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Rh The women of rank live much less dissipated lives than the men, and are generally better fitted for the management of their estates, on which account they are considered intolerable nuisances by the harpies who seek to prey on their husbands and to plunder their estates.

Population.—In 1808 the total population of the district was estimated by Dr. Buchanan at 3,000,000 of persons, of whom 2,100,000 were Mahomedans and 900,000 Hindoos, or in the proportion of seven of the former to three of the latter. The Hindoos appear at one time to have been almost entirely extirpated, most of those now in the district being the progeny of newcomers. The greater part of the landlords are new men who have recently purchased their estates, and who were formerly either merchants, manufacturers, agents of landholders, or native officers of Government. The old zemindars are either the prey of religious mendicants or are totally abandoned to sottish dissipation. Of the Hindoo population only 70,000 belong to the pure tribes, the remainder being impure, very low, or utterly degraded. Slaves are not numerous. They were mostly purchased during the great famine of 1769 and the scarcity of 1787; but they turned out so idle and careless that their employment was found much more expensive than that of hired laborers. The following are the principal towns:—Dinajpur containing in 1808 about 5,000 houses and 30,000 inhabitants; Malda 3,000 houses; Gaur 3,000; and Raigunge 1000.

Indigenous Elementary Schools.—The state of elementary education in this district is, according to Dr. Buchanan, very low. Natives of the district qualified to hold any office superior to that of a common clerk are difficult to be found, and of course strangers fill the principal offices both public and private.

The district has twenty-two police sub-divisions of which thirteen contain 119 elementary Bengalee schools and nine Persian ones, nine of the sub-divisions having no elementary schools whatever. In the towns of Dinajpur and Malda the average number of scholars to each master is about 20 and the fees are from four to eight annas a month, according to the progress the children have made. On an average the fees are six annas each or seven and a half rupees a month for 20 scholars, which in this district is a decent income; but in country places the average number of scholars does not exceed twelve, and the fees are from one to four annas, or on an average two and a half annas a month, so that the total average income is only one rupee and 14 annas a month. Even these small fees are beyond the reach of the bulk of the people, so that, were not many parents at the pains to instruct


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 8. The sun in the heavens teaches us the best form of discipline, since to all things that grow it ministers (1) light and heat, continuously; (2) rain and wind, frequently; (3) lightning and thunder, but seldom; although these latter are not wholly without their use.

9. It is by imitating this that the master should try to keep his pupils up to their work.

(1) He should give them frequent examples of the conduct that they should try to imitate, and should point to himself as a living example. Unless he does this, all his work will be in vain.

(2) He may employ advice, exhortation, and sometimes blame, but should take great care to make his motive clear and to show unmistakably that his actions are based on paternal affection, and are destined to build up the characters of his pupils and not to crush them. Unless the pupil understands this and is fully persuaded of it, he will despise all discipline and will deliberately resist it.

(3) Finally, if some characters are unaffected by gentle methods, recourse must be had to more violent ones, and every means should be tried before any pupil is pronounced impossible to teach. Without doubt there are many to whom the proverb, “Beating is the only thing that improves a Phrygian,” applies with great force. And it is certain that, even if such measures do not produce any great effect on the boy who is punished, they act as a great stimulus to the others by inspiring them with fear. We should take great care, however, not to use these extreme measures too readily, or too zealously, as, if we do, we may exhaust all our resources before the extreme case of insubordination which they were intended to meet, arises.

10. In short, the object of discipline should be to confirm those who are being trained up for God and for the Church, in that disposition which God demands in His sons, the pupils in the school of Christ, so that they may rejoice with trembling (Psalm ii. 11), and looking to their own salvation may rejoice always in the Lord (Phil. ii. 4 and 10),

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74 their own children, very few would be able to read and write. Even with this assistance Dr. Buchanan is of opinion that not more than one-sixteenth of the men born in this district acquire these accomplishments.

The Persian schools are nearly as much frequented by Hindoos as by Mahomedans, for the Persian language is considered as a requisite accomplishment for every gentleman, and it is absolutely necessary for those who are candidates for offices in the courts of law. The number of pupils in the district is very small, and most of the people of any rank or wealth have their children instructed by private tutors who are procurable on the most moderate terms. The studies usually pursued are forms for correspondence, process of law, and legendary tales. The Hindoostanee would appear to be only colloquially known to the population, and the people of higher rank teach their children to speak a high style of it, consisting almost entirely of Arabic and Persian terms. Although Mahomedans form the majority of the population, and the Hindoostanee is generally understood, yet it is not taught in any school nor spoken by the common people who have either adopted or never relinquished the dialect of Bengal.

Dr. Buchanan expresses the sound and judicious opinion that no considerable improvement in the education of Indian youth can be hoped for until each popular language has obtained some books fitted to render the common people wiser and better. He adds that the books wanted for this district should be composed by Mahomedans, who are the majority of the people, and are most in want of instruction.

Elementary School not Indigenous.—The wife of a Missionary in connection with the Serampore Mission has established a boys’ school at Sadhamuhal in this district, where every previous attempt of the kind had proved abortive. She has had a regular attendance of full 20 children, and her continual superintendence has secured a very gratifying progress in the scholars. At the beginning there was only one boy in the place who was known to be able to read, but now the whole of the first class read the New Testament, and a number more are advancing to the same degree of proficiency.

Indigenous Schools of Learning.—Of the twenty-two sub-divisions of the district, there are fifteen without any schools of learning, and the remaining seven have only sixteen schools. Most of the teachers possess lands which enable them to provide for their own subsistence as well as that of their pupils, and they receive gifts from all Hindoos of any distinction. There is, however, no necessity for a person who holds these lands to instruct youth, and when the celebrity of a teacher has procured large grants of land, his heirs, although they continue to enjoy the estate, are not bound to teach. They may retain the high title of Pundit without


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Rh devoting themselves to the buisnessbusiness [sic] of instruction, or they may even betake themselves to the degardingdegrading [sic] affairs of the world without forfeiting the property. Very much, however, to the credit of the Brahmans, such a neglect is not usual, and one son of the family continues generally to profess the instruction of youth. If there are other sons they follow their natural inclination. With such a system, however liberal it may be in appearance, and to whatever merit the individual professors are justly entitled, it must be evident that the work of education will go on but slowly. It is even to be feared that it would altogether stop, were it not for the charity which usually follows considerable reputation as a teacher.

Students usually commence the study of the Sanskrit language about twelve years of age, after they have been instructed in the knowledge taught in the elementary schools. The principal studies are, as elsewhere in Bengal, grammar, law, and metaphysics, and less frequently the philosophical theology of the veds, the ritual of modern Hindooism, and astronomy, to which may be added medicine or rather magic.

The Vaidyas or medical tribe, and even some rich Kayasthas, are permitted to study such portions of Sanskrit literature as have been composed by wise men; but they are excluded from whatever is supposed to be of divine origin and authority. Dr. Buchanan remarks that the exclusiveness with which Sanskrit learning has been appropriated to the sacred tribe may have tended to increase the general ignorance; but that there can be no doubt that those who possess it enjoy very considerable advantages over their countrymen. The Brahmans generally speaking have an intelligence and acuteness far beyond other Hindoos; and he further thinks that they are subject to fewer vices, and that those persons will be found to approach nearest their good qualities who are admitted even to the porch of science. Here as well as elsewhere it will be found that although intellectual cultivation and moral excellence are neither identical nor always concomitant, yet the addiction to intellectual pursuits and enjoyments, cœteris paribus, leads to the elevation and improvement of the moral character. Amongst the multiplied means, therefore, which civilization and philanthropy will suggest for the reformation of a whole people, let us not altogether neglect one of which, however unfamiliar it may be to our conceptions, experience has established the utility, and which has in fact been the salt of the earth, preserving the country for centuries past amid general debasement and corruption from total ignorance and depravation.

It does not appear that there is any school in which Arabic or the sciences of the Mahomedans are taught,—a remarkable fact respecting a populous district in which so large a proportion of the inhabitants is Mahomedan.


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 that is to say, that they may love and reverence their masters, and not merely allow themselves to be led in the right direction, but actually tend towards it of their own accord.

This training of the character can only be accomplished in the above-mentioned ways: by good example, by gentle words, and by continually taking a sincere and undisguised interest in the pupil. Sudden bursts of anger should only be used in exceptional circumstances, and then with the intention that renewed good feeling shall be the result.

11. For (to give one more example) did any one ever see a goldsmith produce a work of art by the use of the hammer alone? Never. It is easier to cast such things than to beat them out, and, if any excrescence have to be removed, it is not by violent blows that the artificer gets rid of it, but by a series of gentle taps, or by means of a file or a pair of forceps; while he completes the operation by polishing and smoothing his work. And do we believe that irrational force will enable us to produce intelligent beings, images of the living God?

12. A fisherman, too, who catches fish in deep waters with a drag-net, not only fastens on pieces of lead to sink it, but also attaches corks to the other end of it, that it may rise to the surface of the water. In the same way whoever wishes to ensnare the young in the nets of virtue, must, on the one hand, humble and abase them by severity, and, on the other, exalt them by gentleness and affection. Happy are the masters who can combine these two extremes! Happy are the boys who find such masters!

13. Here we may quote the opinion which that great man, Eilhard Lubinus, doctor of theology, has expressed on the reform of schools in the preface to his edition of the New Testament in Greek, Latin, and German—

“The second point is this: the young should never be compelled to do anything, but their tasks should be of such a kind and should be set them in such a way that they will do them of their own accord, and take pleasure


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 in them. I am therefore of opinion that rods and blows, those weapons of slavery, are quite unsuitable to freemen, and should never be used in schools, but should be reserved for boys of an abnormal and servile disposition. Such boys are easily recognised and must be removed from the school at once, on account both of the sluggishness of their disposition and of the depravity that is generally found in conjunction with it. Besides, any knowledge that they may acquire will be employed for wicked purposes, and will be like a sword in the hands of a madman. There are, however, other kinds of punishment suitable for boys who are free-born and of normal disposition, and these we may employ.”


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RV 147 (SESSIONAL PAPER No. 41) (2) the shares or interests which Germany or German nationals possessed in such installations at the same date.

The amount and specifications of such cessions shall be determined within one year of the coming into force of the present Treaty by an arbitrator or arbitrators appointed by the United States of America, due regard being had to the legitimate needs of the parties concerned.

The cessions provided for in the present Article shall entail a credit of which the total amount, settled in a lump sum by the arbitrator or arbitrators mentioned above, shall not in any case exceed the value of the capital expended in the initial establishment of the ceded material and installations, and shall be set off against the total sums due from Germany; in consequence, the indemnification of the proprietors shall be a matter for Germany to deal with.

Subject to the obligation to comply with the provisions of the Convention of Mannheim or of the Convention which may be substituted therefor, and to the stipulations of the present Treaty, France shall have on the whole course of the Rhine included between the two extreme points of the French frontiers:

The exercise of the rights mentioned under (a) and (b) of the present Article shall not interfere with navigability nor reduce the facilities for navigation, either in the bed of the Rhine or in the derivations which may be substituted therefor, nor shall it involve any increase in the tolls formerly levied under the Convention in force. All proposed schemes shall be laid before the Central Commission in order that that Commission may assure itself that these conditions are complied with.

To ensure the proper and faithful execution of the provisions contained in (a) and (b) above, Germany:

(1) binds herself not to undertake or to allow the construction of any lateral canal or any derivation on the right bank of the river opposite the French frontiers;

(2) recognizes the possession by France of the right of support on and the right of way over all lands situated on the right bank which may be required in order to survey, to build, and to operate weirs which France, with the consent of the Central Commission, may subsequently decide to establish. In accordance with such consent, France shall be entitled to decide upon and fix the limits of the necessary sites, and she shall be permitted to occupy such lands after a period of two months after simple notification, subject to the payment by her to Germany of indemnities of which the total amount shall be fixed by the Central Commission. Germany shall make it her business to indemnify the proprietors whose property will be burdened with such servitudes or permanently occupied by the works.


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1. are accustomed to fix certain limits of time for the training of an apprentice (two, three, or seven years), according to the ease or difficulty of the trade. Within these limits a complete training can be had, and those apprentices who have completed the course become, first, journeymen, and then master-workmen. The same system must be adopted in school organisation, and distinct periods of time must be mapped out for the acquirement of arts, sciences, and languages respectively. In this way we may cover the whole range of human knowledge within a certain number of years, and may possess true learning, true morality, and true piety by the time we leave the forging-places of humanity.

2. In order that this goal may be reached, the whole period of youth must be devoted to the cultivation of the intellect (and by this we do not mean that one art only, but that all the liberal arts and all the sciences should be acquired). The process should begin in infancy and should continue until the age of manhood is reached; and this space of twenty-four years should be divided into well-defined periods. In this we must follow the lead of nature. For experience shows that a man’s body continues to grow up to his twenty-fifth year, and that after this it only increases in strength; and we must conclude


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The Presidium met to discuss the German question for the first time on January 8. A report was read by Comrade Losovsky on the Trade Union question. After the report there was a brief discussion.

The second meeting took place on January 11. There were present, apart from the members of the Presidium and the members of the Executive Council present in Moscow, several representatives of the Polish and Bulgarian parties and the representatives of the three sections in the C.P.G.

The discussion of the political question was conducted on the basis of five draft resolutions:—

A draft by Comrade Zinoviev,

A draft by Comrade Radek and Comrade Trotsky,

A draft by the representative of the Left,

A draft by the Centre,

and an agreed draft drawn up jointly by Comrade Zinoviev, two representatives of the Centre, Comrades Remmele and Keonen and Comrade Pieck.

The discussion was opened by a report by the representative of the E.C.C.I., which was followed by reports by Brandler, Remmele, and R. Fischer.

We give here the speeches delivered during the discussion as well as the speech of Comrade Zinoviev delivered at the meeting of the Commission of January 12. We also give a report of the progress of the work of the Commission, a report of the meetings of the Presidium on January 19 and 21, the results of the voting and in addition the statements entered in the minutes and resolutions carried.

My report will be divided into two parts. The first will describe the work of the delegation, and give the facts and the most important documents in connection with this work. The second part will attempt to examine the great defeat of the Party, to explain its significance as Arwid and I see it.

I will commence with the first part. The delegation does not accept the decisive resolution of the Party that was passed at the Chemnitz conference in its absence.


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 What did the delegation find? The complete collapse of the plan of war as passed by the Executive. The plan of attack of the Party as was decided on here in September and October was based on the following: the proletariat was to march in Saxony in order to defend the workers' government which we were to join: in Saxony an attempt was to be made to utilise political power in order to arm, and in this limited proletarian district, in Central Germany to build a barrier between the counter-revolution of the South, Bavaria and the Fascism of the North. Simultaneously, the Party was to carry out a national mobilisation of the masses.

This plan failed for the following reasons. In the first place, when our comrades entered the government, they were not in a position to bring about the arming of the proletariat. We were informed that the Party in Saxony possessed 800 guns. At the Chemnitz conference the second part of the plan, namely, the joint advance of the social-democratic and communist masses of the workers was found to have collapsed. The proposal to proclaim a general strike and armed revolt was never made in Chemnitz in view of the opposition of the Left Social-democrats. Our Party retreated, and covered its retreat by the formula of the establishment of a committee of action which was to decide what was to be done. The Central Committee decided to avoid a battle on the ground that in this battle the proletarian united front could not be established, and in view of divided forces and the insufficient technical preparation, a revolt was impossible.

I have to take up a position on this situation. In my conversation with the comrades, I agreed that as they were unable to establish a united front with the Social-democratic workers, they had to abandon this plan for a revolt in Saxony. Nevertheless, I demanded of the comrades that they proclaim the strike. I argued that if we were not strong enough as a Communist Party alone to organise the revolt against the Fascists, nevertheless, we were strong enough to resist, and at least not to give up the position without a fight. All the comrades present at that time repudiated this point of view.

After the first practical decision, fresh discussions commenced every day. Always the question was raised, what is to be done next? In order to bring about a momentary pause in the discussion on the Central Committee, the delegation on the 26th proposed to the Seventh Commission the following resolution:—

The Seventh Commission resolves:—

(1) Social and political antagonisms are becoming more acute every day. Any day may bring great and decisive battles between revolution and counter-revolution.

(2) The vanguard of the working class (the Communists and a section of the Social-democratic workers) are eager to take up the fight, but the mass of the workers, in spite of their extreme feeling of bitterness and poverty, are not prepared to fight.


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RV 148 (SESSIONAL PAPER No. 41) Should Switzerland so demand, and if the Central Commission approves, the same rights shall be accorded to Switzerland for the part of the river forming her frontier with other riparian States;

(3) shall hand over to the French Government, during the month following the coming into force of the present Treaty, all projects, designs, drafts of concessions and of specifications concerning the regulation of the Rhine for any purpose whatever which have been drawn up or received by the Governments of Alsace-Lorraine or of the Grand Duchy of Baden.

Subject to the preceding provisions, no works shall be carried out in the bed or on either bank of the Rhine where it forms the boundary of France and Germany without the previous approval of the Central Commission or of its agents.

France reserves the option of substituting herself as regards the rights and obligations resulting from agreements arrived at between the Government of Alsace-Lorraine and the Grand Duchy of Baden concerning the works to be carried out on the Rhine; she may also denounce such agreements within a term of five years dating from the coming into force of the present Treaty.

France shall also have the option of causing works to be carried out which may be recognized as necessary by the Central Commission for the upkeep or improvement of the navigability of the Rhine above Mannheim.

Should Belgium within a period of 25 years from the coming into force of the present Treaty decide to create a deep-draught Rhine-Meuse navigable waterway, in the region of Ruhrort, Germany shall be bound to construct, in accordance with plans to be communicated to her by the Belgian Government, after agreement with the Central Commission, the portion of this navigable waterway situated within her territory.

The Belgian Government shall, for this purpose, have the right to carry out on the ground all necessary surveys.

Should Germany fail to carry out all or part of these works, the Central Commission shall be entitled to carry them out instead; and, for this purpose, the Commission may decide upon and fix the limits of the necessary sites and occupy the ground after a period of two months after simple notification, subject to the payment of indemnities to be fixed by it and paid by Germany.

This navigable waterway shall be placed under the same administrative régime as the Rhine itself, and the division of the cost of initial construction, including the above indemnities, among the States crossed thereby shall be made by the Central Commission.

Germany hereby agrees to offer no objection to any proposals of the Central Rhine Commission for extending its jurisdiction:

(1) to the Moselle below the Franco-Luxemburg frontier down to the Rhine, subject to the consent of Luxemburg;

(2) to the Rhine above Basle up to the Lake of Constance, subject to the consent of Switzerland;

(3) to the lateral canals and channels which may be established either to duplicate or to improve naturally navigable sections of the Rhine or the Moselle, or to connect two naturally navigable sections of these rivers, and also any other parts of the Rhine river system which may be covered by the General Convention provided for in Article 238 above.


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 (3) Therefore, the proletarian reserves must, by means of an energetic agitation, be drawn into the vanguard. The sections of the proletariat which are of special importance in the fight (metal workers, miners, railwaymen, agricultural labourers, and State employees) must be reached by special efforts of the Party. All efforts must be devoted to technical preparation. In order to unite the proletariat for the struggle, negotiations be immediately entered into with the Social-democrats locally and centrally, with the view, either to compel the Social-democrats to take up the fight, or to divorce the Social-democratic workers from their treacherous leaders.

(4) In view of the present situation, it is necessary that the Party restrain the comrades from armed revolt for as long as possible, in order to gain time for preparation. In the event, however, of spontaneous uprisings of the working class breaking out, the Party must support them by all means at its disposal. The Party must also parry the blow of the counter-revolution by means of mass action (demonstrations, political strikes), In these actions, armed conflicts should as far as possible be avoided.

(5) In reply to the Stresemann ultimatum, the Party must call a national protest strike, in which armed conflicts are to be avoided. In the event of the Social-democratic Party in Saxony refusing to take up the fight against the Stresemann ultimatum, our comrades must break with the Saxony government, and commence a campaign against them.

(6) All members of the Central Committee must carry out the decisions of the Party. The Central Committee will arrange for a re-distribution of work among its members.

This resolution was adopted unanimously. Comrade Ruth Fischer voted for this Resolution. This was five days after the first defeat in Saxony, after the Chemnitz conference,

Then came the second Saxony phase, namely, the Stresemann ultimatum, &c. The delegation submitted to the Central Committee the decision on the strike. The Central Committee, however, decided to call only a partial strike.

Comrades, we saw the task of the delegation of the Comintern and of the Central Committee as follows: That we have suffered a great defeat—a defeat that will leave its effects for some considerable time perhaps, was clear. There was the danger of panic and extreme disappointment among the masses. The defeat in itself was not as dangerous as this fact. For this reason, we took up the following task: to stop the flight of the masses, to make the Communist Party of Germany once again the rallying centre for the fighting masses, and to resume the fight.

When the Central Committee met it was not quite clear to us


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 that this slow rate of increase has been accorded to man by the forethought of God (for the larger bodies of animals attain their full growth in a few months, or in a couple of years at most) that he may have the more time to prepare himself for the duties of life.

3. The whole period, therefore, must be divided into four distinct grades: infancy, childhood, boyhood, and youth, and to each grade six years and a special school should be assigned.

A Mother-School should exist in every house, a Vernacular-School in every hamlet and village, a Gymnasium in every city, and a University in every kingdom or in every province.

4. These different schools are not to deal with different subjects, but should treat the same subjects in different ways, giving instruction in all that can produce true men, true Christians, and true scholars; throughout graduating the instruction to the age of the pupil and the knowledge that he already possesses. For, according to the laws of this natural method, the various branches of study should not be separated, but should be taught simultaneously, just as the various parts of a tree increase together at every period of its growth.

5. The difference between these schools is threefold. Firstly, in the earlier schools everything is taught in a general and undefined manner, while in those that follow the information is particularised and exact; just as a tree puts forth more branches and shoots each successive year, and grows stronger and more fruitful.

6. Secondly, in the Mother-School the external senses should be exercised and taught to distinguish the objects that surround them. In the Vernacular-School, the internal senses, the imagination and the memory, in combination


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 with their cognate organs, should be trained, and this by reading, writing, painting, singing, counting, measuring, weighing, and committing various things to memory. In the Latin-School the pupil should be trained to understand and pass judgment on the information collected by the senses, and this by means of dialectic, grammar, rhetoric, and the other sciences and arts that are based on principles of causation Finally, to the University belong those subjects that have special relation to the will, namely, the faculties, of which theology teaches us to restore harmony to the soul; philosophy, to the mind; medicine, to the vital functions of the body; and jurisprudence, to our external affairs.

7. Our faculties are best developed in the following manner. The objects should first be placed before the organs of sense on which they act. Then the internal senses should acquire the habit of expressing in their turn the images that result from the external sensation, both internally by means of the faculty of recollection, and externally with the hand and tongue. At this stage the mind can begin to operate, and, by the processes of exact thought, can compare and estimate all objects of knowledge. In this way an acquaintance with nature and a sound judgment may be obtained. Last of all, the will (which is the guiding principle in man) makes its power felt in all directions. To attempt to cultivate the will before the intellect (or the intellect before the imagination, or the imagination before the faculty of sense perception) is mere waste of time. But this is what those do who teach boys logic, poetry, rhetoric, and ethics before they are thoroughly acquainted with the objects that surround them. It would be equally sensible to teach boys of two years old to dance, though they can scarcely walk. Let our maxim be to follow the lead of nature in all things, to observe how the faculties develope one after the other, and to base our method on this principle of succession.

8. A third difference between the schools is this. The Mother-School and the Vernacular-School embrace all the


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 yet around which point to rally the masses and on what field action was to be undertaken. The lever of the action was not yet in our hands. That is why the passage in the thesis of the Central Committee, which we submitted, dealing with this point, is not sufficiently concrete. After a few days, it became clear, that the first task of the Party was to prevent itself from being forced underground, Already we had neither freedom of the Press nor freedom of assemble (street demonstrations), We sought to rally the Party on the policy of active struggle. How was this policy accepted? In general, the whole of the Executive was agreed on the question of unemployed demonstrations, &c. On the question of defending these demonstrations, the majority of the Central Committee was agreed. When it came to carrying out this policy, we met the strongest resistance of the Berlin representatives of the Central Committee, who held the view that the bitterness and disappointment of the masses of the Party was so great, that the comrades were not in a position to rally the masses for these demonstrations.

Comrades, the second point of difference was the question of armed demonstrations. The Berlin representatives in opposition to the Hamburg representatives, took the view that we could do nothing, it would only lead to unnecessary bloodshed. Our men cannot march through the streets armed merely with rattles.

It is clear why this policy was adopted. To me, it is clear, that the source of the weakness of the Party and of the masses is their passivity. As long as the masses are not convinced that we Communists at least, are prepared to exert all efforts and take all risks, it will not be possible to draw them into the struggle. What at present prevails among the German proletariat is a reflection of the general position in Germany. The collapse of political activity—extraordinary political passivity of all social classes, with the exception of the militarists. Without military, and without being able to say concretely how we shall be able to arrange for this defence, that was a question of military leadership, I said to myself, we cannot lead the workers for once or a second time into demonstrations and there to be beaten up like dogs, and then say to them come a third time and be beaten up again. Either the demonstrations were a mere gesture, or they had to be protected.

I now proceed from the explanation of the tactic of the delegation of the E.C. to the political analysis, in which I must assert two things. Of course, the first thing in our minds was the causes of our defeat, and we wrote concerning this in our reports to the Executive. The reports are before me. When the Party Committee met, the question was as follows: shall we at this stage enter into an internal Party discussion on the weaknesses and mistakes of the Party or not? My opinion, and the opinion of the whole delegation was that at the moment when the first attempts were being made to rally the Party to bring it to a stand, it was not only


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RV 149 (SESSIONAL PAPER No. 41)

In the ports of Hamburg and Stettin Germany shall lease to the Czecho-Slovak State, for a period of 99 years, areas which shall be placed under the general régime of free zones and shall be used for the direct transit of goods coming from or going to that State.

The delimitation of these areas, and their equipment, their exploitation, and in general all conditions for their utilization, including the amount of the rental, shall be decided by a Commission consisting of one delegate of Germany, one delegate of the Czecho-Slovak State and one delegate of Great Britain. These conditions shall be susceptible of revision every ten years in the same manner.

Germany declares in advance that she will adhere to the decisions so taken.

Goods coming from the territories of the Allied and Associated Powers, and going to Germany, or in transit through Germany from or to the territories of the Allied and Associated Powers, shall enjoy on the German railways as regards charges to be collected (rebates and drawbacks being taken into account) facilities, and all other matters, the most favourable treatment applied to goods of the same kind carried on any German lines, either in internal traffic, or for export, import or in transit, under similar conditions of transport, for example as regards length of route. The same rule shall be applied, on the request of one or more of the Allied and Associated Powers, to goods specially designated by such Power or Powers coming from Germany and going to their territories.

International tariffs established in accordance with the rates referred to in the preceding paragraph and involving through way-bills shall be established when one of the Allied and Associated Powers shall require it from Germany.

From the coming into force of the present Treaty the High Contracting Parties shall renew, in so far as concerns them and under the reserves indicated in the second paragraph of the present Article, the conventions and arrangements signed at Berne on October 14, 1890, September 20, 1893, July 16, 1895, June 16, 1898, and September 19, 1906, regarding the transportation of goods by rail.

If within five years from the date of the coming into force of the present Treaty a new convention for the transportation of passengers, luggage and goods by rail shall have been concluded to replace the Berne Convention of October 14, 1890, and the subsequent additions referred to above, this new convention and the supplementary provisions for international transport by rail which may be based on it shall bind


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 young of both sexes. The Latin-School gives a more thorough education to those who aspire higher than the workshop; while the University trains up the teachers and learned men of the future, that our churches, schools, and states may never lack suitable leaders.

9. These four classes of schools may be compared to the four seasons of the year. The Mother-School recalls the gentle spring, filled with the varied scent of flowers. The Vernacular-School represents the summer that spreads before our eyes its full ears and early fruit. The Latin-School corresponds to autumn, for here the fruit in the fields and vineyards is collected and stored away in the granaries of our mind. And last of all, the University may be compared to the winter, when we prepare for various uses the fruit already collected, that we may have sufficient to sustain us for the rest of our lives.

10. Our method of education may also be compared to the various stages in the growth of a tree. The boys who are six years of age and are tenderly cared for by their parents are like shoots that have been carefully planted, have taken root, and are beginning to put forth buds. At twelve years of age they are like a young tree that is covered with branches and buds, though it is as yet uncertain how these will develope. At eighteen years of age, youths well instructed in languages and arts are like trees covered with blossoms that are pleasant to see and to smell, and at the same time give promise of fruit. And finally, at twenty-four or twenty-five years of age, young men, who have been thoroughly educated at a university, resemble a tree covered with fruit that can be plucked and used when it is required.

But we must now examine the several stages in detail.


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 inexpedient but totally inadmissible to raise a debate on Party tactics. This is still my opinion to-day.

This was my view, and although I knew, of course, that after such a severe defeat a discussion in the Party must tend to an acute crisis, I held that it was necessary to postpone this until clearness had been reached on two points: whether we have entered into a long preparatory period, in which no great possibilities for action will exist; in that case the Party must solve the matter in the discussion; or we have come through a partial battle into a great battle. In that case the Party will overcome its weakness in that battle.

These are the reasons why I most energetically opposed the opening of the discussion in the middle of November. Naturally, I do not wish to assert, that the delegation and I at that time were in a position to see the full consequences of the defeat. Perhaps I have not read through all our correspondence. What I will say in concluding this discussion may contradict what we under the first impressions of the events, reported to the Executive as being the causes of these events. I do not think it is the first duty of a statesman, if he has said A once to say A for the rest of his life. Sometimes we must say B, sometimes we must even say Y, but sometimes we must even say that it never was A.

I will now begin with the second part of my report.

What were the causes of our great defeat?

Firstly, is it a great defeat? I believe it can be established, that the defeat has thrown us back just when we were so near to achieving our goal. I hold the view, that we have missed a great historical situation, such favourable situation occurs rarely. This is the first thing.

The second thing is, we do not know whether the collapse of capitalism in Germany will come about soon. We, however, must keep the fight in view as long as it is not perfectly clear that it will not take place. A political party cannot say that an event will take place in this way or that. The theoretician can take all possibilities into consideration. The Party leader must ask himself, what do I desire in this relation of forces? If the possibilities are that things will become more acute, then we must decide to accelerate this situation, but I say, although at first we did not deem it necessary to take all possibilities into consideration, that all possibilities exist, including the possibility that the situation will remain bad for a long time; in that case our defeat will be much greater than it is now.

Thirdly, we did not know what would be the effects of this defeat internationally, upon the other Communist Parties.

I do not wish to say a single word to gloss over this defeat.

We must ask ourselves first of all, what were the causes of this defeat ? I find, in the main, two opinions on this matter. Some comrades say the mass of the Party is a good proletarian mass, but the leadership consists of social-democratic officials,


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RV 150 (SESSIONAL PAPER No. 41) Germany, even if she shall have refused to take part in the preparation of the convention or to subscribe to it. Until a new convention shall have been concluded, Germany shall conform to the provisions of the Berne Convention and the subsequent additions referred to above, and to the current supplementary provisions.

Germany shall be bound to co-operate in the establishment of through ticket services (for passengers and their luggage) which shall be required by any of the Allied and Associated Powers to ensure their communication by rail with each other and with all other countries by transit across the territories of Germany; in particular Germany shall, for this purpose, accept trains and carriages coming from the territories of the Allied and Associated Powers and shall forward them with a speed at least equal to that of her best long-distance trains on the same lines. The rates applicable to such through services shall not in any case be higher than the rates collected on German internal services for the same distance, under the same conditions of speed and comfort.

The tariffs applicable under the same conditions of speed and comfort to the transportation of emigrants going to or coming from ports of the Allied and Associated Powers and using the German railways shall not be at a higher kilometric rate than the most favourabie tariffs (drawbacks and rebates being taken into account) enjoyed on the said railways by emigrants going to or coming from any other ports.

Germany shall not apply specially to such through services, or to the transportation of emigrants going to or coming from the ports of the Allied and Associated Powers, any technical, fiscal or administrative measures, such as measures of customs examination, general police, sanitary police, and control, the result of which would be to impede or delay such services.

In case of transport partly by rail and partly by internal navigation, with or without through way-bill, the preceding Articles shall apply to the part of the journey performed by rail.

Germany undertakes that German wagons shall be fitted with apparatus allowing:

(1) of their inclusion in goods trains on the lines of such of the Allied and Associated Powers as are parties to the Berne Convention of May 15, 1886, as modified on May 18, 1907, without hampering the action of the continuous brake which may be adopted in such countries within ten years of the coming into force of the present Treaty, and

(2) of the acceptance of wagons of such countries in all goods trains on the German lines.

The rolling stock of the Allied and Associated Powers shall enjoy on the German lines the same treatment as German rolling stock as regards movement, upkeep and repairs.


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RV 151 (SESSIONAL PAPER No. 41)

Subject to any special provisions concerning the cession of ports, waterways and railways situated in the territories over which Germany abandons her sovereignty and to the financial conditions relating to the concessionaires and the pensioning of the personnel, the cession of railways will take place under the following conditions:

(1) The works and installations of all the railroads shall be handed over complete and in good condition.

(2) When a railway system possessing its own rolling-stock is handed over in its entirety by Germany to one of the Allied and Associated Powers, such stock shall be handed over complete, in accordance with the last inventory before November 11, 1918, and in a normal state of upkeep.

(3) As regards lines without any special rolling stock, Commissions, of experts designated by the Allied and Associated Powers, on which Germany shall be represented, shall fix the proportion of the stock existing on the system to which those lines belong to be handed over. These Commissions shall have regard to the amount of the material registered on these lines in the last inventory before November 11, 1918, the length of track (sidings included), and the nature and amount of the traffic. These Commissions shall also specify the locomotives, carriages and wagons to be handed over in each case; they shall decide upon the conditions of their acceptance, and shall make the provisional arrangements necessary to ensure their repair in German workshops.

(24 [sic]) Stocks of stores, fittings and plant shall be handed over under the same conditions as the rolling stock.

The provisions of paragraphs 3 and 4 above shall be applied to the lines of former Russian Poland converted by Germany to the German gauge, such lines being regarded as detached from the Prussian State System.

When as a result of the fixing of new frontiers a railway connection between two parts of the same country crosses another country, or a branch line from one country has its terminus in another, the conditions of working, if not specifically provided for in the present Treaty, shall be laid down in a convention between the railway administrations concerned. If the administrations cannot come to an agreement as to the terms of such convention, the points of difference shall be decided by commissions of experts composed as provided in the preceding Article.

Within a period of five years from the coming into force of the present Treaty the Czecho-Slovak State may require the construction of a railway line in German territory between the stations of Schlauney and Nachod. The cost of construction shall be borne by the Czecho-Slovak State.

Germany undertakes to accept, within ten years of the coming into force of the present Treaty, on request being made by the Swiss Government after agreement with


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 whom we have not yet converted into Communists. These officials have betrayed us. The second opinion, which is also my opinion, is that our Party is a good proletarian party, but lacks revolutionary experience. Its leadership, like all Communist leadership, naturally, has its weaknesses which are connected with its having originated from the social-democracy, and also because it has never taken part in great mass struggles previously, has not sufficient revolutionary experience.

(: Some were not even social-democrats.)

(: There are some who will go back to the social-democrats.)

Although we are a good workers' party, nevertheless, we are not yet a good Communist party, and this is the most important part of the situation that I see. It is not true, comrades, that the leaders would not fight, while the masses everywhere were rushing into battle. That was not the situation. Take the Left Social-Democrats: perhaps the leaders are traitors, but the masses are not traitors: they are honest workers. But the fact is, that these masses did not regard their leaders as traitors, and the greater part do not regard them as traitors to-day. This shows that the reserves which are on the road towards us have still to be trained. Our German Party is not a social-democratically led party, but it is an as yet imperfect Communist party.

These facts greatly influence the development of the Party in its latest phase.

Comrades, we are asked, have we over-estimated the October situation? Is this the cause of the error of the defeat? I do not think so. I say that the cause of our defeat lies in that the Ruhr business opened a new phase in the development of the class struggle in Germany. At the Leipsic congress, in our appeal to the Party, we said: this phase will end with civil war. Theoretically, we saw the situation correctly, and we did not draw the practical conclusions from this. When the collapse of the Ruhr action was clear, and when the destructive elements were growing exceedingly, we should not have advocated the occupation of the factories, but encouraged the growing mass struggle.

Comrades, the fact remains that we, in Moscow, realised that decisive events were taking place in Germany, only after the August days. The evidence of this is the following: we had the conferences in Essen and Frankfort. Both these conferences had merely an agitational significance. They were not conferences for the purposes of organising the struggle. The proof of this is the fact that the Executive was not in the least disturbed that the French Party had sent only twenty comrades for work among the troops. At the meeting of the Enlarged Executive, we were concerned with the propagandist aspect of this thing. Had we regarded the situation seriously as driving towards revolution, there would have been but one question on the agenda of the


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RV 152 (SESSIONAL PAPER No. 41) the Italian Government, the denunciation of the International Convention of October 13, 1909, relative to the St. Gothard railway. In the absence of agreement as to the conditions of such denunciation, Germany hereby agrees to accept the decision of an arbitrator designated by the United States of America.

Germany shall carry out the instructions given her, in regard to transport, by an authorized body acting on behalf of the Allied and Associated Powers:

(1) For the carriage of troops under the provisions of the present Treaty, and of material, ammunition and supplies for army use;

(2) As a temporary measure, for the transportation of supplies for certain regions, as well as for the restoration, as rapidly as possible, of the normal condition of transport, and for the organization of postal and telegraphic services.

Disputes which may arise between interested Powers with regard to the interpretation and application of the preceding Articles shall be settled as provided by the League of Nations.

At any time the League of Nations may recommend the revision of such of these Articles as relate to a permanent administrative regime.

The stipulations in Articles 321 to 330330, [sic] 332, 365, and 367 to 369 shall be subject to revision by the Council of the League of Nations at any time after five years from the coming into force of the present Treaty.

Failing such revision, no Allied or Associated Power can claim after the expiration of the above period of five years the benefit of any of the stipulations in the Articles enumerated above on behalf of any portion of its territories in which reciprocity is not accorded in respect of such stipulations. The period of five years during which reciprocity cannot be demanded may be prolonged by the Council of the League of Nations.

Without prejudice to the special obligations imposed on her by the present Treaty for the benefit of the Allied and Associated Powers, Germany undertakes to adhere to any General Conventions regarding the international régime of transit, waterways, ports or railways which may be concluded by the Allied and Associated Powers, with the approval of the League of Nations, within five years of the coming into force of the present Treaty.


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 Enlarged Executive, namely, the question of preparing for the mass struggle in Germany, and for the armed uprising.

(: Quite true!)

We did not do this. After the August events we saw the direction which things were tending, and we said: Either the Fascists take power, or we must. If we desired the fight, we could not make the defence of the November Republic our aim. The difference between the Kerensky and the November Republics was that under Kerensky the workers had the Soviets: they had something to defend. But the German November Republic did not live in the hearts of the workers; not a dog would move in its defence. Consequently, if we wished to fight through, we had to place as our aim the conquest of power.

What transpired? Before we here, in September and the beginning of October, had decided on this policy—the struggle for the capture of power, had decided the question of the date, as it were, Zinoviev wrote his draft of the fourteen points, which I amended, and which was sent to the German Party, not as decisions but for discussion. The German Party declared that it accepted the points. It was a programme of action. It stated concretely what should be done in all spheres. The outstanding fact is. that we could at no time conduct rearguard actions. When the Communist Press was suppressed we did not make a single retort.

We resolved, the situation is serious; either the Fascist take power, or we do. We decided that we must take power. We set ourselves a certain date. Now the attempt is being made to stamp this as the principal error. Now I say we must keep two things separate.

Firstly, when the Communists seriously think of capturing power must they set a definite time for their work, or not? They should.

Can you picture yourself saying to the masses: Dear comrades, we do not know when we shall take power, but for pedagogical reasons we fix a certain date? No, you cannot do this.

Therefore you must fix a date for the fight. The mistake was not in fixing a date, but in that the fixing of the date was done in Moscow. I pointed out at that time that only in the course of events can the body which is conducting the struggle fix the date. If Moscow fixes the date, the Party learns of it; if it does not, it is absurd to fix a date, for when it is necessary to postpone the fight it gives rise to panic and cries of treachery.

My opinion, however, is that fixing dates, whether right or wrong, is not in the least important. The main thing in the whole business is the fact that the Party had not reviewed the line of battle. They said, we must prepare for the attack, but they did nothing.

This was the outstanding fact of the defeat.

You may say, the important question is not whether we


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RV 153 (SESSIONAL PAPER No. 41)

The Kiel Canal and its approaches shall be maintained free and open to the vessels of commerce and of war of all nations at peace with Germany on terms of entire equality.

The nationals, property and vessels of all powers shall, in respect of charges, facilities, and in all other respects, be treated on a footing of perfect equality in the use of the Canal, no distinction being made to the detriment of nationals, property and vessels of any Power between them and the nationals, property and vessels of Germany or of the most favoured nation.

No impediment shall be placed on the movement of persons or vessels other than those arising out of police, customs, sanitary, emigration or immigration regulations and those relating to the import or export of prohibited goods. Such regulations must be reasonable and uniform and must not unnecessarily impede traffic.

Only such charges may be levied on vessels using the Canal or its approaches as are intended to cover in an equitable manner the cost of maintaining in a navigable condition, or of improving, the Canal or its approaches, or to meet expenses incurred in the interests of navigation. The schedule of such charges shall be calculated on the basis of such expenses, and shall be posted up in the ports.

These charges shall be levied in such a manner as to render any detailed examination of cargoes unnecessary, except in the case of suspected fraud or contravention.

Goods in transit may be placed under seal or in the custody of customs agents; the loading and unloading of goods, and the embarkation and disembarkation of passengers, shall only take place in the ports specified by Germany.

No charges of any kind other than those provided for in the present Treaty shall be levied along the course or at the approaches of the Kiel Canal.

Germany shall be bound to take suitable measures to remove any obstacle or danger to navigation, and to ensure the maintenance of good conditions of navigation. She shall not undertake any works of a nature to impede navigation on the Canal or its approaches.

In the event of violation of any of the conditions of Articles 380 to 386, or of disputes as to the interpretation of these Articles, any interested Power can appeal to the jurisdiction instituted for the purpose by the League of Nations.

In order to avoid reference of small questions to the League of Nations, Germany will establish a local authority at Kiel qualified to deal with disputes in the first instance and to give satisfaction so far as possible to complaints which may be presented through the consular representatives of the interested Powers.


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 a just punishment for his ingratitude. Having drawn together a number of the before-mentioned natives, with whom he established a new colony, he gave the name of Malacca to the rising city, signifying in the language of the country a banished man, as a memorial of his own fortune. The first king of Malacca was or, called by some authors , who was the son of , and was subject to the King of Siam; but from whom his successors revolted. In the Chinese Records, 's Collection, quoted by Colonel in his Marco Polo, vol. ii.


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 p. 263, it is stated that the King of Malacca went to China to pay homage in person in the year 1411; but he is called, i.e., Paramisura.

Before the discovery of the route to India by the Cape of Good Hope, the spices and other productions of India were brought to Europe with vast trouble and expense, so that they were necessarily sold at very high prices. The cloves of the Moluccas, the nutmegs and mace of Banda, the sandal-wood of Timor, the camphor of Borneo, the gold and silver of Luconia, with all the other and various rich commodities, spices, gums, perfumes, and curiosities of China, Japan, Siam, and other kingdoms of the continent and islands of India, were carried to the great mart of Malacca, a city in the peninsula of that name, which is supposed to have been the Aurea Chersonesus of the ancients. From that place, the inhabitants of the more western countries, between Malacca and the Red Sea, procured all these commodities, dealing by way of barter, no money being used in this trade, as silver and gold were in much less request in these eastern parts of India than foreign commodities. By this trade, Calicut, Cambaya, Ormuz, Aden, and other cities were much enriched. The merchants of these cities, besides what they procured at Malacca as before-mentioned, brought rubies from Pegu, rich stuffs from Bengal, pearls from Calicare, diamonds from Narsinga, cinnamon and rich rubies from Ceylon, pepper, ginger, and other spices from the coast of Malabar and other places where these are produced. From Ormuz these commodities were conveyed up the Persian Gulf to Bassorah, at the mouth of the Euphrates, and were thence distributed by caravans through Armenia, Trebizond, Tartary, Aleppo, and Damascus; and from these latter cities, by means of the port of Beyrut in Syria, the Venetians, Genoese and Catalonians carried them to their respective countries, and to other parts of Europe. Such of these commodities as went by the Red Sea were landed at Tor or Suez, at the bottom of that gulf, whence they were conveyed overland to Cairo in Egypt, and thence down the Nile to Alexandria, where they were shipped for Europe.


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User:Myrmecophagy

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 age, greater than that of any proposed life by the number of years in the term, and the product be divided by the number in the same table, against the present age of that life; the quotient will be the present value of L. 1, to be received at the expiration of the term, provided that the life survive it.

And if, in this manner, the value be determined of L. 1, to be received upon any proposed life, surviving each of the years in its greatest possible continuance, according to the table of mortality adapted to it; that is, according to the Carlisle table, upon its surviving every age greater than its present, to that of 104 years inclusive; then, the sum of all these values will evidently be the present value of an annuity on the proposed life.

36. If 5642 lives at 30 years of age be proposed, and 5075 at the age of 40; since each of the 5642 younger lives may be combined with every one of the 5075 that are 10 years older, the number of different pairs, or different combinations of two lives differing in age by 10 years, that may be formed out of the proposed lives, is 5642 times 5075.

But at the expiration of 15 years, the survivors of the lives now 30 and 40 years of age, being then of the respective ages of 45 and 55, will be reduced to the numbers of 4727 and 4073 respectively; and the number of pairs, or combinations of two, differing in age by 10 years, that can be formed out of them, will be reduced from 5642 × 5075 to 4727 × 4073.

So that L. 1 to be paid at the expiration of 15 years for each of these 5642 × 5075 pairs or combinations of two, now existing, which may survive the term, will be of the same value in present money, as 4727 times L. 4073, to be received certainly at the same time.

Now let A be any one of these lives of 30 years of age, and B any one of those aged 40; and from what has been advanced it will be evident, that the present value of L. 1 to be received upon the two lives in this particular combination jointly surviving the term, will be the same as that of the sum L. $$\frac{4727 \times 4073}{5642 \times 5075}$$ to be then received certainly.

But, when the rate of interest is 5 per cent. L. 1 to be received certainly at the expiration of 15 years, is equivalent to L. 0·481017 in present money (Table I).

Therefore, at that rate of interest, and according to the Carlisle table of mortality; the present value of L. 1 to be received upon A and B now aged 30 and 40 years respectively, jointly surviving the term of 15 years, will be $$\frac{4727 \times 4073 \times \text{L. } 0{\cdot}481017}{5642 \times 5075.}$$.

37. Hence it is sufficiently evident, how the present value of L. 1 to be received upon the same two lives jointly surviving any other year may be found. And if that value for each year from this time until the eldest life attain to the limit of the table of mortality be calculated, the sum of all these will be the present value of an annuity of L. 1 dependent upon their joint continuance.

In this manner, it is obvious that the value of an annuity on the joint continuance of any other two lives might be determined.

38. If, besides the 5642 lives at 30 years of age, and the 5075 at 40 (mentioned in No. 36), there be also proposed 3643 at 60 years of age; each of these 3643 at 60, may be combined with every one of the 5642 × 5075 different combinations of a life of 30, with one of 40 years of age; and, therefore, out of these three classes of lives 5642 × 5075 × 3643 different combinations may be formed; each containing a life of 30 years of age, another of 40, and a third of 60.

But at the expiration of 14 years, the numbers of lives in these three classes will, according to the table of mortality, be reduced to 4727, 4073, and 1675 respectively; the respective ages of the survivors in the several classes being then 45, 55, and 75 years; and the number of different combinations of three lives (each of a different class from either of the other two), that can be formed out of them, will be reduced to 4727 × 4073 × 1675.

Hence, by reasoning as in No. 36, it will be found, that if A, B, and C be three such lives, now aged 30, 40, and 60 years, the present value of L. 1 to be received upon these three jointly surviving the term of 15 years from this time, will be $$\frac{4727 \times 4073 \times 1675}{5642 \times 5075 \times 3643} \times \text{L. } 0{\cdot}481017$$: interest being reckoned at 5 per cent.

Thus it is shown, how the present value of an annuity dependent upon the joint continuance of these three lives might be calculated, that being the sum of the present values thus determined, of the rents for all the years which, according to the table of mortality, the eldest life can survive.

39. But it is easy to see, that the same method of reasoning may be used in the case of four, five, or six lives, and so on without limit. Whence, this inference is obvious.

The present value of L. 1, to be received at the expiration of a given term, provided that any given number of lives all survive it, may be found by multiplying the present value of L. 1 to be received certainly at the end of the term, by the continual product of the numbers in the table of mortality against the ages greater respectively by the number of years in the term, than the ages of the lives proposed; and dividing the last result of these operations, by the continual product of the numbers in the table of mortality against the present ages of the proposed lives.

And by a series of similar operations, the present value of an annuity on the joint continuance of all these lives might be determined.

But it should be observed, that, in calculating the value of a life-annuity in this way, the denominator of the fractions expressing the values of the several years rents, that is, the divisor used in each of the operations, remains always the same; the division should, therefore, be left till the sum of the numerators is determined, and one operation of that kind will suffice.

40. Enough has been said to show that these methods of constructing tables of the values of annuities on lives are practicable, though excessively laborious, and, in fact, all the early tables of this kind were constructed in that manner. We proceed now


text: Travels in West Africa, Congo Français, Corisco and Cameroons


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 We find, according to this historian, that it was in July, 1427, when Vasco started to discover the passage round the Cape. The voyage had been projected eighty-five years before, in 1412, by Prince of Portugal.

The first visit paid to Malacca by the then enterprising Portuguese appears to have been in 1508, when, who had sailed from Lisbon with LEMOS, was entrusted with the discovery of Madagascar and Malacca. Arriving at the port of St. Sebastian in the island of Madagascar, he ran along the coast, using a Portuguese as his interpreter, who had been left there and had acquired the language. In the course of this part of his voyage be had some intercourse with a king or prince of the natives named, by whom he was civilly treated; but being unable to procure intelligence of any spices or silver, the great object of his voyage, and finding much trouble and no profit, he proceeded to India in the prosecution of the further orders he had received from the king. He was well received by, the viceroy, who gave him an additional ship, commanded by , to assist in the discovery of Malacca. In the prosecution of his voyage he was well treated by the kings of Pedir and Pacam, who sent him presents, and at both places he erected crosses indicating discovery and possession. He at length cast anchor in the port of Malacca, where he terrified the people by the thunder of his cannon, so


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 erred in October or May. The important question is, why we erred.

Comrades, there is a period in our history that goes right up to the March struggle. What period is this? The period when we strove to set the capture of power as an active task before us. Since 1920, since our defeat in Poland, it was clear that the tide of revolution was on the ebb, and that our main task must be to win over the majority of the proletariat. How did we come to fix this task? The Party could not proceed further with the effort to capture power without approaching closer to the tactic of first organising the majority of the proletariat. It soon became clear that neither we, in Moscow, nor the comrades here, observed in time that a change in the situation had taken place. Only when we were unexpectedly attacked did the scales fall from our eyes, and we said the situation has changed: we must first of all win over the masses, This period of winning over the masses by agitation and propaganda lasted until the Ruhr war. Then we could no longer win them over merely by propaganda, and we had to go over to action. And again the situation arose that we were on the eve of another revolutionary tide which neither we in Moscow nor you there saw in time.

Well, does this mean that the leadership was Social-Democratic? No. The leadership of the German Communist Party is better than in any other country where we have mass parties, and this for one simple reason: in no other country had we the struggle that we had in Germany. We had the Marxian training. There was the fight against Kautsky, and there is the great experience of the revolution. Naturally, the leadership has Social-Democratic features, just as there are comrades that betray the complete failure to understand the meaning of mass movements, and who have never been Social-Democrats. The leadership of the Party is made of the elements that we possess. It is not made out of air.

For this reason the most important question for me, alter having thus defined the causes of our defeat, is what next?

Before replying, we must first of all establish the following. First of all we must discover who is ruling in Germany. In every situation the leader of a mass action must first of all know the opponent against whom he is to lead the struggle. The controversy over the question as to whether Fascism had conquered or not, was settled not by words but by facts. It was settled by the fact that the bourgeoisie, by military means, drove back the working class and thrust the Stinnes programme upon it, and that the working class fled. I can understand your opposition as long as you thought that we were still able to attack and that we were barring our road by formulas which Comrade Zinoviev thought meant capitulation. At that time your opposition had another meaning. When, however, dear comrades, you will be compelled to argue for another year whether Fascism has


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 that every one hastened on board their ships to endeavour to defend themselves from this new and unwelcome guest.

A boat came off with a message from the town, to inquire who they were and what they wanted, to which sent back for answer that he brought an ambassador from the King of Portugal, to propose entering into a treaty of peace and commerce advantageous for the king and city of Malacca. The king sent back a message in dubious language, such as is usual among the Orientals when they mean to act treacherously, as some of the Moorish merchants, from enmity to the Portuguese, had prevailed upon him and his favourite Bandara, by means of rich presents, to destroy and the Portuguese. On the third day, sent  in the character of ambassador, attended by a splendid retinue, who was well received on shore, and conducted on an elephant to the king, from whom he returned well pleased. All this was only a bait to entrap the Portuguese to their destruction, and, in addition, the king sent an invitation to to dine with him in public. accepted this invitation, but was informed by a friend of  Rajah, that the king intended to murder him, on which he sent an excuse on pretence of indisposition. Credit was now given to an advice sent by a Persian woman to, after she had been prevented by from coming on board in the night.

Another contrivance was put in practice to destroy and his ships, by offering a lading of spice, and pretending that it was requisite to send for it to three several places. This succeeded in part, as, while thirty men were sent on shore according to agreement, a fleet of small vessels was secretly prepared under cover of a point of land, ready to assault the ships, while the thirty men were to be murdered in


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 the town. At this time likewise a son of Râjah came on board under pretence of a visit to, and finding him engaged at draughts, requested him to continue his game, that he might have the better opportunity of assassinating him unobserved; and in fact he frequently put his hand to his dagger for the purpose, but waited till the other branches of the intended treachery should begin. At this time, a seaman on one of the tops, who was on the look-out, seeing a throng in the town and hearing a considerable noise, called out 'Treachery! treachery! they kill our men!' instantly threw away the draught-board, calling out Arms, and the son of, perceiving the treacherous designs discovered, leapt into his boat with his attendants in great consternation. The fleet of boats now came round the point and attacked the Portuguese, who exerted themselves as well as possible in their defence, considering the suddenness of the attack; and sinking many of the enemy's boats, forced the rest to retire.

Not having a sufficient force to take vengeance for this treachery, was under the necessity of quitting Malacca, where he left sixty of his men in slavery, who were made prisoners on shore, and having eight slain. On his way back he took two Moorish ships bound for Malacca; and having arrived at Cape Comorin, he sent on and  with their ships to Cochin, resolving, though ill-provided, to return alone to Portugal, being afraid of, as he had sided with  in the late disputes respecting the Government of India. He reached the island of Tercera with much difficulty, and from thence proceeded to Lisbon.

We now come to, who had sailed from Portugal under. But having been very successful in all the sieges and battles he had undertaken, and being of a bold and enterprising spirit, he assumed the Government of India in opposition to. Having been informed of the fate of 's expedition, he resolved to go and


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 attack Malacca in person. On the 2nd of May, 1511, sailed from Cochin on his expedition against Malacca, with 19 ships and 1,100 soldiers, 800 of whom were Portuguese and 600 Malabars. While off the island of Ceylon, he fell in with and captured five vessels belonging to the Moors, which were bound for Malacca. On arriving at the island of Sumatra, the kings of Pedir and Pisang sent friendly messages to, on which occasion , one of the men left behind by {{sc|Sequeira, was restored to freedom, he and others having made their escape from Malacca.

On the 1st of July 1511, the Portuguese fleet cast anchor in the roads of Malacca, infusing terror and dismay among multitudes that covered the whole shore, by the clangour of their warlike instruments, and the noise of repeated discharges of cannon, being sensible of their guilty conduct to {{sc|Sequeira}}, and conscious that the present armament was designed for their condign punishment. Next day a Moor came off in great state with a message from the king, and was received with much courtesy and ceremonious pomp by, to whom he said that if he came for trade, the king was ready to supply whatever merchandise he wanted. made answer that the merchandise he sought for was the restitution of the Portuguese who had been left there by {{sc|Sequeira}}, and when they were restored, he should then say what further demands he had to make from the king. On his return to the city, the Moor spread universal consternation by this answer, and it was agreed to endeavour to avert the threatened danger, by restoring the Portuguese, and by paying a large sum of money. But Prince {{sc|Ala'Eddin}}, the son of the king of Pahang, opposed this, and made ready for defence. Upon this {{sc|Albu}}-


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 began some military operations, and the king restored the captives. After this some further negociations ensued, as the king was desirous of peace, which offered to agree to, on condition of having permission to build a fortress at Malacca, and that the king should repay the entire charge incurred by  and the present armament, all the damage having been occasioned by his own treachery and falsehood; but he demanded to have an immediate answer, whether the king chose peace or war. The king was willing to have submitted to the terms demanded by the Portuguese viceroy, but his son and the king of Pahang opposed him, and it was at length determined to stand on their defence.

On the 24th of July, being the eve of St. James the Apostle, everything being disposed in order for attack, the signal was given for landing by the discharge of artillery, and immediately the Portuguese leapt on shore and charged the enemy with loud shouts. The hottest of the battle was about gaining and defending the bridge, which enterprise undertook in person, and where the enemy, after a vigorous defence, in which great numbers of them were slain, were forced to leap into the river, where many of them were drowned. The prince and the king of Pahang bravely opposed another party of the Portuguese who endeavoured to force their way to the bridge to join the viceroy, and at the same time king came out on a large elephant, attended by two others having castles on their backs, whence numbers of darts were launched against the Portuguese. But the elephants, being soon severely wounded, turned and fled through among their own men, trampling many of them to death, and making way for the Portuguese to join those who had possession of the bridge. At this place fortified himself, and as considerable harm was done to his men by poisoned arrows discharged from the tops of the adjoining houses, he caused them to be set on fire. After bestowing great praises on his captains for their courageous behaviour,


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 and perceiving that his people began to grow faint by long exertions, excessive heat, and want of food, he withdrew to the ships towards night. Ten of the Portuguese died in consequence of their wounds from the poisoned arrows. The loss of the enemy was not known. The king of Pahang withdrew to his own country, under pretence of bringing a reinforcement, but never returned.

While rested and refreshed his mien on board,  was busily employed in making every possible preparation for defending the city. For this purpose he undermined the streets in several places, in hopes to blow up the assailants, strewed poisoned thorns in the way, covering them over to prevent their being observed. He likewise fortified the bridge, and planted cannon in many places. As a prelude to the second assault, sent, in a vessel well manned, to gain possession of the bridge. On his way thither he had to pass through showers of bullets from both sides of the river and from the battlements of the bridge, and though desperately wounded, refused to be brought off, when, who came up to his rescue, proposed sending him to the ships to have his wounds dressed, saying that, "though he neither had strength to fight nor voice to command," he would not quit his post while life remained. Floats of fire were sent down the river to burn the vessel, but at length in person gained possession of the bridge, and the vessel, being freed from the fire-rafts, had liberty to act against the enemy. Having rested his men a short time on the bridge, penetrated the city, through showers of bullets, darts,


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 and arrows; and having been apprised of the mines in the principal street, he took another way and gained the mosque. At night, after a prodigious slaughter of the enemy, he gained entire possession of the city, having only with him in this action 800 Portuguese and 200 Malabars. At the end of nine days, every one of the Moors who inhabited this great city were either slain or driven out, and it was repeopled with strangers and some Malays who were permitted to take possession of the vacant houses. Among those left was Râjah, whose son had formerly endeavoured to assassinate. was a rich and powerful native of Java, of whom more hereafter will be said. The soldiers were allowed to plunder the city during three days. There were found 3,000 pieces of great cannon, out of 8,000 which king had relied upon for the defence of his city, the rest having been carried off to Bintang, where the king and Prince  had fortified themselves. As it might have been of dangerous consequence to permit these princes to establish themselves so near the city of Malacca, sent a force to dislodge them, consisting of 400 Portuguese, 400 Malays belonging to, and 300 men belonging to the merchants of Pegu who resided in Malacca. On the approach of these troops, the King and Prince took flight, leaving seven elephants with all their costly trappings, and the Portuguese returned to Malacca. Now reduced to wander in the woods and mountains of the interior, so severely reflected upon the obstinacy of his son and the king of Pahang, that he and his son quarrelled and separated, each shifting for himself.

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 triumphed, then that in itself is a proof that it has come. I place so little importance on formalities that I concede to the request of Comrades Remmele and Koenen in order not to aggravate the controversy that the Whites have won. For my part, we can say that the brunettes or blondes have won.

Why do the Fascists win? The preceding period in Germany, as it says in the book, was the period of bourgeois democracy. Except for recurring periods of suppressions, in no other country in the world have the proletariat such freedom of action as in Germany. And what great influence the Labour aristocracy had on the November Republic! Those who ignore this fail to understand why the Social-Democratic masses clung so to their republic. The dispute among us was not over the question as to whether the Social-Democracy was violated or whether it was a prostitute. The reason why I regarded it as necessary to say that the Fascism had won is quite different. If Fascism has won, and the Social-Democracy is its ally, then there can be no alliance between us and the Social-Democracy.

The second reason. Next to the question of the revision of the united front tactics, i.e., the challenge to the Social-Democratic leaders, as was stated in the National Committee resolution, I think the outstanding question in the German revolution is the attraction of the petty bourgeois masses. And here I come to a point which I must say is for me; on the one hand, one of the most important, and on the other the most humorous question of controversy.

Comrades, during the discussion over the national question in Moscow with the German comrades in the spring, we said the Party is confronted by a new task, the winning over of the petty-bourgeoisie, which is becoming proletarianised, as an ally, who will help us to capture power in Germany. Hence the participation of the Party in questions affecting the middle class and the national question. On the Enlarged Executive we took up a definite attitude. The speech on Schlageter was unanimously approved. After that speech, Comrades Fischer and Remmele carried this propaganda further arm-in-arm with me. More than that: in the theses of the Executive and of the Russian Central Committee on the German question, and in the articles published by Comrade Zinoviev on the German revolution, all this was quite rightly mentioned again and again. In Russia the peasant is an ally because he belonged to the army. Had there been no army he would have played an important role later, after the capture of power, but not so important a role as during the capture of power. In Germany we have a proletarianised petty-bourgeoisie which marches under the banner of Fascism, whereas the victory of Fascism means its ruin. Hence the differences in the Fascist camp are of decisive political importance for us. Only when these antagonisms become pronounced, and when the petty-bourgeois masses, or at least a section of them, can be torn away from


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 Hermosa. He likewise built a church, which was dedicated to the Visitation of Our Lady; and coined money of different values and denominations, which was ordered to pass current by proclamation, and some of which he caused to be scattered among the populace. By these and other prudent measures he gained the hearts of the people, attracted strangers to settle in Malacca, and secured this important emporium of trade. Although was perfectly conscious of the deceitful character of  Rajah, yet, considering it to be sometimes prudent to trust an enemy under proper precautions, he gave him authority over all the Moors that remained at Malacca. It was soon discovered, however, that carried on a private correspondence with prince, under pretence of restoring him to the sovereignty of Malacca, but in reality for the purpose of using his remaining influence among the people to set himself up. On receiving authentic information of these underhand practices, caused  with his son and son-in-law to be apprehended, and on conviction of their treason, he ordered them to be publicly executed on the same scaffold which they had formerly destined for. This was the first public exercise of sovereign justice which was attempted by the Portuguese in India, but was soou followed by others. , another native of Java, whom appointed to succeed  in the government of the Moors in Malacca, was gained by the widow of, by promise of her daughter in marriage with a portion of 100,000 ducats, to revenge the death of her husband on the Portuguese, and assassinate. accepted her offer, meaning to seize the city for himself. About the same time, also, the King of Campar formed a similar design, for the attain-


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 ment of which purpose he sent a congratulatory embassy to, from whom he demanded the office which had been conferred on. These plots, having no consequences at this time, shall be further explained in the sequel.

During his residence at Malacca, received embassies from several princes, particularly from the King of Siam; and he sent likewise embassies in return to the Kings of Siam and Pegu. He sent also two ships to discover the Molucca islands and Banda, and gave orders to let it be known in all quarters that Malacca was now under the dominion of Portugal, and that merchants from every part of India would be received there on more favourable terms than formerly. Having now established everything in Malacca to his mind, determined upon returning to Cochin, leaving  to command the fort, with a garrison of 300 men. He left at the same time, with 10 ships and 300 soldiers, to protect the trade, and carried four ships with himself on his return to Cochin.

, the native of Java, who had been preferred by to the command of the native inhabitants of Malacca, continued to carry on measures for expelling the Portuguese, and having strengthened himself secretly, at last broke out into rebellion. Having slain a Portuguese captain and several men, and taken some pieces of cannon, he suddenly fortified the quarter of the city in which he resided, and stood on his defence with 6,000 men and two elephants. and went against him with 320 men, partly by land and partly by water, and, after a long contest,


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 menced at daylight next morning, and two of the Portuguese galleons, endeavouring to run on board the large English ship, got aground, on which the pink or ketch, belonging to the enemy, kept firing its cannon upon one of the grounded galleons, till it floated off with the evening tide. The other two galleons fought the large English ship all day. On the third day, all the four galleons being afloat, endeavoured to board the enemy, who relied on their cannon and swiftness, and sailed away to Castelete, a bay of the pirates near Diu. followed them thither, and again fought them for two days, in all which time the Portuguese ships could never board them by reason of their unwieldly bulk. At length the English stood away, shewing black colours in token that their captain was slain. In these long indecisive actions the English and Portuguese both lost a number of men. The English made for Surat, followed still by, on which they left that port, and returned to Goa." How reversed is the order of things now!


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 some of their countrymen who had been cast away in their former ships, and some others who had been made prisoners for endeavouring to pass false money; but as the natives demanded too high a ransom they attempted to rescue them by force; but two boats full of armed men being sunk in the attempt, they were forced to comply with the terms demanded. They settled a trade at Amboina, and two of the ships opened a factory at Banda, where they loaded with spice, and returned into Holland on the 20th of April 1600. Those who werc left in the remaining ship at Amboina went to Ternate in the Moluccas, where they were well received by the king, and after procuring a lading of cloves returned home.

The Hollanders, becoming powerful at the Molucca islands, and forming an alliance with these islanders, who were weary of the avarice and tyranny of the Portuguese, expelled them from Amboina and established themselves at Ternate, whence the Portuguese had been formerly expelled by the natives, by the aid of the king of Ternate. The Hollanders likewise about 1601 got possession of the fort of Tidore, whence about 1400 Portuguese were permitted to retire by sea to the Philippine Islands, where they were hospitably received by Don, who commanded there for the Spaniards. In February 1605, sailed from the Philippines with 1,000 Spanish and 400 native troops, and recovered the fort of Ternate, chiefly owing to the bravery of, who commanded a company of Portuguese in this expedition. thence proceeded for Tidore, which he likewise reduced, by which conquest the Molucca islands became subject to Spain.

About this time a large English ship and a ketch had an engagement with two Portuguese ships beyond the Cape of Good Hope, which escaped after suffering a severe loss. These English ships went afterwards to Surat, where they were found by, who had four well-manned galleons, but ill provided with gunners, who were ignorant and cowardly. On descrying these large ships, though the English had reason to be afraid of their number, they undervalued them as heavy sailors, and immediately engaged and fought them till evening, killing 30 of the Portuguese. The engagement recom-


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 and the command was given on this occasion to LORENZO DE BRITO, an ancient and experienced officer. The two Holland ships did some small damage on the coast of Malabar and other places, and when off Malacca fell in with six ships bound from that place for India, commanded by FRANCISCO DE SILVA. They immediately engaged, and fought the whole of the afternoon and part of the night. Next morning the engagement was renewed, and was repeated for eight suc- cessive days, till, finding themselves too weak, the Hollanders drew off and made for the port of Queda, many of their men being slain and most of the rest wounded. At that place they quitted the smallest of their ships for want of men, and the other was afterwards cast away on the coast of Pegu.

In the year 1597 the Hollanders fitted out a squadron of eight ships at Amsterdam for India, with 800 men and provisions for three years, under the command of the admiral JACOB CORNELIUS VAN NEC. The object of this expedition, besides hostility to the king of Spain, who at that time usurped the throne of Portugal, was that they might pur- chase the spices and other commodities of Asia at a cheaper rate than they had hitherto been accustomed to in Portugal. The fleet sailed from Amsterdam on the 13th of May 1598. On the 24th July they saw the Cape of Good Hope, where three of the ships were separated in a violent storm. The other five ships, under the admiral, discovered the island of Madagascar on the 24th of August, coming to Cape St. Julian on the 30th of that month. On the 20th of September they came to the island of Ceme or Cisnc, in lat. 21°S., to which they gave the name of Mauritius. Here they found tortoises of such magnitude that one of them carried two men on its back, and birds which were so tame as to allow themselves to be killed with sticks, whence they concluded that the island was not inhabited. At Banda they joined the other three ships, and having laden four with spices, they were sent away to Holland, while the other three went into the Moluccas. On the 21st January 1599, they discovered the Great Java, and touched at the port of Tuban, after which they came to Madura, an island in lat. 2.30°S., on the 27th of that month. At this place they endeavoured to ransom