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 spiritual life, and to their connection with the Church, than to their bodily sufferings and to their circumstances in the world? Such at least is our opinion.

It is written, that "immediately after the tribulation of those days, the sun shall be darkened, and the moon shall not give her light, and the stars shall fall from heaven, and the powers of the heavens shall be shaken;" but who, remembering the prophecy of Joel, delivered in very similar language, with the apostle Peter's interpretation, and his application of it to the events of Pentecost, can for a moment regard the terms of this prophecy in any other than a figurative sense? The sun, moon, and stars referred to are not those natural lights which the terms commonly express, but those spiritual luminaries in the mind of the Church which refer to the Lord, to faith in Him, and knowledge concerning Him. "The Lord is a sun," and this sun is darkened when obscure doctrines prevail respecting Him. "The moon" is faith derived from Him; but this moon cannot give her light when that sun has ceased to shine. "The stars"' are spiritual knowledge of various kinds, and these are said to fall from heaven when they are separated from heavenly teaching. Hence those things which are "immediately" to follow the calamities related, are not to be understood of natural phenomena in the world, but of spiritual occurrences in the Church. This is a view of the prediction which we think is adapted to commend itself to the acceptance of all sober thought; while the literal fulfilment of it does not seem necessary to the purpose of the Divine coming, or possible in the nature of things. Of course, by this latter observation we do not mean to question the omnipotence of God, but as we believe the omnipotence of God to be an orderly activity of His wisdom, we


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 cannot suppose that He has created the universe with so much beauty in its appearance, with so much harmony in its operations, and with so much use in its existence, for the purpose of ultimately destroying it. We believe He has created it to be preserved, and not to be ruined or destroyed.

Again, it is said that "all the tribes of the earth shall mourn, and they shall see the Son of man coming in the clouds of heaven." The original words rendered "of the earth" properly mean of the land; that is, in a strictly literal sense, the land of Judæa. This fact, then, confines the event and the observers of it to a small locality. And if the Jewish tribes are to be the only mourners and spectators of the occurrence, where is the universality of the judgment? and if the judgment is to be universal, why are terms employed in the description which imply a limit? Why should all be represented as mourning, when some are to hear the gracious invitation, "Come, ye blessed of my Father, inherit the kingdom prepared for you from the foundation of the world"? If "the tribes" mentioned meant all mankind, and that they are to see the Son of man coming in the clouds, at what elevation must His coming be displayed in order that His advent may be seen? Would not the height required for seeing Him, only a few score miles in every direction, necessarily place Him beyond the reach of our present power of vision? Could a man be distinguished at a height of five miles from the earth? We know that upon the top of a mountain much less than that height, he cannot be seen, even as a spot or a line. But, supposing such difficulties to be overcome, how are those to see Him who reside at the antipodes of the place of His appearing? indeed, how are any to experience the sight who may dwell ninety degrees beyond the place of such an advent? The

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 thing cannot be accomplished by any possibility that is known to men.

But we may be told that objections of this kind need not be pressed, because they are sufficiently answered by supposing that all men will be gathered together in the land; and thus within a locality capable of seeing Him. This, however, only suggests matter for new embarrassments. The "elect" are the only parties who are to be called "from the four winds, from one end of heaven to the other;" but orthodoxy requires that all mankind who have lived, up to the period of this advent, shall become the subjects of the great assize. This idea is thought to be stated in the Revelation, where it is written that "the dead, small and great, stand before God;" and that "they were judged every man according to their works." And also in the following narrative, "When the Son of man shall come in His glory, and all the holy angels with Him, then shall He sit upon the throne of His glory; and before Him shall be gathered all nations; and He shall separate them one from another, as a shepherd divideth his sheep from the goats; and He shall set the sheep on His right hand but the goats on the left. Then shall the King say unto them on His right hand, Come, ye blessed of my Father, inherit the kingdom prepared for you from the foundation of the world;" and to those on the left hand, "Depart from me, ye cursed, into everlasting fire, prepared for the devil and his angels." Now, supposing this to be a description of the judgment which is to take place upon all men who have existed since the commencement of the race, a very remarkable difficulty at once occurs. It has been calculated that the number of persons who have lived on this earth since the creation, has been 36,627,843,275,075,855, a number in-


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 on his nose. And yet on precisely such a consideration is built the whole doctrine about the sanctification through faith. Here is the discussion:

“197. Divine grace, which achieves our sanctification, indeed extends over all men, but does not act upon them against their will, and in fact sanctifies a sinner, and thereupon saves him, only when certain conditions are observed on his part. The first of these is faith.”

This unexpected introduction into the discussion of the idea of faith is particularly remarkable because all those dogmas which have been disclosed to us heretofore, beginning with the concept of God, were nothing but truths of faith. Up till now there has not once been any mention made about faith and there has not been any definition of what is to be understood by the word “faith.”

Heretofore it was assumed that faith was that correct knowledge of God, as indeed the Eastern Patriarchs say, that correct conception about God, which lies at the foundation of every other knowledge, and that everything else resulted from faith, but there has by no means been given that definition of faith by which it is the action of the human will. Here it turns out to be some kind of an action:

“(1) Under the name of faith in general is understood here the free acceptance and appropriation by man with all the powers of his soul of those truths which it has pleased God to reveal to us in Christ for our salvation. By faith is meant this acceptance and appropriation, because the revealed truths are for the most part incomprehensible to our reason and inaccessible to knowledge, but can be appropriated only through faith.” (p. 298.)

Grace does not act against the will. Men must make an effort of will in order to accept it. Faith is a free acceptance, an appropriation of incomprehensible truths. Involuntarily there arises the question: how does the appropriation take place? Through reason, or through the will? Impossibly through reason, since the truths


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 are incomprehensible; consequently through the will. What, then, is meant by “to appropriate by an effort of will”? Speaking plainly, it means “to obey.” Thus faith, according to this definition, is reduced to obedience. Precisely in this way the word “faith” is understood in the Theology, though farther down, to obscure the definition, another misty definition is made, in which faith is mixed up with charity and hope. (p. 301.)

“The necessity of faith for our sanctification and salvation is comprehensible also from considerations of reason. Without faith we cannot appropriate to ourselves the truths of the divine revelation; consequently we shall not know what God has done for our salvation, nor what we are obliged to do. In this manner revelation, together with the whole house-management of salvation, will remain foreign to us, and we shall be foreign to revelation and salvation. In believing in Christ the Saviour and in his revealed word, we, so to speak, open our soul for all divine actions of salvation upon us; and in not believing, we shut ourselves up against these actions, and repel the divine assistance. For this reason, although faith is roused in us by premonitory grace and in its origin is a divine gift, it becomes on our part, the moment it is germinated in us, with our free consent, the first instrument for the actual acceptance in our soul of the saving grace, or of the divine powers that pertain unto life and godliness (2 Peter i. 3), the very first condition for our regeneration, sanctification, and salvation through grace.” (pp. 303 and 304.)

Heretofore I understood faith as the foundation of man’s whole activity, but here faith is spoken of as an activity. Involuntarily the question arises: on what is the activity based, which is seeking the faith and even choosing in advance the faith, which it is seeking? Strangest of all is the fact that nothing has been said about faith so long as the revealed, fundamental truths


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 of the Church, it is not, on account of its very depth, understood in the same way by all; but 'different people interpret its divine sayings differently, so that it would seem as if as many meanings almost might be extracted from it, as there are men,' as Vincentius Lirinensis of old observed, and it abundantly appears from heretics and schismatics, who each obtain their own perverse opinions and practice from holy Scripture, interpreted after their own way. In matters, then, of this sort, if we would be secure against erring or stumbling, first of all, beyond question, we must beware of adhering too pertinaciously to the private opinions or conjectures, whether of ourselves or others; rather should we review what the whole Church, or at least the majority of Christians thought thereon, and acquiesce in that opinion, in which Christians of all ages agreed. For as 'in all things the agreement of all is the voice of nature,' as Cicero saith, so in things of this nature, 'the agreement of all Christians may well be accounted the voice of the Gospel.' But there are many things, which, although they are not read expressly and definitely in holy Scripture, yet by the common consent of all Christians are obtained from it. For instance, 'That in the Ever Blessed Trinity Three distinct Persons are to be worshipped, Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, and that each of these is very God, and yet that there is only one God: that Christ is, very God and very man in one and the same Person.' These and the like truths, although they are not delivered in so many words and syllables, either in the Old or New Testament, yet all Christians have been agreed upon them, as being founded in both; excepting only some few heretics, of whom in religion no greater account is to be had, than, in nature, of monsters. So, also, 'that infants are to be cleansed by holy baptism, and sponsors to be employed in that Sacrament; that the Lord's Day or the first in each week is to be religiously kept; that the Passion, Resurrection, and Ascension of the Lord into heaven, and the coming of the Holy Ghost, are to be commemorated every year; that the Church is to be every where governed by Bishops, distinct from the Presbyters, and set over them.' These and other things of the like nature are no where directed in holy Scripture, expressly and by name; nevertheless, for fourteen hundred years from the apostles, they were everywhere publicly received by this Church; nor can, within that period, any Church be found which does not agree therein. So that they are, as it were, universal notions, implanted in the minds of all Christians from the first, not so much from any particular passages of Scripture as from all; from the general scope and tenor of the entire Gospel; from the nature and design of the religion therein established; and from the uniform tradition of the apostles, who, together with the faith, delivered down Church-rites of this sort, and (so to speak) general interpretations of the Gospel, throughout the whole world; otherwise it were incredible, yea, it were altogether impossible, that they should be received with such universal consent, everywhere and always."

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There is, however, another class of desertions of the truth, which, in your natural character, as we are persuaded, you would most abhor, but which your assumed one has forced upon you; I mean, imputation of dishonesty to men whom, in your conscience, you believe and know to be honest. This was indeed a necessary part of the fiction; for an agreement with the Church of Rome in things indifferent, or upon which our Church has not deemed it necessary to pronounce, would even to ultra-Protestants appear to involve no very serious charge. It became requisite, then, to insinuate that they agreed with Rome further than was expressed, although prudential or other motives kept them from avowing it. This the fiction enabled you to do covertly, since such dishonesty has ever been part of the corrupt policy of modern Rome. Hence such phrases as—

Further, you know that these authors had written also against Popery, and republished older writings against it: their very tracts are known by the name of "Tracts against Popery and Dissent," although, when they were commenced, Dissent was every where a pressing evil: Popery had scarcely began to bestir itself, and was therefore the less noticed. You know that all occasions of guarding against the corruptions of Rome had been used in the very tracts corrective of dissent. Such writers, however, would have been but bad allies to the Pope, and therefore this proceeding must, by the laws of fiction, be represented as insincere. Hence such passages as—

"We pardon some expressions towards us; compelled, no doubt, partly by the unhappy circumstances of your country. You have indeed sometimes employed terms which we well know our adversaries use in derision of us; but, we repeat, we can pardon these, whether they are the result of prejudices still entertained by you, or are employed for some other

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 reason (p. 6, 7.) That communion, of which the present circumstances of your country have made you, almost unavoidably, members, (p. 11.) While we perceive with delight that you have always spoken, in your own persons, in accordance with our sentiments on this head, you have, at the same time, selected some tracts from early writers of your communion, in which our sentiments are impugned. These old tracts will not be read with much attention, compared, at least, with your own more lively productions: they can too be readily withdrawn when it is expedient: for they are not a pledge of your opinions as strong as your own writings. In the mean time, you may appeal to your republication of them as a proof that you have not leagued yourselves with us."

Now of all this, Sir, you do not believe one syllable; you do not think that, either in the republication of the older, or the protests of the more modern tracts against Popery, their editors or authors were actuated by any such motives; while you impute insincerity, you have reason to believe them as sincere as yourself. It is an ill tree which brings forth fruit thus corrupt.

But is it then a duty to forget that Rome was our mother, through whom we were born to Christ; that she was the instrument chosen by God's good providence to bring the Gospel to the wild Heathen tribes from which most of us are sprung? Are we to be so engrossed with modern controversies, and modern corruptions, as to forget ancient heresies, and those the most deadly, those of Arius and Pelagius, against which she maintained the faith once delivered to the Saints?—are we to forget all past gratitude, all bowels of mercy towards her who was our mother? So to pray against her corruptions as not to pray for her, to cherish no memory of what she was, to Europe and to ourselves? and in her present guilt, to forget our own gratitude? What should we think, if in some future age, New Zealand and Taheite were to cast out our name as evil? She

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 has been an unnatural mother, but are we therefore to be unnatural children? Should we glory in a mother's shame?

Let me quote the warm language of a modern writer, whose bias lay in an opposite direction, and whose words come fresh from a conscience freeing itself from such ingratitude.

There is one more evil desertion of truth, which I fear cannot be ascribed to any wish to "adorn your tale," although you have thereby been enabled to convey it in a form less manifestly offensive. You say,

I can the less lay this to the account of the fiction, because it is manifestly the one object of your whole attack upon these writers; whether out of private friendship to Dr. Hampden, or of alarm for yourself, as a member of the same school—nam tua res agitur, cum proximus ardet Ucalegon—it is notorious that you imagined these writers to be the principal authors of the measures taken in consequence of that unhappy appointment, and that your avowed object was, to "effect a diversion ." Herein you were mistaken; since there prevailed

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 throughout Oxford one universal feeling of alarm, (which, under the name of "panic," the heathen, more religiously than we, would have ascribed to "the gods,") as soon as the appointment was known. These individuals but joined what already existed. But I would now speak of the truth of the imputation only; you have known, or have been aided (we have ground to think) by others acquainted with those of whom you speak; and you dare not, in your own person, avow your belief, or even your suspicion, of the truth of the allegation, which, under your assumed character, you have insinuated. You know and believe it to be untrue; and thus there is another evil of these unhappy disguises, that they furnish men the temptation of half saying, what they would shrink from speaking openly, as knowing or suspecting it to be untrue: but now, if untrue, it is to pass as part of the jest, and so they take courage, and stifle their consciences.

For ourselves, you will have done us good service; your attack will fall harmless alike on those who are now with the Lord, or upon those who remain; but your revival of the old Presbyterian cry against "Prelacy and Popery," will show the members of our Church what is really censured under the

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 name of Popery: they will see the necessity of striking back into the old paths, and manfully avowing truths, which many of late have shrunk from, as invidious. You, Sir, have been consistent; it is, if we are rightly informed, a favourite maxim with you that the bishops have been the great hinderers of the development of the Reformation for the last 300 years; i.e., of such development as Germany has suffered under for the last half century, and from which she is now in part recovering. The Rationalists, it is known, ever maintained the same; they also complained that our bishops were the great hinderances to the extension of their theories among us. Therein they saw, indeed, but a portion of the truth; since our bishops were produced by the system, which under God's blessing they contributed to perpetuate; but still they saw that our system possessed a principle of stability, or as they deemed it, stationariness, foreign to their own. Those who wish well to our Church will now see who, under Almighty God, are the real upholders of sound doctrine among us; they who respect the office of a bishop, even antecedently to any consideration of individual merit in the person consecrated thereto, or they who, as yourself, (p. 16.) ridicule such respect; they will see that the cry of Popery is but a feint devised by the archenemy of the Church, whereby to hurry men down the steep descent of ultra-Protestantism to its uniform end, the " denial of the Lord who bought them." And knowing that that Church alone is safe who guards the deposit of sound doctrine committed unto her, they will not be scared by shadows to abandon the reality, or shrinking from the reproach which our forefathers bore faithfully, fall into the toils, on either side spread for them, whether of the Socinian or the Papal anti-Christianism.

Christ Church, St. Mark's Day.

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User talk:Mithril

Beeswaxcandle (talk) 08:14, 23 November 2023 (UTC)

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 of faith about God, creation, man, soul (for it is necessary to believe in all that) were expounded; nothing was said about faith, but here, where it behoves the Theology to expound about sanctification and reestablishment, which do not exist, it suddenly becomes necessary to define faith, and unexpectedly faith is defined, not as the knowledge of God, but as confidence in what the hierarchs say. Indeed, under the word “faith” the Theology understands something quite different from what it is generally understood to mean. This is seen in the clearest and quickest way from the following passage of Filarét’s Catechism. There is there a question about which is more necessary, faith or good works. And the answer is: “Faith, because Scripture says, Without faith it is impossible to please God.” And immediately after that comes the question: “Why must good works be inseparable from this faith?” And the answer: “Because it says, Faith without works is dead.” The second answer to the question as to why good works must be inseparable from faith, because faith without works is dead, destroys the separation of faith from good works. If faith cannot exist without good works, why then separate them, and say: (1) faith, and (2) good works. This logical blunder is not an accidental one.

The same intentional blunder is repeated in the Theology. It is clear that by the word “faith” the Theology does not want to understand what the word actually means, not what Paul and the Eastern Patriarchs understand by it, and what we understand by it. “Faith is the substance of things hoped for, the evidence of things not seen, that is, a trust in the unseen as though it were seen, in what is wished and waited for, as if it were present,” says Paul. Paul says nothing about this evidence and hope being communicated by any one. “By faith we mean the correct knowledge of God and of divine subjects,” say the Eastern Patriarchs. “Nobody can be saved without faith,” they say further on. “Faith is the


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 instead of proofs, instead of the disclosure of truths, we suddenly hear that it is necessary to make a free effort, not to oppose oneself, but to try to believe, and that he who believes will be saved, and he who does not believe will perish.

Before this were disclosed the God-revealed truths, and it was assumed that this disclosure led us to the only aim of the teaching, to faith, that is, to the knowledge of God. Now an opposite method is used: we are told that in order that the truth about sanctification should be disclosed to us, it is necessary first to believe in that sanctification: believe, and then everything will be disclosed to you. But does not the whole purpose of the teaching consist in bringing me to faith? But if you abandon that path of the disclosure of truths which lead me to faith, and tell me that it is necessary to believe what you say, as any man would say it, if he wanted to be believed, I have no longer any right to believe. If it comes all to a question of trust, my trust will depend only on the greater or lesser respect for him who is trying to convince me, and on the comparative probability of the evidence of truth. There is, however, no probability of this evidence in the teaching of the hierarchy, as we have seen heretofore, and so only one thing is left for me to do: to become frightened at the threats which are uttered against me for not believing, and, out of fear, to submit my reason to what is called grace, that is, to what the hierarchy teaches.

This attempt to su submit our reason, this non-resistance to grace, we have all tried; it not only becomes inactive, but all the proofs in its favour militate against it, the moment a man seriously searches after truth. You say that I shall for ever ruin my soul if I do not believe you, but I do not believe you for the very reason that I am afraid that I may ruin my soul for ever. Especially now, when, after analyzing this article, it has become clear to me that the Theology, in taking up that which is most


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 To Miss, at Gloucester.

I DID not intend to trouble you again, till we should be settled at Bath; but having the occasion of Jarvis, I could not let it slip, especially as I have something extraordinary to communicate—O, my dear companion! What shall I tell you? for several days past there was a Jew-looking man, that plied at the Wells with a box of spectacles; and he always eyed me so earnestly, that I began to be very uneasy. At last, he came to our lodgings at Clifton, and lingered about the door, as if he wanted to speak to somebody—I was seized with an odd kind of fluttering, and begged Win to throw herself in his way: but the poor girl has weak nerves, and was afraid of his beard. My uncle, having occasion for new glasses, called him up stairs, and was trying a pair of spectacles, when the


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 man, advancing to me, said, in a whisper—O gracious! what d'ye think he said?—"I am Wilson!" His features struck me that very moment—it was Wilson, sure enough! but so disguised, that it would have been impossible to know him, if my heart had not assisted in the discovery. I was so surprised, and so frightened, that I fainted away, but soon recovered; and found myself supported by him on the chair, while my uncle was running about the room, with the spectacles on his nose, calling for help. I had no opportunity to speak to him; but our looks were sufficiently expressive. He was paid for his glasses, and went away. Then I told Win who he was, and sent her after him to the Pump-room; where the spoke to him, and begged him in my name to withdraw from the place, that he might not incur the suspicion of my uncle or my brother, if he did not want to see me die of terror and vexation. The poor youth declared, with tears in his eyes, that he had something extraordinary to communicate; and asked, if he would deliver a letter to me: but this the absolutely refused, by my order.—Finding her obstinate in her refusal, he desired he would tell me that he was no lon-


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 ger a player, but a gentleman; in which character he would very soon avow his passion for me, without fear of censure or reproach—Nay, he even discovered his name and family, which, to my great grief, the simple girl forgot, in the confusion occasioned by her being seen talking to him by my brother, who stopt her on the road, and asked what business she had with that rascally Jew—She pretended she was cheapening a stay-hook, but was thrown into such a quandary, that she forgot the most material part of the information; and when she came home, went into an hysteric fit of laughing. This transaction happened three days ago, during which he has not appeared, so that I suppose he his gone. Dear Letty! you see how Fortune takes pleasure in persecuting your poor friend. If you should see him at Gloucester—or if you have seen him, and know his real name and family, pray keep me no longer in suspence—And yet, if he is under no obligation to keep himself longer concealed, and has a real affection for me, I should hope he will, in a little time, declare himself to my relations. Sure, if there is nothing unsuitable in the match, they won't be so cruel as to thwart my inclinations—O


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EARLY HISTORY; MADRAS 89 Samuel Browne. His report is given in the -count of ti^^^^^^^^^^^ below, in Browne's life. Probably it is the ^^"^ "^^^^^^^ report given in India which has been preserved, as the medica e^^fica'Je by Bulkley and Browi.e, q-ted above, is probably the oldest document of its kind. The Fort W4Uam Con. oi 6th Aug. 1713, contain a post-mortem report, signed byWilham Hantll and Richard Harvey, which is given in Wilson's £..^3^ Annals of the English in Bengal, Vol. II, Part I, pp. i34. i35.

Bulkley held the appointment of Surgeon up to 29th Jan. 1708/09, when he resigned on account of ill-health, as recorded in Cons, of that date.

Doct^- Buckley this day deUver'd in a petition for leave to lay down the Company's Service, alledging the reason thereof that he :s -ry -uch indisposed by the Stone, which he fears -^^^^e very suddenly fatal to him, and recommends Robinson Doct^ of to succeed him in that Employ his petition is entered after this Consultation."

In spite of his ill health, Bulkley was appointed, from 28th Jan., 1708/09, a member of the Council at Madras, as " Land Customer " and sixth of Council. At the end of 1710 he was Store Keeper and seventh of Council, in Dec, 1711, Paymaster and fifth of Council. On 16th July, 1711, he was appointed, along with Messrs. Warre and Hunt, Justice of the Choultry. The Cons. of 20th Jan., 1712/13, record his resignation of all his appointments on account of iU-health. A Fort St. George General Letter, dated 29th Sept., 1714, in para. 119, reports his death.

" M"^ Edward Bulkley dy'd lo^"^ August much lamented."

He was buried at the bottom of his own garden. His tomb may still be seen, the site is now part of the Western Esplanade of Fort St. George, opposite the entrance to the Medical College grounds.

Two Bulkleys, perhaps his sons, figure as Covenanted Servants at Madras during the next two decades. In the Ust of Company's servants and inhabitants for Dec, 1711, the name of Thomas Bulkley appears among Freeman inhabitants. In a salary list of Sept., 1716, he is shown as Factor on £15 a year, and on the 27th of that month he paid in 444 pagodas to the estate of the late Edward Bulkley. From 24th July, 1717, he became Junior Merchant on £30, and Senior Merchant on £40 from 25th July,


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 Here he stopped, taking up his hat; we asked for the reason of his apprehensions, entreating him to speak without reserve, but all was in vain, and he left the room with these words, "I wish all may end well."

We could not comprehend the meaning of these words, and did indeed not much mind them, my friend being quite unconcerned about the duel, which we thought Volkert had been hinting at.

Eight days were now elapsed without any disagreeable accident. None of us had spoken a word, as well of our adventure as of the duel, but on the ninth day we were reminded of it in a most terrible manner: My friend entered my apartment at a very early hour, with a pallid disordered countenance, flinging a folded letter on the table. I took it up, seized with terrible apprehensions, and saw that it was a second letter from Baron T. If you will give me leave, gentlemen, I will


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 read it to you—we all consented to it, and he read as follows.

"Sir,

Having recovered my strength a little, I hasten to request you to acquaint me with the particulars of a dreadful accident, which you, without doubt, will be able to unfold.

In the night succeeding the day which was fixed for our meeting, an accident happened to me which I cannot unriddle, and most willingly would suppose to have been nothing but the delusion of a disordered imagination; if not, many of my friends had witnessed the unspeakable sufferings I have endured. I was seized after eight o'clock in the evening, with an agony more terrible and excruciating than that of a dying person, expiring amid the most pungent horrors and torments of a violent death. Drops of cold sweat be-


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92 The nouns were divided into eight classes, three masculine in the singular, dual, and plural numbers, two feminine in the singular and plural numbers, and three common in the singular, dual, and plural numbers. The masculine denoted not only living creatures of the male sex, but whatever was large or prominent. The class was indicated by a suffixed letter, thus masculine khoip a man, feminine khois a woman, common khoi a person of either sex. There were three case forms: nominative, objective, and vocative, thus taras, a woman, was declined as follows:

The genitive or possessive and the dative were not formed by changes at the end of the noun itself, but by words corresponding to our prepositions, which, however, were placed after the noun, as the language did not admit of prefixes even of this kind.

The adjectives were as simple as in modern English, for they were not inflected to signify either gender, number, or case. They had the defect of not being changed in form to express degrees of comparison, and this had to be done in a roundabout way by the addition of other words less expressive than our more, most, less, least.

The system of notation was decimal, and was perfect at least up to a hundred, though it does not follow that every individual could count to high numbers. It was based upon counting by fingers, as is shown by the word for five meaning also the palm or full hand.

The personal pronouns were inflected for number and case, and except the first, I, for gender also.

The verb was as perfect as in any of the languages of Europe. Its root was the second person singular of the imperative mood, and its tenses were formed by means of an auxiliary. It had more forms than the English verb, as is shown by the following example: ordinary mu to see, relative muba to see for, reflective


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 dewed my face, a chilly trembling shook my limbs violently, and the leaden hue of death rendered my countenance wan. I hoped to find relief if I was to walk up and down the room; however I was seized by the burning fangs of still greater, still more agonizing, pains, and the despondency preying on my bewildered fancy increased every minute. I shivered and trembled in such a manner that the chattering of my teeth could be heard at a great distance; all my muscles were contracted, by horrid convulsions; the pangs of excruciating agony increased for two hours of infernal torture, 'till at last, my friends despairing of my life, carried me to bed, there I lay for half an hour as if my spirit had been separated from my body, which really has been the case. I can give no better description of the last degree of my agonizing pains, than by comparing my feelings with the torments of one, whose whole frame suddenly is pierced with a red hot iron.


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Rh musin to see oneself, causative mukei to cause to see, reciprocal muku to see one another, diminutive muro to see a little, negative mudama not to see; passive voice muké to be seen. It had all our moods and tenses. It was not inflected to express number or person, which were indicated by the noun or pronoun with which it was connected, just as in our common Cape Dutch.

Now here is a sex-denoting language of the same class as the languages of Europe and North Africa, and yet full of those primitive sounds called clicks. It forms a strong contrast to the speech of the Bantu in the same continent, though that is of a high order too. How can it have arisen? There is only one way in which this can be satisfactorily explained, and that is by men of a light-coloured North African race consorting with women of Bushman blood. There is reason to believe that the men were more numerous than the women, as will be pointed out elsewhere, and therefore the form of their language was retained, while many Bushman words and the four Bushman clicks least difficult to pronounce were incorporated in it. In exactly the same manner, when the Amaxosa took modern Hottentot women to live with them, many Hottentot words and three of the Hottentot clicks were adopted, but the structure of the Xosa language underwent no change whatever. The new words were simply made to fall in grammatical line with those previously in use.

There were almost as many dialects as there were tribes, but these varied less than the forms of English spoken in different counties before the general diffusion of education from books. Towards the close of the seventeenth century an interpreter belonging to a tribe in the neighbourhood of the Cape peninsula, when accompanying Dutch trading parties, conversed without difficulty with even the most distant from his own home. This is a proof that the occupation of the country by these people and their spreading out along the coast must have been very recent. Unwritten languages change rapidly, especially in the vowel sounds, and tribes having no communication with each other, as for instance the Namaqua and the Gonaqua, in the course of only eight or ten generations would have developed differences greater than were found to exist. Another proof of their recent


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94 arrival is their acknowledgment down to the middle of the nineteenth century of the head of the Geiǁkhauas as superior to all the other chiefs in rank, on account of his being the lineal representative of their ruling family when they crossed the Kunene river on their way southward.

No difficulty has been experienced by European missionaries in reducing the Hottentot language to writing, and some religious literature has been printed in it. Words to express abstract ideas unknown before were formed from the roots of verbs and adjectives, and were at once understood by every one, just as meekness and meekly would be understood by any Englishman who had only heard the word meek used before. The reverend Mr. Waudres, Rhenish missionary in Great Namaqualand, was kind enough to write to me how this is done. He says to the root of the verb or the adjective nothing more is necessary than to add the gender suffixes, and the word is at once understood. Thus, to the verb gowa to talk, if the masculine suffix b is added, the word gowab is obtained, which means language. If to the adjective ama, true, the same suffix is added, amab the truth is obtained.

The Hottentot language is now rapidly dying out, as the descendents of the people who once used it have long since learned Dutch, and nearly all have forgotten their ancestral speech. A large admixture of blood—European, Asiatic, and particularly negro—that took place during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, contributed to this result, as well as the state of servitude to which many of these people were reduced. At the present day the language is only in use by some of the Korana clans along the Hart river, and by some of the clans in Great Namaqualand, and even they are year by year employing it less and less.


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 After that terrible shock I was in a state of lethargy, but I dreamed an horrid frightful dream. Methought I was violently dragged away from my weeping friends, and, on a sudden beheld myself in the company of some known persons, who seemed to be highly delighted with my torments, and inflicted still greater pangs, on my wo-worn frame.

Suddenly I recovered my recollection, to the utter astonishment of my afflicted friends, but I awoke in such a pitiful state of weakness, that every one present, and even the physician who attended me despaired of my recovery. They all are of opinion that my enemies must have effected those infernal torments by supernatural means, and I myself cannot think otherwise. You certainly must have some knowledge of that shameless horrid transaction, and it is you to whom I ought to apply for an explanation. I expect your answer by the returning mail. I repeat it once more, you must know the particulars of that infernal transaction, &c. &c.


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Rh The manner in which the various Hottentot tribes were formed has already been explained. They usually took their distinctive titles from the name of the chief under whose guidance they commenced to lead a separate existence, by adding to it the suffix qua, which signified those of or the people of, thus the Cochoqua were the people of Cocho, the Gonaqua the people of Gona. Sometimes, however, they called themselves after some animal, as the springbucks, the scorpions, or from some accidental circumstance, as the honey eaters, the sandal wearers. Many of the tribes consisted of several clans, more or less loosely joined together, though all tending to become independent in course of time. The tribes were almost constantly at war with each other, the object being to obtain possession of the cattle and girls of the opponent, and often the weaker ones were reduced to great poverty and distress. New combinations would then be formed, and the victors of one year frequently became the vanquished of the next. These internecine quarrels were not attended with much loss of life. There was never a slaughter of the whole of the conquered people, as was the case when a band of Bushmen was surrounded and overpowered.

Every tribe had its own hereditary chief, whose authority, however, was very limited, as his subjects were impatient of control. The succession was from father to son, and in the absence of a son to brother or nephew. The heads of clans not long formed recognised the supremacy in rank of the head of the community from which they had branched off, who was accounted the paramount chief, but unless he happened to be a man of more force of character than the others, he exercised no real power over them. The petty rulers, or heads of clans, were commonly jealous of each other, and only united their strength in cases of extreme danger to all. The government was thus particularly frail, and a very slight shock was sufficient to break any combination of the people into fragments. The powerful religious sentiment which binds the people of a Bantu tribe so strongly to their ruler was altogether wanting in a Hottentot community. The chief was not regarded as a divinity or the descendant of a divinity, but as a mere man like any of his


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96 followers. Riches commanded more respect than rank, and a man possessed of many cattle exercised as much influence as the nominal ruler, for the right of individuals to hold property apart from the community was recognised.

There were customs which had the same force as laws in civilised societies, and any one breaking them was subject to punishment. In such cases the whole of the adult males of the kraal discussed the matter and decided what was to be done, the chief, unless he happened to be a man of unusual strength of character, having little more to say than any one else. The moral code and the proportion of criminality ascribed to misdeeds were naturally very different from those of Europeans.

The principal property of the Hottentots consisted of horned cattle and sheep, of, which large numbers were possessed by some of the wealthiest tribes. They had great skill in training oxen to obey certain calls, as well as to carry burdens, and bulls were taught not only to assist in guarding the herds from robbers and beasts of prey, but to aid in war by charging the enemy on the field of battle. Under their training in short these animals were brought to recognise without fail the voices and even the gestures of their own masters, and to display almost as much intelligence as dogs. But the power to do this was not possessed by every one, it was only individuals of infinite patience who could educate cattle to this extent, and they were obliged to begin with very young calves.

Although capable of being thus highly trained, the ox of the Hottentot was an inferior animal to that of Europe. He was a gaunt, bony creature, with immense horns and long legs, but he was hardy and well adapted to supply the wants of his owner. He served instead of a horse for carrying burdens and for riding purposes, being guided by a bridle composed of a riem or thong of raw hide attached to a piece of wood passed through the cartilage of his nose, which served as a bit. Instead of a saddle a sheep skin was thrown over the back of the animal and was fastened by a


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Rh riem drawn tight round the body. There were no stirrups, and from the skin of the ox being much looser than that of the horse, as firm a seat was not possible. Still both sexes rode these animals with ease, having been accustomed to do so from childhood.

The sheep possessed by the Hottentots were covered with hair instead of wool, were of various colours, and had long lapping ears and tails four or five kilogrammes in weight. The tails were composed almost entirely of fat, which could be melted as easily as tallow, and which was relished as a dainty, just as it is to-day by many Europeans, who prefer it to butter. It was also largely used by the Hottentots to rub their bodies with, and to make their skin karosses flexible. Animals possessing such appendages were of course hardier than European sheep, and could exist much longer on scanty herbage in seasons of drought. The milk as well as the flesh was used for food. Children were taught to suck the ewes, and often derived their whole sustenance from this source.

The only other domestic animal was the dog. He was an ugly creature, his body being shaped like that of a jackal, and the hair on his spine being turned forward; but he was a faithful, serviceable animal of his kind.

The milk of their cows was the chief article of the diet of the Hottentots. It was preserved either in skin bags or in vessels made by hollowing a block of wood, and after coagulation formed healthy and nutritious food. It was drunk either by using a tortoise shell as a basin or by sucking a little swab that had been dipped into it. The bags and vessels used were commonly in a filthy state, as indeed was everything else in and about the huts, for in this respect the Hottentots were only slightly superior to Bushmen. Though so fond of flesh that they devoured seals and dead whales that washed ashore, even in a putrid state, they did not kill horned cattle for food, except on occasions of revelry and feasting, but they ate all that died a natural death.


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98 Their usual method of preparing meat for food was to cut it in long narrow strips, which were laid upon embers and heated through rather than cooked, then one end was taken into the mouth, and a piece was cut off with a knife or an assagai close to the lips. The intestines of animals, after hardly any cleansing, were consumed in the same manner. Sometimes, however, flesh was boiled in earthenware pots, though it was not much relished in that way.

Salt was not used to flavour food or to preserve flesh or fish, though the Hottentots relished it by itself just as Europeans do sugar. They obtained it without difficulty from the numerous saltpans in the country. They rolled their meat when grilled in the ashes of wood, which European travellers who have tried it assert to be a fairly good substitute for salt.

In addition to milk and the flesh of oxen and sheep, of which they rejected no part except the gall, the food of the Hottentots consisted of the flesh of birds and wild animals of every kind, great and small, obtained in the chase, locusts, tortoises, and various descriptions of wild plants and fruits. A variety of articles of diet consumed at the same time, such as civilised people consider necessary for their comfort, is not by any means essential to the enjoyment of barbarians. The Hottentots often lived for months together upon milk alone, without ever becoming weary of it. When flesh was to be had, it was consumed without any accompaniment. Agriculture, even in its simplest forms, was unknown to them, so that they had neither grain of any kind to make bread with nor garden produce.

Like the Bushmen, they knew how to make an intoxicating drink of honey, of which large quantities were to be had in the season of flowers, and this they used to excess while it lasted. Like those savages also they were acquainted with that powerful intoxicant dacha or wild hemp, and whenever it was procurable they smoked it with a pipe made of the horn of an antelope. That its effects were pernicious was recognised by themselves, still they could not refrain from


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Rh But it determined in him a sharper impatience. "Ah, what would please me! Don't put it off on 'me'! Judge absolutely for yourself"—he slightly took himself up—"in the light of my having consented to do for him what I always hate to do: deviate from my normal practice of never intermeddling. If I've deviated now you can judge. But to do so all round, of course, take—in reason!—your time."

"May I ask then," she said, "for still a little more?"

He looked at this verily as if it was not in reason. "You know," he then returned, "what he'll feel that a sign of."

"Well, I'll tell him what I mean."

"Then I'll send him to you."

He glanced at his watch and was going, but after a "Thanks, father," she had stopped him. "There's one thing more." An embarrassment showed in her manner, but at the cost of some effect of earnest abruptness she surmounted it. "What does your American—Mr. Bender—want?"

Lord Theign plainly felt the challenge. "'My' American? He's none of mine!"


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116 "Well then Lord John's."

"He's none of his either—more, I mean, than anyone else's. He's everyone's American, literally—to all appearance; and I've not to tell you, surely, with the freedom of your own visitors, how people stalk in and out here."

"No, father—certainly," she said. "You're splendidly generous."

His eyes seemed rather sharply to ask her then how he could improve on that; but he added as if it were enough: "What the man must by this time want more than anything else is his car."

"Not then anything of ours?" she still insisted.

"Of 'ours'?" he echoed with a frown. "Are you afraid he has an eye to something of yours?"

"Why, if we've a new treasure—which we certainly have if we possess a Mantovano—haven't we all, even I, an immense interest in it?" And before he could answer, "Is that exposed?" she asked.

Lord Theign, a little unready, cast about at his storied halls; any illusion to the "exposure" of the objects they so solidly


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 CHAPTER IX

WILLIAM HAMILTON, AND THE EMBASSY TO DELHI

" Ambassador from Britain's Crown And type of all her race."

Sir Francis Doyle, The Private of the Buffs.

The records of the Embassy to Delhi in 1714-17 have fortunately been preserved in full. They consist of the records of Consulta- tions held by the three members, Surman, Stephenson, and Khwaja Sarhad, of their Diary, and of the letters sent by them to Calcutta and Madras. The letters to Madras are addressed to Edward Harrison, President of Fort St. George, those to Calcutta to Robert Hedges, President of Fort Wilham. Copies of the letters to Calcutta were also sent to Fort St. George, and have been preserved among the Madras Cons., 1715-17 ; the India Office also has copies of all these Proceedings, including the letters. The original letters to Fort WiUiam presumably were destroyed, with all other records, when the Fort was taken and sacked in 1756. The later letters, from Nov., 1716, to Nov., 1717, are also preserved in the India Office in the Copy Book of Letters received from Mr. Surman, dc", at the Mogul's Court." All these documents. Cons., Diary, and Letters, have recently been pubUshed in the late Professor C. R. Wilson's Early Annals of the English in Bengal, Vol. II, Part II (Calcutta, 1911), from which are taken the extracts given later on. A few of the letters were also published, in 1875, in Early Records of British India, by J. Talboys Wheeler, pp. 170-185.

Of all the medical officers who have served in India during the past three centuries, Wilham Hamilton is probably the most famous, and is certainly the one who has been the greatest benefactor of his country. The story of Gabriel Boughton may be in part apocryphal, but there is no doubt of the reality of the services of William Hamilton to his country, and to his masters,

H.I. M.S. — VOL. I. I


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 precious and important to it, the establishment of the sacraments, has itself declined to ascribe any meaning to that institution, and has been unable to justify it by anything but a naïve assertion that it is necessary to believe that it is so.

By reducing in this manner the conception of faith to trust and obedience, and by dividing the inseparable, the Theology has involuntarily arrived at the question about the relation to each other of these two imaginary, unthinkable conceptions of faith, trust in what you are told, and good works, which are independent of faith. The following Art. 198 analyzes the relation of these two imaginary conceptions.

In order to understand the following article, it is necessary to keep in mind that since the earliest times when the false conception of trust in place of faith was introduced, there has arisen the question as to what saves, whether faith, or good works, and that those who have confessed this teaching have since the earliest times been divided into two hostile camps. Some say that faith saves, and others say that works save. Our Theology, with its customary method and complete freedom from all bonds of logic, affirms that both save. And here is the import of the following 198th article:

“However, no matter how great may be the value of faith, which embraces in its broader sense both hope and charity, and although this faith is the first condition for the appropriation by man of Christ’s deserts,—it alone is not sufficient for its aim. By faith alone a man may receive his justification and cleanse himself from sin in the sacrament of baptism, only when he just enters the kingdom of Christ’s grace: he may after that receive the gifts of grace through the other sacraments of the church. But, that he may be able, after having entered the kingdom of grace, to preserve the righteousness and purity which he has acquired in baptism; that he may be


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Rh sheltered was obviously unpleasant to him. But then it was as if he found at a stroke both his own reassurance and his daughter's. "How can there be a question of it when he only wants Sir Joshuas?"

"He wants ours?" the girl gasped.

"At absolutely any price."

"But you're not," she cried, "discussing it?"

He hesitated as between chiding and contenting her—then he handsomely chose. "My dear child, for what do you take me?" With which he impatiently started, through the long and stately perspective, for the saloon.

She sank into a chair when he had gone; she sat there some moments in a visible tension of thought, her hands clasped in her lap and her dropped eyes fixed and unperceiving; but she sprang up as Hugh Crimble, in search of her, again stood before her. He presented himself as with winged sandals.

"What luck to find you! I must take my spin back."

"You've seen everything as you wished?"

"Oh," he smiled, "I've seen wonders."

She showed her pleasure. "Yes, we've got some things."


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 CHAPTER X

THE FIRST HALF OF THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY

" Days of the Hanover line."

Austin Dobson, Beau Brocade.

During the first haU of the eighteenth century the Company remained simply a trading corporation, with three chief settle- ments, independent of each other, at Bombay, Madras, and Calcutta, and a few factories up-country. The most importarit event of this period, both historicaUy and medically, was Surman's Embassy to Delhi, to which a separate chapter has been devoted. The chapters on early history have brought down the story, in all three Presidencies, below the year 1700. For the interval from 1720 to 1750 there is but little to be said, and that httle consists chiefly of the names of medical officers then serving in India, with some notes on their careers. The chapter on Hospitals includes a httle information relating to this period. As the three Presidencies were entirely independent of each other, it will be best to consider them separately.

Bombay. — Most of the medical officers serving in the Western Presidency previous to 1750 are now httle more than names ; in many cases even their names have not been preserved. In a few cases some facts of more or less interest remain on record.

Gregorius Meisters, from his name apparently a German or Dutchman, is mentioned as Surgeon of the Fleet in Bombay Cons. of 9th Aug., 1717. He was serving as Surgeon at Surat in 1726. Payment of his bill of Rs.123 for medicines from Dec, 1725, to Dec, 1726, is recorded in the S%trat Diaries (Vol. XII) on 3rd March, 1726/27. He seems to have served at Surat for over ten years. The Bombay Cons, of 13th Oct., 1737, contain the subjoined extract from a letter from Surat, dated loth Oct., summarised —

" They complain of their Surgeon M"^ Meisters whose Slanderous & abusive Tongue is grown intolerable & as he is not employ 'd by any One II.I.M.S.— VOL. I. K


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118 "So Mr. Bender says!" he laughed. "You've got five or six"

"Only five or six?" she cried in bright alarm.

"'Only'?" he continued to laugh. "Why, that's enormous, five or six things of the first importance! But I think I ought to mention to you," he added, "a most barefaced 'Rubens' there in the library."

"It isn't a Rubens?"

"No more than I'm a Ruskin."

"Then you'll brand us—expose us for it?"

"No, I'll let you off—I'll be quiet if you're good, if you go straight. I'll only hold it in terrorem. One can't be sure in these dreadful days—that's always to remember; so that if you're not good I'll come down on you with it. But to balance against that threat," he went on, "I've made the very grandest find. At least I believe I have!"

She was all there for this news. "Of the Mantovano—hidden in the other thing?"

Hugh wondered—almost as if she had been before him. "You don't mean to say you've had the idea of that?"

"No, but my father has told me."


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 CHAPTER XI

JOHN HOLWELL, AND THE FALL OF CALCUTTA*

" Aequam memento rebus in arduis Servare mentem."

Horace, Odes, II, 3-

John Zephaniah Holwell was born in Dublin, and baptised there on 23rd Sept., lyn- He was the son of a London merchant and grandson of John Holwell, Royal Astronomer, a noted mathematician. He was articled to Andrew Cooper, the semor Surgeon of Guy's Hospital, and went to Calcutta m 1732, as Surgeon's Mate of the Duke of Cumberland, which sailed from Gravesend on 2nd Feb., 1731/32. Soon after his arrival in India he went to the Persian Gulf as Surgeon of a Company's ship, studying Arabic on the voyage. In 1733-34 he went from Calcutta to Surat as Surgeon of the Prince of Wales. In Sept., 1734, he was sent to Bihar in medical charge of the " Patna Party," an escort which went each year from Calcutta to Patna and back. After making a voyage to Mocha and Jidda in 1735, as Surgeon of the Prince of Orange, he accompanied the Patna party a second time. In 1736 he was appointed Surgeon to the factory at Dakka. He came to Calcutta about the end of that year, and soon after- wards was elected Alderman of the Mayor's Court, subsequently being twice elected Mayor. In 1740 he is mentioned as Surgeon to the Calcutta Hospital, but must have been a Surgeon's Mate or a supernumerary, for he was not confirmed on the regular medical staff, as one of the two Surgeons sanctioned for Calcutta, until July, 1749, when he succeeded Surgeon William Lindsay, who died on

 * Much of the information about Holwell's early life is taken from the well-known work. Echoes of Old Calcutta, by the late Brigade Surgeon H. E. Busteed, C.I.E., himself a distinguished member of the I.M.S. Further particulars are gathered from a life of Holwell in the Asiatic Annual Register for 1799 (Characters, p. 25). The facts about the siege and capture of Calcutta are taken from Mr. S. C. Hill's Bengal in 1756-57, Indian Records Series, three volumes, 1905; the best and fullest account of the events of these two years.


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Rh "And is your father," he eagerly asked, "really gratified?"

With her conscious eyes on him—her eyes could clearly be very conscious about her father—she considered a moment. "He always prefers old associations and appearances to new; but I'm sure he'll resign himself if you see your way to a certainty."

"Well, it will be a question of the weight of expert opinion that I shall invoke. But I'm not afraid," he resolutely said, "and I shall make the thing, from its splendid rarity, the crown and flower of your glory."

Her serious face shone at him with a charmed gratitude. "It's awfully beautiful then your having come to us so. It's awfully beautiful your having brought us this way, in a flash—as dropping out of a chariot of fire—more light and what you apparently feel with myself as more honour."

"Ah, the beauty's in your having yourself done it!" he returned. He gave way to the positive joy of it. "If I've brought the 'light' and the rest—that's to say the very useful information—who in the world was it brought me?"


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120 She had a gesture of protest. "You'd have come in some other way."

"I'm not so sure! I'm beastly shy—little as I may seem to show it: save in great causes, when I'm horridly bold and hideously offensive. Now at any rate I only know what has been." She turned off for it, moving away from him as with a sense of mingled things that made for unrest; and he had the next moment grown graver under the impression. "But does anything in it all," he asked, "trouble you?"

She faced about across the wider space, and there was a different note in what she brought out. "I don't know what forces me so to tell you things."

"'Tell' me?" he stared. "Why, you've told me nothing more monstrous than that I've been welcome!"

"Well, however that may be, what did you mean just now by the chance of our not 'going straight'? When you said you'd expose our bad—or is it our false?—Rubens in the event of a certain danger."

"Oh, in the event of your ever being bribed"—he laughed again as with relief. And then


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, The Problem.

Bengal Medical Service was founded by orders passed in the Fort William Cons. of 20th Oct., 1763, by which the individual medical officers then serving in the Bengal Presidency were, with effect from 1st Jan., 1764, combined into a regular medical establishment, with fixed grades, and definite rules for promotion from grade to grade. These orders run as follows:—

"At a consultation present
 * The Honble Henry Vansittart, Esq. President.
 * John Carnac, Esq.
 * Warren Hastings, Esq.
 * Randolph Marriott, Esq.
 * Hugh Watts. Esq.

"As there has never been any proper Establishment settled for the Appointment and Succession of the Surgeons employed under this Presidency.

"It is now agreed that the following Plan shall be established regulating their Number, Rank, and Succession and Appointments and that it shall take place the 1st Jany 1764—vizt.

"4 Head Surgeons to reside at Calcutta and have the Privilege of Company's Servants. The two first to have the Hospital Contract.

"8 Surgeons of which the four eldest to be stationed at the Factories of Patna, Cossimbuzar, Chittagong and Dacca. And the other four to be Surgeons of the Army, and the whole of this Rank to succeed in Rotation to be Head Surgeons at Calcutta.

"28 Surgeons Mates who are to succeed in their Seniority to be Surgeons. Of these the eight eldest upon the list to live in Calcutta, the next Eight to be Surgeons Mates of the Army, and the other twelve to be Surgeons Mates of the Seapoys, one to each Battalion.

"Head Surgeons and Surgeons at the Subordinates and the Army


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 able to make use of the gifts of the Holy Ghost, which he has received through all the other sacraments; that he may be able to strengthen himself in his Christian life and gradually rise in Christian sanctity; that, finally, he may be able, after having completed his terrestrial activity, to appear as justified and sanctified at the terrible judgment of Christ,—for all that, in addition to faith, he needs good works, that is, those in which faith, hope, and charity, which abide in the soul of a Christian, are expressed in an external manner, as in their fruits, and which may serve as a precise execution of the divine will, which has been imparted to us in the Gospel law.” (p. 305.)

After that are adduced proofs from Holy Scripture, which directly deny the whole preceding division into faith and works, and the preeminence of faith over works:

“(a) That faith alone without works is insufficient for salvation, is testified: (aa) by Christ the Saviour himself: Not every one that saith unto me, Lord, Lord, shall enter into the kingdom of heaven; but he that doeth the will of my Father which is in heaven (Matt. vii. 21; cf. xvi. 27); (bb) by Apostle James: Ye see then how that by works a man is justified, and not by faith only (James ii. 24); (cc) by Apostle John: He that saith, I know him, and keepeth not his commandments, is a liar, and the truth is not in him (1 John ii. 4); (dd) by Apostle Paul: For not the hearers of the law are just before God, but the doers of the law shall be justified (Rom. ii. 13); (b) that a Christian is obliged to show his faith, hope, and charity in good works: Even so faith, if it hath not works, is dead, being alone shew me thy faith without thy works. For as the body without the spirit is dead, so faith without works is dead also (James ii. 17, 18, 26); every man that hath this hope in him (in our Lord Jesus) purifieth himself, even as he is pure (1 John iii. 3); he


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Rh as her face seemed to challenge the word: "Why, to let anything—of your best!—ever leave Dedborough. By which I mean really of course leave the country." She turned again on this, and something in her air made him wonder. "I hope you don't feel there is such a danger? I understood from you half an hour ago that it was unthinkable."

"Well, it was, to me, half an hour ago," she said as she came nearer. "But if it has since come up?"

"'If' it has! But has it? In the form of that monster? What Mr. Bender wants is the great Duchess," he recalled.

"And my father won't sell her? No, he won't sell the great Duchess—there I feel safe. But he greatly needs a certain sum of money—or he thinks he does—and I've just had a talk with him."

"In which he has told you that?"

"He has told me nothing," Lady Grace said—"or else told me quite other things. But the more I think of them the more it comes to me that he feels urged or tempted"

"To despoil and denude these walls?"


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— billinghurst  sDrewth  10:50, 23 November 2023 (UTC)

title: User talk:Amused


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Rh making use of it. A few puffs of the smoke produced great exhilaration and pleasant sensations, which were shortly followed by stupor. It was fortunate for them that they were too careless to preserve a quantity of it for use at a future time, or it would have destroyed them altogether, so that as far as the use of dacha was concerned, it was well that they lived only for the day, and thought not of the morrow.

When they rose in the morning and the cows and ewes were milked and driven out to pasture they partook of food, after which they usually laid down again for an hour or two, as their ideal of happiness was a state of repose. If they had only a sufficient number of cattle to provide them with milk to live upon, there was nothing to impel them to labour, and no reason why they should exert themselves. The hours passed by in idleness, and at sunset the principal meal of the day was taken, when the men ate first and the women and children afterwards. The men were prohibited by custom from the use of several articles of diet, for instance, they would not eat hares' flesh or drink sheep's milk, but the women and children—including the boys before being initiated into the state of manhood—could use both. On the other hand the men were at liberty to eat moles, which the women were not. They could give no reasons for these restrictions of diet to the different sexes, except that the custom had come down to them from their forefathers.

Their women were more fully clothed than those of the Bushmen, but the men were usually satisfied with very little covering, and had no sense of shame in appearing altogether naked. The dress of both sexes was made of skins, commonly prepared with the hair on. When removed from the animal, the skin was stretched out and cleansed with scrapers of any fleshy matter adhering to it, was then dried, and was afterwards rubbed with grease and worked between the hands till it became soft and pliable. The ordinary costume of a man was merely a piece of jackal skin suspended in front and a little slip of prepared hide behind. In cold weather he wrapped himself in a kaross or mantle of furs sewed


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122 Hugh broke in, looking about in his sharper apprehension.

"Yes, to satisfy, to save my sister. Now do you think our state so ideal?" she asked—but without elation for her hint of triumph.

He had no answer for this save "Ah, but you terribly interest me. May I ask what's the matter with your sister?"

Oh, she wanted to go on straight now! "The matter is—in the first place—that she's too dazzlingly, dreadfully beautiful."

"More beautiful than you?" his sincerity easily risked.

"Millions of times." Sad, almost sombre, she hadn't a shade of coquetry. "Kitty has debts—great heaped-up gaming debts."

"But to such amounts?"

"Incredible amounts it appears. And mountains of others too. She throws herself all on our father."

"And he has to pay them? There's no one else?" Hugh asked.

She waited as if he might answer himself, and then as he apparently didn't, "He's only afraid there may be someone else—that's how she


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198 to have ten shillings a Day Pay, and the latter when in the Field to draw Captain's Batta.

"The Surgeons Mates at Calcutta to have 7/6 per Day each, those of Army and Seapoys 5/- a Day, and Lieutenants Batta when in the Field.

"Agreed that we write to the Court of Directors to send Us out some Surgeons Mates to compleat this Establishment."

The constitution of the Medical Service was reported to the Court of Directors at home in paras. 83 and 84 of a Letter from Fort William, dated 19th Dec, 1763.

"Para. 83. Surgions, to encourage capable men to engage in the Service, they have fix'd the following rule of Preferment, wch they desire may be confirmed.

"1st. Four head Surgeons to be at the Presidency, to be allowed l0s a day each, and the two Senior of them to have the Hospital Contract.

"2nd. Four, with the same Allowance, to be stationed at Patna, Cossr, Dacca, and Chittigong, These to Rank next & Succeed ye head Surgeons in rotation.

"3rd, Four, with the like allowance, to attend the Army, who are to succeed in like manner at the Subordinates and the Presidency.

"4th. Twelve Surgeons Mates, the 4 Senior to attend the Hospitals, with an Allce of 7/6 a day, & the other 8 to attend the Army, with 5/- a day & the whole to succeed in turn to be Surgeons."

"Para. 84. Surgeons Mates it is recommended to appoint one to each Battlion of Seapoys who are sometimes Lost for want of Assistance. A Number of Young Men instructed in the rudiments of this profession, are desired."

It will be observed that, while the order of 20th Oct., 1763, provides for twenty-eight Surgeons' Mates, the report of 19th Dec. mentions only twelve. Presumably it was not found possible at first to appoint a sufficient number of Mates to allow one to each battalion of sepoys. The Court were therefore asked, in para. 84, to sanction such appointments, and to send out men to fill them.

The Madras and Bombay Medical Services appear to have come into existence at about the same time as the Bengal Service, But no orders regarding the formal constitution of these services appear in the Cons., Military or Civil, or in the Letters to the Court of Directors, of either Madras or Bombay, in the years 1763 and 1764.


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100 together with sinews. The women wore at all times a head-dress of fur, an under apron, and a wrapper or a girdle of leather strings suspended from the waist. In cold weather, or when carrying infants on their backs, they added a scanty kaross. Children wore no clothing whatever. Round their legs the females sewed strips of raw hide like rings, which, when dry, rattled against each other, and made a noise when they moved.

Both sexes ornamented their heads with copper trinkets, and hung round their necks strings of shells, leopards' teeth, or any glittering objects they could obtain. Ivory armlets were worn by the men. From earliest infancy their bodies were smeared with grease, and rubbed over with clay, soot, or powdered buchu, and to this partly may be attributed the stench of their persons. The coat of grease and clay was not intended for ornament alone. It protected them from the weather and from the vermin that infested their huts and clothing.

Their dwellings were constructed by planting long pieces of supple undressed wood in the ground, and bending the upper ends inward, where they were attached by thongs to short pieces laid horizontally, so that the whole frame resembled approximately a rough hemisphere. Withes were then twisted round the structure and tied on outside, and the whole was covered with rush mats. The huts were so low that a tall man could not stand upright inside, and they had but one small opening through which the inmates crawled. In cold weather a fire was made in a cavity in the centre. The huts of a kraal were arranged in the form of a circle, the space enclosed being used as a fold for cattle. They could be taken to pieces, placed on pack-oxen, removed to a distance, and set up again, with very little labour and no waste. The furniture within them consisted merely of mats to sleep on, skins, weapons, cooking utensils, wooden milk dishes, and ostrich egg shells used for carrying and containing water. Unlike the Bushman, who doubled himself up to sleep on a little grass, the Hottentot stretched himself at full length on a mat in his hut.


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 that hath my commandments, and keepeth them, he it is that loveth me (John xiv. 21); my little children, let us not love in word, neither in tongue; but in deed and in truth (1 John iii. 18); (c) that men are called to the kingdom of Christ’s grace for the very purpose that they may do good works: For we are his workmanship, created in Christ Jesus unto good works, which God hath before ordained that we should walk in them (Eph. ii. 10); For the grace of God that bringeth salvation hath appeared to all men, teaching us that, denying ungodliness and worldly lusts, we should live soberly, righteously, and godly, in this present world; looking for that blessed hope, and the glorious appearing of the great God and our Saviour Jesus Christ; who gave himself for us, that he might redeem us from all iniquity, and purify unto himself a peculiar people, zealous of good works (Tit. ii. 11-14.)” (pp. 305 and 306.)

All the texts quoted, especially those from the evangelists, show incontestably that faith cannot be separated from good works and that works are the results of faith, and consequently it would seem that this article directly destroys the whole meaning of the preceding article about the first meaning of faith. But the Theology is not in the least embarrassed by that. In the first article it contended against all the Christians who recognized salvation in works, and here it contends against those who recognize it in faith, and calmly destroys its own propositions, which does not keep it in the end from declaring triumphantly that the true teaching consists in accepting both, in spite of the fact that one excludes the other.

Indeed, no matter how irregular the separation of faith from works is, if that separation has once taken place in the conception of the believers, it is naturally possible to affirm that either faith alone or works alone can save. If through faith we become completely purified and holy, good works evidently are superfluous. They are assumed


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Rh makes him do it," she said. And "Now do you think," she pursued, "that I don't tell you things?"

He turned them over in his young perception and pity, the things she told him. "Oh, oh, oh!" And then, in the great place, while as, just spent by the effort of her disclosure, she moved from him again, he took them all in. "That's the situation that, as you say, may force his hand."

"It absolutely, I feel, does force it." And the renewal of her appeal brought her round. "Isn't it too lovely?"

His frank disgust answered. "It's too damnable!"

"And it's you," she quite terribly smiled, "who—by the 'irony of fate'!—have given him help."

He smote his head in the light of it. "By the Mantovano?"

"By the possible Mantovano—as a substitute for the impossible Sir Joshua. You've made him aware of a value."

"Ah, but the value's to be fixed!"

"Then Mr. Bender will fix it!"

"Oh, but—as he himself would say—I'll fix


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 CHAPTER XIV

STRENGTH FROM TIME TO TIME

" The work under our labour grows."

Milton, Paradise Lost, IX, 208.

From the earliest times the East India Company seem to have sanctioned a medical of&cer, when one was available, for each of their permanent Factories. Appointments to these posts were usually made from among the Surgeons of the Company's Indiamen.

A second Surgeon at Fort St. George was sanctioned in a Company's General Letter dated 24th Dec, 1675, and in Aug., 1676, Bezahel Sherman arrived to fill the post. Previous to this date a Surgeon's Mate, Henry MaUory, had been appointed. The post of second Surgeon was disallowed by the Court with effect from 30th Nov., 1697; but was again instituted from 24th July, 1710.* In the following year the Council of Fort St. George give the strength of the medical estabUshment required at the Fort as two Surgeons and two Mates. Cons, of 21st July, 1711, after noting the appointment of Anthony Supply as Surgeon, vice Chadsley, deceased, continue —

" The number of Company's Servants and Souldiers in this Garrison requireing two able Surgeons and two very good Mates if we knew where to gett them."

There were also, at this time, a Surgeon and a Mate at Fort St. David, a Surgeon at Masulipatam or Vizagapatam, sometimes one at each of these factories, and one or more medical officers serving on the West Coast, in Sumatra.

In the Western Presidency a Surgeon was always employed on the staff of the Factory at Surat. During the greater part

First Half of the Eighteenth Century.
 * See Chap. VII, Early History; Madras and the Coast, and Chap. X, The


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Rh The weapons used by the Hottentots in war and the chase were bows and arrows, sticks with clubbed heads, and assagais. Mr. Stow asserts that at the time of their arrival in South Africa they were unacquainted with the use of poison, but if that be correct they certainly acquired a knowledge of it shortly afterwards. It was not used by them so extensively, however, as by the Bushmen. The bow was larger and the arrow longer than those of the primitive inhabitants, still without poison the weapon would have been


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124 Mr. Bender!" Hugh declared. "And he won't buy a pig in a poke."

This cleared the air while they looked at each other; yet she had already asked: "What in the world can you do, and how in the world can you do it?"

Well, he was too excited for decision. "I don't quite see now, but give me time." And he took out his watch as already to measure it. "Oughtn't I before I go to say a word to Lord Theign?"

"Is it your idea to become a lion in his path?"

"Well, say a cub—as that's what I'm afraid he'll call me! But I think I should speak to him."

She drew a conclusion momentarily dark. "He'll have to learn in that case that I've told you of my fear."

"And is there any good reason why he shouldn't?"

She kept her eyes on him and the darkness seemed to drop. "No!" she at last replied, and, having gone to touch an electric bell, was with him again. "But I think I'm rather sorry for you."


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 pray; (4) to follow the inspiration of grace; (5) man who has become as innocent as Adam ought to try to become innocent; (6) “let us walk with a true heart in the substance of faith to the throne of grace!”


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Rh "Does that represent a reason why I should be so for you?"

For a little she said nothing; but after that: "None whatever!"

"Then is the sister of whom you speak Lady Imber?"

Lady Grace, at this, raised her hand in caution: the butler had arrived, with due gravity, in answer to her ring; to whom she made known her desire. "Please say to his lordship—in the saloon or wherever—that Mr. Crimble must go." When Banks had departed, however, accepting the responsibility of this mission, she answered her friend's question. "The sister of whom I speak is Lady Imber."

"She loses then so heavily at bridge?"

"She loses more than she wins."

Hugh gazed as with interest at these oddities of the great. "And yet she still plays?"

"What else, in her set, should she do?"

This he was quite unable to say; but he could after a moment's exhibition of the extent to which he was out of it put a question instead. "So you're not in her set?"

"I'm not in her set."


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126 "Then decidedly," he said, "I don't want to save her. I only want"

He was going on, but she broke in: "I know what you want!"

He kept his eyes on her till he had made sure—and this deep exchange between them had a beauty. "So you're now with me?"

"I'm now with you!"

"Then," said Hugh, "shake hands on it."

He offered her his hand, she took it, and their grasp became, as you would have seen in their fine young faces, a pledge in which they stood a minute locked. Lord Theign came upon them from the saloon in the midst of the process; on which they separated as with an air of its having consisted but of Hugh's leave-taking. With some such form of mere civility, at any rate, he appeared, by the manner in which he addressed himself to Hugh, to have supposed them occupied.

"I'm sorry my daughter can't keep you; but I must at least thank you for your interesting view of my picture."

Hugh indulged in a brief and mute, though very grave, acknowledgment of this expression; presently speaking, however, as on a resolve


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Rh taken with a sense of possibly awkward consequences: "May I—before you're sure of your indebtedness—put you rather a straight question, Lord Theign?" It sounded doubtless, and of a sudden, a little portentous—as was in fact testified to by his lordship's quick stiff stare, full of wonder at so free a note. But Hugh had the courage of his undertaking. "If I contribute in my modest degree to establishing the true authorship of the work you speak of, may I have from you an assurance that my success isn't to serve as a basis for any peril—or possibility—of its leaving the country?"

Lord Theign was visibly astonished, but had also, independently of this, turned a shade pale. "You ask of me an 'assurance'?"

Hugh had now, with his firmness and his strained smile, quite the look of having counted the cost of his step. "I'm afraid I must, you see."

It pressed at once in his host the spring of a very grand manner. "And pray by what right here do you do anything of the sort?"

"By the right of a person from whom you, on your side, are accepting a service."


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128 Hugh had clearly determined in his opponent a rise of what is called spirit. "A service that you half an hour ago thrust on me, sir—and with which you may take it from me that I'm already quite prepared to dispense."

"I'm sorry to appear indiscreet," our young man returned; "I'm sorry to have upset you in any way. But I can't overcome my anxiety"

Lord Theign took the words from his lips. "And you therefore invite me—at the end of half an hour in this house!—to account to you for my personal intentions and my private affairs and make over my freedom to your hands?"

Hugh stood there with his eyes on the black and white pavement that stretched about him—the great lozenged marble floor that might have figured that ground of his own vision which he had made up his mind to "stand." "I can only see the matter as I see it, and I should be ashamed not to have seized any chance to appeal to you." Whatever difficulty he had had shyly to face didn't exist for him now. "I entreat you to think again, to think well, before you deprive us of such a source of just envy."


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Rh "And you regard your entreaty as helped," Lord Theign asked, "by the beautiful threat you are so good as to attach to it?" Then as his monitor, arrested, exchanged a searching look with Lady Grace, who, showing in her face all the pain of the business, stood off at the distance to which a woman instinctively retreats when a scene turns to violence as precipitately as this one appeared to strike her as having turned: "I ask you that not less than I should like to know whom you speak of as 'deprived' of property that happens—for reasons that I don't suppose you also quarrel with!—to be mine."

"Well, I know nothing about threats, Lord Theign," Hugh said, "but I speak of all of us—of all the people of England; who would deeply deplore such an act of alienation, and whom, for the interest they bear you, I beseech you mercifully to consider."

"The interest they bear me?"—the master of Dedborough fairly bristled with wonder. "Pray how the devil do they show it?"

"I think they show it in all sorts of ways"—and Hugh's critical smile, at almost any moment hovering, played over the question in


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130 a manner seeming to convey that he meant many things.

"Understand then, please," said Lord Theign with every inch of his authority, "that they'll show it best by minding their own business while I very particularly mind mine."

"You simply do, in other words," Hugh explicitly concluded, "what happens to be convenient to you."

"In very distinct preference to what happens to be convenient to you! So that I need no longer detain you," Lord Theign added with the last dryness and as if to wind up their brief and thankless connection.

The young man took his dismissal, being able to do no less, while, unsatisfied and unhappy, he looked about mechanically for the cycling-cap he had laid down somewhere in the hall on his arrival. "I apologise, my lord, if I seem to you to have ill repaid your hospitality. But," he went on with his uncommended cheer, "my interest in your picture remains."

Lady Grace, who had stopped and strayed and stopped again as a mere watchful witness, drew nearer hereupon, breaking her silence for


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Rh the first time. "And please let me say, father, that mine also grows and grows."

It was obvious that this parent, surprised and disconcerted by her tone, judged her contribution superfluous. "I'm happy to hear it, Grace—but yours is another affair."

"I think on the contrary that it's quite the same one," she returned "—since it's on my hint to him that Mr. Crimble has said to you what he has." The resolution she had gathered while she awaited her chance sat in her charming eyes, which met, as she spoke, the straighter paternal glare. "I let him know that I supposed you to think of profiting by the importance of Mr. Bender's visit."

"Then you might have spared, my dear, your—I suppose and hope well-meant—interpretation of my mind." Lord Theign showed himself at this point master of the beautiful art of righting himself as without having been in the wrong. "Mr. Bender's visit will terminate—as soon as he has released Lord John—without my having profited in the smallest particular."

Hugh meanwhile evidently but wanted to speak for his friend. "It was Lady Grace's


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Of the sacraments of the church, as means through which divine grace is communicated to us. The sacraments are defined as follows:

“(1) A sacrament is a holy action which under a visible form communicates to the soul of the believer the invisible grace of God, an action which was established by our Lord, and by which every one of the believers receives divine grace.

“Consequently the nature of the sacraments the church assumes to consist in this, that there are sacramental actions which actually communicate divine grace to the believer, that they ‘are not only signs of divine promises, but instruments which necessarily act through grace upon those who proceed toward them.’ As essential qualities of each of the sacraments it regards: (a) the divine establishment of the sacrament, (b) some visible or sensual image, and (c) the communication of invisible grace by the sacrament to the soul of the believer.” (p. 313.)

It is necessary to direct the attention to the definition of the nature of the sacraments and to the words “divine establishment of the sacraments,” in order that we may later be able so much the more clearly to analyze the deception on which the Theology tries to establish the dogma of the sacraments. Seven sacraments are counted out, and the heresies of all the other Christians, except of our hierarchy, are refuted. Here are the heresies:

“(1) Of the nature of the sacraments. According to


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132 anxious inference, she will doubtless let me say for her, that my idea about the Moretto would add to your power—well," he pushed on not without awkwardness, "of 'realising' advantageously on such a prospective rise."

Lord Theign glanced at him as positively for the last time, but spoke to Lady Grace. "Understand then, please, that, as I detach myself from any association with this gentleman's ideas—whether about the Moretto or about anything else—his further application of them ceases from this moment to concern us."

The girl's rejoinder was to address herself directly to Hugh, across their companion. "Will you make your inquiry for me then?"

The light again kindled in him. "With all the pleasure in life!" He had found his cap and, taking them together, bowed to the two, for departure, with high emphasis of form. Then he marched off in the direction from which he had entered.

Lord Theign scarce waited for his disappearance to turn in wrath to Lady Grace. "I denounce the indecency, wretched child, of your public defiance of me!"

They were separated by a wide interval now,


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Rh and though at her distance she met his reproof so unshrinkingly as perhaps to justify the terms into which it had broken, she became aware of a reason for his not following it up. She pronounced in quick warning "Lord John!"—for their friend, released from among the pictures, was rejoining them, was already there.

He spoke straight to his host on coming into sight. "Bender's at last off, but"—he indicated the direction of the garden front—"you may still find him, out yonder, prolonging the agony with Lady Sandgate."

Lord Theign remained a moment, and the heat of his resentment remained. He looked with a divided discretion, the pain of his indecision, from his daughter's suitor and his approved candidate to that contumacious young woman and back again; then choosing his course in silence he had a gesture of almost desperate indifference and passed quickly out by the door to the terrace.

It had left Lord John gaping. "What on earth's the matter with your father?"

"What on earth indeed?" Lady Grace unaidingly asked. "Is he discussing with that awful man?"


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 CHAPTER XII

WILLIAM FULLERTON, AND THE PATNA MASSACRE

" Audentes fortuna juvat."

Virgil, Mneid, Book X, line 284.

William Fullerton appears to have come out to India about 1745, but the first definite mention of his name occurs in Fort William Cons, of 19th Aug., 1749. where he renews an interest note for Rs.16,137.* A Letter from Bengal, dated 23rd Aug., 1750, in para. 80, reports that Holwell has resigned his post as Second Surgeon from 30th April, 1750, and that Fullerton has appHed to succeed him " agreeable to Compy's Recommenda- tion Anno 1744," but that the President has given the appoint- ment to John Knox, senior. The Court of Directors refused to confirm the appointment of Knox, and ordered that of Fullerton. f He held the post of Second Surgeon for over ten years, and was present at the siege and capture of Fort Wilham in June, 1756. At the time of the final surrender he was on board ship, pre- sumably on duty, attending the women and children, some of whom were sick, among them Mrs. Mackett, wife of a Member of Council, and the wounded, of whom many had been sent on board. On 8th Dec, i757> he was elected Mayor of Calcutta for the ensuing year.

Fullerton made a considerable amount of money m Calcutta. The lists of payments to European sufferers at the capture of Calcutta, quoted in the last chapter, show that he got compensation to the extent of nearly Rs.2,30,000, a sum not far short of £30 000. The Cons, of 1759 and 1760 contain numerous notes of bills for large amounts drawn in his favour by the Patna

show him as Surgeon of the Bombay Grab. J^^^ Cons, ot 3^^ May, 175, V him as Surgeon at Gombroon, vice Hardcastle, siclc.

t See Chap X. The First Half of the Eighteenth Century.


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134 "Old Bender? Do you think him so awful?" Lord John showed surprise—which might indeed have passed for harmless amusement; but he shook everything off in view of a nearer interest. He quite waved old Bender away. "My dear girl, what do we care?"

"I care immensely, I assure you," she interrupted, "and I ask of you, please, to tell me!"

Her perversity, coming straight and which he had so little expected, threw him back so that he looked at her with sombre eyes. "Ah, it's not for such a matter I'm here, Lady Grace—I'm here with that fond question of my own." And then as she turned away, leaving him with a vehement motion of protest: "I've come for your kind answer—the answer your father instructed me to count on."

"I've no kind answer to give you!"—she raised forbidding hands. "I entreat you to leave me alone."

There was so high a spirit and so strong a force in it that he stared as if stricken by violence. "In God's name then what has happened—when you almost gave me your word?"