text:
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 excellent scholastic standing. They were well thought of in the community, and they were interested in all sorts of college activities. There was a mixture of foreign names in the list of membership. The ancestors of some of them had come from Sweden and Holland, and Germany and Southeastern Europe. Some of the men were working in the various positions that are open to students who find it necessary to help in their own support.

"In what sorts of business are the fathers of these men?" the officer asked me when he came from visiting the club. I told him, and they were all respectable businesses as we democratic Americans count respectability.

"My fraternity will never grant a charter to men of that type," he said. "They are not gentlemen, and my fraternity is an organization of gentlemen." If this man's statement expresses the feeling of many fraternity men today, then the fraternity of the future will have to modify its ideas with regard to what the characteristics of a real gentleman are.

There are two young freshmen in my own institution with whom I have become pretty familiar this year who, as fraternity men now look at life and define "good material," have little chance to get into any such organization. They are both


text:
Page:The Fraternity and the Undergraduate (1923).pdf/260

 well mannered, well dressed, and excellently prepared for college. They have good minds and are doing excellent work. They have self-possession and reserve, and would not show embarrassment or self-consciousness in any ordinary social situation. They are interested in athletics, and each will make an athletic team before he is in college long. But they come from the common people, too common, the fraternity man might say, for one is the son of a mechanic and the other is the son of a janitor and neither is ashamed of his parentage.

"But you couldn't take a man like that into your home," a man said to me not long ago.

"Why not?" I asked him. "You do introduce into your home regularly men with cruder manners and with far lower intellectual and moral ideals. Why?"

Such men as I have referred to are as susceptible to the influences of a fraternity as is any man. They would make as good friends, they would develop into as good fellows, and they would exercise a stronger influence in building up and strengthening the fraternity than many men who are now eagerly sought for. The fraternity of the future is going to take account of these men; it is going to accept them for what

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/


text:
Page:Peterson's Magazine 1867 b.pdf/87

 PETERSON'S

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title: Page:Peterson's Magazine 1867 b.pdf/87


text:
Page:The Fraternity and the Undergraduate (1923).pdf/261

 they are, for what they are doing, and for what they are able to do.

In the future the fraternity will need to do something more than merely to look after itself. It will not be enough that it bring up its own scholarship and look after the social welfare and the characters of its own members, or even that it coöperate with similar organizations in the general uplift of fraternity men. It must go farther than this. In the larger institutions of learning like the state universities even if chapters of all the Greek-letter fraternities now in existence were to he found, the number would still be far and awav inadequate to furnish opportunity for membership to more than a small percentage of the undergraduates registered. In my own institution there are already established forty-eight Greek-letter fraternities, which even with unwisely swollen chapter rolls could not take in more than one-fourth of the men enrolled. In such an institution the future safety of the fraternity is in the first place dependent very largely upon so increasing the number of local clubs and fraternities that as large a percentage as possible of those men who would enjoy membership in such an organization may have a chance to do so. I believe, therefore, that in the future for its own protection, if for no other reason, fraternities will take more


text:
Page:The Fraternity and the Undergraduate (1923).pdf/262

 kindly to expansion than many of them have previously done, but even expansion will not solve the difficulty.

The fraternity in the future must become to far greater extent than it has in the past a real and a vital influence for good to the entire college. It must be possible where fraternities exist, even for the man who does not belong, to realize that through the presence of fraternities and fraternity men he derives some tangible and recognizable good. It is a new America in which we are living. It is an America made up of the contributions from all the various states of Europe. The list of names of students which one may see in the college catalogue of today is suggestive of almost every country and nationality on the globe. Only a few days ago I acted as judge of an intercollegiate debate between the students of two of the great Middle West institutions. The names of the contestants represented five nationalities—Swedish, French, German, Dutch, and English, and the foreigners were the distinctly superior men both as to their thinking and as to their delivery. It is this sort of citizen that the fraternity will have to reckon with, and if it will not take him into its ranks, it will have to do some thing to make college life more enjoyable and more profitable for him. The general public will ask,


text:
Page:The Fraternity and the Undergraduate (1923).pdf/263

 "What has the fraternity done for the college and for college students in general?" and the organization will have to answer. It cannot afford to be selfish, it cannot afford to be self-centered, it must prove its worth by doing something for the "other man," it must be possible to show not only that the fraternity is a good thing for the men who are in it, but that it is a vital and a constructive force for the betterment of those who are out of it.

Even in the making of his friends the fraternity man of the future will not confine himself as narrowly as he has previously done to the men of his own chapter. He will go outside of these. Any man who belongs to a fraternity ought to count it a privilege to have men outside of the fraternity house as his friends. He ought to show to them what friendship to a fraternity man means; he ought to invite them to his home and let them see what real home life in college is like; as the fraternity has in so large a measure contributed to his happiness and development he should utilize it so far as possible to contribute to theirs.

I believe that the fraternity in the future will recognize its duties and its obligations. If it does it will merit the general support of college authorities, it will win the loyalty and friendship of the


text:
Page:Peterson's Magazine 1867 b.pdf/88

 THE FAMILY PICNIC.

title: Page:Peterson's Magazine 1867 b.pdf/88


text:
Page:The Fraternity and the Undergraduate (1923).pdf/264

 men outside of the fraternities, it will do a thing which will bring credit to the organization and which will disarm criticism. I believe that it will see its opportunity, that it will adjust itself to changing conditions in college, and that it will become an increasingly powerful force in undergraduate affairs.


text: Page:Peterson's Magazine 1867 b.pdf/89

title: Page:Peterson's Magazine 1867 b.pdf/89


text: Page:The Fraternity and the Undergraduate (1923).pdf/265


text: Page:The Fraternity and the Undergraduate (1923).pdf/266


text:
Page:Peterson's Magazine 1867 b.pdf/90

 CHILDREN'S FASHIONS AUGUST. FOR

title: Page:Peterson's Magazine 1867 b.pdf/90


text: Page:The Fraternity and the Undergraduate (1923).pdf/267


text: Page:The Fraternity and the Undergraduate (1923).pdf/268


text:
Page:Peterson's Magazine 1867 b.pdf/91

 WALKING DRESS: COLLAR AND CUFF.

title: Page:Peterson's Magazine 1867 b.pdf/91


text: The Fraternity and the Undergraduate (collection)


text:
Page:Peterson's Magazine 1867 b.pdf/92

 CARRIAGE DRESS : COLLAR AND CUFF.

title: Page:Peterson's Magazine 1867 b.pdf/92


text: Tempest (1918) Yale/Text/Act V

title: Tempest (1918) Yale/Text/Act V


text: The Fraternity and the Undergraduate (collection)/Preface


text: The Fraternity and the Undergraduate (collection)/The Fraternity and the Undergraduate


text: The Fraternity and the Undergraduate (collection)/The Greek and the Independent


text: The Fraternity and the Undergraduate (collection)/Rushing and the Rushee


text:
Page:Peterson's Magazine 1867 b.pdf/93

 PEPLUM AND BODY.

title: Page:Peterson's Magazine 1867 b.pdf/93


text: The Fraternity and the Undergraduate (collection)/After the Pledging


text: The Fraternity and the Undergraduate (collection)/The Freshman's Time and Money


text:
Page:Peterson's Magazine 1867 b.pdf/94

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title: Page:Peterson's Magazine 1867 b.pdf/94


text: The Fraternity and the Undergraduate (collection)/The House Party


text:
Page:Peterson's Magazine 1867 b.pdf/95

CORNER FOR COLLAR ON LINEN IN SATIN-STITCH.

MONOGRAMS FOR HANDKERCHIEFS. ا ه ع م

EMBROIDERY FOR BABY'S BLANKET IN SILK.

title: Page:Peterson's Magazine 1867 b.pdf/95


text: The Fraternity and the Undergraduate (collection)/Photo Plays and Vaudeville


text: The Fraternity and the Undergraduate (collection)/The Chapter Letter


text:
Page:Peterson's Magazine 1867 b.pdf/96

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title: Page:Peterson's Magazine 1867 b.pdf/96


text: The Fraternity and the Undergraduate (collection)/Building a Chapter House


text: The Fraternity and the Undergraduate (collection)/The Man Who Does not Join


text:
Page:Peterson's Magazine 1867 b.pdf/97

 To his friend, Wm. H. Knowles.

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COMPOSED FOR PIANO, BY JOSEPH H. PORTER.

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title: Page:Peterson's Magazine 1867 b.pdf/97


text: The Fraternity and the Undergraduate (collection)/The Transfer


text: The Fraternity and the Undergraduate (collection)/The Men Who Do not Graduate


text:
Page:Peterson's Magazine 1867 b.pdf/98

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title: Page:Peterson's Magazine 1867 b.pdf/98


text: The Fraternity and the Undergraduate (collection)/Fraternity Expansion


text: The Fraternity and the Undergraduate (collection)/The Future of the Fraternity


text:
Page:Peterson's Magazine 1867 b.pdf/99

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title: Page:Peterson's Magazine 1867 b.pdf/99


text:
Page:Tempest (1918) Yale.djvu/93

82

And worship this dull fool!

Pro. Go to; away!

Alon. Hence, and bestow your luggage where you found it.

Seb. Or stole it, rather.

[Exeunt Cal., Ste., and Trin.]

Pro. Sir, I invite your highness and your train

To my poor cell, where you shall take your rest

For this one night; which—part of it—I'll waste

With such discourse as, I not doubt, shall make it

Go quick away; the story of my life

And the particular accidents gone by

Since I came to this isle: and in the morn

I'll bring you to your ship, and so to Naples,

Where I have hope to see the nuptial

Of these our dear-beloved solemniz'd;

And thence retire me to my Milan, where

Every third thought shall be my grave.

Alon. I long

To hear the story of your life, which must

Take the ear strangely.

Pro. I'll deliver all;

And promise you calm seas, auspicious gales

And sail so expeditious that shall catch

Your royal fleet far off—[Aside to Ari.] My Ariel, chick,

That is thy charge: then to the elements

Be free, and fare thou well!—Please you, draw near.

Exeunt omnes.

 313 deliver: relate

title: Page:Tempest (1918) Yale.djvu/93


text: Education and Art in Soviet Russia/Document 2


text:
Page:CTRL0000034607 - Deposition of Ali Alexander, (Dec. 9, 2021).pdf/164

164 I don't know what her mood was.

Was she telling you someone that was making these decisions about the changes? Who was she saying was making these changes?

I can't recall.

You can't recall if it was the White House making these changes?

Yeah, I can't—I—there were changes every day. And I can't recall a specific change.

I guess I'm just trying to understand. If there's changes being made to a program that you're helping Ms. Wren with, it makes common sense that you'd want to know why the changes were being made. So what was your understanding at this point of why these changes were being made?

That's an easy mistake to make. But it's not—the Trump campaign is a bigger fish than me. So it actually would not be common sense for me to give a rebuttal or ask for a reason why if I wasn't already provided one.

So you thought it was the Trump campaign making these changes?

She was there as a representative of Trump World, and I was there to keep them happy and be a team player.

You weren't aware if Ms. Katrina Pierson was making changes to the speaker list?

I—I don't know if I had direct knowledge or not. I had suspected that because of Ms. Pierson's previous relationship with Women for America First and her advocacy for them and things that had happened in prior events that got disrupted, that there was interference going on in Trump World and that Katrina Pierson was likely a source of that or a part of that.

So when you say interference going on in the Trump world, are you referring


text:
Page:CTRL0000034607 - Deposition of Ali Alexander, (Dec. 9, 2021).pdf/165

165 to the Trump campaign like you say with Ms. Wren? Is that what Trump world is?

Trump world, it's—it's—you know, I don't know.

So Trump world, your testimony here today, can include the Trump campaign and the actual White House? Is that fair to say?

Yeah, I think I'm using it in the same way that the press uses it. So it could be RNC. It could be the Trump White House, it could be the Trump campaign. And it could be joint fundraising committees that they have any influence over.

So your understanding: Why would Ms. Katrina Pierson or Women for America First be running interference on your speakers around this time?

They don't like several of us. In November, we had a call with Ms. Katrina Pierson, me, and Kylie Kremer before our D.C. rally, I think November 14th, in which she had tried to—would seem like misrepresent a position in the White House. That stuck out to me because I knew she wasn't employed at the White House.

What was she trying to misrepresent to you about the position of the White House?

That—that they didn't want the term "Stop the Steal" to be used. Instead, they wanted—there was another coalition going on and they wanted—they wanted the rest of us to kind of fall in line behind that.

So I saw text messages of that with Ms. Kylie Kremer where she was telling you to stop using the term "Stop the Steal." Why was it your understanding that this was not the representation of the White House?

Because Katrina does not work at the White House. And then when I immediately confronted her that one of the President's children had recently just tweeted that, and that a either—yeah, I think an RNC official had just tweeted that, that that couldn't possibly be true, that if I was kind of the last to find out, then these other


text:
Page:CTRL0000034607 - Deposition of Ali Alexander, (Dec. 9, 2021).pdf/166

166 people, in a closer orbit of the President would surely be in the know. And shortly after that call, another official tweeted it.

So it was strange. It was obviously untrue. When I confronted her, then she said, "Oh, well, I just walked out after meeting with chairman—Chairwoman Ronna McDaniel."

And I don't like Ms. McDaniel. So I wouldn't follow that advice, even if the President told me what to do.

But in this text message, it appeared like you were alluding that you knew from directly from the White House that they liked the message Stop the Steal. So who in the White House was telling you that they liked the term "Stop the Steal," or were you just relying on a tweet?

I don't—I don't recall.

You don't recall anyone from the White House calling you about Stop the Steal in November?

No. I—what I recall is that there's RNC officials and people with the last name Trump tweeting #shopthesteal, and that the President's longtime advisor, Roger Stone, had come up with the term to kind of save an RNC delegate fight. So I just knew it could not be true. And I've got a good read on the President usually. And, you know, sometimes I'm wrong. But I've done a lot of commentary and analysis on his behavior sometimes, and that's why a lot of people followed me on Twitter.

So what is your view today on December 9th of 2021 of why certain speakers that you were advocating for didn't end up speaking at The Ellipse on January 6th?

Considering all the press reporting that I've read?

Just tell us what your view is. Why did your speakers not speak on January 6th?


text:
Page:CTRL0000034607 - Deposition of Ali Alexander, (Dec. 9, 2021).pdf/167

167 I'm unsure, and I'm still investigating that, because it's something that greatly concerns me.

 * BY :

Did Ms. Pierson call you directly at some point and tell you that you wouldn't be speaking at the event?

No.

Did she ever contact you directly to tell you that your associates wouldn't be speaking at the event?

Certainly not.

All right. So your expectation, I think as you covered early, just so we know, the morning you walked in on January 6th was that at The Ellipse was that you would be speaking.

Yes, and that's why I wore suits. It was only one of four times I wore a suit during the whole 60-plus day thing. It's why I showed up early. It's why I worked my ass off.

 * BY MR. :

Do you recall recording a video where you said you were the person who came up with January 6th, the January 6th idea with Congressman Gosar, Congressman Brooks, and Congressman Andy Biggs? Do you recall saying that?

I do recall saying that.

So when did you come up with this idea of Congressman Gosar, Congressman Brooks, and Congressman Biggs?

I think that was a synthesis based off of interactions that I've given this committee that includes the Brooks staff call about the Dear Colleague Letter, Andy Biggs and me talking in December, and, you know, generally me having a good relationship with


text:
Page:CTRL0000034607 - Deposition of Ali Alexander, (Dec. 9, 2021).pdf/169

169 Okay. So you're saying you talked to Dr. Gosar and said to the effect of we should have people come to D.C. to protest on January 6th.

Yes, we definitely spoke about that.

Okay. And he said that was good idea?

Yes.

Was anyone else, do you recall, a part of that conversation you had with Mr. Gosar?

I don't recall.

Did you ever have a conversation with Mr. Van Flein along the same lines about January 6th?

Yes.

And he agreed it was a good idea for people to come to D.C. to protest that day?

I don't—I don't recall what he specifically said at all.

Did you understand him to be in agreement though?

That's my understanding of it.

Sure. And when you talked to Mr. Gosar about this—or Dr. Gosar, apologies—what was the plan that you talked about in terms of how the protest would play out, where it would be, and what would be done?

That it would be somewhere—I think initially, it was, like, just anywhere in D.C. and that—and it could have been that we had talked about the Capitol Grounds, but I'm not sure.

And what we talked about was that there were some soft Republicans that were leaning towards voting the same way that the House Freedom Caucus was voting, the majority of them, and that having that many people who are your door knockers and


text:
Page:CTRL0000034607 - Deposition of Ali Alexander, (Dec. 9, 2021).pdf/173

173 Yes. And this Arizona event, he was supposed to appear at it. And then I think he was stuck in D.C. or something like that. And I got ahold of a video, and I played it on my phone on the microphone.

But that—but that's it in terms of when you say that you schemed together. That's as far as it goes.

Yeah, because, again, when I'm publicly taking credit for it, what I'm trying to do is contrast the disinformation campaign from, you know, people who consider themselves, myself—myself their rival for no reason.

And I'm synthesizing that Paul Gosar and I are thinking about the mechanics of it. Andy Biggs is saying that there's juice with some soft Senators. And Mo Brooks is doing this Dear Colleague Letter. The synthesis of that is that we are seeking a peaceful legislative remedy that would occur on January 6th, that could legally allow the vote for the certification of the electoral college, or the protest thereof, to occur at a later date, or later that date or lose, and our objections are in the record.

Right. And so, you could understand, though, how someone could interpret your statement that you schemed up January 6th with Representative Biggs, Representative Brooks, and Representative Gosar as suggesting that you had a conversation together with the three of them, and the four of you together came up with the idea?

I can absolutely understand that. And the first time that I—it was almost—it was the first political, you know, nightmare scenario that I was dealing with post 6th. So it's very fresh in my memory, because what happened is initially, you know, very liberal Democrats took a video of mine right as I was being deplatformed, chopped it, and then misreported the date, because I'm talking. You can watch the video. I'm almost also talking in a past tense, and it's before January 6th.


text:
Page:CTRL0000034607 - Deposition of Ali Alexander, (Dec. 9, 2021).pdf/174

174 And so to them, they think I'm confessing to admitting that me and three Members of Congress secretly got in a backroom to plot violence. And so I can understand that that much disinformation coming allowed a lot of people to put a lot of eyeballs on something that is exactly what I've just characterized.

Okay. So put aside the violence that happens, the words you use to say that you schemed it up with the three of them would convey, to a reasonable person listening, I would think, that you, together, the four of you, worked out the details, not the violence, right? I mean, you schemed up with them.

I wouldn't say so in politics. I'd say it was a—it's a synthesis. It's the same reason why we adopt—in our, you know, congressional body, we allow cosponsors and co-authors. There's a credit-sharing thing that goes on in politics.

Sure. And cosponsors get the decision to say they sign off on that and they say I'll cosponsor that.

And that's—and that's in politics for government. But in politics electioneering, there's a lot of things that that go on like, Oh, I'm going to do the repeal pledge or I'm going to do this type of repeal pledge or this is the Drill Here, Drill Now pledge.

And a lot of people like to—because I'm not an elected Member of Congress, when I'm saying, Hey, if—it would be easier for me to say we four schemed this up than me saying, Well, I went to this Congressman and he said this. I went to the second one, and he said this. I went to the third one. He said this. And then I came up with this brilliant idea, and you all need to praise me.

It's easier to say I want credit alongside these other three guys than, you know, this idea took form over thought, prayer, and individualized conversations with different aspects.


text:
Page:CTRL0000034607 - Deposition of Ali Alexander, (Dec. 9, 2021).pdf/176

176 January 6th?

No. I mean, it's definitely more than 100,000.

And what were you tweeting on Twitter to your followers about January 6th?

I probably put out a couple of hundred, or several hundred tweets. So I wouldn't know.

Did you use Parler at all to advertise for January 6th?

I don't recall using Parler. And if I did, it would have been a copy and paste of some post on Twitter. I certainly didn't have time to put all my tweets on Parler. And I didn't trust anyone with my—well, I think there was one person with my password. But, you know, I—so, I certainly didn't have time. So if anything, it's there's some copying and pasting going on but nothing unique or exclusive to Parler. Parler doesn't have any direct messaging feature, I don't believe. So it really was kind of lame.

Did you utilize influencers on the social media to get the word out on January 6th?

Influencers made up what Stop the Steal Coalition was.

Okay. So who are these influencers that you—that made up the Stop the Steal Coalition?

Scott Presler, one S. Brandon Straka, myself, Michael Coudrey, C.J. Pearson, Alexander Bruesewitz, Rose Tennent, you know, we all had—well, not all of us that I mentioned. Maybe I shouldn't have mentioned some of this, but we had large accounts and we would retweet each other.

What do you mean by large accounts? What does that mean?

You know, if you have, like, more than—more than 50,000 followers, you have a large account, I think.


text: Education and Art in Soviet Russia/Document 3


text:
Page:CTRL0000034607 - Deposition of Ali Alexander, (Dec. 9, 2021).pdf/177

177 Were you all advertising or publicizing the January 5th event in Freedom Plaza and the January 6th events together?

Not always. And I do know there was a graphic that mentioned the 5th and two events on the 6th.

So there were times where you were advertising the events on the 5th and the 6th together?

Yes.

Were you asked by Women for America First to promote the event at The Ellipse?

No. I think I ceased contact with them in November. And—and though the permit was in their name, it wasn't solely their event.

So whose event was The Ellipse then?

It's difficult to say. The permit is under their name. It's, you know, under the influence of the Trump campaign, to my understanding. We were supposed to be a part of it. Either we weren't a part of it and we were led to believe we were, or the morning of we show up and we're disbarred. And so that's why I tried to be accurate in this migrating timeline of people who either exercised decision-making power, or exerted it that they shouldn't have had but had.

And you used—I believe you maintained or created websites to also advertise for the events on January 5th and 6th?

I believe so.

Such as stopthesteal.us? Did you advertise for the events on January 5th and 6th on stopthesteal.us?

I'm not sure, but normally what we would do with a large event is put a graphic at the top of stopthesteal.us.


text:
Page:CTRL0000034607 - Deposition of Ali Alexander, (Dec. 9, 2021).pdf/168

168 Dr. Paul Gosar, and him being very supportive of an effort that involved peacefully protesting outside.

So just to continue part of that statement, you say we four schemed it up. And just to make sure we're clear here: You all, the four of you never sat down or got on the phone call and schemed up January 6th, correct?

I can definitively say that the four of us did not get on a conference call together.

Okay.

Or any type of messaging service and scheme it up like that.

Mr. . Just so I—what was the January 6th scheme? When you say that, what do you mean?

The Witness. I meant that instead of—the general tenor was that December was the last time people were going to travel to D.C., and that people were then going to protest on January 6th at their State capitals, and that seemed like a wasted opportunity. So when I ran the idea by Congressman Gosar and he's, like, you know, Yeah, that would be a good idea, then I felt that it was a really good idea. And we wanted to primary bad Republicans was our chief cause.

Mr. . You said it sounds like—you said that sounds like a good idea. When did you speak to Congressman Gosar?

The Witness. Probably when I was in Arizona. We both spoke at that rally on—on—that you pointed out in Arizona. So I don't know if it was before then or if it was—or if it was on that day.

Mr. But you had spoken to him in person about January 6th?

The Witness. No, I don't—I don't know if it was in person or on the phone.

 * BY MR.


text:
Page:CTRL0000034607 - Deposition of Ali Alexander, (Dec. 9, 2021).pdf/170

170 phone bankers and small donors, that some of those Republicans would come to our side, that we'd probably still lose, you know, short of a miracle.

But we'd lose, but we'd lose doing the right thing. We'd lose doing the legislative remedy and that—and that 2022 would be kind of like a Tea Party year where we primary bad Republicans.

And I've said as much in those same speeches where I characterize coming up with the idea of January 6th.

And did Mr. Gosar help you in anyway, or Dr. Gosar, with planning for your event in January—on January 6th?

I don't know.

You don't know whether he provided you any help?

It seems overly broad. And I don't want to, like, misstate, you know.

What did he do regarding January 6th that you're aware of?

He was supportive of it. He tweeted in favor of it and

Mr. You're basing your statement he was supportive off of it based upon tweets, right?

The Witness. No.

Mr. So what other support did he provide to you then?

The Witness. No, I—I—you said—you're asking two—you're mixing up two different things in your questions. I can attest to his support because I'm a primary source to him telling me he supported it. And then I'm saying what he—and then, you know, counsel asked what did he do to potentially help? That's different, you know. And I said, well, I do recall that he tweeted about it. If he did anything else, I don't recall.

 * BY :


text:
Page:CTRL0000034607 - Deposition of Ali Alexander, (Dec. 9, 2021).pdf/171

171 Would he have worked with anyone else in your orbit, other than you, to provide help?

That would probably be a question for him because I don't recall and because, like, for example, The Ellipse was a coalition event. If he was talking to someone else additional, then I don't have any recollection of hearing that third-hand.

How about Mr. Van Flein? Did he do anything, to your knowledge, in connection with the events of January 6th to help organize, or otherwise put that together?

He made sure that his boss was going to be there on time.

All right. And then when it comes to Mr. Brooks—

Mr. Mr. Brooks.

Mr. —I know if we can just hone in. So you think that was when that you talked to him, or it was about the Dear Colleague Letter?

The Witness. I remember talking to his staff around the time of the Dear Colleague Letter. And then, you know, in an exchange with the committee, I provided a copy of something that was either sent by Mo Brooks or his staff, or secretary. And the text of that is in here, and we've said that I'm going to work with my counsel to provide a timestamp or something for that?

Mr. Not a timestamp. The actual communication of when you received that.

The Witness. Okay.

Mr. So when Mr. Brooks says he's never met you or never met or spoke with you, is that true?

The Witness. I think that we met in 2010, you know, at the Tea Party years. I think it was likely.


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172 Mr. So if he had met you, to your memory, it would have been 11 years before January 6th—excuse me—yeah, 11 years before January 6th.

The Witness. Yeah, we haven't shared a room together in my knowledge, and been in physical proximity, you know, since then in The Ellipse?

Mr. Or talked, right? Does that include talking? You and—

The Witness. No, this was the message that I sent to Ed Martin was, again—and I don't know if it was sent by him or someone, a representative of his, and who had the authority to talk, you know, because of the conversation I had with his staff. And that, to my knowledge, is our only interactions.

 * BY :

And then Mr. Biggs, again, can you put a finer point on that just so I understand? When would that conversation about January 6th have taken place the first time?

So we didn't—I don't know that we talked about January 6th specifically. In fact, I don't think that we talked about the date, you know. I don't think so. And I don't think you were here. But I talked about we had the Jericho march which is a Judeo-Christian event that Stop the Steal did in which, again, kind of like, you know, it wasn't a Stop the Steal event. It was a Jericho march event that Stop the Steal was a part of, and that's how these events work.

And the day after that, there was another opportunity to speak. And I found myself backstage with Congressman Biggs. And he had said that he had talked to U.S. Senators and conveyed, that he conveyed his optimism about whatever. And he mentioned Rick Scott. So I remember optimism and Rick Scott.

But that's the extent of whatever involvement, to your knowledge, he had with January 6th when you were speaking about it?


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175 Okay.

And that's the truth.

Mr. . Thank you.

Ms., did you have any follow-up to that?

Ms. . No.

 * BY :

Leading up to January 6th, I want to talk about, like, the crowd-building promotion of this. How did you build awareness and excitement for the event on January 6th?

I don't think we had to, because the President's tweet. I don't think that there's anything that I could have done to top that, or contribute to that. There's no person who said, I saw an Ali tweet. I saw the Trump tweet. I'm not going. I saw the Ali tweet. I am going.

So did you use your social media at all to promote the events on January 6th?

Yes.

Which social media platforms did you use to promote the events on January 6th?

Primarily Twitter.

Primarily Twitter?

Yes.

And approximately how many followers at this time did have you on Twitter?

I'm not sure. I don't have access to my account anymore.

You don't—can you give us a ballpark—recall how many you had around


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178 What about was Trumpmarch.Com a website that you controlled?

Not at all.

Okay. Was Wild Protest.com a website you controlled?

Yes, I got that name based off of the President's tweet.

So what did you advertise on WildProtest.com?

Initially that was going to be our sole event, you know, for a morning event that would go until whenever the voting was done. And we advertised the speakers, the location. And we may—I think we may have even done the website prior to getting the permit. That's how fast things were moving. And, so, it was kind of like a precursor that kind of fell apart.

Do you recall creating a website fightfortrump.us to advertise for the events on January 5th and 6th?

I don't recall. I don't recall making a unique site. I vaguely recall getting that URL. I probably pointed it to stopthesteal.us or another property.

Okay. And then what about March to Save America? Was that a website that you maintained control of?

Yes, that was a website that I maintained. And, you know, I got the name from Caroline Wren who said, you know, this was the branding that they were going for. And then, you know, it kind of migrated. It kind of was called several things, you know. But, and you guys can see based off of this and even the MOU agreement that I gave you guys about the event of the 5th, you can see, I was talking with my counsel earlier today. And we observed that—

Mr. We don't want to hear that.

Mr. Kamenar. Yeah, attorney-client privilege.

The Witness. Yeah, I want to say this.


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 Tayasu Kingo (1715-1771), the first of the name, who took great interest in the subject, he entered the service of that Prince. A dispute subsequently took place on account of which Arimaro resigned, but he continued to take pupils at his own house. There is a notice of his life and works in the Kijinden.

When Arimaro quitted the service of Tayasu Kingo, he recommended a man named Mabuchi in his stead.

Mabuchi was a man of ancient lineage, being descended from Take-tsunumi no mikoto, the demigod who took the form of a gigantic crow and acted as guide to Jimmu Tennô in his invasion of Yamashiro, as related in the Nihongi.

About the middle of the 13th century there was a Shintô priest of one of the lesser Shrines of Kamigamo near Kiôto, whose daughter, one of the Emperor’s women, received a gift of 500 koku of land at Okabé near Hamamatsu in Tôtômi. With these lands she endowed a shrine to the gods of Kamo and made her brother Michihisa chief warden of it. The living, if it may be so called, became hereditary in the family of his younger brother and heir, and three generations later the name of the village was adopted as the family surname. In the end of the 17th century the wardenship was held by Okabé Jirozaëmon, and Mabuchi, who was his nephew, was born at Okabé in 1697.

His biographer says that at one period he was desirous of entering the Buddhist priesthood, but his parents refused their consent, and he thereupon quitted their roof for that of the chief innkeeper at Hamamatsu, whose daughter he married. Amongst his friends were two Shintô priests, Sugiura Shinano no Kami and Mori Mimbu no Shôyu, both pupils of Kada. Sugiura’s wife was a niece of Kada, who on his way to and from Yedo used to stop with his relations, and Mabuchi thus made

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Page:The Celtic twilight. Men and women (IA celtictwilightme00yeat).pdf/68

 with their passionate and melancholy multitude. They hold, too, that he who by long desire or through accident of birth possesses the power of piercing into their hidden abode can see them there, those who were once men or women full of a terrible vehemence, and those who have never lived upon the earth, moving slowly and with a subtler malice. The dark powers cling about us, it is said, day and night, like bats upon an old tree; and that we do not hear more of them is merely because the darker kinds of magic have been but little practised. I have indeed come across very few persons in Ireland who try to communicate with evil powers, and the few I have met keep their purpose and practice wholly hidden from the inhabitants of the remote town where they live. It is even possible, though this is perhaps scarcely likely, that


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 his acquaintaceacquaintance [sic]. It was about this time that he changed his previous name of Masafuji for that of Mabuchi, by which he is generally known.

In 1733, at the age of thirty-six, he went up to Kiôto and became one of Kada’s pupils, but as Kada died in 1736, he only profited by his teacher’s lessons for a comparatively short period. Nevertheless, he made excellent use of his time, as is shown by the fact that he alone of all those who studied under Kada, surpassed his master in learning. In 1738 he removed to Yedo, where he passed the remainder of his life. Having established his reputation as a scholar, he entered the service of Tayasu Kingo in 1746, with whom he remained fourteen years, until old age compelled his retirement. He died in the end of 1769 at the age of 72, and was buried at the Buddhist monastery of Tôdaiji at Shinagawa.

Motoöri in his Tamagatsuma, under the heading “Agatai no ushi’s claim to be considered the founder of ancient learning” says: “The branch of study which consists of investigating the ancient language and modes of thought with a mind perfectly freed from Chinese influences was initiated by Mabuchi. Before his time the usual studies were confined to the Kokinshiu and later collections. The Manyôshiu was considered obscure and unintelligible. No one was capable of appreciating its merits or of distinguishing between the more ancient and modern poems which it contains, and no one ever attempted to acquire the language of the Manyôshiu, so as to wield it as his own. The power of acquiring this ancient language so as to employ it with perfect ease, of composing poetry in the style of the Manyôshiu and of writing prose in the ancient manner, which some have attained to in later times, is owing to the teachings of Mabuchi. The Moderns may imagine that they have made this acquisition by their own efforts, but there is not one who does not stand in debt to him. Every one

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 knows now that in order to understand the ancient texts, such as the Kojiki and Nihonshoki, it is necessary to avoid being misled by Chinese notions, to study antiquity and to be guided by ancient ideas, but the knowledge of these truths is the very spirit of Mabuchi’s teaching of the Manyô. The service which he performed in founding a branch of learning which has such high claims to veneration as the study of antiquity, is one of incalculable value to mankind..” [sic]

Katô Chikagé, who for many years was a pupil of Mabuchi, is the best authority for biographical and literary details. He says: “From a very early age I lived in Mabuchi’s service, and I was both a constant spectator of his mode of life and an auditor of his words. He was very different in appearance from ordinary men. From his looks he might be taken to be a person of small acuteness and slow in thinking, but sometimes the true heart of a Japanese burst forth in his language, which was then distinguished by the most perfect eloquence. That his hand-writing resembled that of ancient manuscripts, was no doubt the effect of his unwearied and long coutinued diligence in the study of antiquity. His house and furniture were both formed upon ancient models, and he neither lent ear to nor bestowed attention on anything modern. In this way his mind naturally acquired an old-fashioned mould, and all its productions, whether written or verbal, were pervaded by the same tint.

“In composing poetry he worked most conscientiously. Every stanza was the subject of much consideration and frequent correction. Three separate styles are to be distinguished in his compositions. The first was imitated from Kada no Adzumamaro, and is elegant and feminine in form. The second is entirely his own; polished, musical and yet manly. In his later years his range of thought was higher, and his language was natural and simple to a degree not to be attained a by ordinary

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 with that long and patient training in prescribed studies which does so much for the German student in the secondary stage of his education. Indeed, there is so much flexibility and versatility in the present character of the American boy, and so much lack of stable institutions which have to do with education, that it is not possible to pronounce with confidence upon the question what his typical national characteristics will prove to be. At present it may be said that if the average pupil in this country is bright, enterprising, and inquiring, and is ready with a commendable reliance upon his own resources to skip from branch to branch on the tree of learning, and to pluck at an incredible variety of the flowers of knowledge in a short space of time, we are not so sure that he possesses certain other equally desirable qualities. These are the staying qualities,—the patience, endurance, and steady industry on which scholarship depends.


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 .” Mabuchi’s chief aim was to carry out the idea originated by Kada, namely to illustrate the prehistoric age. For this purpose he considered that it was necessary to begin by explaining the Manyôshiu. Poetry was with him only the means to an end. At the only interview which ever took place between Mabuchi and Motoöri, the latter spoke of his own project of writing a commentary on the Kojiki. Mabuchi replied that he also had wished to explain the sacred writings, but in order to do this it was first necessary to get rid of the effects of Chinese philosophy, and discover the genuine beliefs of antiquity. The first step towards their elucidation was to recover the ancient language, which could only be done by studying the Manyôshiu. This preliminary task he had himself accomplished, and he urged Motoöri, who was yet young, to apply himself diligently to the study of the Kojiki.

It appears that some writers have accused Motoöri of inventing these views of Mabuchi, but the writings of the latter are evidence of his having held these opinions. In his Niimanabi (quoted in the Tamadasuki) he says: “The moderns have held the erroneous opinion that the Manyôshiu contains nothing but poetry, which is fit only for women to amuse themselves with, and many shallow fools, who cannot understand the ancient poetry and are ignorant of the ancient books, have made attempts to explain the divine age according to ideas derived from Chinese literature. Thus their utterances are mere sophistry, utterly opposed to the ancient Japanese ‘way.’ ”

Mabuchi then proceeds to lay down the course of study which should be followed in order that the ‘way’ of the gods and ancient emperors may be thoroughly comprehended. The old poetry is to be taken at the commencement, namely the collection entitled the Manyôshiu, and the Norito, as being the earliest specimens of prose, should come next. Next follow the Kojiki, Nihonji (also called Nihonshoki), Shoku Nihongi, and other ancient histories. After this the books which treat of rites and ceremonies,

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text:
Comprehensive Anti-Apartheid Act of 1986/Title V

{{SECTION|SEC. 501.|SEC. 501}}. ADDITIONAL MEASURES.

 * (a) It shall be the policy of the United States to impose additional measures against the Government of South Africa if substantial progress has not been made within twelve months of the date of enactment of this Act in ending the system of apartheid and establishing a nonracial democracy.

 * (b) The President shall prepare and transmit to the Speaker of the House of Representatives and the chairman of the Committee on Foreign Relations of the Senate within twelve months of the date of enactment of this Act, and every twelve months thereafter, a report on the extent to which significant progress has been made toward ending the system of apartheid, including—
 * (1) an assessment of the extent to which the Government of South Africa has taken the steps set forth in section 101(b) of this Act;
 * (2) an analysis of any other actions taken by the Government of South Africa in ending the system of apartheid and moving toward a nonracial democracy; and
 * (3) the progress, or lack of progress, made in reaching a negotiated settlement to the conflict in South Africa.

 * (c) If the President determines that significant progress has not been made by the Government of South Africa in ending the system of apartheid and establishing a nonracial democracy, the President shall include in the report required by subsection (b) a recommendation on which of the following additional measures should be imposed:
 * (1) a prohibition on the importation of steel from South Africa;
 * (2) a prohibition on military assistance to those countries that the report required by section 508 identifies as continuing to circumvent the international embargo on arms and military technology to South Africa;
 * (3) a prohibition on the importation of food, agricultural products, diamonds, and textiles from South Africa;
 * (4) a prohibition on United States banks accepting, receiving, or holding deposit accounts from South African nationals; and
 * (5) a prohibition on the importation into the United States of strategic minerals from South Africa.

 * (d) A joint resolution which would enact part or all of the measures recommended by the President pursuant to subsection (c) shall be considered in accordance with the provisions of section 602 of this Act.

{{SECTION|SEC. 502.|SEC. 502}}. LIFTING OF PROHIBITIONS.

 * (a) Notwithstanding any other provision of this Act, the President may lift any prohibition contained in this Act imposed against South Africa if the President determines, after six months from the date of the imposition of such prohibition, and so reports to Congress, that such prohibition would increase United States dependence upon any member country or observer country of the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance (C.M.E.A.) for the importation of coal or any strategic and critical material by an amount which exceed by weight the average amounts of such imports from such country during the period 1981 through 1985.

 * (b) (1) Not later than 30 days after the date of enactment of this Act, the Secretary of Commerce shall prepare and transmit to the Congress a report setting forth for each country described in subsection (a)—
 * (A) the average amount of such imports from such country during the period of 1981 through 1985; and
 * (B) the current amount of such imports from such country entering the United States.
 * (2) Thirty days after transmittal of the report required by paragraph (1) and every thirty days thereafter, the President shall prepare and transmit the information described in paragraph (1)(B).

{{SECTION|SEC. 503.|SEC. 503}}. STUDY OF HEALTH CONDITIONS IN THE "HOMELANDS" AREAS OF SOUTH AFRICA.

 * The Secretary of State shall conduct a study to examine the state of health conditions and to determine the extent of starvation and malnutrition now prevalent in the "homelands" areas of South Africa and shall, not later than December 1, 1986, prepare and transmit to the Speaker of the House of Representatives and the chairman of the Committee on Foreign Relations of the Senate a report setting forth the results of such study.

{{SECTION|SEC. 504.|SEC. 504}}. REPORTS ON SOUTH AFRICAN IMPORTS.

 * (a) Not later than 90 days after the date of enactment of this Act, the President shall submit to the Speaker of the House of Representatives and the chairman of the Committee on Foreign Relations of the Senate a report on the extent to which the United States is dependent on the importation from South Africa of—
 * (1) chromium,
 * (2) cobalt,
 * (3) manganese,
 * (4) platinum group metals,
 * (5) ferroalloys, and
 * (6) other strategic and critical minerals (within the meaning of the Strategic and Critical Minerals Stock Piling Act).

 * (b) The President shall develop a program which reduces the dependence, if any, of the United States on the importation from South Africa of the materials identified in the report submitted under subsection (a).

{{SECTION|SEC. 505.|SEC. 505}}. STUDY AND REPORT ON THE ECONOMY OF SOUTHERN AFRICA.

 * (a) The President shall conduct a study on the role of American assistance in southern Africa to determine what needs to be done, and what can be done to expand the trade, private investment, and transport prospects of southern Africa's landlocked nations.

 * (b) Not later than 180 days after the date of enactment of this Act, the President shall prepare and transmit to the chairman of the Committee on Foreign Affairs of the House of Representatives and the chairman of the Committee on Foreign Relations of the Senate a report setting forth the findings of the study conducted under subsection (a).

{{SECTION|SEC. 506.|SEC. 506}}. REPORT ON RELATIONS BETWEEN OTHER INDUSTRIALIZED DEMOCRACIES AND SOUTH AFRICA..

 * (a) Not later than 180 days after the date of enactment of this Act, the President shall prepare and transmit to the Speaker of the House of Representatives and the chairman of the Committee on Foreign Relations of the Senate a report containing a detailed assessment of the economic and other relationships of other industrialized democracies with South Africa. Such report shall be transmitted without regard to whether or not the President successfully concluded an international agreement under section 401.

 * (b) For purposes of this section, the phrase "economic and other relationships" includes the same types of matters as are described in sections 201, 202, 204, 205, 206, 207, sections 301 through 307, and sections 309 and 310 of this Act.

{{SECTION|SEC. 507.|SEC. 507}}. STUDY AND REPORT ON DEPOSIT ACCOUNTS OF SOUTH AFRICAN NATIONALS IN UNITED STATES BANKS.

 * (a) (1) The Secretary of the Treasury shall conduct a study on the feasibility of prohibiting each depository institution from accepting, receiving, or holding a deposit account from any South African national.
 * (2) For purposes of paragraph (1), the term "depositary institution" has the same meaning as in section 19(b)(1) of the Federal Reserve Act.

 * (b) Not later than 180 days after the date of enactment of this Act, the Secretary of the Treasury shall submit to the Speaker of the House of Representatives and the chairman of the Committee on Foreign Relations of the Senate a report detailing the findings of the study required by subsection (a).

{{SECTION|SEC. 508.|SEC. 508}}. STUDY AND REPORT ON THE VIOLATION OF THE INTERNATIONAL EMBARGO ON SALE AND EXPORT OF MILITARY ARTICLES TO SOUTH AFRICA.

 * (a) The President shall conduct a study on the extent to which the international embargo on the sale and exports of arms and military technology to South Africa is being violated.

 * (b) Not later than 179 days after the date of enactment of this Act, the President shall submit to the Speaker of the House of Representatives and the chairman of the Committee on Foreign Relations of the Senate a report setting forth the findings of the study required by subsection (a), including an identification of those countries engaged in such sale or export, with a view to terminating United States military assistance to those countries.

{{SECTION|SEC. 509.|SEC. 509}}. REPORT ON COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN SOUTH AFRICA.

 * (a) Not later than 90 days after the date of enactment of this Act, the President shall prepare and transmit to the Speaker of the House of Representatives and the chairman of the Committee on Foreign Affairs of the House of Representatives and the chairman of the Committee on Foreign Relations of the Senate an unclassified version of a report, prepared with the assistance of the Director of the Central Intelligence Agency, the Director of the Defense Intelligence Agency, the National Security Advisor, and other relevant United States Government officials in the intelligence community, which shall set forth the activities of the Communist Party in South Africa, the extent to which Communists have infiltrated the many black and nonwhite South African organizations engaged in the fight against the apartheid system, and the extent to which any such Communist infiltration or influence sets the policies and goals of the organizations with which they are involved.

 * (b) At the same time the unclassified report in subsection (a) is transmitted as set forth in that subsection, a classified version of the same report shall be transmitted to the chairmen of the Select Committee on Intelligence of the Senate and of the Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence of the House of Representatives.

{{SECTION|SEC. 510.|SEC. 510}}. PROHIBITION ON THE IMPORTATION OF SOVIET GOLD COINS.

 * (a) No person, including a bank, may import into the United States any gold coin minted in the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics or offered for sale by the Government of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics.

 * (b) For purposes of this section, the term "United States" includes the States of the United States, the District of Columbia, the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico, and any territory or possession of the United States.

 * (c) Any individual who violates this section or any regulations issued to carry out this section shall be fined not more than five times the value of the rubles involved.

{{SECTION|SEC. 511.|SEC. 511}}. ECONOMIC SUPPORT FOR DISADVANTAGED SOUTH AFRICANS.

 * (a) Chapter 4 of part II of the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961 is amended by adding at the end thereof the following new section:

 * "SEC. 535. ECONOMIC SUPPORT FOR DISADVANTAGED SOUTH AFRICANS.—
 * "(a) (1) Up to $40,000,000 of the funds authorized to be appropriated to carry out this chapter for the fiscal year 1987 and each fiscal year thereafter shall be available for assistance for disadvantaged South Africans. Assistance under this section shall be provided for activities that are consistent with the objective of a majority of South Africans for an end to the apartheid system and the establishment of a society based on non-racial principles. Such activities may include scholarships, assistance to promote the participation of disadvantaged South Africans in trade unions and private enterprise, alternative education and community development programs.
 * "(2) Up to $3,000,000 of the amounts provided in each fiscal year pursuant to subsection (a) shall be available for training programs for South Africa's trade unionists.
 * "(b) Assistance provided pursuant to the section shall be made available notwithstanding any other provision of law and shall not be used to provide support to organizations or groups which are financed or controlled by the Government of South Africa. Nothing in this subsection may be construed to prohibit programs which are consistent with subsection (a) and which award scholarships to students who choose to attend South African-supported institutions.".

 * (b) Not later than 90 days after the date of enactment of this Act, the Secretary of State shall prepare and transmit to the Congress a report describing the strategy of the President during the five-year period beginning on such date regarding the assistance of black Africans pursuant to section 535 of the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961 and describing the programs and projects to be funded under such section.

{{SECTION|SEC. 512.|SEC. 512}}. REPORT ON THE AFRICAN NATIONAL CONGRESS.

 * (a) Not later than 180 days after the date of enactment of this Act, the Attorney General shall prepare and transmit to the Congress a report on actual and alleged violations of the Foreign Agents Registration Act of 1938, and the status of any investigation pertaining thereto, by representatives of governments or opposition movements in Subsaharan Africa, including, but not limited to, members or representatives of the African National Congress.

 * (b) For purposes of conducting any investigations necessary in order to provide a full and complete report, the Attorney General shall have full authority to utilize civil investigative demand procedures, including but not limited to the issuance of civil subpoenas.


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 such as the Yengishiki, the Seikiushô, the Hokuganshô, Gôka-shidai, &c., must be carefully read in proper order, and the Monogatari, or earliest writings in syllabic characters (kana), must be studied for the sake of the traces which they contain of the archaic language.

Mabuchi was very voluminous writer. A list of his works is given at the end of the notice of his life in the Sanjiurok’kashiu riakuden. Many of them have been superseded by the writings of subsequent authors, but a considerable number are still worthy of being studied. These are the Manyôkô, or commentary on the Manyôshiu, and its supplement, the Kokin-shiu uchi-giki, commentary on the collection called Kokin-shiu, Hiakuninshiu Kosetsu and Hiakuninshiu nimanabi, commentaries on the collection of verses called Hiakuninshiu; Kanjikô, a lexilogus of Makura kotoba, Ise-monogatari koi and tai-i; and the Genji-monogatari Shin-shoku (new comments on), besides those which are noticed below.

In the Koku-i-kô we have Mabuchi’s views upon the worthlessness of the Chinese philosophy. He asks “Wherein lies the value of a role of conduct? In its conducing to the good order of the state.” He argues that while the Chinese for ages past have had a succession of different dynasties to rule over them, Japan has been faithful to one uninterrupted line of sovereigns. Every Chinese dynasty was founded upon rebellion and parricide. Sometimes a powerful ruler was able to transmit his authority to his son and grandson, but they in their turn were inevitably deposed and murdered, and the country was in a perpetual state of civil war. A philosophy which produced such effects must be founded on a false system.

When Confucianism was first introduced into Japan, the simple-minded natives, deceived by its plausible appearance, accepted it with eagerness, and allowed it to spread its influence everywhere. The consequence was the civil

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A MANUAL TRAINNING ROOM WHERE BOYS MAY LEARN A USEFUL TRADE


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 of 1946, and its contracts, facilities, and management responsibilities were transferred to the newly established Atomic Energy Commission (AEC).

The primary purpose of CROSSROADS was to determine the effects of atomic bombs upon naval vessels. The effects of nuclear weapons on ships was of considerable interest to the U.S. defense establishment. As early as August 1945, the Chairman of the Senate's Special Committee on Atomic Energy proposed that the effectiveness of atomic bombs be demonstrated on captured Japanese ships. In September, the Army Air Forces commanding general put the question of such a test before the Joint Chiefs of Staff (JCS) (Reference A.1, p. 10).

The Navy's response to this proposal was that such a test also should include a few modern U.S. naval units in the target array (Reference A.1, p. 10). In effect, this broadened the test from a mere demonstration of the power of nuclear detonations to a scientific test whose results could be used in designs of naval vessels and naval tactics. In November the JCS established a subcommittee to prepare a detailed proposal. The subcommittee completed its work in six weeks.

Secondary purposes of CROSSROADS were to afford training for Army Air Forces personnel in attack techniques using atomic bombs against ships, and to determine atomic bomb effects upon military equipment and installations. Such information was not available from the Trinity test or the Hiroshima and Nagasaki bombings (Reference C.9.189, p. XIII).

On 10 December 1945, the President announced that the United States would further explore the capabilities of atomic energy in the form of scientific atomic bomb tests under JCS jurisdiction. The JCS proposed a joint task force to be composed of Army and Navy personnel and civilian scientists, and on 10 January 1946 the President approved the formation of this task force. On 11 January the JCS created Joint Task Force One (JTF 1) and approved a naval officer who had commanded large Army-Navy operations in the Pacific during the war and who had also been Chief of the Navy's Bureau of Ordnance to serve as Commander JTF 1 (CJTF 1).

CROSSROADS, as proposed, was to have consisted of three nuclear events. In approving the plans, the President approved the detonation of three nuclear weapons, one-third of the U.S. stockpile at the time -- surely a measure of the importance given the operation (Reference A.7).

Among the major problems confronting CJTF 1 after his appointment was the selection of a test site. Several locations were considered in the Atlantic and Pacific oceans and in the Caribbean Sea. The requirements were:

 * A protected anchorage (at least 6 nmi [11 km] wide) to hold the target and support fleet
 * A site that was nearly uninhabited
 * A location at least 300 statute miles (about 483 km) from a city
 * Freedom from severe cold and violent storms

18

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24 One surprise for Uncle Sam comes before you cross the threshold. He rather expects you to trample on his school grass, and cut your name with a jack knife in the fence, and throw papers and pencil shavings in the gravel paths. Surprise him by doing none of these things.

If you have studied pictures of Uncle Sam you have discovered that although his suit and hat are not of the style of to-day, he is very particular about his personal appearance. He is never too busy to tie his necktie in a neat bow, comb his hair, and blacken his boots, This is your school surprise number two for Uncle Sam. Come to school looking just as neat and tidy as you possibly can.

Surprise number three will he to show Uncle Sam that he docs not need to stay in your school-room, behind the teacher’s desk. He has done a great, deal for the children of the Union in giving them free schools, and he deserves a chance

MAKING A GOOD RECORD IN THE COOKING ROOM


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Rh GOING TO WORK OR UNCLE SAM

them at the head of a parade of soldiers but to wave the Stars and Stripes, and cheer. But the United States grew, and the cities grew, and more and more people found that our country was a fine place in which to live. Uncle Sam put on his seven league boots and went into every stale of the Union: and into every town, no matter how small, helping the people to establish their own laws that would keep the whole country safe, and good, and clean.

Uncle Sam spends most of his time at Washington, but he is apt to visit you any day. When he comes he will have much to tell you of the great place among the nations that he is making for the United States. He will ask you to help


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Norms
When your first three edits on a project are to edit war with the community, it's not a good sign. You have been briefly blocked.

In future, please do not remove links simply because they are red. In this instance, although the chapter does not yet exist, the work itself does, and the table of contents lists that link for the chapter. --EncycloPetey (talk) 05:02, 14 December 2023 (UTC)

 * thank you. you actually explained why i'm being reverted. Ltbdl (talk) 05:11, 14 December 2023 (UTC)

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Rh to rest from his duties when school opens. If a child abuses school privileges in any way, the teacher may feel that he has forfeited his right to the gift of the schools, but she cannot expel him. She must recommend to the school officers of that district that the child be expelled, and they must look up the law in the case. So it is our hard-worked Uncle Sam who has to sit in judgment on school truants and school law breakers. Save him this trouble by removing the cause.

The last school surprise for Uncle Sam will be

Courtesy, Social Science Dept, Tennessee Coal, Iron, and R.R. Co., Birmingham, Ala.

“PLANTING AND CULTIVATING A SCHOOL GARDEN”


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are few things more astonishing than the rapidity and apparent ease with which periods of conservative thinking and practice are sometimes followed by great and even radical changes. Opinions which have long been regarded as having the necessary quality of rational principles are at such times contested and discarded; practices that have come to be associated with sacred ideas of duty and of religion are deemed unreasonable and are abandoned. Indeed, in this generation and land of ours, such great and radical changes have become so frequent as almost to fail of exciting the astonishment they really merit. Moreover, there are few subjects—at least among those concerning which the world has commonly been supposed to have settled conclusions on the basis of a sufficient experience—that are just now ina more precarious condition than that of education. For tens of centuries the so-called civilized world has discussed and practised touching the question how best to train the young. For a less number of centuries a considerable part of the civilized world has been much at its ease in the gratifying


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Rh

HARVESTING BOYS AND GIRLS CAN DO

There is that Jack-o'-Lantern first, which interests Uncle Sam very much indeed. You are to make one, but instead of throwing away the seeds or feeding them to the fowls as you have always done before, the Government would like you to save them. To have a good share of pumpkin seeds is


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148 with a charter. This money is raised by taxes, and buys fire engines and schoolbooks and street lights and other important things. The town grew quite rich at last, and it was decided to spend some of this tax money to make Hilldale beautiful. That was how the park came, and the bridge, and the new town hall. A wide street, called a boulevard, with a row of trees in the center of it was laid out along the river front. There was a monument to the brave soldiers and sailors put up in the center of the town. The new High School with its wide lawn and stone pillars was built.

ALL THE FAMILY WORKING TO IMPROVE THE BACK YARD


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 belief that it was answering the question wisely. But now the New Education, as brought to our notice afresh by Professor Palmer's article in the November number of this Review, claims to have made beyond doubt the discovery that the answer hitherto practically given must be almost completely reversed. The language used by the article alluded to is not a bit too strong to express the completeness of the proposed reversal, The New Education has avowedly thrown away an "established principle;" has organized a college "from the top almost to the bottom on a wholly different plan;" has wrought "a revolution like that in the England of Victoria."

It would be an error to suppose, however, that even so revolutionary a change in education should be denied fair consideration, on the ground that what seems to contradict a well-nigh universal experience cannot, of course, be wise and true. If the New Education should finally come to have matters according to its liking in all our educational institutions, such a change of custom would not be wholly without a parallel in the history of the subject. It would perhaps not be greater than the change which took place in the culture of Greek youth when the Sophists captivated them all by adding rhetoric and dialectic to the ancient disciplines of music, mathematics, and gymnastics. Nor can it be wholly forgotten that the ancient


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Rh classics only a few centuries since turned out much of the theology and metaphysics from the universities of Europe, in order to make a place for themselves as the new learning of the day. The truth is, that poetry, mathematics, and philosophy are about the only branches of human knowledge that have everywhere and in all times been regarded as studies indispensable to what the civilized world has agreed to call culture. Yet these are perhaps the studies which are at present least prized of all by that class of youth who are fired with the ambition to choose wholly for themselves a training suited to the so-called "practical life" of business, politics, journalism, etc.

Accordingly, we are not among those who, when startling new views are proposed in opposition to ancient convictions and customs, refuse to tolerate the possibility of such views being largely or mainly trustworthy. But, on the other hand, the advocates of the New Education can scarcely expect, in the exercise of fairness and good judgment, that a scheme which they admit to be no less than "revolutionary" should be hastily caught at for its novelty by thoughtful educators. Professor Palmer's description of the Harvard method calls upon us all to discard many cherished convictions; we may justly expect it to enforce its call with many and valid reasons. It asks for a large faith; we may ask of it some assured pledge that the faith


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Rh And the town built a band stand in the square in front of the town hall so that you might have music on holidays.

It is a beautiful place for a boy or girl to live. And there is ever so much that you and the others can do to help in keeping your town beautiful.

Your home is one of the older ones and faces Main Street, setting rather far back from the street. There is a wooden fence in front of it, and when you stood up on the fence not long ago to watch the soldiers march by, you broke two or three of the pickets. The gate is loose on its hinges, too. There is an alley back of your house through which the tradesmen and the men who collect refuse drive. This alley is littered with tin cans and scattered papers. The trees in the street in front of your house do not seem to be sending out their spring leaves as early as they should, and your front yard is untidy with the

Courtesy, Chicago Commons DOING HER BIT TO KEEP HER TOWN BEAUTUFUL


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 :*Predictable winds directionally uniform at all altitudes from sea level to 60,000 feet (18 km)

 * Predictable water currents of great lateral and vertical dispersion; fast currents avoiding important fishing areas, ocean shipping lanes, and inhabited shores

 * Control by the United States.

The location that best satisfied these requirements was Bikini Atoll. Bikini's location in the Central Pacific is shown in Figure 1 and a map of the atoll itself in Figure 2. The final choice of Bikini was announced on 24 January by the JCS after a slight delay because the fishing industry feared the tests might kill millions of fish, especially tuna and whales. To evaluate any dangers, the Department of Interior's Fish and Wildlife Service conducted surveys. Those surveys concluded that Bikini was not a critical area for tuna fish or other fish of commercial importance and was far from migratory whale routes (Reference A.1, pp. 19 and 20).

CJTF 1 requested that the Bikini native population be evacuated from the atoll by 15 March 1946. Rongerik Atoll was selected as the future home for the Bikinians and on 26 February a group of Navy Construction Battalion personnel (Seabees) began construction of cisterns, water catchments, and 26 house frames there. These frames (Figure 3) were temporarily covered with canvas, but this was replaced by thatch from the pandanus, or screw pine, tree. The thatch was brought to Rongerik by the Bikinians. The cisterns were initially filled with 25,000 gallons (94,785 liters) of water brought from Kwajalein.

Bikini was evacuated on 7 March. Figure 4 shows the Bikinians collecting their belongings, and Figure 5 shows the loading of the LST that transported them. The 167 Bikinians arrived at Rongerik the next day (Figure 6). In an effort to improve the lives of the Bikinians who were unhappy with Rongerik, meetings were held in 1946 and 1947 between the Chief and members of his council and military authorities to find a more suitable island. On 3 November 1948, the Bikinians and their possessions were resettled on the island of Kili, in the southern Marshall Islands, 400 nmi (741 km) southeast of Bikini and 27 nmi (50 km) southeast of Jaluit Atoll (Reference A.8, pp. 507-551).

On 23 March, after preparations for the operation were well underway, the President changed the date of the first test from 15 May to 1 July; the second test was scheduled for 25 July. This allowed certain members of Congress to observe Operation CROSSROADS. On 7 September 1946, the President announced that Test CHARLIE, the third scheduled and a deep underwater test, was indefinitely postponed (Reference C.9.206, p. V-(D)-5). Engineering problems in constructing a bathysphere capable of withstanding the tremendous pressures involved precluded the scheduling of Test CHARLIE before Spring of 1947 (Reference C.9.206, p. V-(A)-5).

REPORT ORGANIZATION

Subsequent sections of this overview chapter discuss the form of weapon effects test programs, with emphasis on potential radiation exposure of participating Navy and War Department personnel. The chapter concludes with a description of JTF 1 and indicates how elements within JTF 1 functioned.

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Figure 1. The Central Pacific.

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Figure 2. Bikini Atoll, 1946, showing ABLE and BAKER test sites.

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Rh "BE PRHPARED"

"A Boy Scout," you. say to your friends.

Yes, that is who the boy in khaki is, and if you want to join the junior service for Uncle Sam that he represents, be a Boy Scout.

There are a great many kinds of service that the Boy Scouts carry on, but their special motto that will ft every boy in the United States just now


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Figure 3. Navy Construction Battalion personnel, assisted by Marshallese, construct wooden house frames on Rongerik for Bikinians.

Figure 4. Bikinians collecting their belongings for move to Rongerik.

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Courtesy, Social Science Dept., Tennessee Coal, Iron and R.R. Co., Birmingham Ala.

AROUND THE COUNCIL FIRE


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Figure 5. Bikini outrigger swung aboard LST for transport to Rongerik.

Figure 6. USS LST-1108 arrives at Rongerik, 8 March 1946.

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Courtesy, Social Science Dept., Tennessee Coal, Iron and R.R. Co., Birmingham Ala.

FIRE IS THE CAMP FIRE SYMBOL BECAUSE IT IS THE CENTER OF THE HOME


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192

CAMP FIRE GIRL WEAVING HER SYMBOL, THE DUCK, REPRESENTING THE STRONG SWIMMER

stands as a leader in her community, and who is called "The Guardian of the Fire." As soon as the group is formed, the Guardian writes to the Camp Fire Headquarters in New York City for an application blank. On being appointed, the Guardian receives a certificate for herself and a charter for the group, and they start out working for their honors. In addition to the daily work the girls have weekly meetings, and a Council Fire ounce a month for the awarding of honors and conferring of ranks.


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Rh Would the boys and girls of your class in school like to work together for Uncle Sam? You can do this by joining the Junior Red Cross. Perhaps your entire school can enroll as an auxiliary of your home town’s chapter of the American Red Cross. Through the town chapter you can be part of the State Division.

Your Junior Red Cross Chapter can help Uncle Sam in three ways.

It can study geography harder than it ever did

Courtesy, Irving Park School, Chicago

HELPING UNCLE SAM IN WAR TIME BY PACKING COMFORT KITS FOR HIS SOLDIERS


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Brown Bros. N. Y.

LEARN ALL YOU CAN IN THE PUBLIC MUSEUM


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Brown Bros., N. Y.

WHEN THE ADVENTURES OP YOUR LETTER BEGIN


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 Chapter 2 is concerned with radiological safety (radsafe) aspects of the tests. This chapter documents procedures, training, and equipment used to protect participants from potential radiation exposure.

Chapter 3 discusses the general role of personnel in the weapons effects program in CROSSROADS, leading to a discussion of operations for test events in Chapter 4, and in the post-test operations discussed in Chapter 5 and 6.

Chapters 7 through 10 report participation by the Army Ground Forces, Army Air Forces, Navy, and Marine Corps, respectively. Chapter 11 summarizes participation of other government agencies, contractors, and universities. Personnel exposures are discussed in Chapter 12.

NUCLEAR TESTS AND RADIATION EXPOSURES

In general, nuclear testing before 1961 consisted of the unconfined detonation of nuclear devices (usually not weapons) in the atmosphere. The devices might be placed on a platform or a barge on the ocean's surface; emplaced on or slightly beneath the Earth's surface; atop a tower; or supported by a balloon, dropped from an airplane, suspended underwater, or fired from cannon or rocket launchers, CROSSROADS employed two operational weapons: one was dropped from an aircraft and detonated in the air; the other was suspended from a ship and detonated underwater.

In theory, personnel can be exposed either to the radiation emitted at the time of explosion and for about 1 minute thereafter -- usually referred to as initial radiation -- or the radiation emitted later (residual radiation). Initial radiation is part of the violent nuclear explosion process itself.

The neutron component of initial radiation indirectly contributes to the later exposure of personnel. Neutrons are emitted in large numbers by nuclear materials so that they become radioactive. This process, called activation, works on sodium, silicon, calcium, manganese, and iron, as well as other common materials. Activation products thus formed are added to the inventory of the radioactive products produced in the explosion process. The radiation emitted by this inventory more than 1 minute after detonation is referred to as residual radiation.

The potential for personnel exposure to residual radiation was much greater than the potential for exposure to initial radiation. In the nuclear explosion process, fissioning atoms of the heavy elements, uranium and plutonium, split into lighter elements, called fission products, releasing energy. When the uranium and plutonium fission, they produce a variety of fission products. Different fission products have different half-lives. In genial, the lighter fission products have half-lives that are shorter than the mother elements. The residual radiation produced by these products, given their shorter half-lives, is initially quite high. However, over a period of time, the radioactivity diminishes. The decay of the original fission products produces other, lighter fission products that may (or may not) be radioactive themselves. The net result is that initial decay of fission products produces fairly high levels of radioactivity that dissipate over time. While a radioactive fission product

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 will not be misplaced. It seems to me, then, that little fault could be found with any educator of youth, whose mind worked in a moderately conservative fashion, if he should decline to estimate highly the detailed facts which make up the very limited experience of the New Education. In other words, I do not think that the trial of the Harvard method is yet old enough to be critically weighed and pronounced upon. It is true that the elective system was adopted there, to a certain small extent, as long ago as 1825. But until 1879 "some prescribed study remained" for juniors; till 1884 for sophomores. During only a single year have freshmen in Harvard College chosen a majority of their own studies. But it is precisely to making all of the last two years of the college course elective, and to giving any considerable play to the elective system in the earlier years, that the opponents of the Harvard method have most decided objections. For it by no means follows that, because some choice of his own studies is good for the young man of twenty-one or twenty-two years, therefore the entire control of his studies should be committed to the boy from eighteen to twenty. As to whether it is wise that freshmen and sophomores should be placed completely under the elective system, Harvard itself has, then, barely two years of experience; and for the upper classes only a few years more. No


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130 in our flag has been increased to keep pace with the growing number of states in the United States, the design has been the same. It has floated over battle-fields, and from battleships. It has been carried by old veterans and Boy Scouts. It flies from the school-house, all public buildings, and from every house in our land, almost, during war time.

Uncle Sam wants each boy and each girl in the United States to have as large and as beautiful an American flag as possible, but he wants it taken care of. The way in which a flag is hung or carried is not a matter that can be regulated by law; if is a matter of good taste and sentiment, But the United States Government has adopted certain customs in relation to the use of the American flag that boys and girls ought to


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 graduates of the New Education have yet gone out into the world. But it will surely take more than one whole generation to prove what the real and final outcome of so profound changes in education is to be. Is it ungenerous toward progress when we declare that the experience of a single educational institution for scarcely a moiety of its four years' course—whatever that experience may have been—is a very inadequate proof of the desirableness of a "revolution" in education? We cannot sample the orchard by chewing the blossoms of a single tree.

Let it not be supposed, however, that there is reason to shrink from the detailed examination of the statistics with which Professor Palmer has argued the cause of the New Education. For one, I heartily thank him for them. They are so clearly and fairly presented, and so courteously urged, that nothing more in that direction can be for the present demanded. I am especially glad to have the affair of passing his article in critical review take so tangible a shape. It gives me a coveted opportunity to bring forward corresponding statistics which have not been formed under the influence of the Harvard method. It thus becomes a task definitely set me by the editors of the "Andover Review" to compare one college with another. I need not apologize, to remove any of that odium which almost inevitably attaches itself to


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admire

*admire admirar.
 * admission admisión, entrada How much is the admission? ¿Cuánto cuesta la entrada? $undefined$ confesión He made a frank admission. Hizo una confesión sincera. No admission. Se prohibe la entrada.
 * admit dejar entrar Ask for me and you'll be admitted. Pregunte Ud. por mí y le dejarán entrar. $undefined$ admitir When were you admitted to that club? ¿Cuándo se le admitió en ese club? $undefined$ reconocer I admit that I was wrong. Reconozco que estaba equivocado.
 * adopt adoptar.
 * adore adorar.
 * adorn adornar.
 * adult [n] adulto What's the proper dose for adults? ¿Cuál es la dosis para adultos? [adj] juicioso She's very adult for her age. Es muy juiciosa para su edad.  Adults only. Sólo para personas mayores.
 * adultery adulterio.
 * advance [n] aumento There's an advance in price after 6 o'clock. Hay un aumento en los precios después de las seis. $undefined$ adelanto, progreso What advances have been made in medicine? ¿Qué progresos se han hecho en medicina? [v] avanzar Advance! ¡Avancen! $undefined$ promover, ascender We'll advance him if he proves capable. Le ascenderemos si demuestra su capacidad. $undefined$ adelantar Could you advance me some money? ¿Podría Ud. adelantarme algún dinero?  in advance por adelantado, con anticipación Let me know in advance, if you come. Si vienes, avísame por adelantado.
 * advantage ventaja You have the advantage over me. Ud. me lleva ventaja. $undefined$ provecho, beneficio This is to your advantage. Es para su provecho. to take advantage of aprovecharse de I wish to take advantage of your offer. Deseo aprovecharme de su ofrecimiento. A aprovecharse de, engañar Don't let people take advantage of you. No deje que se aprovechen de Ud.
 * advantageous provechoso.
 * adventure aventura.
 * adverb adverbio.
 * advertise avisar, anunciar The store's advertising a sale. La tienda anuncia un saldo. $undefined$ poner un anuncio They're advertising for a cook. Han puesto un anuncio solicitando un cocinero.
 * advertisement anuncio, aviso.
 * advice consejo I'll act on your advice. Seguiré sus consejos.
 * advisable prudente, aconsejable.
 * advise avisar, informar We were advised of the dangers of the trip. Nos avisaron que el viaje era peligroso. $undefined$ aconsejar I advise against our going. Aconsejo que no vayamos.
 * aerial [n] antena The aerial on our radio needs fixing. Hay que reparar la antena de nuestra radio. [adj] aéreo The town was subjected to an aerial attack. La ciudad fué sometida a un ataque aéreo.
 * affair negocio, asunto He handled the affairs of the company badly. Manejó mal los negocios de la compañía. $undefined$ acontecimiento, suceso The dance was the biggest affair of the season. El baile fué el acontecimiento más grande de la temporada. love affair aventura amorosa.
 * affect afectar, conmover I wasn't a bit affected by the news of his death. La noticia de su muerte no me afectó nada. $undefined$ afectar, fingir He affects indifference when you mention her. Finge indiferencia cuando se alude a ella.
 * affection afecto, cariño.
 * affectionate afectuoso.
 * affectionately afectuosamente.
 * affirm afirmar.
 * afford tener con que comprar I really can't afford to buy this dress. De veras no tengo con que comprar este vestido. $undefined$ convenir He can't afford to have his reputation hurt. No le conviene comprometer su reputación. $undefined$ proporcionar The trip afforded us the opportunity of seeing the country. El viaje nos proporcionó la oportunidad de ver el país.
 * affront [n] afrenta, insulto.
 * afloat a flote After the battle our ship was still afloat. Después de la batalla nuestro buque quedó a flote.
 * afraid to be afraid tener miedo, temer Don't be afraid. No tenga miedo.—I'm afraid I'm going to be late. Me temo que voy a llegar tarde.
 * after [adv] detrás The man walked ahead and the woman came after. El hombre caminaba delante y la mujer venía detrás. [prep] después de Come any time after nine. Venga cuando quiera des-


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12 THE HUNTERIAN ORATION. physiologist he was quite unrivalled ; among the patho- logists of his time he was by far the first ; among the few geologists and students of vegetable physiology he was one, if not chief; and he was a great practical surgeon, surgeon to a large hospital, and holding for some years the largest practice in this town. In all these subjects at one time, no one but Hunter has ever been eminent and active.

And it is not only in the range but in the depth and thoroughness of his scientific work that he is distinguished. It is not possible now to tell, by any examples, the thoroughness of his scientific work. Let me say only, that in the whole range of subjects which I just now indicated there was not one which he did not study as completely as was possible ; not one in which he did not enlarge the area of enquiry far beyond that covered by those before him. In every department of the sciences of life he made investigations wholly original ; he observed and recorded facts past counting ; he discerned in his facts large general laws.

These notes concerning Hunter's work tell the chief characters of his mind ; massiveness and grandeur of design appear in all he did ; and in perfect harmony with these was the simplicity of his usual method of work. It was, mainly, the orderly accumulation of facts of every kind from every source, and the building of them up in the plainest inductions. If he had been an architect, he would have built huge pyramids, and every stone would have borne its own inscription, He knew nothing of logic or of the science of thought ; he used his natural mental powers, as with a natural instinct — used them with all his

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2 THE HUNTERIAN ORATION. Hunterian oration, I thought it right to study afresh the character of John Hunter. And now I beg your leave to tell some of the facts and thoughts to which, in my study, I have been led — chiefly to tell, if I can, what were the motives of John Hunter in his scientific life ; what were the chief characters and what the method of his work ; to tell, also, some of his achievements, and of the lessons that may be read in the story of his life.

I hope that I may thus fulfil, however imperfectly, the design of the founders of the oration, by promoting the honour of John Hunter and, perhaps, even the pro- gress of surgery, by showing, in his illustrious example, the good influence of the scientific mind.

The motive which first urged John Hunter towards the pursuit of science seems to have been only the neces- sity of earning his livelihood. For we find him, at first, as the youngest child of a Scotch laird, idle and negligent of education. In the first twenty years of his life he appears to have had no inclination to science or to the arts that minister to it, or, indeed, to any kind of intellectual pursuit. We find no tales of early enterprise, no childish love of nature, no sign of future mental power. When he was seventeen, he tried to help a brother-in-law, who was a bankrupt cabinet-maker in Glasgow ; and, probably, if he had succeeded, cabinet-making might have been the business of his life. Happily, he failed ; his brother-in- law was past helping. Then, after two years more of idleness, what was to be done ?

His brother William Hunter, ten years older than himself, was prosperous in London, and was becoming

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62 THE HUNTERIAN ORATION. And indeed, if a man has not such a degree of enthusiasm and love of the art as will make him impatient of unreasonable opposition, and of encroachments upon his discoveries and his reputation, he will hardly become considerable in anatomy or any other branch of natural knowledge. 91

William Hunter acted on these principles all his life. John did not; and on many occasions must have exercised great self- restraint. His treatise on the Venereal Disease was, by several writers, vehemently attacked, 3 but I think he left them all unanswered.

One cannot doubt that Hunter was a very good-hearted man, but, whether for want of time or want of care, he did not make friends. He was uncouth, vehement, unready to conform to the customs of his profession, and in this sense at least un- sociable, and therefore unpopular. Still, it cannot fairly be said (as it commonly is of great men) that during his lifetime he was ill-used or regarded with dislike or disrespect.

It is easy to find opposition of statements concerning him. Jenner, in the grand style which he sometimes assumed, says : 3 the arrows of malignancy. The name of John Hunter stamps this observation with the signature of truth.' But others tell that, at least in the later years of his life, he was accounted the first among anatomists and surgeons.
 * And as for flame, wliat is it ? a gilded butt for ever pierced with

Doubtless, the greatness of Hunter's work was not clearly discerned by his contemporaries. Much of it was too far above the level of knowledge at the time, and he went far in the study of subjects which others had hardly begun to think of. Still it cannot, with any justice, be said that he was distrusted or made light of.

Among the public, I believe that he was regarded by many as a very strange man, and his love of collecting was thought a useless eccentricity. There were not a few of his habits which may explain these thoughts of him. Most people would even

1 Quoted in Simmons's Life, p. 25.

9 By Clutterbuck, Duncan, Gordon, and others, in pamphlets published at the time.

9 In the Life, by Dr. Baron, vol. i. p. 155.

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 THE

HUNTEEIAN ORATION

DELIVERED IN THE PRESENCE OF

its IJtogal piglnuss % ^xtxat jof Wink*

AT THE

ROYAL COLLEGE OF SURGEONS OF ENGLAND

On the 13th of February 1877

By SIR JAMES PAGET, Babt.

F.R.S., D.G.L. Oxon., LL.D. Cantab.

SERJEANT-SURGEON TO THE QUEEN SURGEON TO THE PRINCE OF WALES

CONSULTING SURGEON TO SAINT BARTHOLOMEW'S HOSPITAL

LONDON

LONGMANS, GREEN, AND CO.

1877

All rights reserved

iLo. c. jLc

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