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 whole will be evidence to my descendants of the gracious sympathy evinced by your majesty on the occasion of our silver wedding.

The officers of the fifty-fourth regiment showed a kindly spirit of comradeship by sending their band from Colberg. Otherwise, as is usually the case in the country, we were confined to our family circle; only Motley, the former American Ambassador in London, a friend of my early youth, happened to be here on a visit. Besides her Majesty the Queen, his Majesty the King of Bavaria, and their Royal Highnesses Prince Carl and Friedrich Carl, and his Imperial Highness the Crown Prince, honored me with telegraphic congratulations.

In health I am becoming slowly better; I have, it is true, done no work whatever; but I hope to be able to report myself on duty in time for the Imperial visits.

2em

Berlin, December 18, '81.

I must tell you of an extraordinary dream I had last night, which was as clear as I now relate it.

The Reichstag met for the first time after the present recess. On Count Eulenburg's entrance the discussion abruptly ceased; after a long interval the President called on the last speaker to continue the debate. Silence! The President thereupon declared the sitting adjourned. This was the signal for great tumult and clamor. No order, it was urged, should be bestowed on any member during the session of the Reichstag; the Monarch may not be mentioned during the session. The House adjourns till tomorrow. Eulenburg's appearance in the Chamber is again greeted with hisses and commotion—and then I awoke in such a state of nervous excitement that it was long before I recovered, and I could not sleep from half-past four to half-past six.


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 placing the unsuccessful gamblers in a position amounting to sui- cide. Parents, husbands, wives, sisters, brothers, and not seldom, employers also, undergo great affliction, bringing through its con- sequence the greatest distress to the community at large.

4. That this method of gambling contains 37 signs or numbers, namely:-Unn Soo; Thye Peng: Kong Beng; Cheng Soon, Jit-San; Mob Lim; Seang Cheow; Hoay Kuan: Che Koe; Cheng Hoon; Cheam Khoay; Eng Scing; Sam Hoey; Kew Kuan; Guat Poh; Ban Kim; Khoon San; Kin Geok; Hup Hie; Beng Choo; Kung Soo; Kong Choon, Cheng Lee; Hock Soone; Eive Lee; Pit Tek; Han Hoon; Thean Sin; Thean Liang; Cheng Guan; Guan Kwei; Guan Keat; Keat Pin; Phan Kwei; Im Hoey; Hup Tong; and Chee Tek.

5. That your Memorialists would beg to call attention that "Wha Hoey" gambling is a game of fraud and imposition, it is not managed as other gambling games, with the "Wha Hoey keepers it is always "Heads I win and Tails you lose." By other games the person wishing to go in for a chance does so personally. but in "Wha Hoey" agents are procured to act for him or her. "Wha Hoey" is in fact carried on by way of proxy; for example, a lady will send her servant or servants to stake for her, or the keeper sends his orderly secretly to the parties' house to collect the monies and numbers of tickets that the party may choose to hazard on. The parents, husbands, or employers being "unaware of what is being done, and, if there is not ready cash. the party he or she secretly pawns jewels, and other paraphernalia and the proceeds therefrom with the hazard tickets are deposited to the keeper's orderly, if the party loses he or she never see any part of their stake again.

6. That most of the Chinese servants employed by Europeans and Chinese families cause their employers any amount of anxiety and annoyance, for, when they receive money to purchase things for domestic purposes they squander it away upon "Wha Hoey" then, supply their employers with inferior and detrimental victuals.

7. That this fraudulent system of "Wha Hoey" gambling is not in any way discouraged by the authorities in Penang, because as far as your Memorialists know they have no power by Law to do so. It is carried on in Institutions got up for the purpose, but here exist places where certain parties who cannot well attend the Institutions meet at some private place which is secured for the purpose, and the gambling gone on clandestinely undisturbed by the proper Officials. Whereas in Perak, Selangore, the Dutch and

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/


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 All this happened in the House in my presence, as clearly as I have written it down.

I will not hope that the dream will be realized, but it is certainly peculiar. I dreamt it after six hours of quiet sleep, so it could not have been directly produced by our conversation.

Enfin, I could not but tell you of this curious occurrence.

2em

Berlin, December 18, '81.

I thank your Majesty most respectfully for the gracious letter. I quite believe that the dream owed its origin, not exactly to my report, but to the general impression obtained during the last few days from Puttkamer's oral report, the newspaper articles, and my report. The pictures we have in our minds when awake do not reappear in the mirror of our dreams until our mental faculties have been well rested by sleep. Your Majesty's communication encourages me to relate a dream I had in the troublous days of the spring of 1863. I dreamt, and I told my dream at once to my wife and to others the next morning, that I was riding along a narrow Alpine path, to the right an abyss, and to the left rocks; the path became narrower and narrower, until at last my horse refused to take another step, and there was no room either to turn or to dismount. I then struck the smooth rocky wall with my riding whip in my left hand, and invoked God; the whip became interminably long, and the wall of rock collapsed like a scene in the theatre, opening up a wide pathway, with a view over hills and forests such as one sees in Bohemia. I also caught sight of Prussian troops, with their banners, and, still in my dreams, wondered how I could best report this


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 French Colonies your Memorialists are informed that even in the Licensed Gambling Farms such a mode of gambling is entirely disallowed by the Government, and is suppressed immediately on discovery.

8. That the keepers of these "Wha Hoey" establishments open them twice each day, and as is generally the case the person who may be a child or a poor coolie or a blind person, trying his or her fortune to gain, will place a stake of say (1) one cent upon the "Wha Hoey " if such person gains he or she will receive (30) thirty cents, but if the choice of signs fail which is generally the case they lose all, in this way thousands of dollars are brought to the Wha Hoey" manager. The "Wha Hoey" keeper guaran- tees to be responsible to the lucky players for only say $ 1,000; but supposing the successful players win $2,000 or more, the keeper will only divide his guaranteed $1,000, amongst them, again if say two thousand persons or more were to put a dollar each and all of them are unsuccessful the "Wha Hoey" keeper pockets the whole $2,000 or more. By which means he manages to squeeze money fraudulently out of the poor, as well as the rich. The mode by which the frauds are practised by the manager of a "Wha Hoey" may be represented as thus: The Manager makes it known that the maximum amount of his loss in one forenoon, say is $ 2.000. The Ticket to be produced by him for one stake being as a matter of course known to himself and his partners he clandestinely slips in a ticket or as many as he likes identical with the one to be produced, to win say $1,200. Thus his so called maximum loss, if he can ever lose at all, is practically reduced to $ 800 only.

9. So wily are the "Wha-Hoey" Keepers that sometimes they write on the sand the winning number, then rub it out with their feet at other times it is written in the palm of their hands, when there is no chance for the above they shout out. The place of thus proclaiming the character being first made known, a great number of people young and old assemble to hear it, when the time is fixed they take every trouble to meet at the appointed rendezvous to hear the character or successful sign proclaimed, and as soon as the successful sign is given, all the people interest- ed announce the same throughout the town, in crowds as people coming out of a theatre or retiring from a riot.

10. Your Memorialists would like the Honourable Members of the Legislative Council to know that twenty years ago or there-


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 In the lower register are the following:--

1. A god, standing, called ,

2--4. Three gods, each of whom has two ears of corn stuck in his hair; these are called, , ,  , and (?),   (or, ,

5--7. Three gods, each holding an ear of wheat in

his left hand; their names are, , ,  , and ,

8. A god, holding a knife in his left hand, called ,

9--11. Three gods, seated, in mummy forms. The first has the head of a horned animal, and is called, , i.e., "the Eater of the


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Permission Photographische Union, Munich


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 abouts the gambling game of "Wha Hoey" was carried on in Penang and Province Wellesley and owing to the calamity and suffering caused by this abominable game the Police were then forced to take active measures for its suppression; and owing to the heavy fines (sometimes up to $ 3,000) and the rigorous impri- sonment imposed on the "Wha Hoey" keepers by the Magistrates caused terror and consternation amongst them, since then it has been discontinued until within the last year or so, when it has re- opened and increased with re-doubled vigour.

In consideration of the above-mentioned representation to your Excellency and others the Houourable the Members of the Legis- lative Council, your Memorialists request, implore and pray for your kind view and deliberation of this subject and beg that you will cause inquiries to be made as to the fact of the present des- cription of "Wha Hoey" and that it may please The Honour- able Members of Council to take steps in the meantime to issue such orders as to prevent "Wha Hoey" gambling and gradually to pass an Act or Ordinance for the purpose of totally putting a top to this ruinous gambling game of "Wha Hoey" which is daily sapping the earnings, energy, and comfort of poor coolies, women, well to do men. of good society and in good business and pecuniary circumstances, and children.

And your Memorialists as in duty bound will always pray, &c.

(Signed) GHO AIK GHO, and others.

Dated at Penang this 30th day of September, 1885.


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29.—Chit Taik was once a dog. He became a pork-butcher and was slain by order of Chen Kwi.

Chit Taik was born again as Yu Li. Stake on Chit Taik, Yu Li, Pit Taik, Kiu Kwan and Cheng Sun when you dream of fortune-telling, murder and blood, a butcher's shop, chess playing, much mcat, a pomegranate, pointing to a pork butcher, beating a gong or drum, or a man becoming a pig.


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30.—Thian Liang was once an eel. He was a Sin Chei, but seeing he could rise no higher, he shaved his head and became a monk. He was employed by people to supplicate the gods to grant blessings, wealth and children.

Thian Liang was born again as Jit San. Stake on Thian Liaug, Jit San, Thian Sin and Cheng Li when you dream of taking medicine, two men in the water, a large and small hat, digging a grave, a monk, rice, or an cel becoming a snake.


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31.—Cheng Hun was a stork. Owing to the intrigues of Chen Kwi he retired from Court and became a monk among the mountains.

Cheng Hun was born again as Kun San. Stake on Cheng Hun, Kun San and Cheng Guan when you dream of heavy rain, the death of a relative, meeting parents, smoke without flame, heavy clouds, a river with no means of crossing, acting, or a monk.


text: Index:Executive Order 14092.pdf

title: Index:Executive Order 14092.pdf


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32.—Ban Kim was formerly a snake. He was the son of Sam Wei (No. 2) and the younger brother of Hap Hai (No. 27) and Guan Kiat (No. 19). He led a retired life.

Ban Kim was born again as Eng Seng. Stake on Ban Kim, Eng Seng and the five dragons when you dream of a rich man, much money, collecting rent, a pair of gold flowers, a tortoise, a slave burning a coffin, or putting out a light.


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33.—Cheng Li was a turtle. His house of business having been burnt down he turned priest.

Cheng Li was born again as San Wei. Stake on Cheng Li, Sam Wei and Yu Li when you dream of being carried in a chair, a corpse in a well, cutting timber, creatures of the sea, murder and blood, a chair coolie, a marriage, a chair, baling water, a spirit-shop, a fire, or a turtle.


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 quickly to your Majesty. This dream was realized, and I awoke from it glad and strengthened.

The bad dream from which your Majesty awoke nervous and agitated can be realized only in so far that we shall still have many stormy and noisy parliamentary debates, which must unfortunately undermine the prestige of the Parliaments and seriously interfere with State business. Your Majesty's presence at these debates is an impossibility; and I regard such scenes as we have lately witnessed in the Reichstag regrettable enough as a standard of our morals and our political education, perhaps also our political qualifications, but not as a misfortune in themselves: Vexcès du mal en devient le remède.

Will your Majesty pardon, with your accustomed graciousness, these holiday reflections, which were suggested by your Majesty's letter; for from yesterday till January 9th we have holidays and rest.

Berlin, September 23, '87.

You celebrate on September 23, my dear Prince, the day on which, twenty-five years ago, I called you into my Ministry of State, and shortly afterwards gave the Premiership into your hands. The distinguished services you had previously rendered to the Fatherland in the most varied and important positions justified me in conferring on you this highest post. The history of the last quarter of a century proves that I did not err in my choice!

A shining example of true patriotism, of untiring activity often to the utter disregard of your health, you have been indefatigable in keeping a close watch on what were frequently overwhelming difficulties in peace and war, and have used them to lead Prussia in honor and glory to a position in the world's history which had never been dreamed of! Such achievements have been performed that


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34.—An Su previously existed as a fox. She was the wife of Guan Kwi (No. 18) and as her husband was poor, she shaved her head and became a nun.

An Su was born again as Guan Kiat. Stake on An Su, Kong Beng, Beng Chu, Guan Kiat and Guan Kwi when you dream of a happy nun, an old woman, a woman in man's attire, lighting joss sticks, meeting a raft, or a horse in motion.


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 the twenty-fifth anniversary of September 23 must be celebrated with thanks to God for placing you at my side in order to execute His will on earth!

And I now once more impress these thanks on you, as I have so frequently expressed and manifested them hitherto!

From a heart filled with thankfulness I congratulate you on the celebration of such a day, and hope from my heart that your strength may long be preserved unimpaired, to be a blessing to the Crown and to the Fatherland

2em

P. S.—In memory of the past twenty-five years I am sending you a view of the building in which we have discussed and taken such weighty resolutions which it is to be hoped will redound to the honor and welfare of Prussia and of Germany.

Friedrichsruh, September 26, '87.

I thank your Majesty in deep respect for the gracious letter of the 23d inst., and for the gracious present of the picture of the palace in which for so many years I have had the honor to make my reports to your Majesty, and to take your Majesty's orders. The day received especial consecration for me through the greeting in your Majesty's name with which their royal Highnesses Prince William and Prince Henry honored me. Even without this fresh proof of favor, the feeling with which I greeted the twenty-fifth anniversary of my appointment as a Minister was one of most cordial and respectful gratitude to your Majesty. Every sovereign appoints ministers, but it is a rare occurrence in modern times for a monarch to retain a Prime Minister and to uphold him for twenty-five years, in troublous times when everything does not succeed, against all animosity and intrigues. During this period I


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35.—Thian Sin was originally a wild cat. Having served under King Siong Ki, he turned monk.

Thian Sin was born again as Kang Su. Stake on Thian Sin, Thian Liang, Kang Su and Hoey Kwan when you dream of something in the sky, a water-pot, thunder, pointing to the sky, a horse running, or a woman without clothing.


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36.—Jit San was once a cock. He was extremely wealthy. but having been plundered by the Chinese he turned priest.

Jit San was born again as Thian Liang. Stake on Jit San, Thian Liang, Kun San and Eng Seng when you dream of wood and fire, going to school, the sun rising in the East and setting in the West, a man entering and coming out of a wood, a high hill or sunset.


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 have seen many a former friend become an opponent, but your Majesty's favor and confidence have remained unwaveringly with me. The thought of this is a rich reward to me for all my work, and a consolation in illness and solitude. I love my Fatherland, the German as well as the Prussian, but I should not have served it with gladness if it had not been granted to me to serve to the satisfaction of my King. The high position which I owe to your Majesty's favor is based on, and has as its indestructible core, your Majesty's Brandenburg liegeman and Prussian officer, and therefore I am rendered happy by your Majesty's satisfaction, without which every popularity would be valueless to me. * * * Besides many telegrams and addresses from home and abroad, I received very gracious greetings and congratulations on the twenty-third from their Majesties of Saxony and Wurtemburg, from his Royal Highness the Regent of Bavaria, the Grand-Dukes of Weimar, Baden, and Mecklenburg, and other rulers, and from his Majesty the King of Italy and Minister Crispi. The two latter touched politics, and were difficult to answer; as the text of their letters may perhaps interest your Majesty, I have instructed the Foreign Office to forward them.

I pray God that He may still longer grant me the pleasure of serving your Majesty to your Majesty's satisfaction.

2em


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 The accompanying diagram contains the names of all the thirty-six Hua-Hoey characters together with another Im Hoey not included in the ordinary lists. Each character is associated with a particular part of the human frame and this diagram is extensively used in interpreting dreams. Thus if you dream of ears you should stake on Thai Peng or Kun Giok, if of the neck on Jit San, and so on. The characters are here classified as follows:—

 * Four of the highest degree (Chong Guan), viz. : —
 * Tan Hong Chun, Tan Eng Seng, Tan Pan Kwi and Gaw Cham Khoi.
 * Seven Traders, viz. : —
 * Ang Yu Li, Chu Kong Beng, Chan Hok Sun, Liong Keng Su, Hong Mow Lin, Teh Pit Taik and Loh Chit Taik.
 * Four Priests, viz. : —
 * Low Cheng Li, Teh Thian Liang, Tan Jit San and Tioh Hoey Kwan.
 * Five Generals, viz. : —
 * Li Han Hun, Wi Kun San, Song Cheng Sun, Li Guat Poh and Wi Chi Koh.
 * Four Ladies, viz. : —
 * Siang Hap Tong, Beh Siang Chiow, Li Beng Chu and Lim Gin Giok.
 * Four Happy-lot, viz. : —
 * Lim Thai Peng, Tioh Kiu Kwan, Tioh Hap Hai and Tioh Sam Wei.
 * One Nun, viz. : —
 * Tan An Su.
 * Two Friars, viz. : —
 * Tioh Tian Sin and Chiu Cheng Hun.


text: Highland Harry

title: Highland Harry


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306 tree, from which he procures every year a great quantity of the oil of cajeput.

The island of Bourou produces several kinds of wood proper for inlaid work, which are in great request among the Chinese; and others useful in dyeing. Two Chinese vessels were run aground in the mud to the N.E. of the Dutch fort. The village near which the fort is built is called Cayeli, in the Malay language. Those of the natives who follow the Mahometan religion have a mosque, whose roofs diminishing in regular gradation as they rise one above the other, present a very agreeable appearance. (See Plate XLII. which represents a part of this village.)

The coast to the east of the village is watered only by very small streams, but about 2,500 toises to the N.W. we went up a very considerable river, called by the inhabitants Aer-Bessar, which discharges itself into the road-stead. This river is very deep, and for the length of about 2,000 toises, as far as we went up it, more than 70 feet broad. The island of Bourou undoubtedly owes its possessing so considerable a stream to the great elevation of its mountains. On the borders of the river I frequently found the beautiful shrub known by the name of portlandia grandiflora.

The pebbles rolled from the mountains, which


text: Highland Harry/Highland Harry

title: Highland Harry/Highland Harry


text: Journal of the Straits Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society/Volume 16/A Description of the Chinese Lottery known as Hua-Hoey


text: Highland Harry/The Braes o' Gleniffer

title: Highland Harry/The Braes o' Gleniffer


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 phallus"; the second has the head of a man, and is called, ; and the third has the head of a jackal, and is called ,

12. The god, , in mummy form, wearing the crown of the South.

13. The god, , who holds in each hand a long lotus-topped sceptre surmounted by a star.

14. The two-headed god (Horus-Set?) called ,

15. The god ,

16, 17. Two gods, each holding in his left hand the sign of life inverted; their names are, , and ,


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Rh hours later was handling a mass of gold and banknotes.

"But the strain of committing even an ordinary theft is very great upon a refined woman's organisation. Lady Barnsdale has a nervous break-down. Well! what is the most likely thing to happen? Why! that she should confess everything to her husband who worships her, and no doubt express her repentance at what she had done.

"Then imagine Lord Barnsdale's horror! The old lady had not discovered the theft before going to bed. That was only natural, since she was feeling unwell, and was not likely to sit up at night counting her money; the lock of the bureau drawer having been tampered with, would perhaps not attract her attention at night.

"But in the morning, the very first thing, she would discover everything, at once suspect the worst, and who knows, make a scandal, talk of it before Alice Holt, Lady Barnsdale's arch enemy, and all before restitution could be made.

"No, no, that restitution must be made at once; not a minute must be lost, since any moment might bring forth discovery, and perhaps an awful catastrophe.

"I take it that Mme. Quesnard and her nephew were on very intimate terms. He hoped to arouse no one by going to his aunt's room, but in order to make quite sure that Alice Holt, hearing a noise in her mistress' room, should not surreptitiously come down, and perhaps play eaves-dropper at the momentous interview, he turned the key of the girl's door as he went past, and locked her in.

"Then he knocked at his aunt's door (gently, of course, for old people are light sleepers), and called her by name. Mme. Quesnard, recognising her nephew's voice, slipped on her dressing-gown, smoothed her hair, and let him in.

"Exactly what took place at the interview it is, of course, impossible for any human being to say. Here even I can but conjecture," he added with inimitable conceit, "but we can easily imagine that, having heard Lord Barnsdale's confession of his wife's folly, the old lady, who as a Frenchwoman was of quick temper and unbridled tongue, would indulge in not very elegant rhetoric on the subject of the woman she had always disliked.

"Lord Barnsdale would, of course, defend his wife, and the old lady, with feminine obstinacy, would continue the attack. Then some insulting epithet, a word only perhaps, roused the devoted husband's towering indignation—the meekest man on earth becomes a mad bull when he really loves, and the woman he loves is insulted.

"I maintain that the old lady's death was really due to a pure accident; that Lord Barnsdale gripped her by the throat, in a moment of mad anger, at some hideous insult hurled at his wife; of that I am as convinced as if I had witnessed the whole scene. Then the old lady fell, hit her head against the marble, and Lord Barnsdale realised that he was alone at night in his aunt's room, and that he had killed her.

"What would anyone do under the circumstances?" he added excitedly. "Why, of course, collect his senses and try to save himself from what might prove to be consequences of the most awful kind. This Lord Barnsdale thought he could best do by giving the accident, which looked so like murder, the appearance of a burglary.

"The lock of the desk in the next room had already been forced open; he now locked the door on the inside, threw open the shutter and the window, jumped out as any burglar would have done; and, being careful to obliterate his own footmarks, he crept back into the house and thence into his own room, without alarming the watch-dog, who naturally knew his own master. He was, of course just in time before Alice Holt succeeded in rousing the household with her screams.

"And thus you see," he added, "there are no such things as mysteries. The police call them so, so do the public, but every crime has its perpetrator, and every puzzle its solution. My experience is that the simplest solution is invariably the right one."


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 members, I disliked their refusal to "give satisfaction," as well as their want of breeding in externals and of acquaintance with the forms and manners of good society; and a still closer acquaintance bred an aversion to the extravagance of their political views, based upon a lack of either culture or knowledge of the conditions of life which historical causes had brought into existence, and which I, with my seventeen years, had had more opportunities of observing than most of these students, for the most part older than myself. Their ideas gave me the impression of an association between Utopian theories and defective breeding. Nevertheless, I retained my own private National sentiments, and my belief that in the near future events would lead to German unity; in fact, I made a bet with my American friend Coffin that this aim would be attained in twenty years.

In my first half-year at Göttingen occurred the Hambach festival (May 27, 1832), the "festal ode" of which still remains in my memory; in my third the Frankfort outbreak (April 3, 1833). These manifestations revolted me. Mob interference with political authority conflicted with my Prussian schooling, and I returned to Berlin with less liberal opinions than when I quitted it; but this reaction was again somewhat mitigated when I was brought into immediate connection with the workings of the political machine. Upon foreign politics, with which the public at that time occupied itself but little, my views, as regards the War of Liberation, were taken from the standpoint of a Prussian officer. On looking at the map, the possession of Strasburg by France exasperated me, and a visit to Heidelberg, Spires, and the Palatinate made me feel revengeful and militant. In the period before 1848


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 there was scarcely any prospect for a Kammergerichts-Auskultator and Regierungs-Referendar, who had no relations whatever with the ministerial and higher official circles, of partaking in Prussian politics until he had traveled the monotonous road which would lead him, after decades of years through the grades of a bureaucratic career, to gain notice in the higher posts, and thereby win promotion. In the family circle in those days, men like Pommer-Esche and Delbrück were represented to me as model leaders on the official road, and work upon and within the Zollverein was recommended as the best line to strike into. So far as, at my then age, I seriously thought at all of an official career, I had diplomacy in view, even after my application to the minister Ancillon had evoked very little encouragement thereto from him. Not to me, but in exalted circles, he used to indicate Prince Felix Lichnowski as an example of what our diplomacy lacked, although it might have been surmised that this personage, as he exhibited himself at that time in Berlin, would not exactly come in the way of an appreciative estimate from a minister sprung from an Evangelical clerical stock.

The minister had the impression that the category of our "home-made" Prussian squirearchy did not furnish him with the desirable material to draw upon for our diplomacy, and was not adapted to make up for the want of address which he found in the personnel of this branch of the service. This impression was not absolutely unjustified. As minister, I have always had a fellow-provincial's kindness for native-born Prussian diplomatists, but my official sense of duty has rarely allowed me to gratify this preference; as a rule only when the personages in question were transferred to a diplomatic from a military position. In purely Prussian civil-diplomats, who have never, or only inadequately, come under the influence of military discipline, I have as a rule observed too strong a tendency to criticism, to "cocksureness," to opposition and personal touchiness, intensified by the discontent which the Old


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 Prussian gentleman's feeling of equality experiences when a man of his own rank is put over his head, or becomes his superior otherwise than under military conditions. In the army, men in a similar position have been for centuries accustomed to seeing this happen; and when they themselves have reached higher positions, they pour the dregs of their ill-temper towards former superiors upon the heads of those who afterwards become their subordinates. Moreover, in diplomacy there is this to be considered, that those among the aspirants who possess means or a chance knowledge of foreign languages (especially of French) regard those very circumstances as a ground for preference, and therefore make more claims upon those highest in authority and are more inclined than others to criticize them. An acquaintance with languages (after the fashion in which it is possessed even by head-waiters) was with us readily made the basis for a belief in diplomacy as one's vocation, especially so long as our Ambassadorial reports, particuarly those ad regem, had to be in French; as was the official rule in force (though not always followed), till I became minister. I have known many among our older ambassadors step into the highest positions simply on account of their proficiency in French, without any knowledge of politics; they only included in their dispatches, too, what they could put fluently into French. Even as late as 1862 I had to report officially in French from St. Petersburg; and the Ambassadors who wrote even their private letters to the Minister in French recommended themselves thereby as having a special vocation for the diplomatic career, even when they were notoriously deficient in political judgment.

Moreover, I cannot say that Ancillon was wrong in having the impression, with regard to most of the candidates from our squirearchy, that they found difficulty in escaping from the narrow horizon which bounded Berliners of those days, or, as one might say, from their "provincial" views, and that in diplomatic matters they would not easily


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 succeed in laying a coat of European varnish over the specifically Prussian bureaucrat. How these observations acted in practice is clearly shown when we go through the list of our diplomatists of those days: one is astonished to find so few native Prussians among them. The fact of being the son of a foreign ambassador accredited to Berlin was of itself ground for preference. The diplomatists who had grown up in small courts and had been taken into the Prussian service had not infrequently the advantage over natives of greater assurance in Court circles and a greater absence of shyness. An especial example of this tendency was Herr von Schleinitz. In the list we find also members of noble houses in whom descent supplied the place of talent. I scarcely remember from the period when I was appointed to Frankfort anyone of Prussian descent being appointed chief of an important mission, except myself, Baron Carl von Werther, Canitz, and Count Max Hatzfeldt (who had a French wife). Foreign names were at a premium: Brassier, Perponcher, Savigny, Oriola. It was presumed that they had greater fluency in French, and they were more out of the common. Another feature was the disinclination to accept personal responsibility when not covered by unmistakable instructions, just as was the case in the military service in 1806 in the old school of the Frederickian period. Even in those days we were breeding stuff for officers, even as high as the rank of regimental commander, to a pitch of perfection attained by no other state; but beyond that rank the native Prussian blood was no longer fertile in talents, as in the time of Frederick the Great. Our most successful commanders, Blücher, Gneisenau, Moltke, Goeben, were not original Prussian products, any more than Stein, Hardenberg, Motz, and Grolmann in the Civil Service. It is as though our statesmen, like the trees in nurseries, needed transplanting in order that their roots might find full development.

Ancillon advised me first of all to pass my examination as Regierungs-Assessor, and then, by the circuitous route


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Seismologists of the Geophysical Institute of the CSAV are doing significant research on the seismicity of Europe and the classification of European earthquakes. They have made major contributions to the European Seismological Commission with regard to these topics, including cooperation with other East European countries in the deep seismic sounding of the Carpathian-Balkan region. This institute also emphasizes the study of the propagation of seismic waves and is active in terrestrial heat flow research. Research in exploration geophysics, including deep-seismic sounding and ultrasonic well-logging, is conducted by the Institute of Applied Geophysics. Geophysical prospecting is done also by the Mining Research Institute, Prague, of the CSAV, and by other organizations.

Some scientific geological research is conducted by the Institute of Geology of the CSAV, Prague, and by that of the SAV, Bratislava. However, the Czechoslovak geological effort is directed primarily to mineral prospecting. This effort is coordinated by the Central Geological Institute, Prague, which is analogous to a national geological survey. The institute cooperates in this work with various other geological as well as geophysical and mining activities. It is engaged in a long-range program to explore the deep geological structure of the north rim of the Alps and of the Carpathians. In addition to the search for minerals, this effort is directed to locating potential subterranean heat sources. Plans for the development of geology in Czechoslovakia until 1980 have been prepared also under the auspices of the Central Geological Institute.

(5) Geodesy—Geodetic research capabilities in Czechoslovakia are slightly behind those of Hungary and East Germany and are considerably behind those of the leading countries of Western Europe and the U.S.S.R. The Research Institute for Geodesy, Topography, and Cartography, Prague, the most modern and best equipped geodetic facility in the nation, is the leading center for both theoretical and applied geodetic research. Geodetic studies are geared primarily toward applied research and have covered many fields of geodetic triangulation and leveling. New first- through fourth-order triangulation and the unified leveling networks have been completed. Research and experimental studies have included the problems of measuring errors, the determination of related elevations in mountainous regions, and recent movements of the earth's crust.

As a member of the East European Sub-Commission for Satellite Geodesy, Czechoslovakia participates in geodetic observations and studies based on these observations. The country has assisted the United States and France with their geodetic satellite programs and is participating currently in the dynamics program and the International Satellite Geodesy Experiment. Research activity has focused on the adjustment of spatial satellite nets, the determination of the shape and dimensions of the earth from satellite and terrestrial data, and the reduction of satellite observations.

Activity in geodetic astronomy has led to the development of a new method of comparing clocks with microsecond accuracy using image synchronization impulses of television transmissions. Czechoslovakia's 5-year plan (1971-75) calls for the determination and solution of problems of latitude for geodetic and astronomic purposes.

Gravimetric studies have included the downward continuation of gravity to a reference surface, satellite orbit computations using gravity anomalies, fundamental gravity parameters of the earth's figure, and the structure of the earth's gravity field derived from satellite data. Problems concerning tidal observations and systematic observations of earth tides below the surface of the earth also have received considerable attention.

Dr. Milan Bursa is probably the best known geodesist in the European Communist countries. His contributions include the determination of the Czechoslovak ellipsoid and research in using satellite geodesy to determine the figure of the earth, both independently and combined with classical methods. Bursa works closely with Dr. L.P. Pellinen, a leading Soviet scientist who investigates the combined use of gravity and satellite data.

(6) Hydrology and hydraulics—Czechoslovakia is one of the leading East European Communist countries in hydrologic and hydraulic research. The research is predominantly of an applied nature and is directed toward full utilization and control of water resources for hydroelectric energy, irrigation, domestic and industrial water supplies, improvement of inland waterways, and flood control. The principal organization conducting this type of research are the Institute for Hydrodynamics of the CSAV in Prague, the Hydrologic and Hydraulic Institute of the Slovak Academy of Sciences in Bratislava, and the Research Institute of Water Economy in Prague.

Research in hydrology is directed toward the problems of determining precipitation-runoff relationships, long-term discharge forecasts, flood control, dynamics of suspended and transported

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 tańszy, ‘cheapest.’ The superlative of pre-eminence is made by placing hardzo, ‘very,’ before the adjective, as bardzo dobry, ‘very good.’

Dzieście, or dzieści, is added to the numerals from twenty to fifty, piędziesiąt; from fifty to one hundred, dziesiąt being added. Thus cztérdzieści, ‘forty,’ dziewięć-dziesiąt, ‘ninety.’ The smaller numerals follow the greater as in English; as trzydzieści pięć, ‘thirty-five;’ ośmdziesiąt siedm’ ‘eighty-seven.’


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 18--20. Three gods, each holding a palm branch; their names are,  (or, ,  , ,  , and ,

21. A god, who holds a knife in his left hand, and is called ,

22. A god, holding in his hand the symbol of "year,", who is called ,

The text referring to the gods in the upper register reads:--


text: Highland Harry/The Highland Widow

title: Highland Harry/The Highland Widow


text: Highland Harry/Jeanie's Black e'e

title: Highland Harry/Jeanie's Black e'e


text: Highland Harry/Jamie o' the Glen

title: Highland Harry/Jamie o' the Glen


text: Highland Harry/My Wife's a Winsome Wee Thing


text: Highland Harry/The Rosy Brier

title: Highland Harry/The Rosy Brier


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 The arrangement of the greater and the smaller numerals is the same as in English: thus sto dwadzieścia siedm, ‘one hundred and twenty-seven.’ Jeden, jedna, jedno are declined after the manner of adjectives.


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1911]

The seductive folds of the sleeping-bag.

The hiss of the primus and the fragrant steam of the cooker issuing from the tent ventilator.

The small green tent and the great white road.

The whine of a dog and the neigh of our steeds.

The driving cloud of powdered snow.

The crunch of footsteps which break the surface crust.

The wind-blown furrows.

The blue arch beneath the smoky cloud.

The crisp ring of the ponies' hoofs and the swish of the following sledge.

The droning conversation of the march as driver encourages or chides his horse.

The patter of dog pads.

The gentle flutter of our canvas shelter.

Its deep booming sound under the full force of a blizzard.

The drift snow like finest flour penetrating every hole and corner—flickering up beneath one's head covering, pricking sharply as a sand blast.

The sun with blurred image peeping shyly through the wreathing drift giving pale shadowless light.

The eternal silence of the great white desert. Cloudy columns of snow drift advancing from the south, pale yellow wraiths, heralding the coming storm, blotting out one by one the sharp-cut lines of the land.

The blizzard, Nature's protest—the crevasse, Nature's pitfall—that grim trap for the unwary—no hunter could conceal his snare so perfectly—the light rippled snow


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Rh

lived once a very rich Russian peasant with his wife, and a very pretty daughter, named Alyonushka.

One day the peasant and his wife were asked to a wedding in the village. They were just about to start when Alyonushka—who was to be left alone to look after the hut—said to her mother,—

"Oh, mamma! I am so much afraid of being left all by myself."

"Well, my dear," replied her mother, "go and ask your girl friends to come and spend the day with you."

When her parents had gone, Alyonushka ran to invite her friends; each girl brought with her some work to do; one sewed, another spun, a third wove, in fact they had each something to occupy their time while they talked and laughed.

But one of the girls who was sewing dropped her thimble on the ground, and it rolled away and fell into the cellar below; so she ran down the wooden stairs to find it. She at last, after some difficulty, found it, and was about to return when, to her horror and surprise, she saw—a man!—a robber emerge from a dark corner. She was about to cry for help, but the man shook his finger at her, saying,—


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358 been; the same may be said of the dogs with one or two exceptions.

The light comes on apace. To-day (Wednesday) it was very beautiful at noon: the air was very clear and the detail of the Western Mountains was revealed in infinitely delicate contrasts of light.

Thursday, July 27, Friday, July 28.—Calmer days: the sky rosier: the light visibly advancing. We have never suffered from low spirits, so that the presence of day raises us above a normal cheerfulness to the realm of high spirits.

The light, merry humour of our company has never been eclipsed, the good-natured, kindly chaff has never ceased since those early days of enthusiasm which inspired them—they have survived the winter days of stress and already renew themselves with the coming of spring. If pessimistic moments had foreseen the growth of rifts in the bond forged by these amenities, they stand prophetically falsified; there is no longer room for doubt that we shall come to our work with a unity of purpose and a disposition for mutual support which have never been equalled in these paths of activity. Such a spirit should tide us [over] all minor difficulties. It is a good omen.

Saturday, July 29, Sunday, July 30.—Two quiet days, temperature low in the minus thirties—an occasional rush of wind lasting for but a few minutes.

One of our best sledge dogs, ‘Julick,’ has disappeared. I'm afraid he's been set on by the others at some distant spot and we shall see nothing more but his stiffened carcass when the light returns. Meares thinks the others would not have attacked him and imagines he has fallen


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text: Russell & Whitehead's Principia Mathematica/Introduction/Chapter 1


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 of employment in the Zollverein to seek admittance into the German diplomacy of Prussia; he did not, it would seem, anticipate in a scion of the native squirearchy a vocation for European diplomacy. I took his hint to heart, and resolved first of all to go up for my examination as Regierungs-Assessor.

The persons and institutions of our judicial system with which I was in the first instance concerned gave my youthful conceptions more material for criticism than for respect. The practical education of the Auscultator began with keeping the minutes of the Criminal Courts, and to this post I was promoted out of my proper turn by the Rath, Herr von Brauchitsch, under whom I worked, because in those days I wrote a more than usually quick and legible hand. On the examinations, as criminal proceedings in the inquisitorial method of that day were called, the one that has made the most lasting impression upon me related to a widely ramifying association in Berlin for the purpose of unnatural vice. The club arrangements of the accomplices, the agenda books, the levelling effect through all classes of a common pursuit of the forbidden—all this, even in 1835, pointed to a demoralization in no whit less than that evidenced by the proceedings against the Heinzes, husband and wife, in October, 1891. The ramifications of this society extended even into the highest circles. It was ascribed to the influence of Prince Wittgenstein that the reports of the case were demanded from the Ministry of Justice, and were never returned—at least, during the time I served on the tribunal.

After I had been keeping the records for four months, I was transferred to the City Court, before which civil causes are tried, and was suddenly promoted from the mechanical occupation of writing from dictation to an independent post, which, having regard to my inexperience and my sentiments, made my position difficult. The first stage in which the legal novice was called to a more independent sphere of activity was in connection with divorce


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 proceedings. Obviously regarded as the least important, they were entrusted to the most incapable Rath, Prätorius by name, and under him were left to the tender mercies of unfledged Auscultators, who had to make upon this corpus vile their first experiments in the part of judges—of course, under the nominal responsibility of Herr Prätorius, who nevertheless took no part in their proceedings. By way of indicating this gentleman's character, it was told to us young people that when, in the course of a sitting, he was roused from a light slumber to give his vote, he used to say, "I vote with my colleague Tempelhof"—whereupon it was sometimes necessary to point out to him that Herr Tempelhof was not present.

On one occasion I represented to him my embarrassment at having, though only a few months more than twenty years old, to undertake the attempt at a reconciliation between an agitated couple: a matter crowned, according to my view, with a certain ecclesiastical and moral "nimbus," with which in my state of mind I did not feel able to cope. I found Prätorius in the irritable mood of an old man awakened at an untimely moment, who had besides all the aversion of an old bureaucrat to a young man of birth. He said, with a contemptuous smile, "It is very annoying, Herr Referendarius, when a man can do nothing for himself; I will show you how to do it." I returned with him into the judge's room. The case was one in which the husband wanted a divorce and the wife not. The husband accused her of adultery; the wife, tearful and declamatory, asserted her innocence; and, despite all manner of ill-treatment from the man, wanted to remain with him. Prätorius, with his peculiar clicking lisp, thus addressed the woman: "But, my good woman, don't be so stupid. What good will it do you? When you get home, your husband will give you a jacketing until you can stand no more. Come now, simply say 'yes,' and then you will be quit of the sot." To which the wife, crying hysterically, replied: "I am an honest woman! I will not have that


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Rh 5. And supposing that price level (prices) is only another name for gold coins estimated by unit of price fixed by government, instead of by unit of weight.

6. And supposing that the unit of price is stable and not changed by the government.

7. And supposing gold money were the exclusive medium of exchange and there were no check offsets or credit of any kind.

8. And supposing that gold could be produced evenly and regularly to an unlimited extent the same as any article of common manufacture.

9. And supposing that money were not more readily and universally exchangeable than an ordinary commodity; or that men did not act according to their self-interest, and did not prefer money to commodities as a form of stored labor; that is, supposing a change in human nature, then indeed Marx's observations on money might be in point.

But there is no such exclusive gold currency in existence as Marx assumes. The silver and fiat currency exceeds the gold currency, and the credit exceeds in efficiency the combined currency of gold, silver and fiat. We admit Marx's conclusion, but we object to the introduction of it into the discussion as irrelevant, immaterial and incompetent. The question for investigation is not the quantity of money with a stable price level, but the quantity of money as affecting the price level. A stable price level is desirable, as all admit. Governments allow the use of fiat money, light weight coins and credit, all of which affect the price level. The government pretends to keep the price level stable; all taxes are levied and salaries of government officers are fixed on that understanding. The government has no control over the production of commodities and no control over the production of gold. The only means it has of exercising a control over the price level is by regulating the amount of fiat money. This it can do and does do, though at present it does it very poorly and at haphazard.

Marx cannot shield himself behind the plea that it was not his province to suggest remedies, but to discuss facts, and explain actual phenomena. He does not discuss facts. In supposing an exclusive gold currency without silver and without credit he is drawing entirely on his imagination; no such currency has ever existed, unless he has in mind something like coon skin money or tobacco money. It is Utopian money. To say that bimetallism is impossible when it is actually in existence before your eyes, though in an imperfect form, and to assume an exclusive gold currency as the basis for a discussion of money is certainly a master piece in the art of ignoring a difficulty instead of solving it. To what desperate lengths a man is driven who ignores facts can be seen in Hyndman's Bankruptcy of India, p. 215. This


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 indignity put upon me! I don't want to be divorced!" After manifold retorts and rejoinders in this tone, Prätorius turned to me with the words: "As she will not listen to reason, write as follows, Herr Referendarius," and dictated to me some words which, owing to the deep impression they made upon me, I remember to this day. "Inasmuch as the attempt at reconciliation has been made, and arguments drawn from the sphere of religion and morality have proved fruitless, further proceedings were taken as follows." My chief then rose and said, "Now, you see how it is done, and in future leave me in peace about such things." I accompanied him to the door, and went on with the case. The Divorce Court stage of my career lasted, so far as I can remember, from four to six weeks; a reconciliation case never came before me again. There was a certain necessity for the ordinance respecting proceedings in divorce cases, to which Frederick William IV. was obliged to confine himself after his attempts to introduce a law for the substantial alteration of the Marriage Law had foundered upon the opposition of the Council of State. With regard to this matter it may be mentioned that, as a result of this ordinance, the Attorney-General was first introduced into those provinces in which the old Prussian common law prevailed as defensor matrimonii, and to prevent collusion between the parties.

More inviting was the subsequent stage of petty cases, where the untrained young jurist at least acquired practice in listening to pleadings and examining witnesses, but where more use was made of him as a drudge than was met by the resulting benefit to his instruction. The locality and the procedure partook somewhat of the restless bustle of a railway manager's work. The space in which the leading Rath and the three or four Auscultators sat with their backs to the public was surrounded by a wooden screen, and round about the four-cornered recess formed thereby surged an ever-changing and more or less noisy mob of parties to the suits.


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36 great Marxian economist, following his master, rejects bimetallism. He ends by recommending that gold be demonetized the world over, and that silver be used as exclusive currency. This is the proposition of a hard-headed, matter of fact evolutionist, who pities bimetallists as deluded dreamers.

Against this view it may here be observed that the products bartered for gold at the mines do not afterwards come upon the market as commodities, but pass over into use, and are consumed. Again, products before they are bartered have a price; in fact they are no longer products, they are already commodities, which means that their counterpart, money, is already in existence. Marx says that barter comes before price and fixes price. Barter does come before price in one sense; it exists before the introduction of money. Money is introduced by fixing upon unit of price. Thereupon a price at once attaches to all products offered for exchange or sale. From now on the price comes before barter; in fact, primitive barter is abolished and price barter takes its place. All barter is conducted with reference to the prices of the commodities bartered. A commodity bartered for gold at the mines brings just as much gold as if sold for a price in money, no more and no less. It is price that fixes barter value, not barter value that fixes price. Gold itself has a price expressed in units of valuation.

Mr. Hyndman sees this: "So completely has the idea of valuation apart from money disappeared that insensibly those who wish to obtain other articles in place of their own, estimate the value of their possessions which they propose to transfer, not with reference to the need which they have of the other articles they desire to possess in place of these, but with regard to the price that either would realize if brought into the open market. An exchange of commodities may be directly effected between individuals in this way; but still in spite of all they can do, the vision of the price current is ever before them." (Hyndman, Economics of Socialism, p. 1 14.)

This is true on the assumption made by Marx that the price level is stable. It is not the conclusion that we object to but the assumption on which it is based.

This claim is closely interwoven with the question of interna-


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 My impression of institutions and persons was not essentially modified when I had been transferred to the Administration. In order to abbreviate the détour to diplomacy, I applied to a Rhenish government, that of Aachen, where the course could be gone through in two years, whereas in the "old" provinces at least three years were required.

I can well imagine that in making the appointments to the Rhenish Governing Board in 1816 the same procedure was adopted as at the organization of Elsass-Lothringen in 1871. The authorities who had to contribute a portion of their staff would not be likely to respond to the call of state requirements by putting their best foot foremost to accomplish the difficult task of assimilating a newly acquired population, but would have chosen those members of their offices whose departure was desired by their superiors or wished by themselves; in the board were to be found former secretaries of prefectures and other relics of the French administration. The personnel did not all correspond to the ideal which floated unwarrantably enough before my eyes at twenty-one, and still less was this the case with the details of the current business. I recollect that, what with the many differences of opinion between officials and governed, or with internal differences of opinion among each of these two categories, whose polemics for many years considerably swelled the bulk of the records, my habitual impression was, "Well, yes, that is one way of doing it"; and that questions, the decision of which one way or the other was not worth the paper wasted upon them, created a mass of business which a single prefect could have disposed of with the fourth part of the energy bestowed upon them. Nevertheless, except for the subordinate officials, the day's work was slight; as regards heads of departments especially, a mere sinecure.


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 I quitted Aachen with a very poor opinion of our bureaucracy, in detail and collectively, with the exception of the gifted President, Count Arnim-Boitzenburg. My opinion of the detail became more favorable owing to my next subsequent experience in the government at Potsdam, to which I got transferred in the year 1837; because there, unlike the arrangement in other provinces, the indirect taxes were at the disposal of the government, and it was just these that were important to me if I wanted to make customs-policy the basis of my future.

The members of the board made a better impression upon me than those at Aachen; but yet, taking them as a whole, it was an impression of pigtail and periwig, in which category my youthful presumption also placed the paternal dignified President-in-Chief, von Bassewitz; while the President of the Aachen Government, Count Arnim, wore the generic wig of the state service, it is true, but no intellectual pigtail. When therefore I quitted the service of the State for a country life, I imported into the relations which as a landed proprietor I had with the officials an opinion, which I now see to have been too mean, of the value of our bureaucracy, and perhaps too great an inclination to criticize them. I remember that as substitute provincial president I had to give my verdict on a plan for abolishing the election of those officials; I expressed myself to the effect that the bureaucracy, as it ascended from the provincial president, sank in the general esteem; it had preserved it only in the person of the provincial president, who wore a Janus head, one face turned towards the bureaucracy, the other towards the country.

The tendency to interference in the most various relations of life was, under the paternal government of those days, perhaps greater than now; but the instruments of such interference were less numerous, and, as regards culture and breeding, stood much higher than do some of those of today. The officials of the right worshipful royal Prussian government were honest, well-read and well-bred


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text: A Prisoner of the Khaleefa/Index

title: A Prisoner of the Khaleefa/Index


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 officials; but their benevolent activity did not always meet with recognition, because from want of local experience they went to pieces on matters of detail, in regard to which the views of the learned citizen at the green table were not always superior to the healthy common-sense criticism of the peasant intelligence. The members of the Governing Boards had in those days multa, not multum, to do; and the lack of higher duties resulted in their not finding a sufficient quantity of important business, and led them in their zeal for duty to go beyond the needs of the governed, into a tendency to over-regulation—in a word, into what the Swiss calls Befehlerle. To glance at a comparison with present conditions, it had been hoped that the state authorities would have been relieved of business and of officials by the introduction of the local self-government of today; but, on the contrary, the number of the officials and their load of business have been very considerably increased by correspondence, and friction with the machinery of self-government, from the provincial councillor down to the rural parish administration. Sooner or later the flaw must be reached, and we shall be crushed by the burden of clerkdom, especially in the subordinate bureaucracy.

Moreover, bureaucratic pressure upon private life is intensified by the mode in which self-government works in practice and encroaches more sharply than before on the rural parishes. Formerly the provincial president, who stood in as close relations with the people as with the State, formed the lowest step in the State bureaucracy. Below him were local authorities, who were no doubt subject to control, but not in the same measure as nowadays to the disciplinary powers of the district, or the ministerial, bureaucracy. The rural population enjoys today, by virtue of the measure of self-government conceded to it, an autonomy, not perhaps similar to that which the towns had long ago; but it has received, in the shape of the official commissioner, a chief who is kept in disciplinary check


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 by superior instructions proceeding from the provincial president, under the threat of penalties, and compelled to burden his fellow-citizens in his district with lists, notifications, and inquisitions as the political hierarchy thinks good. The governed contribuens plebs no longer possess, in the court of the provincial president, that guarantee against blundering encroachment which, at an earlier period, was to be found in the circumstance that people resident in the district who became provincial presidents as a rule resolved to remain so in their own districts all their life long, and sympathized with the joys and sorrows of the district. Today the post of provincial president is the lowest step in the ladder of the higher administration, sought after by young "assessors" who have a justifiable ambition to make a career. To obtain it they have more need of ministerial favor than of the goodwill of the local population, and they attempt to win this favor by conspicuous zeal, and by "taking it out of" the official commissioners of the so-called local administration, or by carrying out valueless bureaucratic experiments. Therein lies for the most part the inducement to overburden their subordinates in the local self-government system. Thus self- government means the aggravation of bureaucracy, increase in the number of officials, and of their powers and interference in private life.

It is only human nature to be more keenly sensitive to the thorns than to the roses of every institution, and that the thorns should irritate one against the existing state of things. The old government officials, when they came into direct contact with the governed population, showed themselves to be pedantic, and estranged from the practical working of life by their occupation at the green table; but they left behind them the impression of toiling honestly and conscientiously for justice. The same thing cannot be assumed in all their degrees of the wheels in the machine of the self-government of today in those country districts where the parties stand in acute opposition to


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 each other; goodwill towards political friends, frame of mind as regards opponents, readily become a hindrance to the impartial maintenance of institutions. According to my experiences in earlier and more recent times, I should, for the rest, not like to allow impartiality, when comparing judicial and administrative decisions, to the former alone, not at least in every instance. On the contrary, I have preserved an impression that judges of small local courts succumb more easily to strong party influences than do administrative officials; nor need we invent any psychological reason for the fact that, given equal culture, the latter should a priori be considered less just and conscientious in their official decisions than the former. But I certainly do assume that official decisions do not gain in honesty and moderation by being arrived at collectively; for apart from the fact that, in the case of voting by majority, arithmetic and chance take the place of logical reasoning, that feeling of personal responsibility, in which lies the essential guarantee for the conscientiousness of the decision, is lost directly it comes about by means of anonymous majorities.

The course of business in the two boards of Potsdam and Aachen was not very encouraging for my ambition. I found the business assigned to me petty and tedious, and my labors in the department of suits arising from the grist tax and from the compulsory contribution to the building of the embankment at Rotzis, near Wusterhausen, have left behind in me no sentimental regrets for my sphere of work in those days. Renouncing the ambition for an official career, I readily complied with the wishes of my parents by taking up the humdrum management of our Pomeranian estates. I had made up my mind to live and die in the country, after attaining successes in agriculture—perhaps in war also, if war should come. So far as my country life left me any ambition at all, it was that of a lieutenant in the Landwehr.

The impressions that I had received in my childhood


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94 4. If, therefore, flesh and blood are the things which procure for us life, it has not been declared of flesh and blood, in the literal meaning (proprie) of the terms, that they cannot inherit the kingdom of God; but [these words apply] to those carnal deeds already mentioned, which, perverting man to sin, deprive him of life. And for this reason he says, in the Epistle to the Romans: "Let not sin, therefore, reign in your mortal body, to be under its control: neither yield ye your members instruments of unrighteousness unto sin; but yield yourselves to God, as being alive from the dead, and your members as instruments of righteousness unto God." In these same members, therefore, in which we used to serve sin, and bring forth fruit unto death, does He wish us to [be obedient] unto righteousness, that we may bring forth fruit unto life. Remember, therefore, my beloved friend, that thou hast been redeemed by the flesh of our Lord, re-established by His blood; and "holding the Head, from which the whole body of the church, having been fitted together, takes increase" —that is, acknowledging the advent in the flesh of the Son of God, and [His] divinity (deum), and looking forward with constancy to His human nature (hominem), availing thyself also of these proofs drawn from Scripture—thou dost easily overthrow, as I have pointed out, all those notions of the heretics which were concocted afterwards.

1. Now, that He who at the beginning created man, did promise him a second birth after his dissolution into earth,


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 were little adapted to make a squire of me. In Plamann's educational establishment, conducted on the systems of Pestalozzi and Jahn, the "von" before my name was a disadvantage, so far as my childish comfort was concerned, in my intercourse with my fellow-pupils and my teachers. Even at the high school at the Grey Friars I had to suffer, as regards individual teachers, from that hatred of nobility which had clung to the greater part of the educated bourgeoisie as a reminiscence of the days before 1806. But even the aggressive tendency which occasionally appeared in bourgeois circles never gave me any inducement to advance in the opposite direction. My father was free from aristocratic prejudices, and his inward sense of equality had been modified, if at all, by his youthful impressions as an officer, but in no way by any over-estimate of inherited rank. My mother was the daughter of Mencken, Privy Councillor to Frederick the Great, Frederick William II., and Frederick William III., who sprang from a family of Leipzig professors, and was accounted in those days a Liberal. The later generations of the Menckens—those immediately preceding me—had found their way to Prussia in the Foreign Office and about the Court. Baron von Stein has quoted my grandfather Mencken as an honest, strongly Liberal official. Lender these circumstances, the views which I imbibed with my mother's milk were Liberal rather than reactionary; and, if my mother had lived to see my ministerial activity, she would scarcely have been in accord with its direction, even though she would have experienced great joy in the external results of my official career. She had grown up in bureaucratic and court circles; Frederick William IV. spoke of her as "Mienchen," in memory of childish games. I can therefore declare it an unjust estimate of my views in my younger years, when "the prejudices of my rank" are thrown in my teeth and it is maintained that a recollection of the privileges of the nobility has been the starting-point of my domestic policy.

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Rh Esaias thus declares: "The dead shall rise again, and they who are in the tombs shall arise, and they who are in the earth shall rejoice. For the dew which is from Thee is health to them." And again: "I will comfort you, and ye shall be comforted in Jerusalem: and ye shall see, and your heart shall rejoice, and your bones shall flourish as the grass; and the hand of the Lord shall be known to those who worship Him." And Ezekiel speaks as follows: "And the hand of the Lord came upon me, and the Lord led me forth in the Spirit, and set me down in the midst of the plain, and this place was full of bones. And He caused me to pass by them round about: and, behold, there were many upon the surface of the plain very dry. And He said unto me, Son of man, can these bones live? And I said, Lord, Thou who hast made them dost know. And He said unto me, Prophesy upon these bones, and thou shalt say to them, Ye dry bones, hear the word of the Lord. Thus saith the Lord to these bones, Behold, I will cause the spirit of life to come upon you, and I will lay sinews upon you, and bring up flesh again upon you, and I will stretch skin upon you, and will put my Spirit into you, and ye shall live; and ye shall know that I am the Lord. And I prophesied as the Lord had commanded me. And it came to pass, when I was prophesying, that, behold, an earthquake, and the bones were drawn together, each one to its own articulation: and I beheld, and, lo, the sinews and flesh were produced upon them, and the skins rose upon them round about, but there was no breath in them. And He said unto me, Prophesy to the breath, Son of man, and say to the breath, These things saith the Lord, Come from the four winds (spiritibus), and breathe upon these dead, that they may live. So I prophesied as the Lord had commanded me, and the breath entered into them; and they did live, and stood upon their feet, an exceeding great gathering." And again he says, "Thus saith the Lord, Behold, I will set your graves open, and cause you to come out of your graves, and bring you into the land of Israel; and ye shall know that I am the Lord, when I shall open your sepulchres, that I may


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Federal RegisterVol. 86, No. 82Friday, April 30, 2021 Proclamation 10188 of April 27, 2021

Workers Memorial Day, 2021

By the President of the United States of America

A Proclamation

America’s workers are the backbone of our economy. In every State, territory, and Tribal land, they leave their homes and families and head to work—applying their grit and skill to create, serve, and service all those things that make our world turn. Even during our Nation’s most difficult periods, American workers have always persevered, ensuring that our communities remain resilient and that our Nation stands ready to confront the unforeseen challenges of each new generation. Though workers make tremendous sacrifices—especially essential workers who selflessly serve their communities during times of crisis—none of them should have to risk injury, illness, or death in order to provide for themselves and their families. Tragically, thousands of workers are killed and millions more are hurt or fall ill every year in the workplace—incidents that are often preventable. On the 50th anniversary of the Occupational Safety and Health Act of 1970, we reflect on the workers who have tragically lost their lives or have been harmed in the workplace, and we reaffirm our commitment to ensuring that every American worker has a safe and healthy work environment.

Over the past century, labor unions have fought hard—very often successfully—to draw attention to unsafe workplace environments and organize for safer work conditions and protections from the Federal Government. In 1935, the National Labor Relations Act codified private-sector workers’ right to organize, collectively bargain, and strike. Decades later, the passage of the Federal Coal Mine Health and Safety Act in 1969 and the Occupational Safety and Health Act in 1970 enshrined a promise that the wanton indifference to workers’ lives—the days of the Triangle Shirtwaist Factory fire and the Farmington Mine explosion—would no longer be tolerated. Establishing and enforcing Federal workplace safety and health standards has undoubtedly saved lives.

Despite the progress we have made cementing workplace protections into law, many workers still fear retaliation and retribution from management when they are asked to perform unsafe tasks or work in unsanitary conditions. This fear forces many workers to remain silent, putting their lives and the lives of their colleagues at risk. Alone, a single worker is often at the mercy of their boss, with little chance of rectifying an unsafe working environment created by employers who cut corners in the name of profit. United, and protected by law from intimidation and coercion from their employers, workers can collectively demand improved working conditions.

In an economic system that puts too much power in the hands of wealthy corporations and Wall Street, unions give workers a way to band together, wield their full power, and stand on equal footing with management. Unions not only protect the physical wellbeing of workers, but they also protect their financial security; they protect workers’ equity, too, helping ensure that workplaces are free from harassment and discrimination. Over the past half century, we have seen the percentage of American workers represented by unions decline dramatically. It is no surprise that during this same period, the average incomes of the bottom 90 percent of households in America have only risen by about 1 percent. The decades-long assault we’ve


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 monarchy was not, and is not, the final word of my convictions. As to that, to be sure, this authority of the monarch constitutionally existed in the first United Diet, but accompanied by the wish and anticipation that the unlimited power of the King, without being overturned, might fix the measure of its own limitation. Absolutism primarily demands impartiality, honesty, devotion to duty, energy, and inward humility in the ruler. These may be present, and yet male and female favorites (in the best case the lawful wife), the monarch's own vanity and susceptibility to flattery, will nevertheless diminish the fruits of his good intentions, inasmuch as the monarch is not omniscient and cannot have an equal understanding of all branches of his office. As early as 1847 I was in favor of an effort to secure the possibility of public criticism of the government in parliament and in the press, in order to shelter the monarch from the danger of having blinkers put on him by women, courtiers, sycophants, and visionaries, hindering him from taking a broad view of his duties as monarch, or from avoiding and correcting his mistakes. This conviction of mine became all the more deeply impressed upon me in proportion as I became better acquainted with Court circles, and had to defend the interest of the State from their influences and also from the opposition of a departmental patriotism. The interests of the State alone have guided me, and it has been a calumny when publicists, even well-meaning, have accused me of having ever advocated an aristocratic system. I have never regarded birth as a substitute for want of ability; whenever I have come forward on behalf of landed property, it has not been in the interests of proprietors of my own class, but because I see in the decline of agriculture one of the greatest dangers to our permanence as a State. The ideal that has always floated before me has been a monarchy which should be so far controlled by an independent national representation—according to my notion, representing classes or callings—that monarch or parlia-


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 ment would not be able to alter the existing statutory position before the law separately but only communi consensu; with publicity, and public criticism, by press and Diet, of all political proceedings.

Whoever has the conviction that uncontrolled Absolutism, as it was first brought upon the stage by Louis XIV., was the most fitting form of government for German subjects, must lose it after making a special study in the history of Courts, and such critical observations as I was enabled to institute at the court of Frederick William IV. (whom personally I loved and revered) in Manteuffel's days. The King was a religious absolutist with a divine vocation, and the ministers after Brandenburg were content as a rule if they were covered by the royal signature even when they could not have personally answered for the contents of what was signed. I remember that on one occasion a high Court official of absolutist opinions, on hearing of the news of the royalist rising at Neuchâtel, observed, with some confusion, in the presence of myself and several of his colleagues: "That is a royalism of which nowadays one has to go very far from Court to get experience." Yet, as a rule, sarcasm was not a habit of this old gentleman.

Observations which I made in the country as to the venality and chicanery of the "district sergeants" and other subordinate officials, and petty conflicts which I had with the government in Stettin as deputy of the "Circle" and deputy for the provincial president, increased my aversion to the rule of the bureaucracy. I may mention one of these conflicts. While I was representing the president, then on leave, I received an order from the government to compel the patron of Külz, that was myself, to undertake certain burdens. I put the order aside, meaning to give it to the president on his return, was repeatedly worried about it, and fined a thaler, to be forwarded through the post. I now drew up a statement, in which I figured as having appeared, first of all as representative of


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 the Landrath, and secondly as patron of Külz. The party cited made the prescribed representations to himself in his capacity as No. 1, and then proceeded in his capacity of No. 2 to set forth the ground on which he had to decline the application; after which the statement was approved and subscribed by him in his double capacity. The government understood a joke, and ordered the fine to be refunded. In other cases, things resulted in less pleasant heckling. I had a critical disposition, and was consequently liberal, in the sense in which the word was then used among landed proprietors to imply discontent with the bureaucracy, the majority of whom on their side were men more liberal than myself, though in another sense.

I again slipped off the rails of my parliamentary liberal tendencies, with regard to which I found little understanding or sympathy in Pomerania, but which in Schönhausen met with the acquiescence of men in my own district, like Count Wartensleben of Karow, Schierstädt-Dahlen, and others (the same men of whom some were among the party of Church patrons in the New Era subsequently condemned). This was the result of the style, to me unsympathetic, in which the opposition was conducted in the first United Diet, to which I was summoned, only for the last six weeks of the session, as substitute for Deputy von Brauchitsch, who was laid up with illness. The speeches of the East Prussians, Saucken-Tarputschen and Alfred Auerswald, the sentimentality of Beckerath, the Gallo-Rhenish liberalism of Heydt and Mevissen, and the boisterous violence of Vincke's speeches, disgusted me; and even at this date when I read the proceedings they give me the impression of imported phrases made to pattern. I felt that the King was on the right track, and could claim to be allowed time, and not be hurried in his development.

I came into conflict with the Opposition the first time I made a longer speech than usual, on May 17, 1847, when I combatted the legend that the Prussians had gone to war in 1813 to get a constitution, and gave free expression to


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22834 seen on union organizing is a direct assault on the health and incomes of American workers.

My Administration is committed to protecting the lives, rights, and livelihoods of workers and reducing workplace accidents, injuries, and fatalities. That is why I strongly encourage the Congress to pass the Protecting the Right to Organize (PRO) Act of 2021—and why I included the PRO Act as part of my American Jobs Plan. The decision to form a union should belong to workers alone—free from coercion, interference, or intimidation—and this important legislation would empower workers to exercise their right to organize, hold management accountable for violating the rights of their workers, and promote union elections that are free from interference from employers.

It is clear that we have not completely fulfilled our obligation to protect our Nation’s workers. We must always remain vigilant against the notion that worker endangerment is simply a necessary cost of doing business. And we must always protect the right of workers to unite and bargain for their own mutual aid or protection.

Today, we mourn each treasured life taken away on the job. Those stricken by disease and fatal injuries as they keep America running deserve a dedicated day of grateful prayer and remembrance from the living. Workers Memorial Day impels us to work for a future where no one should have to risk their life for a paycheck. When our Nation fully recovers from the challenges we face today, it will be in large part because of the sacrifice and perseverance of our workers. We commit to holding close their memory and investing in the health and safety of the colleagues they have left behind.

NOW, THEREFORE, I, JOSEPH R. BIDEN JR., President of the United States of America, by virtue of the authority vested in me by the Constitution and the laws of the United States, do hereby proclaim April 28, 2021, as Workers Memorial Day. I call upon all Americans to observe this day with appropriate service, community, and education programs and ceremonies in memory of those killed or injured due to unsafe working conditions.

IN WITNESS WHEREOF, I have hereunto set my hand this twenty-seventh day of April, in the year of our Lord two thousand twenty-one, and of the Independence of the United States of America the two hundred and forty-fifth.

[FR Doc. 2021–09262 Filed 4–29–21; 8:45 am] Billing code 3295–F1–P


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 my natural indignation at the idea that foreign domination was in itself no adequate reason for fighting. It appeared to me undignified that the nation, as a set-off to its having freed itself, should hand in to the King an account payable in the paragraphs of a constitution. My performance produced a storm. I remained in the tribune turning over the leaves of a newspaper which lay there, and then, when the commotion had subsided, I finished my speech.

At the Court festivities, which took place during the session of the United Diet, I was avoided in a marked manner both by the King and the Princess of Prussia, though for different reasons: by the latter because I was neither Liberal nor popular; by the former for a reason which only became clear to me later. When, on the reception of the deputies, he avoided speaking to me—when, in the Court circle, after speaking to every one in turn, he broke off immediately he came to me, turned his back, or strolled away across the room—I considered myself justified in supposing that my attitude as a Royalist Hotspur had exceeded the limits which the King had fixed for himself. Only some months later, when I reached Venice on my honeymoon, did I discover that this explanation was incorrect. The King, who had recognized me in the theatre, commanded me on the following day to an audience and to dinner; and so unexpected was this to me that my light travelling luggage and the incapacity of the local tailor did not admit of my appearing in correct costume. My reception was so kindly, and the conversation, even on political subjects, of such a nature as to enable me to infer that my attitude in the Diet met with his encouraging approval. The King commanded me to call upon him in the course of the winter, and I did so. Both on this occasion and at smaller dinners at the palace I became persuaded that I stood high in the favor of both the King and the Queen, and that the former, in avoiding speaking to me in public, at the time of the session of the Diet, did not


text: A Proclamation on Workers Memorial Day, 2021


text: The Emancipation of South America/Translator's Preface


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HE organization of the unorganized on any considerable scale in American industry inevitably precipitates hard-fought strikes. Organization campaigns are the first phase of bitter struggles between the workers and employers over questions of wages, hours, working conditions and the right to organize.

In most industries the acute phase of the struggle, the strike, comes quickly. Usually, when an organization campaign begins, the employers take the initiative and try to nip the movement in the bud by militantly attacking it. But even if they do not follow this course, the workers themselves will soon precipitate the strike struggle by raising their demands against the employers. This basic connection of strikes with organization movements is a foundation fact. All our strategy in the campaign to organize the unorganized turns around it.

The first consideration is to center our campaigns of organization around the economic demands of the workers. The unorganized workers have very little understanding of or desire for trade unionism as such. It is only the advanced elements who appreciate the real value of organization. When the masses join unions it is in the hope of securing immediate satisfaction for their burning grievances. They want unions directly for what they can get through them from the employers, and usually they will not wait long for results. Therefore, we must make the fight for the workers' demands the basis of all our tactics in our organization work, bringing in our general left wing programs as the struggle develops.

A glaring weakness of conservative trade unionists in attempting to organize the unorganized, is their failure to take into consideration this fact, that the mass of workers have organized themselves in order to fight immediately for their demands. The conservatives stress the purely: organizational side too much and


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46 Ride about in triumph; But can their prime of youth Favor them for ever? Few are the nights they keep, When, sliding back the plank doors, They reach their beloved ones And sleep, arms intertwined, Before, with staffs at their waists, They totter along the road, Laughed at here, and hated there. This is the way of the world; And, cling as I may to life, I know no help!

Although I wish I were thus, Like the rocks that stay for ever, In this world of humanity I cannot keep old age away.

Yamanoue Okura (660-733)

A dialogue on poverty

On the night when the rain beats, Driven by the wind, On the night when the snowflakes mingle With the sleety rain, I feel so helplessly cold. I nibble at a lump of salt, Sip the hot, oft-diluted dregs of saké; And coughing, snuffling, And stroking my scanty beard, I say in my pride, “There’s none worthy, save I!”


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 the struggle side too little. They ignore the urgency of the workers' demands. They assume that the mags of workers understand the general value of trade unionism as such. They proceed upon the basis that the workers can be brought into the unions slowly, man by man, and then held there and disciplined indefinitely until the great mass is organized, when, sometime in the distant future, possibly demands will be made on the employers for better conditions.

Such a theory is of course absurd. It always fails in practise, a case in point being the fiasco of the recent A. F. of L. organization campaign in the steel industry.

The future trade unions of the great unorganized industries will be born in the heat of the struggle against the employers over the demands of the workers. The organization campaign which does not voice the demands of the workers and envisage an early struggle in defense of them is doomed beforehand to failure.

The nature of the workers' demands are determined by the state of the industry and the moods of the employers and workers concerned. In periods of slackened industry, with the employers on the offensive, the fight of the workers in their present stage of ideological development will be to maintain existing standards, to struggle against wage cuts, lengthening of the work day, etc. In periods of "prosperity," the workers will fight for better wages, shorter hours, etc. But, in any event, in good times or bad, the struggle for organization must center around the defense of the workers' pressing demands. The workers are especially militant in fighting against reductions of their living standards. The fight against wage cuts is one of the very best issues upon which to organize the workers and to bring them into struggle against the employers.

Organization campaigns in American unorganized industries are preparations for strikes. They are a struggle for position between the employers and workers in the big battle that is soon to come, the strike over the establishment of better conditions. It is in this sense that such campaigns must be conceived and carried through.


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 To prevent the organization of their workers, the employers have a whole arsenal of weapons which they use with skill and ruthlessness. When modern employers cut wages they commonly slash one group of workers at a time, thus breaking up the solidarity of the workers; instead of using the old-time method of making broad-sweeping wage cuts in all departments simultaneously, which united the workers. This canny policy makes the work of the organizer difficult.

The employers also fight the introduction of trade unions by setting up company unions. And when actually confronted with militant organizing campaigns, they try to break them up by granting wage increases, discharging active workers, forcing premature strikes, abolishing free assembly in their company towns, etc. In the steel campaign of 1918–19, for example, the steel trust, to head off the movement, conceded the workers several increases in wages and established the basic 8-hour day, while at the same time carrying on a policy of terrorism against the unions and the workers who joined them.

The T. U. E. L. left wing militants must learn to defeat this anti-union strategy of the employers by the development of a thorough-going strategy of organization in support of the workers' economic demands. The very heart of this strategy is: (a) our organization work must be carefully planned; (b) it must embrace the widest possible scope of workers in each case; (c) it must be accompanied by an inspiring propaganda.

One of the greatest weakness of conservatives in trade union organization work is their policy of dabbling. They simply drift into their campaigns, haphazard and planlessly, wherever some local stir wakes them up a bit. Their efforts are mostly confined to a local and craft basis, with consequent failure. The method of the general office of the A. F. of L. itself is typical. It has never followed a thought-out plan for the organization of the workers. It simply sends its organizers around, hither and yon, wherever strikes happen to develop, and these organizers handle such strikes without regard to the situation in the industry as a whole. This is a policy of following the masses, not leading them.


text: The Emancipation of South America/Chapter 2