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 the two torpedoes actually fired on this occasion, one passed astern, while the other struck the rudder of the Revenge. In the early days of this weapon, when the explosive carried by it was of comparatively small amount, the effect would not have been so serious. But the detonation of 200 lbs. of gun cotton, which modern torpedoes convey—equal, perhaps, in effect to 1000 lbs. of gunpowder—is irresistible. There was a tremendous report, and the stern of the ship was hurled into the air. Though all the water-tight doors had been closed previous to the approach of the boats, the shock to the after part of the ship was so great that all the bulkheads were seriously strained. An immense mass of water entered the ship, and she was observed to settle down deeply by the stern.

Fortunately the loss of life was not great, as few were at the after end except those working the machine guns on deck. Some of these were picked up uninjured by the boats of the squadron, which were quickly on the spot, having been precipitated into the water by the blow, though not immediately over the explosion. But a great many were wounded, especially in the engine room, where the concussion was severely felt. Of course the ship was perfectly disabled, as both propellers were gone, though the steam pumps were intact, and kept the water down to a great extent. That she did not sink was a marvel, and entirely due to the discipline


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Author talk:J. M. Maclaren

James Monteith Maclaren?
There are two men (father and son) named "J M Maclaren" who were involved in mining/geology in the late 19th century and who lived in the Thames area.

James Monteith Maclaren (or McLaren) was born around 1836. James Monteith McLaren (sic) was appointed mining inspector for the Hauraki Goldmining District in 1878. He would have been about 42 at the time the papers were read at the Institute https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/THS18781203.2.10 He died in 1924 and the newspaper item notes he was a Freemason. Thames Star, Volume IX, Issue 3058, 3 December 1878, Page 2 https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/AS19240516.2.67 Auckland Star, Volume LV, Issue 115, 16 May 1924, Page 5

James Malcolm Maclaren (son of James Monteith Maclaren) was a highly renowned geologist. https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/NEM19290820.2.28 Nelson Evening Mail, Volume LXIII, 20 August 1929, Page 4 Noracrentiss (talk) 23:11, 5 December 2023 (UTC)

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Author talk:J. M. Maclaren


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 maintained, even at such a terrible moment. No panic ensued. Stations for a collision had been frequently practised, and now at the bugle call every one went to his allotted duty. All the pumps were connected, and boats got in readiness in case the ship had to be abandoned. For this there was no immediate necessity, as the water-tight doors had been closed previous to the attack. Had the explosion taken place a few feet further forward no precautions could have availed.

All depended now on the bulkheads withstanding the pressure of water and preventing it extending to the engine room. They leaked considerably, but did not give way. The entry of water was checked by putting over outside all the mats and canvas, where they got sucked into the fissures. This action had been most useful in the case of the Howe when lifted off the rocks at Ferrol. As the stern—or rather the after part—was much depressed, while the bow was correspondingly raised, so that the whole of the ram was out of water, every weight that could possibly be moved was transported forward.

All sign of further attack having ceased, the admiral came on board. With the captain and chief engineer he made an examination of the injuries as far as they could be observed, and decided to remove the crew to the Narcissus, which should then tow the injured battleship back to Plymouth. Only a small party was left on board


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 the injured ship, as there was great risk of her foundering in case it came on to blow hard. She, however, arrived in safety about noon, while the squadron went on to Portland.

There was great consternation throughout the country when these events became known. We had been subjected to extreme humiliation. Notwithstanding the millions spent on coast defence, we were not able to prevent a few torpedo boats entering our principal stronghold and destroying ships alongside our very dockyards. Elaborate preparations existed to encounter a hostile fleet, but no provision to meet this form of attack. Again, while all experienced officers had declared that a squadron at sea should be attended by numerous scouts to bring such assailants to bay before getting within striking distance of the main body, this obvious necessity had been neglected, with the result just related.

True, out of twenty torpedo boats fourteen had succumbed—for the two sent to the Needles, pressing the attack too close, had been disabled and captured—but our fleet had been reduced by three battleships and a cruiser; a deficiency which could not be made good within the probable limits of a war, and was out of all proportion to the loss sustained by the enemy.

There was a tremendous outcry against the War Office and Admiralty, and an excited mob could be with difficulty restrained from acts of violence.


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 Many demanded that a popular sailor should be given the direction of affairs. But it was not the time to swop horses, and calmer counsels prevailed. Such an attitude was necessary, for the country was about to sustain a far greater misfortune.

I have already stated, the French fleet left Toulon at 3 on March 1st. The conditions under which it now took the sea were very different from those that prevailed at the beginning of the century. The centre of interest had shifted to the eastward. It had passed from the Atlantic to the Mediterranean. We can hardly appreciate now the eagerness with which the control of the West Indian Islands was competed for in former years, and the influence they exercised on naval strategy. Similarly the altered conditions of the North American continent have diverted the interest attached to former struggles for dominion there and, except in a minor degree relating to commerce, would not attract great attention until other points had been secured. Thus all the great naval battles of the past took place in the Atlantic, whether among the islands in the western portion or on


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 this side. Since then the eastern hemisphere has proved more attractive. Our position in India, and its dependence on the sea for support from the mother country, must chiefly affect naval strategy of to-day.

A French writer has said, "C'est aux Indes qu'il faut frapper l'Angleterre." The shortening of the route by a ditch 90 miles long across the Isthmus of Suez has also added a new phase to the question. Some think this neighbourhood will see the next great struggle for naval supremacy.

When the veteran constructor of the canal was received in the French Academy, M. Renan, addressing him, said, "One Bosphorus has sufficed till now to give trouble enough to the world. You have created another more important than the first. In case of maritime war it would be the point of supreme interest; the point for the occupation of which the whole globe would make a rush. You have thus fixed the spot for the great battles of the future."

Whether it was to be in this immediate locality or at the opposite extremity of the Mediterranean would depend upon tactical rather than strategical considerations. It might have been desired as of old to effect a junction between the Brest and Toulon fleets; but this was no longer requisite owing to the policy followed of concentrating previous to war the force required for immediate action. Had it been scattered in several ports, each


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 two preceding numbers become respectively

185. ''Corol. 2''. In the same manner it appears, that,

186. ''Corol. 3''. Also that $${}_{t\urcorner}\!\mathfrak{A} = v \left ( 1 - {}_t\!av^t \right ) - (1-v) {}_{t\urcorner}\!\text{A}$$ or $${}_{t\urcorner}\!\mathfrak{A} = v \left ( 1 - \frac{{}^t\!a}{a} v^t \right ) - (1-v)\,.\, \left ( \text{A} - \frac{{}^t\!a}{a} v^t \cdot {}^t\!\text{A} \right )$$.

187. ''Corol. 4''. When the assurance is on the joint continuance of all the lives, the formulæ of No. 184 become respectively

And those of numbers 182 and 183, $${}_{t\urcorner}\!\mathfrak{ABC},\ \&\text{c.} = v \left ( 1 - \frac{{}^t\!(abc,\ \&\text{c.})}{abc,\ \&\text{c.}} v^t \right ) - (1-v) \times$$ $$\left [ \text{ABC},\ \&\text{c.} - \frac{t(abc,\ \&\text{c.})}{abc,\ \&\text{c.}} v^t \cdot {}^t\!(\text{ABC},\ \&\text{c.}) \right ]$$, and $$\odot {}_{t\urcorner}\!\mathfrak{ABC},\ \&\text{c.} =$$ $$\frac{1 - \frac{{}^t\!(abc,\ \&\text{c.})}{abc,\ \&\text{c.}} v^t}{1 + \text{ABC},\ \&\text{c.} - \frac{{}^t\!(abc,\ \&\text{c.})}{abc,\ \&\text{c.}} v^t \left [ 1 + {}^t\!(\text{ABC},\ \&\text{c.}) \right ]} + v - 1$$.

188. ''Corol. 5''. According as the assurance is in the last survivor of two, or of three lives, the formulæ of No. 184 become respectively

And those of numbers 182 and 183 become

Where $${}_t\!(\overline{ab}) = {}_t\!a + {}_t\!b - {}_t\!(ab)$$, (141). and $${}_t\!(\overline{abc}) = {}_t\!a + {}_t\!b + {}_t\!c - \left [ {}_t\!(ab) + {}_t\!(ac) + (bc) \right ] + {}_t\!(abc)$$, (142).

For the values of $$\overline\text{AB}$$, $$\overline\text{ABC}$$, $${}_{t\urcorner}\!\overline\text{AB}$$, and $${}_{t\urcorner}\!\overline\text{ABC}$$, see numbers 157—159, and 161.

189. ''Corol. 6''. When the assurance is on the joint continuance of the two last survivors out of the three lives A, B, C; the formulæ of No. 184 become respectively

Those of numbers 182 and 183,

$${}_{t\urcorner}\!\overset{2}\overline\mathfrak{ABC} = v \left [ 1 - {}_t\!\overset{2}\overline{(abc)} v^t \right ] - (1-v) {}_{t\urcorner}\!\overset{2}\overline\text{ABC,}$$ and $$\odot {}_{t\urcorner}\!\overset{2}\overline\mathfrak{ABC} = \frac{1 - {}_t\overset{2}\overline{(abc)} v^t}{1 - {}_t(\overset{2}\overline{abc}) v^t + {}_{t\urcorner}\!\overset{2}\overline\text{ABC}} + v - 1$$.

Where $${}_t\! \overset{2}{\left ( \overline{abc} \right )} = {}_t\!(ab) + {}_t\!(ac) + {}_t\!(bc) - 2 {}_t\!(abc)$$, (143).

For the values of $$\overset{2}\overline\text{ABC}$$ and $${}_{t\urcorner}\!\overset{2}\overline{\text{ABC}}$$ see numbers 157, 160, and 161.

190. $$v \left [ 1 - {}_t\!\overset{m}\overline{(abc,\ \&\text{c.})} v^t \right ] - (1-v) {}_{t\urcorner}\!\overset{m}\overline{\text{ABC},\ \&\text{c.}}$$ the value of an assurance on any life or lives for the term of $$t$$ years, which was given in No. 182, may also be expressed thus:

And this, in words at length, is the rule given in No. 93.

191. When $$t$$ is not less than the greatest possible joint duration of any $$m$$ of the proposed lives, the last expression becomes $$\left ( 1 + \overset{m}\overline{\text{ABC},\ \&\text{c.}} \right ) v - \overset{m}\overline{\text{ABC},\ \&\text{c.}}$$ which is also equivalent to the first in No. 184; and, in words at length, is the rule given in No. 97, for determining the value of an assurance on any life or lives for their whole duration.

192. By substituting $$\frac{1}{1+r}$$ for $$v$$ (146) in the last expression, it becomes $$\frac{1 + \overset{m}\overline{\text{ABC},\ \&\text{c.}}}{1+r} - \overset{m}\overline{\text{ABC},\ \&\text{c.}} = \frac{1 - r. \overset{m}\overline{\text{ABC},\ \&\text{c.}}}{1+r}$$, or $$\frac{\frac{1}{r} - \overset{m}\overline{\text{ABC},\ \&\text{c}}}{1+\frac{1}{r}}$$. And 1em


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 was liable to destruction in detail or to suffer blockade. By developing the resources of Toulon, and collecting a fleet there considerably superior to any in Mediterranean waters, it could not—in the early stages of a war at least—be reduced to inactivity. Of course I am aware that this measure had been to a large extent influenced by the growth of the Italian Navy, and the chances of hostilities with the Triple Alliance. This, however, was only one of many threads in a scheme which had for its chief ambition a dominion of the sea.

But the greatest change of all in the strategical aspect of the Mediterranean, as regards the position of France and England, is the substitution of the former in holding the large extent of coast formerly under the authority of the Deys of Algiers and Tunis. When the French sent an expedition to Algiers in 1830, it was not, probably, foreseen by the other Powers that this would lead to a domination of the coast to a point within easy range of Malta. Along this coast are a series of harbours either naturally good or made so artificially. Such harbours afford valuable bases either for offensive or defensive purposes. The most ignorant in naval warfare cannot fail to see what risks in war commerce runs in passing this long sea coast, unless each port is masked or the craft it harbours destroyed. A squadron leaving Toulon need not fear loss of communication and supplies with such a base as Algiers open—moreover, any force going


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 from Malta to Gibraltar must pass within close distance.

It was to Algiers the French fleet was now steering with a view to intercept the English squadron, which must be reinforced from England before it could take the offensive.

The formidable nature of the French position in the Mediterranean had been observed and pointed out frequently in England for a considerable period previously. Sir Geoffrey Hornby had plainly said: "I don't see how we can possibly hold the Mediterranean with our present force," and the Admiralty had been urged to strengthen it. But the requirements of a modern fleet differ materially from those of former times, and render it more dependent on a dockyard. We have only one place in the Mediterranean with the necessary plant, and Malta is only just capable of supplying the wants of a limited number of ironclads. Gibraltar has no dock, and its naval yard is incapable of coping with big repairs. Hence we could only maintain a much larger fleet in this sea by sending some of the ships home periodically, a course to which all naval tradition was opposed. A few additional cruisers had been sent out, but they did not materially strengthen the squadron in the most important element of sea power.

It had, however, been considered that on an emergency the Channel squadron could reinforce that in the Mediterranean in a few days, our home


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 waters being guarded by the coastguard ships. When, therefore, the First Lord of the Admiralty was informed of the French note, a cypher telegram was despatched to the admiral at Malta, informing him of the position of affairs, and stating the Channel fleet would join him at Gibraltar as soon as possible.

This reached him at 8 on February 28th, and orders were at once given to prepare for sea.

Fortunately the whole of the squadron was present, except the Edgar, at Alexandria, and some of the small ships cruising at the eastern end of the station. The second division had lately returned from the Levant, and all were now preparing for the summer cruise. One or two of the ships had portions of their machinery disconnected, but these were replaced in a few hours, and at 4 the next morning the squadron left Malta for the westward.

A somewhat northerly course was steered, to avoid the coast of Tunis and prevent information of their movements reaching the enemy. It was desirable to push on, to get past the narrow water between Cape Bon and the western end of Sicily during daylight, as there were known to be torpedo boats at Bizerta.

Though war had not been declared, the previous telegram had been such as to prevent little doubt it might ensue at any moment. The squadron therefore proceeded at a speed of 12 knots. As a


text: Madagascar; with Other Poems/To the Qveene, presented with a suit, in the behalfe of F. S. directed, From Orpheus Prince of Poets, To the Queene of Light; In favour of a young listner to his Harpe


text: Madagascar; with Other Poems/To the Lord B. in performance of a vow, that night to write to him


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 matter of fact, it was sighted about noon by two torpedo boats from Bizerta that had been despatched to ascertain whether the squadron had left Malta. They were then off Pantellaria, and at once returned to Tunis with the news, where it was transmitted to France and Algiers. These boats were seen by the leading English ships, and their actions looked ominous, so the admiral sent the Æolus on to Cagliari for intelligence, to meet him 50 miles due south of that port. The appointed rendezvous was reached at 5 o'clock the next morning, where the cruiser was found waiting.

The captain went on board the flagship, and the news he had to impart was of a serious nature. War had been declared the previous afternoon and the French fleet had left Toulon in great strength. Its destination was unknown, but it was believed to be bound for Malta. A signal to the fleet made the information general, and all the captains were ordered to confer with the admiral.

The consultation did not take long. All were of the same opinion, that there was no alternative but to push on to Gibraltar. In less than an hour the squadron had resumed its course.

If the French were steering for Malta they must still be a considerable distance north, and there was ample time to get past them. On the other hand, should the Toulon fleet make straight for Gibraltar, they had a shorter distance to go by 300 miles than the English squadron. But the


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Page:Travels in West Africa, Congo Français, Corisco and Cameroons (IA travelsinwestafr00kingrich).pdf/787

 red, the first five segments beneath with a long black band on the sides behind.

Allied to A. bœrhaviæ, Fabr., but very distinct.

An immature specimen.

style=font-size: 90%;|hanging-indent=2em|

Hyotrephes herculeus, Stål, Œfv. Vet.-Akad. Förh. 1855, p. 46.

Hydrocyrius hercuteus, Stål, Hemipt. Afr. iii, p. 181 (1865).

Prom Lembarene.

Agrees fairly with Stål's description, taken from Caffrarian specimens.


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" I were sketching a bandit who had just shot his last pursuer, having outrun all the rest, that is the very face I would give him," soliloquised the Captain, as he studied the features of his rival in the drawing-room, during the miserable half-hour before dinner, when dullness reigns predominant over the expectant company, especially when they are waiting for some one last comer, whom they all heartily curse in their hearts, and whom, nevertheless, or indeed therefore-the-more, they welcome as a sinner, more heartily than all


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 latter had started half-a-day earlier, during which 150 miles had been run, and it was hoped the balance might be picked up by superior speed. This was now increased to 14 knots. But as I have said, the French destination was Algiers and the squadrons were converging upon each other.

We may therefore now give a detailed list of the two forces.

The French squadron comprised the following:

These three divisions were so arranged that each contained ships of similar type and approximate power. Manœuvring is much facilitated where this is carried out, as the revolutions of the engines and the arc of turning circle being nearly uniform, changes of direction and formation can be accomplished without every captain having to study the idiosyncrasies of his next ahead and astern. The first division was the most powerful, as the one to come first into action, and composed of the finest ships in the French Navy. Vice-admiral G. was in supreme command, and flew his flag in the Formidable. His early career had been a distinguished one and he was considered the ablest officer in the


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 the just persons who had been punctual to their engagement. Some new visitors had arrived in the morning, and, as the company dropped in one by one, the Captain anxiously watched the unclosing door for the form of his beloved: but she was the last to make her appearance, and on her entry gave him a malicious glance, which he construed into a telegraphic communication that she had stayed away to torment him. Young Crotchet escorted her with marked attention to the upper end of the drawing-room, where a great portion of the company was congregated around Miss Crotchet. These being the only ladies in the company, it was evident that old Mr. Crotchet would give his arm to Lady Clarinda, an arrangement with which the Captain could not interfere. He therefore, took his station near the door, studying his rival from a distance, and deter-


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 mined to take advantage of his present position, to secure the seat next to his charmer. He was meditating on the best mode of operation for securing this important post with due regard to bienséance, when he was twitched by the button by Mr. Mac Quedy, who said to him: "Lady Clarinda tells me, sir, that you are anxious to talk with me on the subject of exchangeable value, from which I infer that you have studied political economy, and as a great deal depends on the definition of value, I shall be glad to set you right on that point." "I am much obliged to you, sir," said the Captain, and was about to express his utter disqualification for the proposed instruction, when Mr. Skionar walked up and said: "Lady Clarinda informs me that you wish to talk over with me the question of subjective reality. I am delighted to fall in with a gentleman who duly


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 appreciates the transcendental philosophy." "Lady Clarinda is too good," said the Captain; and was about to protest that he had never heard the word transcendental before, when the butler announced dinner. Mr. Crotchet led the way with Lady Clarinda: Lord Bossnowl followed with Miss Crotchet: the economist and transcendentalist pinned in the Captain, and held him, one by each arm, as he impatiently descended the stairs in the rear of several others of the company, whom they had forced him to let pass; but the moment he entered the dining-room he broke loose from them, and at the expense of a little brusquerie, secured his position.

"Well, Captain," said Lady Clarinda, "I perceive you can still manœuvre."

"What could possess you," said the Captain, "to send two unendurable and inconceivable bores, to intercept me with


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 rubbish about which I neither know nor care any more than the man in the moon?"

"Perhaps," said Lady Clarinda, "I saw your design, and wished to put your generalship to the test. But do not contradict any thing I have said about you, and see if the learned will find you out."

"There is fine music, as Rabelais observes, in the cliquetis d'assiettes, a refreshing shade in the ombre de salle à manger, and an elegant fragrance in the fumée de rôti," said a voice at the Captain's elbow. The Captain turning round, recognised his clerical friend of the morning, who knew him again immediately, and said he was extremely glad to meet him there; more especially as Lady Clarinda had assured him that he was an enthusiastic lover of Greek poetry.

"Lady Clarinda," said the Captain, "is a very pleasant young lady."


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 So she is, sir and I understand she has all the wit of the family to herself, whatever that totum may be. But a glass of wine after soup is, as the French say, the verre de santé. The current of opinion sets in favor of Hock: but I am for Madeira; I do not fancy Hock till I have laid a substratum of Madeira. Will you join me?

With pleasure.

Here is a very fine salmon before me: and May is the very point nommé to have salmon in perfection. There is a fine turbot close by, and there is much to be said in his behalf but salmon in May is the king of fish.

That salmon before you, doctor, was caught in the Thames, this morning.


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 service. Two rear-admirals in the Marceau and Courbet respectively, led the second and third divisions. They had been specially promoted from the captains' list, and had had much experience in squadron work.

There were twelve cruisers organised as scouts as follows:

A rear-admiral was in command of this light squadron. Experience in manœuvres had shown the necessity of this, especially when two opposing fleets come actually in contact, as then the cruisers must take care not to impede movements, and the supreme chief has all his attention directed to handling the battle-ships.

It will be seen the cruisers are in six sub-divisions, each consisting of two vessels. The smaller acted as a satellite and as an intermediate communication between the big cruiser, when scouting, and the squadron. In addition, there was a torpedo flotilla composed of the Wattignies, Léger and Lévrier torpedo catchers, and eight sea-going torpedo boats.

The English squadron consisted of ten battle-


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 ships, the Polyphemus and nine cruisers, as follows:

The squadron was very unequal in strength, because it included the five Admiral class which had been sent out to the Mediterranean as more suited to that sea than the rough waters of the Channel. Their low freeboard forward makes them very uncomfortable in bad weather, as every aperture on deck has to be hermetically sealed to keep the water from getting below. They have good speed in smooth water, and are powerfully armed, but a large area of the hull is most imperfectly protected.

It was a great point with our old wooden walls that they were equally at home in any sea, and weathered the heaviest storms while maintaining their stations in the Bay of Biscay. Few of our modern constructions are capable of keeping the sea for any length of time. Indeed, this is seldom done; they go from port to port, and the amount of time spent in harbour is much in excess of that under way.

The following cruisers accompanied the squadron:


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 {|
 * Hawke. || Æolus. || Surprise.
 * Amphion. || Barham. || Sandfly.
 * Arethusa. || Scout. || Skipjack.
 * Spartan. || Fearless.
 * }
 * Arethusa. || Scout. || Skipjack.
 * Spartan. || Fearless.
 * }
 * }

Though, as may be seen, this squadron was numerically inferior to that of the French, and only contained four ships of 12,000 tons and upwards, it was thoroughly well organised and in splendid order. The chief command was held by Admiral Sir Charles T—, G.C.B., an officer of great experience and energy. The Ramillies carried his flag. Rear-admiral L— was his second in command in the Trafalgar. He had gained a great reputation as a captain, and was now flying his flag for the first time.

Many problems which had been exercising men's minds for half a century were now within measurable distance of solution. The effect of steam upon tactics; for, with the exception of Lissa, no great action under this mode of propulsion had yet taken place. The fight between Tegethoff and Persano had only touched the fringe of the question. Then how far we were justified in mainly trusting to a few guns of great size. Would the improved training of seamen and the superior precision of the weapon give an adequate return under the different conditions of battle and practice? Were we right in carrying such masses of armour? Or could it be limited to keeping out the most destructive shell? What was the influence


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 of submarine attack? Of the ram we had some experience in peace and war. Of its terrible effectiveness when successfully applied there could be no doubt. Would it be brought into use early or late in an action? What was to be the record of the torpedo? All nations had been devoting great attention to this weapon, but at the same time a vein of contempt for its powers seemed to influence naval construction. Though equally destructive to large as well as small ships—for though we may pile up armour to protect them from shot and shell, the hull under water remains vulnerable—we had not hesitated in producing vessels costing a million sterling in which protection against this form of attack is infinitesimal. In fact, it cannot be done. As was declared long ago by an eminent naval architect, when only small torpedoes were used, "It might be possible to put some armour on the bottom of ships, but then it would only be necessary to increase the charges of the torpedoes, and the armour we had applied would become vulnerable. It is idle to attempt to form the bottom of a ship strong enough to resist a fair blow from a powerful torpedo." Prophetic words, spoken eighteen years ago, for in the interval we have passed from charges of 40 to 200 lbs. of gun cotton. We can only lessen the danger by spreading the risks over a greater number of ships of reduced size, but this alternative we have not yet accepted.


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 There were many who declared the next sea fight would not be won by an extra inch of armour, or an additional foot in the velocity of a gun. A thousand tons more or less will count little in the scale when pitted against the personal element. Success would be to the side which handled best the weapons provided. There was nothing to indicate how this would go. Each country had striven to give its personnel a thorough training in all that tends to excellence at sea. We knew what our own Navy had done in China, New Zealand, the Crimea, Egypt and those numerous small wars in which we had been engaged. Our neighbours had similar experiences—Admiral Farragut had witnessed the French operations against Mexico in 1838, and recorded his impressions of their fleet. Writing to Commodore Barron at the time, he had said: "The English and ourselves may affect to despise the French by sea, but depend upon it they are in science far ahead of us both, and when England next meets France upon the ocean she will find a different enemy from that of the last war."

Since then their progress has been continuous, and a feeling of confidence prevailed throughout the service, indicating that no endeavour would be wanting to ensure success.

Such were the general conditions when, on the 3rd of March, in the early morning, the forces of the two Powers in the Mediterranean once more


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 met in battle. In fact the early part of the action began before it was light, and the two fleets came upon each other rather unexpectedly. The English admiral would, if possible, have avoided a conflict, but he had not time, and his cruisers being hard pressed by superior numbers, he could only have done so by a sacrifice he was unwilling to entertain. He therefore determined to accept battle. The best accounts of naval actions are those derived from private sources. A man often in a letter throws a light upon incidents concerning which official despatches are silent. Naval history would be more interesting reading if it included matter of this nature. As a rule, also, we seldom read anything except what is compiled by our own countrymen, and compiled with a partiality it is most difficult to overcome. Actuated by such ideas, I have obtained, and am permitted to publish, the following account of this battle from a lieutenant of the Formidable to a friend in the Ministry of Marine at Paris:—

"

"You will ere this reaches you have seen Duplessis, whom the chief sent with his despatch in the Troude, announcing our glorious victory of yesterday. It cost us dearly, for many beloved comrades gave their lives in the gallant struggle. Victor, who shared your work in the État-Major,


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 fell by my side whilst bringing me a message from the admiral. He had only a short time before mentioned you, and said what would you not have given to have been with us. I can only give you a brief account of the action, as we are all hard at work getting ready for another voyage. As you know, we left Toulon on Tuesday afternoon. It was a scene never to be forgotten, the crowds who came to bid us farewell, and how they cheered. We wanted to do the same, but the admiral said, 'No, wait till our return,' meaning it would depend on how we had acquitted ourselves. You know how impassive he is, but what there is beneath that calm exterior. All felt he was a chief worthy of France.

"We had no idea where we were going till all the officers were sent for and told our destination. What an inspiration! I suppose you knew all about it. But we were too busy to think much even of those in the dear country. There were all the stores to get below, and spare apparatus to stow away. People think that ships are always ready for action, but it is very different when war comes in earnest.

"When we left a mistral was blowing, and there was a good deal of sea outside Cape Sicié. Some of the ships seemed to take in a good deal of water, but the torpedo boats did not suffer. We only took those of largest size, which are capital sea boats.

"Our departure had been so prompt, we did not


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 think the English would leave till the next day, but they must have sailed before us, for the Wattignies, which had been sent on to Algiers for information, came back with the news that two torpedo boats from Bizerta had seen the English squadron off Sicily on the morning of the 1st. We therefore hastened on. It was about 3 yesterday that we first knew they were at hand. The Cécille was scouting five miles ahead, when she signalled a fleet in sight. The sound of guns told us she had engaged. The other cruisers were then directed to support her, upon which the enemy drew off. At first we thought he meant to elude us, but when day broke the whole of his fleet were in full sight bearing down upon us. Two of his cruisers had, it appeared, been disabled by the Dupuy de Lôme, whose melinite shells proved very destructive, while her own cuirass kept out all the rapid fire projectiles. Worthy ship of such a name! The disabled cruisers had been taken in tow, and this hampered the movements of the enemy. When I came on deck, aroused from a short sleep by the call to action, the sight was magnificent. In the dim light of the early morning we could see on the starboard bow the massive ironclads in compact order. They were in a curious formation, the flagship leading and the other vessels ranged on her and each other's quarter, making an isosceles triangle. Thus the squadron had the shape of a wedge, in which each ship's ram and bow fire were


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 clear of the next ahead. Great practice must be necessary to maintain this order, but for the charge it is a good arrangement.

"How often, dear friend, have we argued over this matter! You think pelotons the best attack formation, while I have always said line ahead is the only feasible method. In peace evolutions it is very well to have an officer at the compass, another with the distance finder, and the commandant with nothing else to think of but to keep station. But in action it is very different. All that disappears, and this last terrible experience convinces me. Follow your leader, and the eye judges if you are too close, or behind station. The nearest approach to how you navigate is best on the day of battle. Thus I was glad to see we were in two divisions line ahead. There was some sea, as it had been blowing fresh during the night. Our ships did not move much, but one or two of the enemy were rolling a good deal.

"Just then we altered course, as we were steering across his bows, and the English opened fire at about 4000 yards. Several shot passed over us, but I could not see if any ships were hit, as orders came to commence, and I was getting on the sights of my big infant forward. We were swinging round at the time, which diverted the aim, but the shot was not seen to strike the water, so it may have hit its mark. This was the first shot from our side, and it would form a fine subject for our great painter. Then the firing became fast and


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 furious. As we passed each other at about 2000 yards an enormous shell struck us amidships. It created great havoc in the battery and quite disabled the centre 37 cm. gun. The port division was then nearest to the enemy and suffered severely. The Marceau was much knocked about. Her projecting barbettes on the side had been put out of action by the destruction of the ammunition hoists, and she lost a number of men early in the action. Several of the other ships had also many injuries. But the enemy was as bad, if not worse. Some of the English ships carried their guns so low, we occasionally saw their projectiles strike the tops of waves and be deflected into the air. Then again, I think the rolling of their biggest ships was in our favour. This probably caused the enemy to decide upon closer quarters, for forming into a single line he turned and made straight for us. He must have been going at least 12 knots, but our admiral saw the manœuvre in time. We had changed direction to port and were in two divisions abreast. Turning another 90 degrees we came into our first formation by simply using the rudder. This brought the two admirals as sternmost ships. In another minute we had enveloped the enemy. The din was terrific, and the smoke so thick from the heavy guns that we could only see the top of the military mast of the next ahead. That guided us. It is impossible, my dear Louis, to describe this portion of the battle. Ships swerved on both sides, as steering gear or machinery broke down. When


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Talk:The Count of Monte-Cristo/Volume 1/Chapter 17

Illustration cutting a word
The drawing 209 is cutting a word in the middle, the word "managed" becomes "man" drawing "aged". I don't know how to fix that. BluePrawn (talk) 01:37, 6 December 2023 (UTC)


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 we had passed clear, several on both sides were totally disabled, and one or two were in a sinking state. The foremost ships had sustained the hardest blows, while we in the rear were not struck many times.

"But I have not time to tell you how the struggle continued, the despatch will give all details of losses and how the English admiral got clear with five ironclads when he saw the victory was practically in our hands.

"How splendidly they fought, each helping one another. You remember in China how we used to remark on the camaraderie of the English captains. They dined together, met on shore for a walk, and joked how one had got his royal yards across before the other. We agreed there was not the same in our Navy. Our capitaines de vaisseaux, striving for promotion to contre-amiral by selection, view each other askance, while theirs, being by seniority, have no such thoughts.

"We return to Toulon to-morrow, taking back the injured ships and to get ready for further service, so au revoir.

"From your devoted

"

"P.S.—It was a misfortune not having the torpedo boats with us when the enemy appeared. As you know, they had been directed the day before to make the best of their way to Algiers owing to the weather, and only rejoined us after


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 the battle. But I have always been doubtful whether in a fleet action they might not be as dangerous to friends as foes."

This letter, written hurriedly, no doubt, only gives a general description of the first great battle between modern fleets. Many details are wanting as to the individual action of ships, which it would take too long to fill in. The broad fact remains that for lack of sufficient force we had suffered a reverse in the Mediterranean, and for some time at least could not control that sea. It had been a question of numbers and not size of individual ships. The smaller vessels had not suffered especially, and as the greater proportion of the shot struck at an angle, a comparatively moderate thickness of armour either caused them to glance off or to burst harmlessly outside. The truth of the old adage that the best protection against the enemy's fire is a well-directed fire from your own guns, was fully borne out. It was the weight of metal discharged in a given time, not massive bolts at intervals, that was most effective.

At a future time I will go into this action in greater detail, with the lessons derived from it, but at present am only concerned in showing the general result of trusting to chance and past success in maintaining our position at sea.


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 The English admiral, sore at heart when he saw how his once proud squadron was reduced, had reluctantly come to the conclusion that his duty was not to prolong the contest. He therefore drew off with the remainder and continued on his way to Gibraltar. It was a question whether he should not endeavour to reach Malta, where repairs could have been made good and the injured ships docked. But the distance was greater, and it was most important to get reinforcements. He therefore decided to carry out his original instructions. Avoiding the north coast of Africa so as to be clear of hostile torpedo boats, and obliged to steam at a moderate speed, the squadron reached Gibraltar without further mishap on the evening of the 5th. Nothing had occurred there, and the next morning the Channel Fleet arrived in the Bay.

But it was now too late to retrieve the disaster, for though the new arrivals gave a considerable accession of strength, nearly all the ships lately in action required considerable repairs, and there were absolutely no resources at Gibraltar for grappling with injuries of magnitude. There could be no question of entering the Mediterranean again, for the Governor had received information that the French fleet had returned to Toulon, and that several ironclads brought forward from the reserve had been placed in commission.

A large expedition was preparing, the destination of which was believed to be Malta or Egypt.


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 THE POOR COUSIN.

BY A NEW CONTRIBUTOR.

“Well, this is comfortable!” exclaimed Harry Wyndham, throwing himself into the large, easy- chair before the glowing grate. “I haven't seen such a fire for three years. It does a man good to go from home once in awhile, to know how he is appreciated. You feel quite proud of your handsome brother, eh, sis!”

“Pshaw, Harry. Going abroad has not cured you of your vanity. But Jane,” she added, turning to a young woman who sat sewing in the corner, “bring some more coal: and, Jane, do get my work-box as you come downstairs. It is awfully stupid here with nothing to do.”

“Thank you, Carrie, for the compliment: but who is Jane? I have surely seen her before.”

“Don’t you know Jane Weston?”

“What! cousin Jenny! Is it possible! Bo she is exalted to the rank of an upper servant in her uncle's family. A sort of maid of all work.”

“Harry! I don't ask Jane to do what I would not do myself.”

“Ah, let me see, coal is apt to soil delicate fingers. I suppose Jenny does not play on the piano, and is not invited into the parlor. Perhaps my memory is at fault, but I believe her father was a wealthy lawyer, while ours was a poor cabin boy, who made his fortune by —”

Carrie's face crimsoned, and she was about leaving the room in indignant astonishment, when Jane retarned with the coal and box.

“Excuse me, Jenny,” said Harry, taking them from her. "Excuse me for not knowing you, but three years make great changes.

Per-{

gised to be a fine musician.

better”

“Yes, Harry,” she answered, interrupting

Shim, “I should have gone long ago but for little Effie. She clung to me and seems to depend on me more than any one elec,”

“Bless you, Jenny, for your kindness fo her, ” Senid the really affectionate brother, “the poor child has not had too much sympathy since I left.”

Here the ringing of the door bell announced the entrance of visitors, and Jane hastily re- treated.

When Harry next saw her she was patiently standing by the table, ironing a delicate ruffle of his own, He had often wondered who fluted these so beautifully, but he had yet to learn how necessary Jane was in household affairs,

“You shall not do this for me, said he, attempting to withdraw it from her hand.

“Suppose I say it gives me pleasure to work for you,” she answered, with gentle smile.

“In that case, I shall say I do not deserve such kindness. But, Jenny, it provokes me to seo you take everything no meekly, If yon S would just speak out boldly, and tell them you 3 would not bear it, they would not dare fo trent

you eo. I am astonished that my father can S suffer his sister's child to become a menial in 3 bis house.” Jane lid her hand on his arm, and replied,

It would have been

very gently, “Come with me, Harry; I have § sometiing to show you.” I ami He followed her up stairs, and ehe stopped at sorry, however, that you still think me such a the door of a.small room which she softly opened. veape-grace, that you have not spoken to me{Qn a low bed near the fire, lay n feeble, sickly ninee T came.” Here Harry playfully put his’ child, whose wan face was even more pele and arm around her, and kissed her cheek, worn than he hnd ever seen it, One thin hand ‘The tears rose to her eyes, and her voice trem- { was under her check, while the other wan thrown Bled as she endeavored to answer, but Harry; over the pillow. She was asleep, continued, «Harry, I think Bfie ia sinking, no one seems. “L am very sorry to nee thie, Jenny. I heard {to notice it bf myself, She hs seemed to care of your father’s misfortunes and death, but Tdid {for nothing for several days, and has hardly uot imagine that you would be treated thus in § tasted food.” * this family.” “Don't say anything, please, Harry; you can jor to be here to-night, and I witl ask him to come de nothing to belp me.” up.” “Why have you remained here? Jenny, you i Harry watched Jnne ax she moved noisclessly haye—you must have borne s grent den], You ‘about the room, pulling everything in ae place,

“Dr. Gordon must come and see her He is

�


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 There seemed no alternative but to send the damaged ships home, but as the French Channel squadron was reported in Brest, it was considered advisable that all should return together. They accordingly left the next day, and a week later anchored in Plymouth Sound.

more, therefore, we had been obliged to withdraw our fleet from the Mediterranean. The effect was much the same as of old. No steamers from this country cleared for that sea when these events became known. Those that entered the Straits were warned at Gibraltar, and either remained there or put back. There was no attempt to block the Suez Canal on the part of France, because she wanted to keep this way open to her eastern possessions. Our commerce coming home suffered terribly from hostile cruisers, which for some time carried out their operations undisturbed. The bogey of torpedo boats playing great havoc with harmless merchant ships disappeared once and for all. It had been assumed they would range up alongside and consign all to destruction without scruple. It had been lost sight of that a vessel's nationality must first be ascertained, and if her


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 208 THE POOR COUSIN.

and preparing something to tempt the child’s delicate appetite, and thought how little the world knew of the beautiful life of patient goodness in that upper room, of the scenes of gentle kindness and unwearying devotedness daily enacted around the bedside of that little sufferer. Effie had long been hopelessly deformed, and her lower limbs were shrunken and wasted. Acute pain often kept her moaning hour after hour. Jane was for days the only one near her. In fact the child would seldom let Jane leave her, and no one seemed to think that anything oould be done for her; so, in time, all became accustomed to her illness, and it was deemed hardly worth while to inquire about her. Her mother was dead, and her father believed that in asking Dr. Gordon to come round sometimes and see her, he was performing all a parent’s duty, and could do no more. Carrie complained that a sick-room made her headache, and in consequence seldom honored it by her presence.

Harry was really affectionate and kind, and had often brought a smile to the pale, little face, that nothing else could. But with Jane’s arrival, there had come peace and happiness to the child’s heart, that had never before found place there. Jane felt that her mission on earth, though through sorrow and tears, was one of the deepest and purest joy.

That evening, the parlors resounded with laughter and song. Harry came up once or twice to see Effie, and, finding her quiet, went back again to the parlor. In the course of the evening, Dr. Gordon asked Carrie for a song, which she told him she had forgotten.

“Why, Jenny can sing that,” exclaimed Harry.

“Who is Jenny, if Tmay ask?” inquired the doctor.

“Oh! a cousin of ours, who nurses Effie.”

“A cousin! I did not know-”

“Certainly not,” interrupted Carrie, “few know Jane, because she will never come into the parlor.”

“She is very retiring indeed,” said Harry, significantly. “I will go and see if I cannot persuade her, for one night, to overcome this reluctance to society.”

Carrie bit her lip with mortification, and rapidly passed her fingers over the keys of the instrument, to preclude any further conversation.

In a few moments, a servant came in with a message from Harry, that the doctor would please walk up stairs.

“Horry was always so ridiculous about some things,” said Carrie, turning to a young man who leaned over her chair, and looked down languidly into her face.

A shaded lamp was burning in Effie’s room, and Jane was holding the child in her arms. Harry held one of the little cold hands, so sadly attenuated, and she looked affectionately up into his faoe, while a faint smile lighted up all her features.

“Jane,” said the child, softly, pressing the hand that was round her, “you have boen very good to me, and God will bless you. I am going home, and I will ask Him.”

The thin fingers relaxed their hold, they were growing weaker.

The doctor looked en silently, he felt that a greater physician than he was relieving Effie’s sufferings.

When the morning light stole into that little chamber, it fell on the face of a still, white figure, with hands crossed upon its breast, and whose better part “had gone to be an angel.”

A month after this. Dr. Gordon was shown into the sitting-room at Mr. Wyndham’s. Carrie was very beautiful in her mourning silk, for it set off her fair complexion to great advantage; Jane was quietly working, in her usual dress, for it had been thought too expensive for her to have black. “She was only Effie’s nurse,” said Harry, sarcastically.

“You ought to be ashamed, Harry, yon care more now for Jane than for your own sister.” replied Carrie, with tears of anger and mortification.

“It is well that some one does care for Jane,” he answered, taking his seat by the latter as ho spoke.

“You know, Harry,” she said, looking up quietly, os she always did, “that the dress makes no difference to me. Nothing could make her memory dearer.”

A smile of peace rested on her sallow features os she spoke, a gentle, patient smile, that seemed to light up the soul within, and made her almost beautiful. She looked a moment at Harry, and then her eyes went bock quietly to her work.

“If Miss Weston will oblige me,” said the doctor, “1 called to see if she would go with me to visit a sick woman near by. She is sadly in need of some cheering words, such as only one of her own sex can give her. She has every necessary comfort for the body, but is extremely depressed and nervous. My horse is waiting for me, and if you will get in the carriage and go with me, I will be greatly obliged.”

Jane was quickly ready for'the ride. Tim doctor handed her in, and stepping in after her, they were soon far from Carrie and All those little

�


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 destruction is decided upon, provision made for the crew, and passengers if carried. Privateers were often inconvenienced by the number of prisoners they took out of a prize, but how would a torpedo boat fare if so encumbered? If the captured vessel's own boats are utilised and the passengers put adrift in them, humanity demands the stowage of food and water. Is this likely to be adopted at any distance from land? Would not the whole civilised world cry out at such deeds? Might they not even range themselves against the transgressor? On this occasion the inconveniences I have mentioned soon led torpedo boats to leave commerce alone. They had work more worthy of their steel.

It is impossible to describe the sensation which these events caused throughout the land. Though for many years representatives of the people of both political parties had loudly proclaimed the Navy should be outside all partisan strife (but continued to vote steadily with their side when its efficiency was questioned), all question of allegiance to an individual in face of such a disaster now disappeared. A vote of censure on the Government for not putting plainly before the country our naval requirements, was carried by an overwhelming majority. It was a lame defence which urged fear of wounding foreign susceptibilities. Why, we had never uttered a murmur when other countries had in twenty years spent a sum nearly equal to our


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Translation:Shulchan Aruch/Yoreh Deah/67

Contains 6 Seif.

Saif A
In the case of blood from an animal or a living creature, there is no prohibition of excision. Rather, the excision is only applicable to blood that carries the soul's departure. However, the blood of organs is merely a violation of the prohibition. These matters apply when the blood separates from the organ and flows outward, or when it becomes trapped in a piece, or when it separates from its place and is stirred to come out and is swallowed in another place. But if it does not separate and does not become trapped, it is permissible.

Saif B
Therefore, it is permissible to consume raw meat with salting, as long as it does not contain blood vessels in which the blood remains in a concentrated form inside the organ.

Saif C
In the case of a broken bone, it is prohibited to eat raw meat from the animal unless it is well salted. Through salting, it is permissible even for cooking, and for grilling, it is permissible even without salting.

Saif D
If the blood congeals due to a wound, it is prohibited to cook it until the area is cut and properly salted. However, it is permissible to roast it, either on a skewer or over coals, even without cutting and salting.

Saif E
Meat that has not been salted and has been soaked in vinegar to reduce its blood content. If the meat has reddened, it is an indication that the blood has been removed from its original place, and both the vinegar and the meat are prohibited to consume raw. The meat can only be permitted through roasting. And if it is for stewing, it requires cutting and salting. And if the meat has not reddened, the vinegar is permissible, and the meat is also permissible to consume raw.

Saif F
Vinegar in which meat has been soaked once to reduce its blood content should not be used again to reduce the blood content of another meat, as its potency has already weakened. But anything that has not been used at all can be used freely, even though it is not potent.

כמה דברים האסורים משום דם ובו ששה סעיפים: א • ב • ג • ד • ה • ו

סעיף א
בדם בהמה וחיה נמי אין איסור כרת אלא בדם הנפש שהנשמה יוצאה בו, אבל דם האברים אינו אלא בלא תעשה. והני מילי כשפרש מן האבר ויצא לחוץ, או שנצרר בחתיכה, או שפרש ממקומו ונתעורר לצאת ונבלע במקום אחר, אבל אם לא פרש ולא נצרר, מותר:

סעיף ב
לפיכך, מותר לאכול בשר חי בהדחה בלא מליחה, ובלבד שלא יהא בו מהחוטין שדם בהם, שהדם שבחוטין הוא ככנוס ועומד בכלי. (ועיין לקמן סי' ע"ו):

סעיף ג
השובר מפרקתה של בהמה, אסור לאכול מבשרה חי, אלא אם כן מולחו יפה. וע"י מליחה מותר אפילו לקדירה, ולצלי מותר אפילו בלא מליחה.

 * הגה: ונהגו להחמיר לחתכו ולמלחו אף בצלי. והוא הדין אם חותך בשר מבית השחיטה קודם שתצא נפשה (ר"ן) . י"א שיש ליזהר לכתחילה לשבור מפרק הבהמה או לתחוב סכין בלבה כדי לקרב מתתה, משום שמבליע דם באיברים (בנימין זאב וב"י בשם שבלי לקט) :

סעיף ד
נצרר הדם מחמת מכה, אסור לבשלו עד שיחתוך המקום וימלחנו יפה, אבל מותר לצלותו בין בשפוד בין על גבי גחלים, אפילו בלא חתוך ומליחה:

 * הגה: וי"א דמשום זה יש להחמיר לקלף בית השחיטה או לחתוך באותו בשר קודם מליחה, הואיל ונצרר שם הדם בשעת שחיטה (ארוך כלל א' וכל בו) :

סעיף ה
בשר שלא נמלח, ונתנוהו בחומץ כדי להצמית דמו בתוכו, אם נתאדם הבשר זהו סימן שנעקר הדם ממקומו והחומץ אסור, וגם הבשר אסור לאכלו חי, ואין לו התר אלא בצלי. ואם לקדרה, צריך חתיכה ומליחה. ואם לא נתאדם הבשר, החומץ מותר וגם הבשר מותר לאכלו חי:

סעיף ו
חומץ שנתנו בו בשר פעם אחת להצמיתו, לא יצמית בו בשר אחר מפני שכבר תשש כוחו. אבל כל שלא חלטו בו כלל, מותר לחלוט בו אף על פי שאינו חזק:

 * הגה: יש אומרים בזמן הזה אין בקיאין בחליטה ואסור לצמת בחומץ (רבנו ירוחם כ"כ בית יוסף בשמו), וכן נוהגין במדינות אלו שאין מצמיתין בשר בחומץ קודם מליחה, ואין לשנות. ומכל מקום בדיעבד, מותר. ועין לקמן סימן ע"ג:

 * }


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BELL SMITH

AND

I

I.—SONG—MAGGIE

DAWSON.

209

petty cares, from which Jane had known no respite for many a weary week.

The fresh air seemed to impart a glow to her cheek, and a light sparkled in her eye that made her seem another creature.

When they returned home, before getting out of the carriage, the doctor said,

“l wanted to tell you this a long time ago, Jane, but I knew she could not spare you; but my house is sadly in need of its mistress, and you will not make me wait long.”

“Carrie,” said Harry, about a year after this, “guess where I dined today. But you never will. With Dr. Gordon and his wife; and Jenny is actually beautiful. Happiness, and foreign travel, have so much improved her, and their home is so charming, that I have made up my mind to go and get married myself."

BELL

SMITH

AND

I!

BY W. S. GAFFNEY. How oft. in childhood’s halcyon days. Ere reason broke life's fairy spell, (for sloping meads. by babbling brooks, Or in the ﬂower-laden dell— We sauntered forth, in merry glee, 'Neath Summer’s sun or twilight’s sky, With tiny feet and cheerful hearts In conﬁdence—Bell Smith and I!

I seem to see the willow tree Where oft our weary feet did rest; The orchard and the apple stump, Where erst I found the blue-bird’s nest: And there, beyond the grassy lawn, Where waved the tall and graceful rye, And bushes cast a shade at noon, We gathered berries—Bell and I.

She was a sweet and charming lass! The loveliest at home or school; And for her dear and precious sake I know I’ve often played the fool! Yet ohl the bright ecstatic bliss 01’ days which manhood ne‘er can buy: Would we might live them o’er again, As once we did—Bell Smith and I!

But ah! the halcyon days of youth Nor time nor wishes can recall; Their memories rise up to view But for a moment—that is all! Full many a harvest moon hath passed Full many a Winter’s blast gone by— Since hand-in-hand, and young in heart, We tripped the groves—Bell Smith and I.

The village grounds, so lovely once, Now boast the name of Prospect-Head: And all their sweet simplicity Is shadowed o’er with Mammon's tread: The red school-house now stands no more The little rivulet hard by; Nor doth the tutor’s voice resound Where wisdom smiled on Bell and I!

Young loves have grown estranged since then, And fate hath woven many a spell; The fresh, the buoyant hearts of yore, Where are they now—ah! who can tell? Some tread, perhaps, a foreign soil. While others in the church-yard lie; And two I hope, though parted here, Will meet above—Bell Smith and 1!

SONG.—MAGGIE DAWSON. BY A NEW

CONTRIBUTOR. SURROUNDED by pride, by false glitter and show, How oft in the city I silently pine For the haunts of my youth, that I left long ago When a careless content, with its pleasures were mine. Untrammeled by wealth, nuacquainted with fear, My heart it beat light, for I worshiped alone, The sweet, winning smile of my lassie so dear, When I wooed Maggie Dawson, and thought her my own.

At eve, my dear Maggie, how often have I Wandered out through the vine-tangled forest with thee, While the loud, merry laugh that resoundcd on high, Bespoke of two hearts that were happy and free. We talked not of love—but our love was revealed B! a mystical something unconsciously shown. What are words? “’Tis by those that our thoughts are concealed,” And without them I felt as if Maggie‘s my own. We talked net of love—yet the sensitive glow Often told of the truth we half trembled to speak :— In the volume of life, every thought that we know Is writ on the page of the soul-telling cheek. And when. my dear Maggie, I bade you adieu, If the big swelling tear ’neath thine eyelid was shown; Shall I slight the ai'fection displayed then by you? No! fain would I make you forever my own. Ye jades of the city, though comely and fair, Who sport in your silks and your jewels so ﬁne, Let you put on each grace, and each gay daunting slr, Yet in spite of your arts Maggie Dawson is mine. When once from this scene of dull plodding and strife, I seek the old haunts which my childhood has known, Then, Mﬂggivl dear Maggie! I'll make thee my wife, And the girl of my heart be forever my own.


text:
Translation:Shulchan Aruch/Yoreh Deah/68

It has 15 Seif.

Translation:

Shulchan Arukh, Yoreh De'ah sections 68-79, Laws of Meligat Ha-Rosh veha-Ofot (slaughtering and preparing animals and birds for consumption).

Section 68, Law 1: When covering the head to slaughter, one must direct the house of slaughter below so that the blood flows through there. If the head was left on its sides, the brain and the cerebellum are prohibited unless there is a hole in the bone of the brain and the hole is located downwards, since the blood flows through there.

Section 68, Law 2: If the head was placed on its legs when slaughtering and a stick or something else was stuck in it, it is permissible. If not, the brain and the cerebellum are prohibited.

Section 68, Law 3: Some have written that it is permissible to remove only the hair, even if the head was left on its sides, while others prohibit it.

Section 68, Law 4: If the head was cooked whole, everything is prohibited unless there is 60 against the brain and cerebellum. If they were not placed on the house of slaughter or its legs, and not pricked by anything, only then are they allowed.

Section 68, Law 5: When pouring boiling water over the legs to remove the hooves, and to shave the hair without salting it first is permissible. Poultry harvested with feathers on them, which do not lie in one place but keep moving, namely due to trembling, we are not worried that the blood will be swallowed there, and it is not prohibited, unless it is still in a moist place. It is recommended to cut them over straw and hay that have little heat to avoid boiling the blood, but pass them over the fire continuously.

Section 68, Law 6: Before slitting the throat, laying the animal or bird over a grill, it is recommended to wash the house of slaughter, so that no blood remains there. Birds and kids should not be put in a container for slaughtering, unless one cuts the crop beforehand and salts it. Do not pour water on them when they are still in the container. If the head is above, when pouring water over them, there is no need for a container.

Section 7: The individuals position the feet of the animal on the fire to remove the feathers and to scorch the hair without salting initially. Some allow this practice while others are stringent and cut the heads of the feathers slightly, placing the cut portion downwards so that the blood may flow. (Source: Rema)

Section 8: The legs of the animal that have been salted in their skin and were not decapitated are not prohibited. (Source: Rema)

Section 9: It is permissible to singe a chicken with hot ashes or to flicker it with light, as long as it is displaced from the slaughterhouse beforehand. It is advisable, though, to not let it luxuriate excessively in the fire, so that the heart and liver may warm up and release (Reshaba, cited in Birkei Yosef).

Section 10: One does not singe young goats, lambs, or birds in a primary vessel unless the milk has been removed and they have been salted. Additionally, one should not singe them in a first vessel, and if one does, it is sufficient to singe the skin covering. (Source: Rema)

Section 11: Even in a secondary vessel, it is advisable not to singe. However, if one does singe, it is permissible. (Source: Rema)

Section 12: If a non-Jew or a servant in a Jewish household singses birds and an Israelite does not know whether it was done in a primary or secondary vessel, if the non-Jew is knowledgeable in Jewish practices and there is a young man or young woman present who is knowledgeable in the matter, it is permissible. (Refer to later section 69 for further discussion on this ruling) (Source: Rema)

Section 13: If multiple chickens were singed together in a secondary vessel and one of them is found to be treif, the others are not prohibited. (Source: Rema)

Section 14: Water that has been used to singe should not be reheated in order to singe in it again or to rinse bowls with it. (Source: Rema)

Section 15: If a chicken was singed in a secondary vessel with a dairy frying pan, even if it is a day old, both the vessel and the chicken are permissible if the water was displaced beforehand. However, if water is poured onto the chicken in the vessel with its head downwards, there are those who prohibit it and there are those who permit it. (Source: Rema)

סעיף א
<קטע התחלה=א/> הטומן הראש לצלותו, צריך שיכוין שיהא בית השחיטה למטה כדי שיזוב הדם דרך שם. ואם הניחו על הצדדים -- המוח והקרום אסורים אלא אם כן נקב עצם המוח והיה הנקב למטה לפי שהדם זב דרך שם.

<קטע סוף=א/>

סעיף ב
<קטע התחלה=ב/> הניחו על נחיריו, אם נעץ בו קנה או דבר אחר -- מותר. ואם לאו -- אסור המוח והקרום. <קטע סוף=ב/>

סעיף ג
<קטע התחלה=ג/> יש מי שכתב דלהסיר את השיער בלבד אפילו הניחו על הצדדין -- מותר. ויש מי שאוסר (רשב"א בשם י"א).

<קטע סוף=ג/>

סעיף ד
<קטע התחלה=ד/> אם בישל הראש שלם -- הכל אסור אלא אם כן יש ששים כנגד המוח וקרומו (ה"ה בשם הרמב"ם ורמב"ן ור' ירוחם וע"פ).

<קטע סוף=ד/>

סעיף ה
<קטע התחלה=ה/> הבא למלוג הראש צריך לחתוך חוטין שבלחי קודם מליגה כן צריך להדיח בית השחיטה כדי שלא יהא שם שום דם וכן כשמולגי' העוף (הר"ן):

<קטע סוף=ה/>

סעיף ו
<קטע התחלה=ו/> כשמולגים ראש או רגלים אין צריך (מרדכי ר"פ ג"ה) למלחם תחילה:

<קטע סוף=ו/>

סעיף ז
<קטע התחלה=ז/> המשימין רגלי הבהמה על האש להסיר הטלפים ולחרוך השיער בלא מליחה תחלה מותר ויש מחמירין וחותכין ראשי הטלפים מעט ומניחים החתך למטה כדי שיזוב הדם. : <קטע סוף=ז/>

סעיף ח
<קטע התחלה=ח/> פרסות הרגל שנמלחו בקליפתן ולא חתך ראשן לא נאסרו:

<קטע סוף=ח/>

סעיף ט
<קטע התחלה=ט/> מותר למלוג תרנגולת ברמץ ( פי' אפר חם ) או להבהב באור והוא שידיח בית השחיטה תחלה יפה יפה. . ואם היא לקדרה יזהר שלא ישהנה כל כך באש כדי שיוכל הלב והכבד להתחמם ולהפליט (רשב"א בחה"א דף ע"ה ור"ן):

<קטע סוף=ט/>

סעיף י
<קטע התחלה=י/> אין מולגין גדיים וטלאים ועופות בכלי ראשון אלא אם כן ניקר את החלב ומלחם וכן לא יערה עליהם מכלי ראשון ואם עירה די בקליפת העור ואם ראש העוף למעלה כשמערה עליו בו אין צריך קליפה:

<קטע סוף=י/>

סעיף יא
<קטע התחלה=יא/> אפילו בכלי שני י"א שלא ימלוג ואם מלג מותר:

<קטע סוף=יא/>

סעיף יב
<קטע התחלה=יב/> ואם מלג עובד כוכבים או שפחה שבבית ישראל עופות ולא ראה הישראל אם בכלי ראשון או בכלי שני אם העובד כוכבים יודע בטיב יהודים ויש שם נער או נערה שיודעים בטיב הענין מותר. (ועיין לקמן סימן ס"ט מדין זה): <קטע סוף=יב/>

סעיף יג
<קטע התחלה=יג/> תרנגולות שנמלגו יחד בכלי שני ונמצאת אחת מהן טריפה לא נאסרו האחרות: <קטע סוף=יג/>

סעיף יד
<קטע התחלה=יד/> מים שמלגו בהם יש ליזהר שלא להחזירם להרתיחם כדי למלוג בהם שנית או כדי להדיח בהם קערות. : <קטע סוף=יד/>

סעיף טו
<קטע התחלה=טו/> אם נמלגה התרנגולת בכלי שני במחבת חולבת אפילו היא בת יומא הכלי והתרנגולת מותרים אם עירו המים תחלה אבל אם עירו מים על התרנגולת אם הראש למטה יש מי שאוסר ויש מי שמתיר: <קטע סוף=טו/>

 * }


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Page:New Peterson magazine 1859 Vol. XXXV.pdf/223

THE OLD STONE MANSION.

BY CHARLES J. PETERSON, AUTHOR Of ‘'THE VALLEY FARM,” ‘MABEL,” “KATE AYLESFORD,” AO.

[Entered, according to Act of Centre, in the year 1859, by Charles J. Peterson, in the Clerk’s Office of the District Uonrt of the United States, In and for the Eastern District of Pennsylvania.]

C0NTINUED FROM PAGE 122.

CHAPTER IX.

In this unhappy mood I remained for several days. Mr. Talbot had left, the evening after the dance, to be absent, as I heard Georgiana say, for nearly a week.

One day, I was sitting in my favorite alcove, above the sea, when Senator Clare approached. He and I had lately become quite friendly: at least, he often stopped to talk to me.- He began now ghyly,

“Poetizing beside the oceanr again, eh! Miss Gray?” For the senator would insist I was literary, and wrote poetry, in spite of my denials.

“It is unwritten poetry, then, I replied. I

“Perverse as ever,’ was his rejoinder. “Now if I was only the favored one, who was allowed a peep into that port-folio. At any rate,” he continued, observing I was annoyed at his pertinacity, “if you do not write poetry, I am sure you feel it. Your love for the sea is unaffected. Others talk of it twice as much as you do, but one sees they arc not in earnest.’

“Yes! I love the ocean,” I answered, abstractedly. “It seems to me like some great, beautiful monster, that fascinates me beyond words.” “Mrs. Clare and I were watching you, yesterday, when you were bathing. You entered into the sprit of it as no one else does. Are you not afraid to go out so far alone?”

It was the custom at this watering-place, as at most American ones, for ladies to be attended by a husband, brother, or male acquaintance, when in the breakers. As I had neither hue-? band, nor brother, and knew my uncle’s selfishness, I always bathed by myself, for l would not permit any other gentleman to assist me.

“Oh! no,” I replied. “Why should I fear? I am always careful to keep on safe ground. Besides, I swim.”

“We were observing you floating. I wish every lady had your courage. When I was younger I would sport, for hours, in the breakers; but I am getting too old now.”

“I think it is less strength than skill that is required. The surf is sometimes very heavy,

but I have never yet lost my footing. The knack comes by nature, perhaps.”

“You bathe, certainly, as if you were born to it. I can recognize you among a hundred. Mr. Talbot was saying the same, only the other morning, when he and I stood looking at you. It was the very day he left. The waves came racing in, like greyhounds coursing. You stood, your shoulder slightly inclined to the rollers, your hat disappearing and reappearing, as they rushed over you;  that famous hat,’ he cried,   it is like the plume of Henry of Navarre, always in front of the battle.' It was wonderful how you kept your ground. I said as much, but he told me of a certain sailing party,” and the Senator looked archly at me, “and answered that your courage was never temerity, though you had the mettle of a thorough-bred. The metaphor is mine, not his, and I beg your pardon: we old lovers of the turf are often jockeys even in our talk.”

It was not, however, at the comparison that I colored. My emotion arose from anything but anger. I remembered that all this had been said, by Mr. Talbot, after I had supposed I had offended him hopelessly. It was happiness that called the crimson to my cheek.

“But I declare,” said the Senator, rising, “if here isn’t Mr. Talbot himself. Talk of a certain personage, eh! Miss Gray. He is coming, just in time, for I know you have been dreadfully bored by an old fellow like me.”

I recognized the footstep, though still distant. But I did not dare to look up. I heard it approach and stop beside me. Still I gazed immovably before me. My heart was beating fast.

“And Miss Grey too,” said that rich, manly voice, thrilling through and through me, “ I hope she, also, is glad to see an old friend.”

I raised my eyes, and took his proffered hand, with what composure I could, stammering out something in reply. Every trace of resentment, if there ever had been any, had vanished from those frank eyes.

For a few minutes, during which Senator Clare


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 THE OLD STONE MANSION.

211

lingered, the conversation was desultory, even gay. If I had wished to be reserved to Mr. Talbot, I coaid not, in the presence of the Senator, for one so shrewd wonld have noticed it and read my secret; but I did not wish to be. I felt I had been miserable without cause, and was only too happy to forget the past, if Mr. Talbot had forgotten it.

When Senator Clare left, Mr. Talbot took a seat beside me, and looking archly at me, said,

“I have found out something, since I was away.”

“Ah!” I said, inquiringly, not knowing what else to say, for his manner strangely embarrassed me.

“We are old acquaintances.”

I looked my surprise. He evidently meant we had met before this summer; and I was not conscious of it

“Indeed?” I said. “Are you sure?”

My hand lay on my lap. He took it up in his own broad palm, as if he had a right to it I did not resist him, though no other man had ever been allowed to retain it even for an instant.

“I am sure as that I hold this now,” he answered; and he lifted my hand to his lips and kissed it “These little, taper fingers,” he continUed, looking into my eyes, and speaking in a  low, tender voice, “are not more delicate than she was then.”

His tone, his whole manner, revealed to me that I was loved. I was dizzy with bliss. But I tried to turn the conversation from the dangerous point, as women will, stammering something about not understanding where we could have met.

He looked at me full of infinite love; paused, and went on.

“It all came back to me, like a flash,” he said, still retaining my hand, and smiling at my perplexed look. “I was walking in a certain street, the other day, when I recollected, suddenly, that I had been there, years and years ago. vividly the scene returned to me! The snow- covered ground; the big bully of a boy; the broken pitcher; and two eyes, that looked up me so appealingly, that I have never forgotten them. And they are the very same eyes in the woman that they were in the child.” He pressed my hand as he finished. It came back to me also like a flash. The same bold frank eyes were looking into mine now. that had cheered and encouraged me, on that dreadful day.

I felt myself blush to the very forehead. Then my glance sunk beneath his.

“And it was you!” I murmured. “I see it all now. How could I have-”

I stopped. I blushed more guiltily than before. Yet oh! how happy I was to recognise, in him, my boyish defender.

“I wonder I was so long in discovering you,” he said. “From the first hour I saw you here, I felt there was something about you, I could not tell wbat, which seemed to me strangely familiar. Looks would come back to me, from the far, far past, like those I saw daily in your eyes.”

“But how did you know, at last, that it was I?”

“Haven’t you just admitted it?” he said, archly. “I felt sure I was right,” he added, in a deeper tone, “and was curious to know if you would recollect it”

Ah! little did he know, I said to myself, how well I had recollected it; how, for years, that brave lad had been my childish idea of a hero.

There was a silence, which he was the first to break.

“I had other reasons, too, for my belief. I used often to think of that little girl, and wonder what became of her: so much so, that, at last, I went to the house, which I had seen her enter, And asked about her. They told me of the death of your mother, and that you had been takeN away by an uncle. Both his name and yours I had forgot, in the course of time; but they came back, all at once, as I stood in the narrow street again: and I remembered that they coincided with yours and Mr. Elliott’s.”

He paused a moment: then went on, his voioe thing about not understanding where we could taking a tenderer tone.

“I had the good fortune to defend you once, dear Margaret: will you not permit me to be your defender all your life? Heaven surely has intended us for each other. I feel, that, between our souls, now that we are adults, there is a sympathy that can never die. Is it not so?" What could I say? What I did say, the reader will imagine, from what I have told of myself before. The engagement made a great talk.

I had wished to keep it secret, but Georgiana, in a  ﬁt of  spleen, proclaimed it, knowing it would annoy me. Impertinent young ladies told me how all the rest envied me, and as the mothers, generally, looked coldly on me, I suppose I was told the truth. I was quite ready, for my part, to believe that I was legitimately a subject of envy, for no nobler man lived, or had ever lived, I said to myself, than Mr. Talbot.


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 The ORIGINAL JOURNALS OF

CHAPTER I

FROM RIVER DUBOIS TO THE PLATTE

Clark's Journal and Orders, January 30-July 22, 1804

Entries and Orders by Lewis, February to, March 3, May 15, 20, 26, and July 8, 12

[PRELIMINARY MEMORANDA]

[Clark]

APTS LEWIS & CLARK wintered at the [sic] of a Small river [sic] the Mouth of Missouri Called Wood River, where they formed their party, Composed of robust [sic] hardy young men,  [sic] [Sentence unfinished.- ED.].

[The following memoranda of events in the history of the expedition prior to its departure from River Dubois, May 14, 1804, are selected from a record, mainly of natural phenomena, kept by Clark, which is written near the end of Codex C;


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Page:On the Influence of Carbonic Acid in the Air upon the Temperature of the Ground.pdf/2

GREAT deal has been written on the influence of the absorption of the atmosphere upon the climate. Tyndall in particular has pointed out the enormous importance of this question. To him it was chiefly the diurnal and annual variations of the temperature that were lessened by this circumstance. Another side of the question, that has long attracted the attention of physicists, is this: Is the mean temperature of the ground in any way influenced by the presence of heat-absorbing gases in the atmosphere? Fourier maintained that the atmosphere acts like the glass of a hot-house, because it lets through the light rays of the sun but retains the dark rays from the ground. This idea was elaborated by Pouillet ; and Langley was by some of his researches led to the view, that "the temperature of the earth under direct sunshine, even though our atmosphere were present as now, would probably fall to -200° C., if that atmosphere did not possess the quality of selective Phil. Mag. S. 5. Vol. 41. No. 251. April 1896.


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Page:Operation Crossroads 1946.pdf/6

FACT SHEET

Operation CROSSROADS was an atmospheric nuclear weapons test series conducted in the summer of 1946. The series consisted of two detonations, each with a yield of 23 KT:

 * ABLE -- detonated at an altitude of 520 feet (158 meters) on 1 July
 * BAKER -- detonated 90 feet (27 meters) underwater on 25 July.

It was the first nuclear test held in the Marshall Islands.

The series was to study the effects of nuclear weapons on ships, equipment, and material. A fleet of more than 90 vessels was assembled in Bikini Lagoon as a target. This target fleet consisted of older U.S. capital ships, three captured German and Japanese ships, surplus U.S. cruisers, destroyers, and submarines, and a large number of auxiliary and amphibious vessels. Military equipment was arrayed on some of the ships as well as amphibious craft that were beached on Bikini Island. Technical experiments were also conducted to study nuclear weapon explosion phenomena. Some experiments included the use of live animals.

The support fleet of more than 150 ships provided quarters, experimental stations, and workshops for most of the 42,000 men (more than 37,000 of whom were Navy personnel) of Joint Task Force 1 (JTF 1), the organization that conducted the tests. Additional personnel were located on nearby atolls such as Enewetak and Kwajalein. The islands of the Bikini Atoll were used primarily as recreation and instrumentation sites.

Before the first test, all personnel were evacuated from the target fleet and Bikini Atoll. These men were placed on units of the support fleet, which sortied from Bikini Lagoon and took safe positions at least 10 nmi (18.5 km) east of the atoll.

In the ABLE test, the weapon was dropped from a B-29 and burst over the target fleet. In BAKER, the weapon was suspended beneath an auxiliary craft anchored in the midst of the target fleet.

ABLE operations went smoothly except that the test weapon was dropped between 1,500 and 2,000 feet (457 and 610 meters) off target. The radioactivity created by the burst had only a transient effect, and within a day nearly all the surviving target ships had been safely rebounded. The ship inspections, instrument recoveries, and remooring necessary for the BAKER test proceeded on schedule. Five ships were sunk as a result of the test.

The crews of the target ships that had been remanned following ABLE were evacuated before BAKER to the support fleet east of the atoll. BAKER sank

1

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Page:Operation Crossroads 1946.pdf/7

eight ships and damaged more ships than ABLE. The detonation caused most of the target fleet to be bathed in radioactive water spray and radioactive debris from the lagoon bottom. With the exception of 12 target vessels anchored in the array and the landing craft beached on Bikini Island, the target fleet remained too radiologically contaminated for several weeks for more than brief on-board activities.

The inability to complete inspections on much of the target fleet threatened the success of the operation after BAKER. A program of target vessel decontamination was begun in earnest about 1 August. This involved washing the ships' exteriors using work crews drawn from the target ships' companies under radiological supervision of monitors equipped with radiation detection and measurement devices. Initially, decontamination was slow as the safe time aboard some of the target ships was measured only in minutes. As time progressed, the support fleet itself had become contaminated by low-level radioactivity in marine growth on the ships' hulls and seawater piping systems.

By 10 August, a decision was made to stop work in Bikini and tow the surviving target fleet to Kwajalein Atoll where the work could be done in uncontaminated water. The move was accomplished during the remainder of August and September. A major task was Kwajalein was to offload ammunition stored aboard the target ships. This work continued into the fall of 1946. Personnel continued to work on target ships at Kwajalein into 1947.

Eight of the major ships and two submarines were towed back to the United States and Hawaii for radiological inspection. Twelve target ships were so lightly contaminated that they were remanned and sailed back to the United States by their crews. The remaining target ships were destroyed by sinking off Bikini Atoll, off Kwajalein Atoll, or near the Hawaiian Islands during 1946-48.

The support ships were decontaminated as necessary and received a radiological clearance before they could return to the fleet. This decontamination and clearance process required a great deal of experimentation and learning at Navy shipyards in the United States, primarily at San Francisco.

Finally, a formal resurvey of Bikini Atoll was conducted in the summer of 1947 to study long-term effects of the CROSSROADS tests.

All CROSSROADS operations were undertaken under radiological supervision intended to keep personnel from being exposed to more than 0.1 roentgen (R) per day. At the time, this was considered to be an amount of radiation that could be tolerated for long periods without any harmful effects on health.

Radiological supervision included predicting areas of possible danger, providing trained personnel equipped with radiation survey instruments to act as guides during operations involving potential exposure, and elaboration of rules and regulations governing conduct in these operations. Personnel were removed for one or more days from areas and activities of possible exposure if their badges showed more than 0.1 R/day exposure.

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Page:Journals of the Lewis and Clark Expedition 1804-1806.pdf/102

LEWIS AND CLARK JOURNALS [Jan. 30 this begins at p. 231, and continues (the pages being in reverse order) to p. 216, covering the time from Jan. 1, 1804 to April 7, 1805. The expedition had gone into camp in December. - ED.]

Jan. 30th

Capt Lewis arrived from Kahokia

Feb 29

The weather had been clear since Cap' Lewis lef[t] Camp [sic] this

March 19th

Visited St Charles

20th

Return from St Charles after [sic] arrested the progress of a Kickapoo war party

21st

I arrived at River Dubois from St Charles

28th

Capt Lewis returned to Camp

29th

Tried Several men for [sic]

April 2nd

Capt Lewis went to St. Louis. M: [sic] Hay arrive [d]

[The following memorandum, by both Lewis and Clark, occupies a detached sheet in the Clark-Voorhis collection. -Ed.]

[Lewis:]

Information of M: [sic] John Hay, commencing at the discharge of the Ottertail Lake, which forms the source of the Red River, to his winter station on the Assinneboin River.

Mrs. Julia Clark Voorhis and Miss Eleanor Glasgow Voorhis, of New York-grand- daughter and great grand-daughter, respectively, of William Clark. In all references to the Philadelphia codices, we shall for convenience give Coues's letterer designations thereof (e. g., "Codex A "); the four Yoarhis nore-books will be designated by their Arabic numerals (e. g., "Clark-Vocrbis note-book, No. :"). Other Clark manuscripts in the Voorhis collection will be specifically alluded to, as they appear in our volumes. - ED.


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1804] DUBOIS TO PLATTE

3rd

M: Garrous Boat loaded with provisions pass up for Prarie du chien, to trade

18th

at St. Louis

--

The Country about the Mouth of Missouri is [sic] rich and partially Settled On the East Side of the Mississippi a [sic] rich bottom extends back about 3 miles, and rises by several elevations to the high Country, which is thinly timbered with Oakes & On the lower Side of the Missouri, at about miles back the Country rises [sic], to a high  [sic] thinly [sic] Country, the lands are generally fine on the River bottoms and well calculating for farming on the upper Country

in the point the Bottom is extensive and [sic] rich for 15 or 20 miles up each river, and about 2/3 of which is open [sic] plains in which the [sic] of St Charles & portage de Scioux had [sic] crops of corn & wheat. on the upland is a fine farming country partially timbered for Some distance back.

[DISCIPLINE AND ORGANIZATION]

[The following" Detachment Orders" are in the Voorhis collection of Lewis and Clark manuscripts - see note 2, p. 3, ante. The documents show that the "robust [sic] hardy young men," many of them fresh from the Kentucky woods, found it not easy to accustom themselves to the rigid discipline of a military corps; and illustrate the difficulties which beset the two captains during the first winter camp. The orders relating to the personnel of the expedition, with the organization of the messes, etc., are especially interesting and suggestive.- ED.]


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 About 15 percent of the JTF 1 personnel was issued at least one of the 18,875 film-badge dosimeters during CROSSROADS. Approximately 6,596 personnel were on islands or ships that had no potential for radiation exposure. Personnel anticipated to be at greatest radiological risk were badged, and a percentage of each group working in less contaminated areas was badged. The maximum accumulated exposure recorded was 3.72 R. received by a radiation safety monitor.

Lacking complete radiation exposure data, reconstructions have been made of personnel exposures for unbadged crew members of the ships involved. These calculations have considered the several sources of radiation at work in Bikini, such as the low-level contamination in the lagoon water, living aboard support ships, and boarding the contaminated target ships. The calculations relied upon radiation measurements recorded by radiation safety personnel in 1946. This data was used in a computer model that includes such factors as the radiation-shielding properties of ships' hulls and realistic patterns of daily personnel activity on weather decks and below. The actual movements of each ship were then used to reconstruct a dose for the crew. Calculated exposures range from 0 to 2.5 rem (gamma) for support supports. Exposures for target ship crews that reboarded their ships after BAKER were higher than those for support ship crews. A summary of film badge readings (in roentgens) for July and August, when the largest number of personnel was involved, is listed below.

3

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 APPENDIX A A C T I V I T I E S OF P A R T I C I P A T I N GN A V YV E S S E L S DURINGOPERATIONCROSSROADS

26 1

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 262

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 APPENDIX A A C T I V I T I E S OF P A R T I C I P A T I N GN A V YV E S S E L S DURINGOPERATIONCROSSROADS

This appendix lists the 153 support ships,84 target ships, and other Navy craft that participated in Operation CROSSROADS. Their crew complements, the dates of their arrival at and departure from Bikini, their distances from the two shots, and their postshot dispositions are given. Crew sizes and Bikini departure dates may vary somewhat from data in Tables 31 and 32 (Chapter 121, which are based on somewhat more expanded research. Activities that are considered important to the conduct of the operation or that had radiological significance are included. Excluded was information on those days that the log entries reflected only routine operations. For example, all ships left Bikini Lagoon on July 18 and 19 for the test BAKER rehearsal, but reference to the rehearsal has been omitted in the ships' activity schedule in this appendix. The ships are listed alphabetically. The information in this appendix has been extracted primarlly from each ship's log (Reference 1)* but has been been supplemented by material from logs of other ships and other documents. Information given without citation to a own log. Among the other docureference may be assumed to be from the ship's ments useful in compiling this Appendix were two specified in the CROSSROADS OpPlan for each target vessel. These were the Major Damaqe Report (often referred to as "Report No. 5") (Reference 21,and the Cornandins Officers Report (often referred to as "Report No. 11") (Reference 3). In addition, the commanding officer of each target vessel wrote a report summarizing decontamination activities (Reference 4). Throughout the description of the ships' movements, reference is made to the numbered berths and named lagoon-patrol sectors within Bikini Lagoon and named operating areas outside the lagoon. The berths were numbered from1 in the northwestern portion of the anchorage area to 386 In the southeastern area. The berths were arranged in long, somewhat irregular west-to-east rows. There were in addition berths near Eneu Island designated by letters or their phonetic equivalent, e.g., Ablefor A, Jig for J, Oboe for 0, etc. Figure A.l shows the berths and their relationship to the islands of the atoll and the target fleet area. The lagoon-patrol sectors within the lagoon important during reentry were designated with names of various countries. The sectors were centered on the surface zeropoint and are shown on Figure A.2. The operating areas outside Bikini Lagoon used by the ships during the tests were designated with the names of historic automobile manufacturers. These are also shown in Figure A.2.

8). 263
 * References are listed at the end of this Appendix4 4(p.

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 BIKINI LAGOON

"*".".-.~*.

BERTH

NUMBERS 1

77*"."*-.-*-*-*

e-*-*-*-

145

 * _*-*-*--*

KILOMETERS

ENEU CHANNEL

F l g u r e A.l. B l k l nal n c h o r a g e sa n dt a r g e t

264

shlp a r e a, CROSSROADS.

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 POINT NAN

0 POINT UNCLE

HUPMOBILE TARGETAREA PATROL SECTORS

PACKARD

A = ARGENTINA 8 BRAZIL C =CHILE D = DENMARK E = ENGLAND F = FRANCE G =GREECE H = HOLLAND I

POINT AUTO CHRYSLER

MARMON CHEVROLET

BIKINI L A G O O N

MERCURY NAUTICAL MILES

0

4

0

6

8

12

12

STUDEBAKER

F l g u r e A.2.

T a r g e ta r e ap a t r o ls e c t o r sa n ds h l po p e r a t i n ga r e a s f o r CROSSROADS. T a r g e ta r e ap a t r o ls e c t o r s shown a r ef o r ABLE. For BAKER, t h eH o l l a n ds e c t o r was ellmlnatedandtheEngland,France,and Greece sectorsexpandedto f i l l t h ea r e a. The s h l po p e r a t l n g areas shown a r eI nt h e I rn o m i n a lp o s l t l o n s .B e f o r ee a c hs h o t , t h es h o t - t i m ew i n d was p r e d i c t e da n dt h ea r e a sw e r er o t a t e d a r o u n dP o l n tA u t oa c c o r d i n g l y. For ABLE t h ea r e a sw e r er o t a t e d c o u n t e r c l o c k w i s e 500; f o r BAKER, c l o c k w i s e 300. 265

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 USS Achomawl (ATF-148)

USS Achomawl (ATF-148)

USS ACHOHAWI (ATF-148)

10 July

Crew S l z e : 80 BlklnA l tolA l rrlval: 26 Hay 1946 B I k l nAl t o lDl e p a r t u r e 2: 9 August 1946 Shot ABLE L o c a t l o n : 27 nml ( 5 0 km) E Shot BAKER L o c a t l o n1: 2 nml ( 2 2 km) SE O e c o n t a m l n a t l oLno c a t l o n : San F r a n c l s c o O p e r a t l o n aCl l e a r a n c e : 6 December 1946 F l n aCl l e a r a n c e : 13 December 1946

1958 1 1 July 0909-1105 1120-1708 1722

T a s kU n l ta n dF u n c t l o n

12 July 0703-1132

Achomawi. a fleet ocean tug, served as a support ship in TU 1.2.7 (Salvage Unit) under TG 1.2 (Target Vessel Group). Its function was to tow or salvage damaged target vessels after the shots and to fight fires and make ship repairs.

1157 15 July 0946-1013

Shot ABLE ( 1J u l y ,0 9 0 0 )

30 June 1250

1110

Towed target vessel YO-160 to anchorage beside target ship USS Arkansas (BB-33). Anchored in berth 76. In vicinity of Pensacola. while Pensacola shifted berths. In vicinity of target ship USS Nevada (88-36). while Nevada shifted berths. Anchored in berth 76. In vicinity of target ship USS Saratoqa (cv-3), assisting in towing and shifting berths. Anchored in berth 76. Towed target vessel Y E - 8 3 to new anchorage. Anchored in berth 76.

Underway for station outside lagoon. 16 July

1 July 1253 1340 1425 1802 2 July 0830 0840 0903 0905 1025 1040 1143 1232 3 July 0936 1007 1117 1345 1445

0800 0927

Entered Bikini Lagoon. Approached USS Palmyra (ARS[T]-3)to disembark the boarding party. Steered east of array to clear the target vessel array. Anchored in berth George.

17 July

23 July 0600-0900 Arrived at USS Haven (AH-12) to bring aboard a salvage officer. Underway for target ship Sakawa. Arrived at Sakawa. which was found to be radiologically unsafe. Stood clear of Sakawa. Sakawa in tow but slowly sinking. Sakawa cqmpletely submerged. Tow wire to Sakawa cut. Anchored in berth George.

0948

0950 1233 1347 1515-1530 1619-1630 1708 7 July 0830

24 July 1259 25 July 1006 1119 1300

Underway for target vessel ARDC-13. Arrived at ARLK-13. Towed A m - 1 3 to vicinity of Eneu Island. Cast off tow wire from ARK-13. Anchored in berth George.

1320 1327 1356

Towed target ship USS Salt Lake City (CA25) and anchored it in berth 164. Underway for target ship USS Pensacola (CA-24). Took Pensacola in tcu to berth 286. Anchored Pensacola. Towed Salt Lake Cityto a new anchorage. Towed Salt Lake Cityto a new anchorage. Anchored in berth 76.

0918 1020

Underway for target ship USS Crittenden (APA-77 Arrived.at Crittenden. Assisted by ATR-87. took Crittenden in

1129 1152

Crittenden anchored. Anchored in berth 76.

Cleared lines fouled while maneuvering target ship USS Briscoe (APA-65). Anchored in berth 76. 0835)

Underway harbor.

for

station a

outside

the

Reentered the lagoon. Anchored in berthG. Underway fortarget ship USS Bladen (APA-63) Arrived in vicinity of Bladen. standing by awaiting orders. Proceeded to berthC. Anchored in berth G without conducting salvage activity.

.

26 July

Stood clear of anchorage forabout 2 hours to allow USS Reclaimer (ARS-42) and its tow through.

28 July

Shiftedtonewanchorage, 1,375 yards (1.3 km) south of berth 377.

29 July 0749 0831-1307

.

1544-1752 1819 1850

tW.

8 July 1547 1731 1820

Mooredbeside W-92. aradiologically suspectvessel. for 8-1/2hours and towed i t for 5 hours.

Shot BAKER ( 2 5J u l y ,

6 July

0800-0925

Towed Saratoqa to new berth. Anchored in berth 76.

30 July 0745 0836

Underway for ARE-13. Anchored ARE-13 securely. Anchored in berth 76.

266

Underway for target submarine USS Skate (SS-305). Towed Skate to Ionchebi Island for m r ing Conducted diving operations .on S Anchored Skate. Anchored in berth 377.

.

Underway for target submarines Skate and USS Tuna (SS-203). Began washdown of Skate uslng monitors (fixed, high-pressure water nozzles) and firehoses

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