'amoucer son retour à Paris et sa présence à la séance d'aujourd'hu."

From the same Journal, the following translation of an interesting passage has been forwarded. Our neighbours in Camboja are actively engaged in exploring the interior of that country:—

"The Governor of Cochin-China, Mons., writes from Saigon, on the 20th of September, the following infor-


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 order to repeat “L’Oraison Dominicale, la Confession de Foy qu'on appelle le Symbole et puis les dix commandemens de la Loy.” All the boys must learn how to sing, and a master especially appointed for the purpose must teach them how to intone the Psalms.

In the general organisation of the institution, we find one remarkable piece of common-sense. The Principal (who is controlled by the Rector of the University) is not to be the stern and academic personage generally connected with the term “headmaster.” “Que le principal, estant de moyen scavoir pour le moins, soit surtout d’un esprit debonnaire et non point de complexion rude ni apre; afin qu’il donne bon exemple aux enfants en toute sa vie, et aussi qu’il puisse porter tant plus doucement le travail de sa charge.” With its “debonnaire” headmaster and with Maturin Cordier, grown grey in the service of the young, to expound his Colloquies in person, the Genevan school must have been imbued with a genial spirit rare indeed in this age of pretentious grammarians and flogging pedagogues.

In the lowest of the eight classes, into which the school was divided, the boys learned their A B C. In the seventh, they read Latin and conjugate and decline “selon la formation qui en est dressée”; the sixth is chiefly devoted to Latin grammar, of a more advanced kind.

The fifth class brings the boys on to the rudiments of syntax and the Bucolics of Virgil. In the fourth, Cicero’s letters and some Ovid may be read, but the special task is the elements of Greek. In the next class Greek grammar is continued, and the Æneid and Cæsar’s Commentaries are read. On reading that in the second class the pupils, who have only recently commenced Greek, are to study Xenophon, Polybius, Homer, and Hesiod, one is inclined to wonder if this scheme could ever have been actually enforced. At the same time dialectic, rhetoric, and syllo-


text: Journal of the Straits Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society/Volume 10/Outline History of the British Connection with Malaya


text: Journal of the Straits Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society/Volume 10/Extracts from Journals of the Société de Géographie of Paris


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40 maintenance. Sometimes the teacher, in addition to the salary he receives, is fed and clothed by his patron. Such schools have seldom any house built or exclusively appropriated for the use of the teacher and his pupils. The second class of schools is not so numerous as the former, but they afford a better maintenance to the teacher. In general the pupils pay him from four to eight annas per month while they write upon leaves, and from eight annas to one rupee, according to their means, when they write upon paper; in addition to which he also receives one day’s maintenance per month from each pupil. Another perquisite of the teacher is a piece of cloth from each scholar on promotion to a higher class, but this is not one of the conditions of admission, and depends upon the liberality of the parents. The number of scholars in each school of either description averages 30, some schools in populous towns having more, and others in small villages having less. The teachers are either Brahmans or Sudras. If the former are respectable and learned, they gain a comfortable subsistence; but the majority of them do not take sufficient pains to write a neat hand, and they have in general only a superficial acquaintance with arithmetic and accounts. Books are not in use in this class of elementary schools. The instruction comprises writing on the palm-leaf and on Bengalee paper, and arithmetic. As soon as the scholar is able to write a tolerable hand and has acquired some knowledge of accounts, he in general leaves school. In this district they enter school usually at the age of six and remain four or five years.

The indigenous elementary schools amongst Musalmans are for the most part private places of instruction to which a few select pupils are admitted, and the teachers being either in independent circumstances or in the employment of Government, give their instructions gratuitously. Admission is often refused and is always obtained with difficulty, and the instruction given to the favored candidates is very imperfect and desultory. At Pundua, a place formerly of some celebrity in the district, it is said to have been the practice of the Musalman land proprietors to entertain teachers at their own private cost for the benefit of the children of the poor in their neighborhood, ''and it was a rare thing to find an opulent farmer or head of a village who had not a teacher in his employment for that purpose. That class, however, is alleged to have dwindled away and scarcely any such schools are now found to exist''.

Indigenous Schools of Learning.—The number of Hindoo schools of learning in this district is considerable. Mr. Ward in 1818 stated that at Vansvariya, a village not far from the town of Hugly, there were twelve or fourteen colleges, in all of which logic was almost exclusively studied. There were then also seven or eight in the town of Triveni, one of which had been lately taught by Jugannath Tarka Panchanan, supposed to be the most


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Rh learned as well as the oldest man in Bengal, being 109 years old at the time of his death. He was acquainted in some measure with the veda and is said to have studied the vedanta, the sankhya, the patanjala, the nyaya, the smriti, the tantra, kavya, the pooranas and other shastras. Mr. Ward also mentions that Gundulpara and Bhudreshwuru contained each about ten nyaya schools, and Valee two or three,—all villages in this district. Hamilton states that in 1801 there were altogether about 150 private schools in which the principles of Hindoo law were taught by Pundits, each school containing from five to twenty scholars. There is no reason to suppose that the number of schools is now less, and the enquiries made in 1824 showed that there were some schools with thirty scholars. According to the reputation of the teacher is the number of the students, and in proportion to the number of the students is the number of invitations and the liberality of the gifts which the teacher receives on the occasion of the performance of important religious ceremonies in Hindoo families. The number of students has thus a double pecuniary operation. As they always derive a part of their subsistence from the teacher, they are a burden upon his means; and by the increased reputation which they confer upon him, they enable him to support that burden. Sometimes, however, students capable of living on their own means return home after school hours; and in other instances, the more wealthy inhabitants of the town or village are found to contribute towards the support of poor students whom the teacher cannot maintain. The first three or four years are occupied in the study of Sanscrit grammar, and the next six or eight years in the study of law and logic, with which the generality of students finish their education, and are thenceforth classed among learned men, receiving from the teacher when they are leaving him an honorary title which they retain for life.

There are few Mahomedan schools of learning in this district. Omitting reference to that at Hugly, supported by the endowment of Haji Mohammed Mohsin, under the orders of the Board of Revenue, and about to be extended and improved under the superintendence of the General Committee of Public Instruction, I find mention made of only one other existing at Seetapore, a populous town, situated 22 miles in the interior of the district. It was originally supported by a grant of five rupees eight annas per diem, made by the English Government in consideration of the faithful services of Umsih-ood-din the founder. After his death, and in consequence of divisions among the surviving members of his family, who it seems had claim to a part of the grant for their maintenance, it was limited to Rupees 50 per month, which, as far as my information extends, it continues to derive from Government to the present day. According to Hamilton, in 1801, this college had 30 students who were instructed in Persian and Arabic, and according to the report made to the General


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 SOME RECORDS OF MALAY MAGIC BY AN EYE-WITNESS.

In the present state of our knowledge of these tribes, it is not conjecture, but rigid and accurate knowledge that is required.

It must be recollected that success in important discoveries often depends on the accuracy with which minor investigations have been conducted.

In all these inquiries I do not hesitate to adopt the sentiment of the learned Le Long, that "truth is so interesting and satisfactory when perceived that no pains should be spared to discover it, even in the smallest matters." Leyden.

In the course of the "minor investigations" the result of which I am attempting to describe, I have confined myself almost entirely to describing things as they are, without attempting either conjecture or comparison. I have done so, not because this amassing of material for others to work up is the most pleasant or entertaining branch of research, but simply because I am convinced that much pioneer work will have to be done before we obtain really satisfactory results in Malay.

My object, therefore, has simply been to collect every jot or tittle of information on the subjects written about that an unwearying patience could procure. I have not merely been content to describe the brush used in the tepong tawar ceremonies as made of the leaves of several plants, but I have obtained the names of the plants themselves; I have not been satisfied to describe the offerings to the spirits as consisting of various eatables, but have noted for myself the number and the contents of the dishes. And though I am only too sensible of having come far short of my object, yet at least I have spared no pains to "ascertain the truth, even in the smallest details."

I therefore hope that my labours will be of use to others

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 gisms are commenced, and St. Luke’s Gospel is read in Greek.

The list of subjects for the first class comprises the Categories, the Topics, and the Elenchi, as well as Cicero and Demosthenes.

We have thus the programme of an eight-class school dealing with nothing but grammar and the classics, relieved by prayers and psalm-singing. Luther’s mathematics and history have disappeared altogether.

In England the history of the Reformed Church is not bound up with educational progress to the same extent. Edward VI., it is true, founded a number of Grammar Schools, but with the exception of the regulations for the Cathedral Schools drawn up by Cranmer in his Reformatio legum Ecclesiasticarum, we meet with no very definite scheme for school organisation. Nor is the section in the Reformatio, “Of the schools to be attached to the Cathedrals,” of very great value to the historian of Education. No division of classes is given, and the whole plan is sketchy in comparison with those of Sturm, Calvin, and Buchanan.

A school is to be attached to each Cathedral, that boys who have learned the rudiments from a private tutor may be able to obtain instruction in public classes. These schools are primarily ecclesiastical in character, and exist “that the knowledge of God’s word may be maintained in the Church; which is scarcely possible without a knowledge of languages.”

The master is to be chosen by the Bishop, and must be a sincere believer in the Evangelic doctrine, of good character, learned in grammar and humane letters, and sufficiently strong to stand the strain of teaching. The school shall be visited once a year by the Ordinary, who shall expel any boys on whom he thinks education is wasted,


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 who working afterwards in the same field, with find their work, I believe, appreciably lightened, and who in revising these notes compiled often under difficulties will be able to correct when necessary and to add to them at their leisure.

Then with the "northern farmer" I shall be able to say I have "stubbed Thornaby waaste."

On the 28th January, 1897, I witnessed the ceremonies attending the reaping of the first ears of padi at Chodoi in the Kwala Langat District of Selangor. I arrived at the house belonging to the Malay owner of the padi field a little past 8 a.m., the hour at which the ceremony was to commence having been fixed at angkat kening. (about 9 a.m.) a few days previously. On my arrival I found the Pawang (an aged Selangor woman) seated in front of the apparatus required for the ceremony. This consisted of three newly-plaited circular baskets diminishing in size from the Pawang's right to her left, (the big basket being supposed to contain seven, the middle-sized five, and the smallest one three, "gemalan" of padi). They were each bound round, just under the rim, with the fruiting form of the creeper called "ribu-ribu," freshly gathered that morning. At the Pawang's extreme left stood the circular brass trays with high sides which are called "Dulang" by the Malays, the contents of which were as follows:—

 * 1) A small bowl of parched rice.
 * 2)  saffron rice.
 * 3)  washed rice.
 * 4)  oil of frankincense.
 * 5)  oil of Celebes, (Bugis).
 * 6)  incense.
 * 7) A small bundle of incense (in addition to the bowl).
 * 8) One of the hard jungle-nuts called "Buah Kras."
 * 9) One of the shells called "Krang."
 * 10) An Egg.
 * 11) A stone (a small block of quartz).
 * 12) A large iron nail.
 * 13) to 15.—Three Malay reaping-instruments, of which (a) is the penawei solong (lit, eldest rice-cutter), which is only

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 NOTES ON TWO PERAK MANUSCRIPTS.

Malay history is very little more advanced than it was when Crawfurd remarked on the meagre and unsatisfactory nature of the notices which we possess on "this curious and interesting subject." The Sijara Malayu, or history of the Malacca kings, is the work of a Mohamedan who grafted events which were recent in his time upon legends whose real place is in Hindoo mythology. It possesses little value as a historical document, except as regards the reigns of the later kings of Malacca.

The "Marong Mahawangsa," or "Kedah Annals," professes to treat of the early history of the State of Kedah, and though not justifying, as a historical document, the credit attaclied to it by its translator, Col. Low, it hardly merits, perhaps, the sweeping condemnation of Mr. Crawfurd, who described it as "a dateless tissue of rank fable from which not a grain of reliable knowledge can be gathered." If, as there seems good reason for believing, the Hindoo legends in these works are traceable to the Brahininical scriptures of India, their value from an ethnological point of view may perhaps some day be better appreciated. The Hikayat Hang Tuah fares no better at Mr. Crawfurd's hands than the work of the Kedah historian. It is described as "a most absurd and puerile production. It contains no historical fact upon which the slightest reliance can be placed; no date whatever, and, if we except the faithful picture of native mind and manners which it unconsciously affords, is utterly worthless and contemptible."

Leyden in his Essay on the Languages and Literature of the Indo-Chinese nations gives the following account of Malay historical manuscripts:


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 shall substitute good school-books for inefficient ones, if necessary, and summon the master to appear before the dean if he has neglected his charge. As for the classdivisions and methods of teaching, these are left to the individual judgment of the master. Special attention is to be paid to the Catechism, and at the beginning and end of the day the boys are to repeat the twelve articles of the faith, the Lord’s Prayer, and the Ten Commandments. Boys are not to be admitted before they are eight, or after they are fourteen years old, and each, on admission, must be able to read English, repeat the Catechism in Englis and write his own name. He must also possess an English New Testament. For further information as to the functions of the master and management of the boys, we are referred to the “Statutes of the Cathedral, if any such exist”—a vague statement that does not add much to our knowledge.

That so little attention should be given to education in the Reformatio is the more remarkable, because in other respects very minute instructions for the subject under discussion are forthcoming. In the section on “Matrimony,” for example, the writer even urges mothers to suckle their own children. It is only when he deals with schools that he leaves the organisation to the man in charge.

It must be confessed that the rules drawn up by Wolsey for his school at Ipswich, though prior to the Reformation, are better conceived, and present more points of interest.

To this establishment boys below a certain standard were not to be admitted. “If your chyld can red and wryte Latyn and Englyshe suffycyently, so that he be able to rede and wryte his owne lessons, then he shall be admitted into the schole for a scholer.” An attendance rule is enforced. “If he be absent six dayes, and in that meane season ye shewe not cause reasonable (reasonable cause is only sekeness),


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 then his rowme to be voyde without he be admytted agayne and pay 4d.”

“Also ye shall fynde hym ware in the winter.”

“Also ye shall fynde hym convenyent bokes to his lernynge.”

The instructions to the masters embody a scheme for an eight-class school. In the lowest class especial attention is to be paid to articulation. In the second, Æsop and Terence may be read, and Lily’s gender rules learned; and so on with successive doses of classics throughout the remainder of the classes. Of special interest is the method indicated for reading one of Terence’s Comedies in the eighth or highest class. The teacher is to commence by prefacing a short account of the author’s life, genius, and manner of writing. He should then proceed to explain the pleasure and profit to be derived from reading a Comedy, and to discourse on the signification and etymology of the word. Next he must give a summary of the story, and an exact description of the metre. Then he should construe in the natural order, and, finally, may indicate to his pupils the more remarkable elegances of style.

Throughout the general scheme no mention is made of arithmetic, though a small concession is made to the mother-tongue. “Sometimes you ought, in the English language, to throw out a slight groundwork for an essay; but let it be somewhat that is elegant.”

In Scotland, religious and educational reform went hand in hand, and the necessity for the establishment of the parish schools, that have existed in that country for three hundred years, was definitely formulated by John Knox. Knox, unlike Luther, wished the school to be dependent on the Church and not on the civil magistrate; but in his desire to put education within the reach of the very poorest, he is essentially at one with the German reformer, and endorses the principle of compulsion. “Of necessitie we judge it, that everie severall Churche have a schoolmaister appointed, suche a one as is able, at least, to teache Grammar and the Latine toung, yf the Toun be of any


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 "There are many Malayu compositions of a historical nature, though they are not so common as the classes that have been enumerated; such as the Hikayat Rajah bongsu, which I have not seen, but which has been described to me as a genealogical history of the Malay Rajahs. The Hikayat Malaka, which relates the founding of that city by a Javanese adventurer, the arrival of the Portuguese and the combats of the Malays with Albuquerque and the other Portuguese commanders. The Hikayat Pitrajaya-Putti, or history of an ancient Raja of Malacca, the Hikayat Achi, or history of Achi or Achin in Sumatra and the Hikayat Hang Tuha, or the adventures of a Malay Chief during the reign of the last Raja of Malacca, and the account of a Malay Embassy sent to Mekka and Constantinople to request assistance against the Portuguese. Such historical narrations are extremely numerous, indeed there is reason to believe that there is one of every state or tribe; and though occasionally embellished by fiction, it is only from them that we can obtain an outline of the Malay history and of the progress of the nation."

Leyden wrote seventy years ago, but, owing probably to the limited intercourse of Europeans with the native States of the Peninsula, little has been discovered since his time to justify his belief that separate historical narrations existed for every state or tribe. The publication of a translation of the Hikayat Marong Mahawangsa by Col. Low is, as far as I know, the only acquisition of importance.

In Perak I have lost no opportunity of enquiring for historical manuscripts, and have succeeded in obtaining two, of which I propose to give a short account in this paper.

The first is a short genealogy of the Mohamedan kings of Pêrak. It is a well-thumbed little book of 72 pages, which formerly belonged to the Raja Bĕndahara, and has evidently been treated as a treasure, for it is wrapped up in an embroidered napkin (tetumpan) and an outer wrapper of yellow cloth. The first page is missing but I hope to get it supplied from memory or from another copy.

The book commences with an abstract of the Sijara Malayu and the Malay kings are traced from Palembang to Singhapura, and from Singhapura to Malacca. A Summary


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42 Committee in 1824, it had 25 students who were taught only Persian. This institution does not appear ever to have come under the supervision of the Committee or of any public officer. The report of 1824 further alleges the existence of certain lands at Pundua in this district, which should be appropriated to the support of madrasas, but which have been diverted from that purpose. It is stated to be a well known fact that grants were made to the ancestors of the late Mola Mir Gholam Hyder Mutawali, attached to the shrine of Shah Sufi-ud-din Khan Shuhid at Pundua, together with Mola Myn-ud-din or Mola Taj-ud-din and Mir Gholam Mustafa, private persons who had no share in the superintendence. The grants are said to have specified certain villages or tracts of land to be exclusively appropriated to the support of three madrasas, in addition to those granted for the personal benefit of the grantees. The madrasas were kept up for a generation or two, but through carelessness or avarice were afterwards discontinued. It is added that there were persons then living so well acquainted with the circumstances as to be able to point out the estates that were specified in the grants for the support of the madrasas. The Collector, in the letter enclosing the report, intimated his intention to investigate the matter, and in the event of the alleged misappropriation being substantiated, to pursue the course directed in Regulation XIX. of 1810. The result of the enquiry I have not been able to learn.

Elementary Schools not Indigenous.—Mr. , a Christian Missionary, in 1814, established a school in Chinsura on the Lancasterian plan patronised by Mr. Gordon Forbes, the British Commissioner at Chinsura; and in 1814-15 he established other schools in and about the settlement of Chinsura to the number of sixteen, with an average attendance of 951 scholars. In the last mentioned year these schools were brought to the favorable notice of Government, and a monthly allowance of 600 Rupees, afterwards increased to 800, was granted to enable Mr. May to support and extend the system he had introduced. In 1818, when he died, he had thirty-six schools under his superintendence, attended by above 3,000 Natives, both Hindoos and Mahomedans. In the account of these schools during Mr. May’s management, it is stated that in 1816 he established a school for teachers, but in 1817 the attempt to rear teachers was abandoned altogether, as it was found that few or none of the boys were able or disposed to discharge the duties of instructors when required. Towards the end of the year 1815, Mr. May’s schools excited a rivalry among the Natives, some of whom are said to have formed similar establishments without impeding the success of those conducted by Mr. May. All the opposition that the schools received arose, not from feelings of general repugnance, but of individual interest. The old school-masters finding


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 of the history of the Malacca kings is given, which differs in some particulars from the account translated by Leyden. The Portuguese are not mentioned, singularly enough, but Sultan Mahmud Shah, in whose reign Malacca was taken by Albuquerque, is summarily dismissed in the following sentence; "It was this Sultan who is spoken of by people as Murhom Kampar" and the time that he reigned in Malacca was thirty years. It was in his time that Malacca was taken by the people of Moar, and he fled to Pahang for a year, aud thence to Bentan, where he spent twelve years, and thence to Kampar, where he remained for five years. Thus the whole time that he was Raja was forty-eight years."

The Perak manuscript makes out that the first king of Perak Sultan Muzafar Shah was the son of Sultan Mahmud of Malacca by a princess of Kelantan. Raja Muzafar, according to this account, was brought up as heir apparent of the throne of Malacca, but was dis-inherited by his father in favour of Raja Ala-eddin, the son of the Sultan's favourite wife Tun Fatima. After the death of Sultan Mahmud (Murhom Kampar) Raja Muzafar was turned out of the country (Johor ?) by the Chiefs and went to Siak and thence to Klang. At Klang he was found by a man of "Manjong" (Perak) by whose influence he was installed as Raja in Perak.

So far the MS. account, but this does not agree either with the Sijara Malayu or with local tradition in Perak.

According to the Sijara Malaya (Leyden's translation, p. 265) the first Sultan of Perak was Tun Viajet surnamed Sri Maha Raja," who was formerly Bendahara of Johor and "who was originally appointed Kaja over Perak under the title of Sultan Muzafar Shah. He married the Princess of Perak and begot Sultan Mansur who reigns at present."

The Johor origin of the Perak Rajas is confirmed by tradition, though the manuscript before me makes the connection collateral only. After relating the installation of Muzafar Shah as Sultan in Perak, the Perak historian makes a digression to Johor, explains that Raja Ala-eddin (younger brother of Muzafar Shali and son of Sultan Mahmud Shah of Malacca) became Sultan of Johor, and gives a list of six Rajas who succeeded him that Kingdom. The royal line of Johor ended (says the Perak manuscript) with "Murhom Mangkat di Kota Tinggi" and the sovereignty became vested in the family of the Johor Běndahara.


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 reputation. Yf it be Upaland, whaire the people convene to doctrine but once in the weeke, then must either the reidar or the minister take cayre over the children and youth of the Parische, to instruct them in their first rudiments. “This must be carefully provideit, that no fader, of what estait or condition that ever he be, use his children at his awin fantasie, especiallie in thair youth-heade; but all must be compelled to bring up their children in learnyng and virtue.” In addition to these elementary schools, a secondary school was to be established “in everie notable toun,” while the three Universities of St. Andrews, Glasgow, and Aberdeen completed the system. To smaller details, such as subjects of instruction or class-divisions, Knox did not condescend; but the deficiency is supplied by George Buchanan in his scheme for the “College of Humanite,” to be attached to the University of St. Andrews. In this scheme, written before 1567, Buchanan gives us a curriculum which is purely humanist and literary, and which was possibly modelled on Calvin’s school at Geneva.

The school is divided into six classes, divided in turn into decuriones, each in charge of a nomenclator. In the lowest class the boys begin to read and write Latin through the medium of Terence. “In thys classe thay salbe constraint to speik Latin; and dayly to compone sum smal thyng eftyr thair capacite.”

In the fifth and fourth classes they shall read Terence, Cicero, and Ovid. The third class commences Greek grammar, and the study of prosody. It also attacks Linacre’s Latin Grammar.

In the second and first classes Cicero’s Rhetoric and Orations, as well as the works of Virgil, Horace, Ovid, and Homer, are read. The boys are to be exercised every month in verse, oration, and declamation.

At the end of the year, in August, a kind of examination,


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 consisting of theme-writing and disputations, is to be held, and then the school breaks up for holidays. “Heir efter because the maist part of the countrey will be glaid to se thair bairnis and mak thayme clathys, and provid to thair necessiteis the rest of the yeir, thair may be given sum vacans on to the first day of October, on the quhilk day al lessonis begynnis againe in al collegis. At the quhilk day naine salbe promovit to na classe without he be examinat be the principal and regentis committit thairto.”

Corporal punishment by inferior masters is forbidden. “Nor yit sal it be leful to the said pedagogis to ding thair desciples, but only to declair the fall to the principal or to thair regent, and refer the punition to thayme.”

Of a large portion of this, his academic ancestry, Comenius was unaware, though, as has been shown, he did his best to assimilate and to build upon the efforts of previous workers. It remains to mention three of his contemporaries who exercised an undoubted influence upon him. These are Wolfgang Ratke, John Valentine Andreæ, and John Henry Alsted.

At first sight it would appear as if Ratke (1571–1635) were the chief inspirer and forerunner of the Great Didactic, but a little investigation tends to weaken this presumption. It has already been shown that Comenius, while putting his ideas into shape at Lissa, did not know with any exactness in what the method of Ratke consisted, and that the secrecy maintained by the latter hindered his contemporaries from knowing what were the actual suggestions that he had formulated. It was possibly the eulogy of his method by the Giessen professors Helwig and Jung that had reached Comenius at Herborn, and it is more than probable that no more detailed account ever came into his hands. True, he lays stress on the fact that Ratke’s examples fired him, in the beginning, to attempt school-reformation, but he speaks with little appreciation of his system of teaching Latin; and, though he can scarcely have been ignorant of the general principles contained in them, does


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Rh that they could not hope to prosper while the villagers could get their boys instructed without cost in the Company’s schools, were very excusably hostile to the new establishments and endeavored to obstruct or prevent them. Thus, in the only instance in which a school was violently broken up, it was done by the zemindar at the instigation of the old teacher. Mr. May at one time contemplated the probability that, when the Natives were fully convinced of the utility of the plan of education which he had established, some means might be adopted whereby every village might entirely, or at least partly, support its own school. No attempt, however, certainly no successful attempt of this kind, appears to have been made. It is doubtful also whether the rivalry which is alleged to have been excited among the Natives led to the formation of schools similar to those of Mr. May; for I find it expressly stated in a report on the Chinsura schools made in 1823, that the only independent school that had grown out of the Chinsura schools was one founded by the Rajah of Burdwan and placed under the control of Mr. May’s successor. After Mr. May’s death the number of schools and scholars was reduced; but subsequently in 1821-22, in the reduced number of schools nearly an equal number of scholars attended. In 1824 the Chinsura schools were placed under the superintendence of the General Committee, when they were again apparently in a declining state, in consequence of which some of the members of the Committee in 1827 expressed doubts as to the utility and expediency of maintaining them. They were, however, continued some time longer, but have recently been entirely abandoned by the General Committee. An offer was made to the Calcutta Diocesan Committee of the Incorporated Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts to transfer the buildings and existing materials of such of the schools as that Committee should agree to continue, and an occasional supply of books being also guaranteed by the Committee of Public Instruction, it has been judged advisable by the Diocesan Committee to undertake the maintenance of tbe six most central among them, which appear most eligible from their locality and the numbers in attendance. The advantages resulting from the Chinsura schools do not appear to be highly estimated. The system adopted was in principle the Native one, the practice being modified according to that of Dr. Bell. The difference between Mr. May’s system and that of the Native schools is stated to be that in the latter the boys are taught chiefly by the ear, and in the former they were taught more by the eye. The number of boys under one teacher amounted in some cases to 120, and in all he was assisted by the monitors, the ablest boys being employed to teach the rest. The teachers at first received five rupees for 40 scholars and one rupee for every 20 more; and afterwards they were all allowed one rupee for every 10 scholars or ten rupees for 100, which equalled


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 BIBLE TRIUMPHS

A Jubilee Memorial

FOR

THE BRITISH AND FOREIGN BIBLE SOCIETY.

BY THE

REV. THOMAS TIMPSON,

AUTHOR OF THE "COMPANION TO THE BIBLE," "THE KEY TO THE

BIBLE," "CHURCH HISTORY THROUGH ALL AGES,"

"THE ANGELS OF GOD," ETC., ETC.

DEDICATED, WITH PERMISSION, TO

THE RIGHT HON. THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY,

PRESIDENT OF THE BRITISH AND FOREIGN BIBLE SOCIETY.

LONDON : PARTRIDGE & OAKEY, 34, PATERNOSTER ROW;

AND 70, EDGWARE ROAD. 1853.


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 PARTRIDGE AND OAKEY, PRINTERS, PADDINGTON.


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 THE RUINS OF BORO BUDUR IN JAVA

The following letter was received by the Honorary Secretary of the Society in May, 1880:—

"LA HAYE, le 3 Avril, 1880.

"Il y a quelques années le Gouvernement Neêrlandais entreprit la publication de dessins et d'un texte descriptif des ruines dites 'Bôrô-Boudour' dans l'ile de Java.

"Désirant faire connaître cet ouvrage aux sociétés scientifiques étrangères, le Gouvernement du Roi se plait à en offrir un exemplaire à la Société Asiatique.

"Il est persuadé que de cette façon le but scientifique qu'on s'était proposé par la publication, sera atteint.

 * "Le Ministre des Colonies,
 * "W. VAN GOLTSTEIN.

"À la Société Asiatique (Straits Branch) à Singapore."

The letter was accompanied by the very valuable gift mentioned in it, viz., a set of three hundred and ninety-three designs illustrating the ruins of the temple of Boro Budur in Java, with a descriptive text in Dutch by Dr. C. LEEMANS, Director of the Museum of Public Antiquities at Leyden, and a translation of this


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 work into French by M. A. G. VAN HAMEL. The designs were produced at the expense of the Dutch Government, and under the direction of M. F. C. WILSEN. Dr. LEEMANS' description is founded chiefly on the MSS. and printed works of M. WILSEN and M. J. F. G. BRUMUND. It has seemed right to the Council that this generous gift should be introduced to the Society with some account of the great work which the Netherlands-India Government has undertaken in the interests of science and art, aud of the noble relic of antiquity, upon the description of which so much learning and labour and money has been expended.

It is a most interesting fact for a Society established in Singapore and meeting in a building which bears the name of the illustrious founder of this Settlement that the remains of the noble building which is described in these plates were first brought to the knowledge of Europeans by Sir STAMFORD RAFFLES. The discovery is thus described by Dr. LEEMANS, the author, or perhaps we should rather say the editor, of the descriptive text which accompanies the plates :—

"When Lieutenant-Governor Sir S. RAFFLES was at Samarang in January, 1814, he learned that in Kedu, in the immediate neighbourhood of the hamlet of Bumi Segoro, there were on a hill, or partly hidden by a hill, the extensive ruins of a very ancient Hindu temple. Sir STAMFORD was deeply impressed with the idea that an examination and an accurate study of these ruins would be of very great scientific interest. Possibly he flattered himself with the hope of discovering in this place objects of art not less precious than those which, nine years before, had been found in the neighbouring territory of Prambanan, and of which the Dutch Government had procured a description and some drawings. Whatever were his expectations, the fact is that Sir STAMFORD directed Mr. CORNELIUS, & Lieutenant of Engineers, to carefully examine these ruins, which the natives called Boro Badur, to measure their dimensions, to make plans and exact drawings of them, and to write a clear and detailed description of the whole."

It was no easy task that Mr. CORNELIUS had to undertake. So utterly had the ancient shrine been neglected, that it was covered with a dense jungle. More than two hundred workmen were employed for forty-five days in cutting down the trees, burning the


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 TO THE

RIGHT HON. EARL OF SHAFTESBURY,

PRESIDENT OF THE BRITISH AND FOREIGN BIBLE SOCIETY.

My Lord,

In dedicating this volume to your Lordship, I cannot omit to acknowledge the kind manner in which that honour was granted. The chief merit of the work consists in its record of the wonderful and successful operations of the great Institution over which your Lordship has been called to preside, and of the extraordinary endowments and virtues of the excellent men who have been its principal labourers.

Having been for more than forty years connected with the Bible Society, privileged with an acquaintance with many of its agents, and to co-operate, on some occasions, in parts of its agencies, I have felt delighted in bringing together the memorials of those "who being dead yet speak," — and trust


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 not appear to have been intimately acquainted with his works.

Far more immediate was the influence of Andreæ, to whose Utopia, Reipublicæ Christiano-Politica Descriptio, and the educational reforms described in it, Comenius’ debt is very great. Andreæ, imbued with the scientific spirit that was awakening throughout Europe, wished to add both mathematics and natural science to the ordinary humanist curriculum, and was undoubtedly a strong factor in the development of Comenius’ “modern side” tendencies.

But it is to John Henry Alsted, his friend and teacher at Herborn, that the debt is greatest. In his Encyclopædia of all the Sciences, published in 1630, Alsted included a very complete treatise on Education, and, though many of the propositions brought forward resemble those of Ratke, it does not appear that they were directly borrowed from him. Indeed, in the list of writers on Education at the beginning of Alsted’s Consilarius Academicus, Ratke’s name does not


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 underwood and carrying away the earth under which the ruins were buried. When this preliminary operation was completed, a spectacle appeared which must have seemed to the Lieutenant of Engineers a reward worth all his labour.

This is Sir STAMFORD RAFFLES' description of what came to light. ("History of Java," Vol. II, 31, Ed. 1830.)

"In the district of Boro in the province of Kedu and near to the confluence of the rivers Elo and Praga, crowning a small hill stands the temple of Boro Bodo, supposed by some to have been built in the sixth, and by others in the tenth century of the Javan It is a square stone building, consisting of seven ranges of walls, each range decreasing as you ascend, till the building terminates in a kind of dome. It occupies the whole of the upper part of a conical hill, which appears to have been cut away so as to receive the walls, and to accommodate itself to the figure of the whole structure. At the centre, resting on the very apex of the hill, is the dome before mentioned, of about fifty feet diameter, and in its present ruinous state, the upper part having fallen in, only about twenty feet high. This is surrounded by a triple circle. of towers, in number seventy-two, each occupied by an image looking outwards, and all connected by a stone casing of the hill which externally has the appearance of a roof. Descending from thence, you pass on each side of the building by steps through five handsome gateways, conducting to five successive terraces, which surround the hill on every side. The walls which support these terraces are covered with the richest sculpture on both sides, but more particularly on the side which forms au interior wall to the terrace below, and are raised so as to form a parapet on the other side. In the exterior of these parapets, at equal distances, are niches, each containing a naked figure sitting cross-legged, and considerably larger than life; the total number of which is not far short of four hundred. Above each niche is a little spire, another above each of the sides of the niche, and another upon the parapet between the sides of the neighbour- ing niches. The design is regular; the architectural and sculptural ornaments are profuse. The bas-reliefs represent a variety of scenes, apparently mythological, and are executed with considerable taste and skill. The whole area occupied by this noble building is


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 about six hundred and twenty feet either way. The exterior line of the ground plan, though apparently a perfect square when viewed at a distance, is not exactly of that form, as the centre of each face, to a considerable extent, projects many feet, and so as to cover as much ground as the conical shape of the hill will admit: the same form is observed in each of the terraces. The whole has the appearance of one solid building, and is about a hundred feet high, independently of the central spire of about twenty feet which has fallen in. The interior consists al- most entirely of the hill itself."

The more careful examination of the building, which has been made since Sir STAMFORD RAFFLES wrote this, shews that his description is not absolutely correct in all points, but it is sufficiently so to give a good idea of the whole.

It was, as we have seen, part of Raffles' original purpose to cause plans and drawings of the building to be made, and he says in a note to the passage just quoted:—"Drawings of the present and former state of this edifice and illustrative of the sculptural ornaments by which it is distinguished have been made and have been long in the hands of the engraver."

But not many of these seem to have appeared. Dr. LEEMANS suggests that possibly they may have remained amongst papers that Sir STAMFORD left behind him at his death. A few were printed, and reproduced in various publications; Possibly the frontispiece to the second volume of CRAWFURD'S "History of the Indian Archipelago" comes from this source. Afterwards, from time to time, drawings of various parts of the building and of objects in the building appeared. But after Sir STAMFORD RAFFLES left Java in 1815, until the year 1844, no serious attempt was made to produce a complete series of drawings.

There had, meanwhile, been any proposals, some of them countenanced by the Netherlands-India Government, to have Boro Budur thoroughly measured, described and illustrated. But the difficulties in the way of accomplishing the task seemed again and again insurmountable.

At last, in 1844 the idea was entertained of making use of photography to obtain correct views of the building, and in July, 1845, a German artist named SHAEFIR, who was employed by the


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 iv DEDICATION.

that this volume will be approved by your Lordship, and contribute, under the blessing of God, to promote the cause of the British and Foreign Bible Society.

With prayers that your Lordship may be preserved long to labour for the Bible Society, and to witness its in- creasing triumphs, in advancing the kingdom of our Lord and Saviour,

I have the honour to remain, My Lord, With sentiments of the highest esteem,

Your Lordship's obedient servant,

THOMAS TIMPSON.