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2 have a good deal of Spanish snuff on the breast of it; rest of the apparel dim, unobtrusive in colour or cut, ending in high over-knee military boots, which may be brushed (and, I hope, kept soft with an underhand suspicion of oil), but are not permitted to be blackened or varnished; Day and Martin with their soot-pots forbidden to approach.

The man is not of godlike physiognomy, any more than of imposing stature or costume: close-shut mouth with thin lips, prominent jaws and nose, receding brow, by no means of Olympian height; head, however, is of long form, and has superlative gray eyes in it. Not what is called a beautiful man ; nor yet, by all appearance, what is called a happy. On the contrary, the face bears evidence of many sorrows, as they are termed, of much hard labour done in this world; and seems to anticipate nothing but more still coming. Quiet stoicism, capable enough of what joy there were, but not expecting any worth mention; great unconscious and some conscious pride, well tempered with a cheery mockery of humour:,—are written on that old face; which carries its chin well forward, in spite of the slight stoop about the neck; snufiy nose rather flung into the air, under its old cocked-hat,—like an old snuffy lion on the watch; and such a pair of eyes as no man or lion or lynx of that Century bore else- where, according to all the testimony we have. 'Those eyes,' says Mirabeau, 'which, at the bidding of his great soul, fascinated you with seduction or with terror (portaient, au gré de son âme héroïque, la séduction ou la terreur).' Most excellent potent brilliant eyes, swift-darting as the stars, sted-fast as the sun ; gray, we said, of the azure-gray colour; large enough, not of glaring size; the habitual expression of them vigilance and penetrating sense, rapidity resting on depth. Which is an excellent combination; and gives us the notion of a lambent outer radiance springing from some great inner sea of light and fire in the man. The voice, if


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 "The fourth reason was because during the one and thirty years he had warred against the Moors he had never found a Christian King nor a Lord outside this land, who for the love of Jesus Christ would aid him in the said war; therefore he sought to know if there were in those parts any Christian Princes in whom the charity and the love of Christ was so ingrained that they would aid him against those enemies of the Faith."

"The fifth reason was the great desire to make increase of the Faith of our Lord Jesus Christ, and to bring to Him all the souls that should be saved."

According to the Portuguese, Gil Eannes was the first emissary of Prince Henry who succeeded in passing Cape Bodajor. This feat he accomplished in 1434; but on this his first voyage out he contented himself with passing the Cape: a thing which previous expeditions of Prince Henry had failed to do, and which, so far apparently as Prince Henry knew, had not been done before, for it was regarded as a tremendous achievement.

The next year Prince Henry's cupbearer, Affonso Gonsalves Baladaya, set out accompanied by Gil Eannes in a caravel; and the coast to the South of Bojador was visited; their furthest expedition was to a shallow bay called by them Angra des Ruives. They then returned to Portugal, and the

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Rh Now truting you (that can read) know the due ounde and breath of thee foreayde .xi. letters, and that uch as may teach others know how to informe them therein. And when they fayle, let them turne backe to the portraytures, and proue whether they can fine their owne errors or not: if not readily, it is bet to helpe them to loe no time. Wherevnto as there ought to be regards, o alo ought you not to be ouer buie in helping of learners, but giue them always occaion to proue their owne wittes and memorie.

A illable is that word, or part of worde, which is poken roundly togither, without any tay of ounde: wherein is ounded at leat one pure and full vowell, with ome one cononant or more: but if it be with a cononant, and a emivocall, it is no full illable, though it eeme a illable. For as the l.m.n, and r, are of nature in maner poken with the ounde, or halfe ounde of the vowell: o when the peach doth ve them with one or two cononants without vowell, then they are not to be called illables, but halfe illables, which commonly come at the latter ende of wordes: and o ought to bee written, and may be read roundly all togither, as is ved in one illable: and therefore I doe not hereafter et any marke to note uch words for two illables.

Here follow the foreayd .xi. letters o as you may ee how illables may be made of themelues, which you may diuerifie to you Scholler at pleaure: eyther taking all the fiue vowels, firt in order with one breath or cononants, and o one after the other, ele firt with one vowell, to go ouer all the breathes and cononants, and o the ret. And may make illables eyther of two, three, or four letters.

I can not to often admonih the teacher to bee carefull in ounding of the letters, in their proper and onely breath and ound, or breath alone, imple or compound: pure and imple there are but two .h. and .ʆ. which are breathed, the firt without the helpt of tongue, lips or teeth, and the econd by thruting the breath thorow the teeth, without helpe of tongue or lippes, and the .vii. others I call iters (to b.d.g.ᵹ.v.∂. and .z. which for that they haue the inwarde ound I call the brethren) p.t.k.ɕ.f.†. and s, which are compounded with the breath, and the helpe of the lips, tongue or teeth, alwayes without any ound due to themelues: and o there are .ix. breathes, whereof two are pure and imple, and the .vij. others compoed as is ayde alwayes without any proper ounde.

Rh


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 next year again went down the coast as far as a galley-shaped rock. This place they called Pedro de Galli, from its appearance; its present name is Pedra de Galla. Their chief achievement was the discovery of the Rio do Oura. It is not an important river in itself, but only one of those deceptive estuaries common on the West coast. But it was the first West African place the Portuguese got gold dust at, hence its name. The amount of gold was apparently not considerable, and the chief cargo that expedition took home was sea wolves' skins; they reported quantities of seals or sea wolves as they called them here, and this report was the cause of the next Portuguese expedition; for the Portuguese in those days seem to have always been anxious for sea wolves' oil and skins; and whether this be a survival or no, it seems to me curious that the ladies of Lisbon are to this day very keen on sealskin jackets, which their climate can hardly call for imperatively. But, however this may be, it is certain that we have no account of the Portuguese having passed south of the next important cape South of Bojador, namely, Blanco, before 1443. The terrible tragedy of Tangiers and political troubles hindered their explorations from 1436 to 1441, and the French claim to have been down the West Coast trading not only before this date, but before Prince Henry sent a single expedition out at all, namely, as early as 1346.

The French story is that there was a deed of association of the merchants of Dieppe and Rouen of the date 1364. This deed was to arrange for the carrying on to greater proportions of their already existing trade with West Africa. The original of this deed was burnt, according to

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 Labat, at Dieppe, in the conflagration of 1694. How long before this Association was formed that trade had been carried on, it is a little difficult to make out, I find, from the usual hindrance to the historical study of West Africa, namely, lack of documentary evidence and a profusion of recriminatory lying. This association was under the patronage of the Dukes of Normandy, then Kings of England; and its ultimate decay is partly attributed to the political difficulties these patrons became involved in. The French authorities say the Association was an exceedingly flourishing affair; and it is stated that under its auspices factories were established at Sierra Leone, and that a fort was built at La Mina del Ore, or Del Mina, the place now known as Elmina, as early as 1382. Now it is round the subject of this fort that most controversy wages, for this French statement does not at all agree with the Portuguese account of the fort. The latter claim to have discovered the coast—called by them La Mina, by us the Gold—in 1470, with an expedition commanded by João de Santarim and Pedro de Escobara. The Portuguese, finding this part of the coast rich in gold, and knowing the grabbing habits of other nations where this was concerned, determined to secure this trade for themselves in a sound practical way, although they were already guarded by a Papal Bull. The expedition that discovered La Mina was the last one made during the reign of Affonso V.; but his son, who succeeded him as João II., rapidly set about acting on the information it brought home. This king indeed took an intelligent interest in the Guinea trade, and was well versed in it; for a part of his revenues before he came to the

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 throne had been derived from it and its fisheries. João II. energetically pushed on the enterprise founded by his father Affonso V., who had in 1469 rented the trade of the Guinea Coast to Fernam Gomez for five years at 500 equizodas a year, on the condition that 100 leagues of new coast should be discovered annually, starting from Sierra Leone, the then furthest known part, and reserving the ivory trade to the Crown. The expedition sent out by King João, commanded by the celebrated Diego de Azambuja, took with it, in ten caravels and two smaller craft, ready fashioned stones and bricks, and materials for building, with the intention of building a fort as near as might be to a place called Sama, where the previous expedition had reported gold dust to be had from the natives. This fort was to be a means of keeping up a constant trade with the natives, instead of depending only on the visits of ships to the coast. Azambuja selected the place we know now as Elmina as a suitable site for this fort. Having obtained a concession of the land from the King Casamanca, on representing to him what an advantage it would be to him to have such a strong place wherein he and his people could seek security against their enemies, and which would act as a constant market place for his trade, and a storehouse for the Portuguese goods, Azambuja lost no time in building the fort with his ready-fashioned materials, and not only the fort, but a church as well. Both were dedicated to San Gorge da Mina, and a daily mass was instituted to be said therein for the repose of the soul of the great Prince Henry the Navigator, whose body had been laid to rest in November, 1460. Indeed, one cannot but be struck with the wealth of Portuguese information that we possess, regarding the

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 building of the castle at Elmina and by the good taste shown by the Portuguese throughout; for, besides establishing this mass—a mass that should be said in all Catholic churches on the West African Coast to this day in memory of the great man whose enterprise first opened up that great, though terrible region, to the civilised world—King João granted many franchises and privileges to people who would go and live at San Gorge da Mina, and aid in expanding the trade and civilisation of the surrounding region, which is as it should be; for people who go and live in West Africa for the benefit of their country deserve all these things, and money down as well. Having done these, the king evidently thought he deserved some honour himself, which he certainly did, so he called himself Lord of Guinea, and commanded that all subsequent discoverers should take possession of the places they discovered in a more substantial way than heretofore; for it had been their custom merely to erect wooden crosses or to carve on trees the motto of Prince Henry, Talent de bien faire. The monuments King João commanded should be erected in place of these transient emblems he designed himself; they were to be square pillars of stone six feet high, with his arms upon them, and two inscriptions on opposite sides, in Latin and Portuguese respectively, containing the exact date when the discovery of the place was made; by his order the cross that was to be on each was to be of iron and cramped into the pedestal. Major says the cross was to surmount the structure; but my Portuguese friends tell me it was to be in the pedestal, and also that the remains of these old monuments are still to be seen in their possessions; so we must presume that the outfit for an exploring expedition in King João's days included a

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Rabe v. Washington

Petitioner was convicted of violating Washington's obscenity statute for showing a sexually frank motion picture at a drive-in theater. In affirming his conviction, the Washington Supreme Court did not hold that the film was obscene under the standards of Roth v. United States, 354 U.S. 476, and Memoirs v. Massachusetts, 383 U.S. 413, but that it was obscene in "the context of its exhibition" at a drive-in. The statute proscribing the knowing display of "obscene" films did not mention the location of the exhibition as an element of the offense.

Held: A State may not criminally punish the exhibition of a motion picture film at a drive-in theater where the statute assertedly violated has not given fair notice that the location of the exhibition was a vital element of the offense.

79 Wash. 2d 254, 484 P. 2d 917, reversed.

William L. Dwyer argued the cause and filed briefs for petitioner.

Curtis Ludwig argued the cause for respondent. With him on the brief was Herbert H. Davis.

Briefs of amici curiae urging reversal were filed by Stanley Fleishman and Sam Rosenwein for the National Association of Theatre Owners, Inc., and by Louis Nizer and James Bouras for the Motion Picture Association of America, Inc.

Constantine Regusis filed a brief for Morality in Media, Inc., as amicus curiae, urging affirmance.

title: Rabe v. Washington


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 considerable cargo of ready-dressed stones and materials for monuments, and that from the quantity of discoveries these expeditions made, the sixteenth century Portuguese homeward bound must have been flying as light as the Cardiff bound collier of to-day.

Still it is remarkable that with all the wealth of detail that we have of these Portuguese discoveries in the fifteenth century there is no mention of the French being on the coast before Pedro do Cintra reaches Sierra Leone and calls it by this name because of the thunder on the mountains roaring like a lion, and so on; but he says nothing of French factories ashore. Azambuja gives quantities of detail regarding the building of San Gorge da Mina, but never says a word about there being already at this place a French fort; yet Sieur Villault, Escuyer, Sieur de Bellfond, speaks of it with detail and certainty. Also M. Robbe says that one of the ships sent out by the association of merchants in 1382 was called the Virgin, that she got as far as Kommenda, and thence to the place where Mina stands, and that next year they built at this place a strong house, in which they kept ten or twelve of their men to secure it; and they were so fortunate in this settlement that in 1387 the colony was considerably enlarged, and did a good trade until 1413, when, owing to the wars in France, the store of these adventurers being exhausted, they were obliged to quit not only Mina, but their other settlements, as Sestro Paris, Cape Mount, Sierra Leone, and Cape Verde.

Villault, who went to West Africa to stir up the French to renew the Guinea trade, openly laments the folly of the

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 French in ever having abandoned it owing to certain prejudices they had taken against the climate. His account of it is that about the year 1346 some adventurers of Dieppe, a port in Normandy, who as descendants of the Normans, were well used to long voyages, sailed along the coast of the negroes, Guinea, and settled several colonies in those parts, particularly about Cape Verde, in the Bay of Rio Fesco, and along the Melequeta coast. To the Bay, which extends from Cape Ledo to Cape Mount they gave the name of the Bay of France; that of Petit Dieppe to the village of Rio Corso (between Rio France and Rio Sestro); that of Sestro Paris to Grand Sestro, not far from Cape Palmas; while they carried to France great quantities of Guinea pepper and elephants' tusks, whence the inhabitants of Dieppe set up the trade of turning ivory and making several useful works, as combs, for which they grew famous, and still continue so. Villault also speaks of "a fair church still in being" at Elmina, adorned with the arms of France, and also says that the chief battery to the sea is called by the natives La Battarie de France; and he speaks of the affection the natives have for France, and says they beat their drums in the French manner. Barbot also speaks of the affection of the natives for the French, and says that on his last voyage in 1682 the king sent him his second son as hostage, if he would come up to Great Kommondo, and treat about settling in his country, although he had refused the English and the Dutch. Barbot, however, does not agree with Villault about the prior rights of France to the discovery of Guinea; he thinks that if these facts be true it is strange that there is no mention of so important an enterprise in French historians, and concludes that it would be unjust to the Portuguese to

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 attribute the first discovery of this part of the world to the French. He also thinks it evidence against it that the Portuguese historians are silent on the point, and that Azambuja, when he began to build his castle at Elmina in 1484, never mentions there being a castle there that had been built by Frenchmen in 1385. This, however, I think is not real evidence against the prior right of France. Take, for instance, the examples you get constantly when reading the books of Portuguese and Dutch writers on Guinea. You cannot fail to be struck how they ignore each other's existence as much as possible when credit is to be given; indeed were it not for the necessity they feel themselves under of abusing each other, I am sure they would do so altogether, but this they cannot resist. Here is a sample of what the Portuguese say of the Dutch: "That the rebels (meaning the Dutch) gained more from the blacks by drunkenness, giving them wine and strong liquors, than by force of arms, and instructing them as ministers of the Devil in their wickedness. But that their dissolute lives and manners, joined to the advantage which the Portuguese at Mina, though inferior in numbers, had gained over them in some rencontres, had rendered them as contemptible among the blacks for their cowardice as want of virtue. That however the blacks, being a barbarous people, susceptible of first impressions, readily enough swallowed Calvin's poison (Protestantism), as well as took off the merchandise which the Dutch, taking advantage of the Portuguese indolence sold along the coast, where they were become absolute pirates." Then, again, the same author says, "The quantity of merchandises brought by the Dutch and their cheapness, has made the barbarians greedy of them, although persons of quality and honour assured them that they would

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 willingly pay double for Portuguese goods, as suspecting the Dutch to be of less value, buying them only for want of better." I could give you also some beautiful examples of what the Dutch say of the Portuguese and the English, and of what the French say of both, but I have not space; moreover, it is all very like what you can read to-day in things about rival nations and traders out in West Africa. I myself was commonly called by the Portuguese there a pirate because I was English, and that was the proper thing to call the English,—there was no personal incivility meant; and I quote the above passage just to impress on you that when you are reading about West African affairs either ancient or modern, you must make allowance for this habit of speaking of rival nations—it is the climate. And although the Portuguese and the Dutch may choose to ignore the French early discoveries, yet they both showed a keen dread of the French from their being so popular with the natives, and did their utmost to oust them from the West Coast, which they succeeded in doing for a long period. And then again to this day, when a trader in West Africa finds a place where trade is good, he does not cable home to the newspapers about it. If it is necessary that any lying should be done about that place he does it himself; but what he strives most to do is to keep its existence totally unknown to other people; sooner or later some other trader comes along and discovers it, and then that place becomes unhealthy for one or the other of its discoverers,—and that is the climate again. Thus by the light of my own dispassionate observations in West Africa, I am quite ready to believe in that early French discovery; and I

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 quite agree with Villault about the quantity of words derived from the French that you will find to this day among the native tongues, and even in the trade English of the Coast, and in districts that have not been under French sway in the historical memory of man. One of these words is the word "ju ju," always regarded by the natives as a foreign word. Their own word for religion, or more properly speaking for sacred beings, is "bosum," or "woka." They only say "ju ju" so that you white man may understand. The percentage, however, of Portuguese words in trade English is higher than that of French.

After the fifteenth century it is not needful now to discuss in detail the subject of the French presence in West Africa; for both Dutch and Portuguese freely own to the presence there of the Frenchmen, and openly state that they were a source of worry and expense to them, owing to the way the natives preferred the French to either of themselves.

The whole subject of the French conquests in Africa is an exceedingly interesting one, and one I would gladly linger over, for there is in it that fascination that always lies in a subject which contains an element of mystery. The element of mystery in this affair is, why France should have persisted so in the matter—why she should have spent blood and money on it to the extent she has, does, and I am sure will continue to do, without its ever having paid her in the past, or paying her now, or being likely to pay her in the future, as far as one can see. There are moments when it seems to me clear enough why she has done it all; but these moments only come when I am in an atmosphere reeking of La Gloire or La France—a thing I own I much enjoy; but when I am back in the cold intellectual greyness of commercial England, France's conduct

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text: West African Studies/Chapter 9

title: West African Studies/Chapter 9


text: West African Studies/Chapter 10

title: West African Studies/Chapter 10


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Rh n ∂e nạm ov ∂e fạ∂r and ov ∂e sun, and ov ∂e hol-li gọst. so bị it.

ur fạ∂r huiɕ art in hẹvn hal-lu-ë́d bị ∂ei nạm. ei kingdum kum. ei uil bị dụn in er†, az it iz in hẹvn. iv-uz diz-dẹ, our dẹ-li bred. nd for-giv-uz our tres-pas-ses, az uị

Rh


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Rh

for-giv ∂em, ∂at tres-pas a-gẹnst us. nd lẹd uz not in-tu tem-tạ-si-on. ut de-livr-us from ivl. so bị it.

i bi-lịv in od ∂e fạ∂r aul-mih-ti, mạ-kr ov hẹvn and er†. and in ᵹẹ-zus rist hiz uon-li sun our lord. uiɕ uas kon-sẹvd bei ∂e hol-li

Rh


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Rh

gọst, bọrn ov ∂e vir-ᵹin mạ-ri. Suf-ferd undr pons pei-lat, uas kriu-si-feid, ded and biu-ri-ë́d, hi des-sen-ded in-tu hel. e †ird dẹ hị rọz agẹn from ∂e ded. ị as-sen-ded in-tu hẹvn, and sit† on ∂e riht hand ov od ∂e fạ∂r aul-mih-ti. rom ∂ens hị ʆaul kum tu ᵹuᵹ ∂e kuik and ∂e ded. i

Rh


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Rh

bi-lịv in ∂e hol-li gọst, ∂e hol-li ka-†o-lik ɕur-ɕ, ∂e kom-mu-ni-on of sẹnts, ∂e for-giv-nes of sinz. e re-zur-rek-si-on ov ∂e bod-di. nd ∂e leif evr-last-ing. so bi it.

od spạk to mo-zez (ap-pị-ring eks-o-dus ∂e tuen-ti†) first de-klạr-ing huat hi iz, se-ing, ei am ∂e lord ∂ei god, huiɕ hạv brọuht ∂ị out ov ∂e land ov ẹ-ᵹipt, out ov ∂e hous ov bond-aᵹ.

ou ʆault hạv nọn ụ∂r godz but mị.

Rh


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Rh

ord hạv mer-si-up-on-us, and, in-klein our herts tu kịp ∂iz lau.

ou ʆault not mạk tu ∂ei self, ani gravn i-maᵹ nor ∂e leik-nes ov ani †ing ∂at iz in hẹvn a-buv, or in ∂-er† be-nẹ∂, nor in ∂e uạtr undr ∂-er†, ∂ou sault not bou doun tu ∂em, nor ụur-ʆip ∂em: for ei ∂e ord ∂ei

Rh


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Rh

od am a ᵹe-luz od, and vi-zit ∂e sinz ov ∂e fạ∂r up-on ∂e ɕildrn un-tụ ∂e †ird and for† ᵹe-ne-rạ-si-on, ov ∂em ∂at hạt mi, and ʆo mer-si un-tụ †ou-sandz in ∂em ∂at lụv mi, and kịp mei kom-maund-ments.

ou ʆault not tạk ∂e nạm, ov ∂e lord ∂ei god in vẹn, for ∂e lord uil not

Rh


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Rh

họuld him gilt-les ∂at tạk† hiz nạm in vẹn.

e-membr ∂at ∂ou kịp hol-li ∂e sab-bot de. iks dez ʆault ∂ou lạbr, and dụ aul ∂at ∂ou hast tu dụ: but ∂e sẹvn† dẹ, iz ∂e sab-bot ov ∂e lord ∂ei god: in it ∂ou ʆault dụ no ma-ner ov ụurk, ∂ou and ∂ei sun, and ∂ei dauhtr, ∂ei man serv--

Rh


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Rh

ant, and ∂ei mẹd serv-ant, ∂ei katl, and ∂e stranᵹr ∂at iz ui∂-in ∂ei gạts: for in siks dez ∂e lord mạd hẹvn and er†, ∂e sẹ and aul ∂at in ∂em is: and rest-ed ∂e sẹvn† dẹ. uer-fọr ∂e ord blest ∂e sevn† dẹ, and hal-lu-ë́d it.

o-nor ∂ei fạ∂r and ∂ei mụ∂r, ∂at ∂ei dẹz mẹ bi

Rh


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Rh

long in ∂e land, huiɕ de ord ∂ei god giv-e† ∂ị.

ou ʆault dụ no mur∂r.

ou ʆault not kom-mit ad-vou-tri.

ou ʆault not stẹl.

ou ʆault not bẹr fạls uit-nez agẹnst ∂ei nẹh-bur.

ou ʆault not kuv-et ∂ei nẹh-burz hous, ∂ou ʆault not kuv-et ∂ei nẹh-

Rh


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Rh

burz ueif, nor his serv-ant, nor hiz mẹd, nor hiz oks, nor hiz as, nor a-ni †ing ∂at iz his.

ord hạv mer-si vp-on-us, and ureit aul thẹz ∂ei lauz in our herts, ui bi-sịɕ ∂ị.

ụ ∂e mạkr, givr ov leif, and fịdr ov evri krẹ-tiur, az-uel in ∂e sẹ az on ∂-er†, for de be-hụf and ius ov man-keind, bi un-fẹn-ed †anks, bi-sịɕ-ing

Rh


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 him of hiz grẹt mer-si, tu giv-us hiz grạs so tu iuz ∂e sạm nou and aul-uẹz, az mẹ bị tu hiz glo-ri, and our sọulz hel†. so bị it.

od sạv his ɕurɕ, our kuịn and rẹm, and send us pẹs in krist. so bị it.

ou let us ʆo our selvz †ank-ful to god for ∂ẹz

Rh


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Rh

hiz gifts, and for our hel†, and ụ∂r hiz be-ne-fits, huer-ui† hị in-dụ-ë́∂ us, be-fọr ma-ni ov our pụr brị∂rn, huiɕ re-pre-zent him: let uz ∂er-for help suɕ in aul ∂ẹr uan-ts tu our poụ-ë́r: huer-bei ∂e fẹ†-lez mẹ tạk eks-ampl, tu ∂e glo-ri ov our al-mih-ti god. so bị it

and so fur†.


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Rh d—rum, dad, a-dd-er, did, la-dd-er, dạ-vid,

t—rum-pet, o-tt-er, hat, tạrt, tu-tt-i, uat, prat.

g—res, bra-gg-er, gag, da-gg-er, rig, uag.

k—e, kạk, e-kk-o, kirk, ku-kk-ụ, ụurk, uẹk.

ᵹ—er-kin, ᵹentl, do-ᵹᵹ-er, ᵹorᵹ, ᵹug-ler, rạᵹ.

ɕ—ẹn, ɕurɕ, ɕaunᵹ, ɕịr, ri-ɕard, paɕ. Rh


text:
Page:Chinese Lessons for First Year Students in West China.pdf/19

 LESSON I. 第一課 同教書先生說話 Conversation with the Teacher

 * 1) ;同教書先生說話
 * Conversation with the Teacher.

 * 1) ;教書 Giao¹ shu¹
 * to teach; lit., to teach books.
 * 1) ;先生 Sien¹ sen¹
 * teacher, mister; lit., before or first born. This most common designation may now be used in addressing men—and even women teachers—in all grades of society.
 * 1) ;說話 Sho² hwa⁴
 * to speak, to talk; lit., to speak words.
 * 1) ;請進來
 * Please come in.
 * Please come in.


text: Weird Tales/Volume 9/Issue 5/The Song of the Bats


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Rh

reort from all townes and Countries, of the bet of all profeßions, awel of the own landsmen, as of aliens and traungers, and therfore they haue the bet meanes to take the bet and leaue the worst. And bicaue I finde no matter in oberuing the Latine order of their letters, for that no number is ved by their order as the Greekes haue ved with theirs: I haue deuided and parted them, into theyr ortes, as hall be hewed hereafter.


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Rh

¶ Here is to be noted, for that there is not in my remembrance the names of any thing which beginne with the ounds of ∂. or z. I haue vurped the article ∂e, with the Sunne, for the bet I could as yet thinke on: and the little man Zache, that climed in the wilde figge tree, Luke. xix.

¶ Now you may teach your Scholler, to remember the letters by the names of the portratures, firt the fiue vowels, forth and backe, which when he thinketh to know, you may doe the like with the ret, and when he hath o gone ouer all foorth and backe, then you may hew them vnto him downewardes, and vpwardes, and when he thinketh to know the letter alone, you maye doe


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28–30] $undefined$ MHG I, 16–17.For a full account of the seven earths, see Konen 35–37; Seder Rabba di-Bereshit 5–28 (different versions); Raziel, 27a–27b.Older sources speak of seven or ten names of the earth (comp. note 22 with reference to the seven or ten heavens), as well of the seven earths.It is, however, doubtful whether this does not really mean seven parts (zones); comp. PK 24, 155a; WR 19.11; Shir 6.4 (here, however, only six heavens are mentioned, the highest of which, where God dwells, not being included, and six earths; comp. PK 1, 7b, and ShR 15. 26); ARN 38, 110; second version 43, 119; Mishle 8, 59, and 9, 61; Tehillim 92, 402; PRE 8; see further Sode Raza in Yalkut Reubeni on Gen. 1.1, 2d–3a.Another sevenfold division of the earth is to be found in the following statement of Hagigah 12b and, with essential variants, in Yerushalmi 2, 77a; Leket 8b; Tehillim 104, 442; Seder Rabba di-Bereshit 11.Acording to this statement, the earth rests on pillars, which rest on water, which rests on mountains, which rest on the winds, which rest on storms, which rest on God's arm.The number of the pillars upon which the earth rests is variously given: seven, twelve, and even one, whose name is "Zaddik" (righteous).These seven pillars of the earth are personified in the Clementine writings as the seven saints Adam, Enoch, Noah, Abraham, Isaac, Jacob, and Moses.The view that there is a connection between the seven pillars of the earth spoken of by the Rabbis and the seven saints of the Clementine writings, first suggested by Ginzberg in the Jewish Encyclopedia, IV, 114, is now proved to be correct by Alphabetot 103, where the seven pillars are actually identified with the seven pious men: the three patriarchs and Moses, Aaron, David, and Solomon.  $undefined$ BR 1. 13; Tan. B. I, 6. Comp. also Alphabetot 97.  $undefined$ 30 Seder Rabba di-Bereshit 4–5; Alphabetot 89.A passage found at the end of the Mishnah which, however, does not belong to it, but is a later insertion (comp. Sanhedrin 100a; Tehillim 31, 239, and Schwarz, Die Controversen, 2) reads as follows: In the time to come God will bestow three hundred and ten worlds on every righteous person.Comp. further Petirat Mosheh 121 (where is to be struck out), and Ketoret ha-Sammim 4b, where a passage from ARN is cited concerning the three hundred and ten worlds.This passage does not occur in our texts of this Midrash, but it resembles the statement of BHM I, 132 (this is the source of R. Bahya, Gen. 1.1) with reference to the three hundred and ninety heavens.On these heavens see Derek Erez R. 2 (end) and Targum Yerushalmi Exod. 28.


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text:
Page:Hardwicke's Science-Gossip - Volume 1.pdf/53

]

suitable for the gape of his royal mouth? All this with eye and lens I carefully noted, also the gradual diminution of the mass and its total disappearance down the gullet of the animal. All was engulphed, not a particle or vestige remained. From first to last the performance occupied just twenty minutes, and I would that every twenty minutes in a man's existence were as pleasantly and as profitably spent. During this time I never once removed my eyes from my little friend. Had he been disposed to play me a scurvy trick by tossing the pellet overboard, or otherwise attempting to conceal it, he could not have done so. Such an act would not have escaped my vigilant eye. The various processes through which the pellet passed, and its gradual consumption, all tending to one end, preclude the possibility of my arriving at any other conclusion that that which the poet affirmed when he said that spiders eat their own webs. After the conclusion of the experiment, I took the animal into my hand and overhauled every part of his body most carefully with my Coddington lens, but failed to discover any trace of the missing web. I might have killed and dissected the object of my study and should probably have exhumed some portion of the web from his stomach, but had I done so, it would not have strengthened my faith in the poet's statement which from henceforth I think should be received by a prosy public not as fiction of the poet's brain, but as a well-authenticated fact. T. K.

many of the readers of this journal when passing the shops of large fruiterers in London and elsewhere have observed apples, pears, and other fruit packed in hampers containing fern-leaves, and had they but inquired why these leaves in particular were used, the more intelligent of the vendors would probably have told them they assisted in preserving the fruit from mildew and decay. Some years ago, when residing in the Isle of Man, I noticed that the bracken (Pteris aquilina) was in large demand for packing the fresh-caught herring forwarded daily by steamboats to the Liverpool markets; and more recently, during a brief sojourn at Frodsham, in Cheshire, brackens were collected on the Overton hill to line the hampers of new potatoes transmitted to the Manchester markets. Upon my return to the north of England, in a year when the potatoe disease was threatening the destruction of that valuable esculent, the rector of a parish in my neighbourhood at my suggestion induced one of his farmers to "hog" his winter potatoes on the ground where they grew, and to cover them with bracken instead of the customary straw. The farmer, sceptical about the result, only covered half the "hog" with ferns, leaving the other half protected by straw; earthing and sodding up the mound to exclude rain and frost. Winter arrived, and the "hog" was opened for a fresh supply of tubers, when it was discovered that those potatoes which had been stored in brackens were sound and good, whilst those protected by straw were so much decayed as to be scarcely worth the labour of removing. To me this experiment was very satisfactory and suggestive.

That ferns contain some peculiar preservative property there can be little doubt. Both the bracken and male fern abound in alkaline matter, which was once used by the manufacturers of soap and glass, and their astringent properties are well known to country people, and the dressers of leather. I believe the aroma from this family of plants to be repugnant to most insects and inimical to the growth of that species of fungi known as mould. I cannot now recall to my recollection ever having seen the larvæ of any lepidopterous insect feeding upon the fronds of our common ferns, nor do I remember having noticed insects of any orders resting upon them unless it were for shelter during a shower of rain. The peculiar odour thrown off by ferns must be familiar to all who have wandered near their place of growth. Is it due to an essential oil? The Russian leather so much prized in this country for its enduring properties and grateful smell is said to be prepared with oil distilled from the birch tree, and it has been stated that bales of this valuable leather frequently lie for months in damp warehouses at the London Docks without spotting or being otherwise injured by mildew. That essential oils of all kinds will prevent to a great extent the growth of fungi, we have but to mix a few drops in our flour-paste and see how long a time we may keep it unattacked by their sporules. Ferns boiled up with our paste would probably answer the same purpose. Hops, also, possess antiseptic properties, and dead game has been preserved in them for a lengthened period without showing any signs of decomposition. The root of the male shield-fern (Lastra filix mas), when administered in the form of powder or decoction, is a powerful anthelmintic, and is frequently made use of for the expulsion of that pest of our race—the tape-worm. The young unexpanded fronds of this fern when cooked are said to be equal to asparagus. Dried ferns make a most enduring thatch for outbuildings on the farm, and should be largely used for the bedding of all animals affected with entozoaic diseases—the pig in particular. If in some parts of Germany and Denmark beech leaves are used to stuff mattresses in which fleas and bugs cannot exist, I think the poor of our own land might profitably collect the dead fronds of our ferns for the same purpose and ensure the same immunity from these midnight tormentors. Reading.

me to call attention to the following statement, copied from No. 139 of All the Year Round—"Description of a Snake-stone on the Island of Corfu, Ionian Isles.—Description of the Blue Stone.—This stone is of an oval shape, 1 long,, broad, thick, and having been broken formerly, is now set in gold.

"When a person is bitten by a poisonous snake, the bite must be opened by a cut of a lancet or razor longways, and the stone applied within twenty-four hours. The stone then attaches itself firmly on the wound, and when it has done its office falls off; the cure is then complete. The stone must then be thrown into milk, whereupon it vomits the poison it has absorbed, which remains green upon the top of the milk, and the stone is then again fit for use.

"This stone has been from time immemorial in the family of Ventura, of Corfu, a house of Italian origin, and is notorious, so that peasants immediately apply for its aid. Its virtue has been been impaired by the fracture; its nature or compositions is unknown.


text: Of Human Bondage/Chapter 1

title: Of Human Bondage/Chapter 1


text:
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has been much less attractive to biographers than Iulius; perhaps because the soldier is more interesting than the statesman; perhaps because the note of genius conspicuous in the Uncle was wanting in the Nephew. Yet Augustus was the most successful ruler known to us. He found his world, as it seemed, on the verge of complete collapse. He evoked order out of chaos; got rid one after the other of every element of opposition; established what was practically a new form of government without too violent a breach with the past; breathed fresh meaning into old names and institutions, and could stand forth as a reformer rather than an innovator, while even those who lost most by the change were soothed into submission without glaring loss of self-respect. He worked ceaselessly to maintain the order thus established, and nearly every part of his great empire had reason to be grateful for increased security, expanding prosperity, and added amenity of life. Nor can it be said that he reaped the credit due in truth to ministers. He had excellent ministers and agents, with abilities in this or that direction superior to his own; but none who could take his place as a whole. He was the centre from which their activities radiated: he was the inspirer, the careful organiser, the unwearied manipulator of details, to whom all looked, and seldom in vain, for support and guidance. We may add this to a dignity never forgotten, v


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vi enhanced by a physical beauty and grace which helped to secure reverence for his person and office, and established a sentiment which the unworthiness of some of his successors could not wholly destroy. He and not Iulius was the founder of the Empire, and it was to him that succeeding emperors looked back as the origin of their power.

Yet his achievements have interested men less than the conquest of Gaul and the victories in the civil war won by the marvellous rapidity and splendid boldness of Iulius. Consequently modern estimates of the character and aims of Augustus have been comparatively few. An exhaustive treatise is now appearing in Germany by V. Gardthausen, which will be a most complete storehouse of facts. Without any pretence to such elaboration of detail, I have tried in these pages to do something to correct the balance, and to give a picture of the man as I have formed it in my own mind. The only modest merit which I would claim for my book is that it is founded on a study as complete as I could make it of the ancient authorities and sources of information without conscious imitation of any modern writer. These authorities are better for the earlier period to about 24, while they had the Emperor’s own Memoirs on which to rely. The multiform activities of his later life are chiefly to be gathered from inscriptions and monuments, which record the care which neglected no part however remote of the Empire. In these later years such histories as we have are more concerned with wars and military movements than with administration. Suetoniusis full of good things, but is without chronological or systematic order, and is wanting in the critical spirit to discriminate between irresponsible rumours and historical facts. Dio Cassius, plain and honest always, grows less and less full as the reign goes on. Velleius, who might at least have given us full details of the later German wars, is seldom definite or precise, and is tiresome from devotion to a single hero in Tiberius, and by an irritating style.


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 saved, and those who have spent—the thrifty and the extravagant. The building of all the houses, the mills, the bridges, and the ships, and the accomplishment of all other great works which have rendered man civilized and happy, has been done by the savers, the thrifty; and those who have wasted their resources have always been their slaves. It has been the law of nature and of Providence that this should be so; and I were an impostor if I promised any class that they would advance themselves if they were improvident, thoughtless, and idle."

Equally sound was the advice given by Mr. Bright to an assembly of working men at Rochdale, in 1847, when, after expressing his belief that, "so far as honesty was concerned, it was to be found in pretty equal amount among all classes," he used the following words:—"There is only one way that is safe for any man, or any number of men, by which they can maintain their present position if it be a good one, or raise themselves above it if it be a bad one—that is, by the practice of the virtues of industry, frugality, temperance, and honesty. There is no royal road by which men can raise themselves from a position which they feel to be uncomfortable and unsatisfactory, as regards their mental or physical condition, except by the practice of those virtues by which they find numbers amongst them are continually advancing and bettering themselves."

There is no reason why the condition of the average workman should not be a useful, honourable, respectable, and happy one. The whole body of the working classes might (with few exceptions) be as frugal, virtuous, well-informed, and well-


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Rh It has been my object to illustrate the policy of Augustus by constant reference to the Court view as represented by the poets. But in his later years Ovid is a poor substitute for Horace in this point of view. The Emperor’s own catalogue of his achievements, preserved on the walls of the temple at Ancyra, is the best possible summary; but a summary it is after all, and requires to be made to live by careful study and comparison.

The constitutional history of the reign is that which has generally engaged most attention. I have striven to state the facts clearly. Of their exact significance opinions will differ. I have given my own for what it is worth, and can only say that it has been formed independently by study of our authorities.

I have not tried to represent my hero as faultless or to make black white. Nothing can clear Augustus of the charge of cruelty up to 31. But in judging him regard must be had to his age and circumstances. We must not, at any rate, allow our judgment of his later statesmanship to be controlled by the memory of his conduct in a time of civil war and confusion. He succeeded in re-constituting a society shaken to its centre. We must acknowledge that and accept the bad with the good, But it is false criticism to deny or blink the one from admiration of the other.

I have to thank the authorities of the British Museum for casts of coins reproduced in this book: also the Syndics of the Pitt Press, Cambridge, for the loan of certain other casts.


text: Augustus (Shuckburgh)/Preface

title: Augustus (Shuckburgh)/Preface


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 conditioned as many individuals of the same class have already made themselves. What some men are, all without difficulty might be. Employ the same means, and the same results will follow. That there should be a class of men who live by their daily labour in every state is the ordinance of God, and doubtless is a wise and righteous one; but that this class should be otherwise than frugal, contented, intelligent, and happy is not the design of Providence, but springs solely from the weakness, self-indulgence, and perverser perverseness of man himself. The healthy spirit of self-help created amongst working people would more than any other measure serve to raise them as a class, and this, not by pulling down others, but by levelling them up to a higher and still advancing standard of religion, intelligence, and virtue. "All moral philosophy," says Montaigne, "is as applicable to a common and private life as to the most splendid. Every man carries the entire form of the human condition within him."

When a man casts his glance forward, he will find that the three chief temporal contingencies for which he has to provide are want of employment, sickness, and death. The first two he may escape, but the last is inevitable. It is, however, the duty of the prudent man so to live, and so to arrange, that the pressure of suffering, in event of either contingency occurring, shall be mitigated to as great an extent as possible, not only to himself, but also to those who are dependent upon him for their comfort and subsistence. Viewed in this light the honest earning and the frugal use of money are of the greatest importance. Rightly earned, it is the representative of patient industry


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 and untiring effort, of temptation resisted and hope rewarded; and, rightly used, it affords indications of prudence, fore-thought and self-denial—the true basis of manly character. Though money represents a crowd of objects without any real worth or utility, it also represents many things of great value; not only food, clothing, and household satisfaction, but personal self-respect and independence. Thus a store of savings is to the working man as a barricade against want; it secures him a footing, and enables him to wait, it may be in cheerfulness and hope, until better days come round. The very endeavour to gain a firmer position in the world has a certain dignity in it, and tends to make a man stronger and better. At all events, it gives him greater freedom of action, and enables him to husband his strength for future effort.

But the man who is always hovering on the verge of want is in a state not far removed from that of slavery. He is in no sense his own master, but is in constant peril of falling under the bondage of others, and accepting the terms which they dictate to him. He cannot help being, in a measure, servile, for he dares not look the world boldly in the face; and in adverse times he must look either to alms or the poor's rates. If work fails him altogether, he has not the means of moving to another field of employment; he is fixed to his parish like a limpet to its rock, and can neither migrate nor emigrate.

To secure independence, the practice of simple economy is all that is necessary. Economy requires neither superior courage nor eminent virtue; it is satisfied with ordinary energy, and the capacity of


text: Page:Maugham - Of Human Bondage, 1915.djvu/9


text:
Rabe v. Washington/Opinion of the Court

PER CURIAM.

Petitioner was the manager of the Park Y Drive-In Theatre in Richland, Washington, where the motion picture Carmen Baby was shown. The motion picture is a loose adaptation of Bizet's opera Carmen, [p314] containing sexually frank scenes but no instances of sexual consummation are explicitly portrayed. After viewing the film from outside the theater fence on two successive evenings, a police officer obtained a warrant and arrested petitioner for violating Washington's obscenity statute. Wash. Rev. Code § 9.68.010. Petitioner was later convicted and, on appeal, the Supreme Court of Washington affirmed. 79 Wash. 2d 454, 484 P. 2d 917 (1971). We granted certiorari. 404 U.S. 909. We reverse petitioner's conviction.

The statute under which petitioner was convicted, Wash. Rev. Code § 9.68.010, made criminal the knowing display of "obscene" motion pictures: "Every person who—
 * "(1) Having knowledge of the contents thereof shall exhibit, sell, distribute, display for sale or distribution, or having knowledge of the contents thereof shall have in his possession with the intent to sell or distribute any book, magazine, pamphlet, comic book, newspaper, writing, photograph, motion picture film, phonograph record, tape or wire recording, picture, drawing, figure, image, or any object or thing which is obscene; or
 * "(2) Having knowledge of the contents thereof shall cause to be performed or exhibited, or shall engage in the performance or exhibition of any show, act, play, dance or motion picture which is obscene;

"Shall be guilty of a gross misdemeanor."

In affirming petitioner's conviction, however, the Supreme Court of Washington did not hold that Carmen Baby was obscene under the test laid down by this Court's prior decisions. E.g., Roth v. United States, 354 U.S. 476; Memoirs v. Massachusetts, 383 U.S. 413. Uncertain "whether the movie was offensive to the standards relating to sexual matters in that area and whether [p315] the movie advocated ideas or was of artistic or literary value," the court concluded that if it "were to apply the strict rules of Roth, the film 'Carmen Baby' probably would pass the definitional obscenity test if the viewing audience consisted only of consenting adults." 79 Wash. 26, ad 263, 484 P. 2d, at 922. Respondent read the opinion of the Supreme Court of Washington more narrowly, but nonetheless implied that because the film had "redeeming social value" it was not, by itself, "obscene" under the Roth standard. The Supreme Court of Washington nonetheless upheld the conviction, reasoning that in "the context of its exhibition," Carmen Baby was obscene. Ibid.

To avoid the constitutional vice of vagueness, it is necessary, at a minimum, that a statute give fair notice that certain conduct is proscribed. The statute under which petitioner was prosecuted, however, made no mention that the "context" or location of the exhibition was an element of the offense somehow modifying the word "obscene." Petitioner's conviction was thus affirmed under a statute with a meaning quite different from the one he was charged with violating.

"It is as much a violation of due process to send an accused to prison following conviction of a charge on which he was never tried as it would be to convict him upon a charge that was never made." Cole v. Arkansas, 333 U.S. 196, 201. Petitioner's condition cannot, therefore, be allowed to stand. Gregory v. City of Chicago, 394 U.S. 111; Garner v. Louisiana, 368 U.S. 157; Cole v. Arkansas, supra.

Under the interpretation given § 9.68.010 by the Supreme Court of Washington, petitioner is criminally punished for showing Carmen Baby in a drive-in but he may exhibit it to adults in an indoor theater with impunity. The statute, so construed, is impermissibly vague as applied to petitioner because of its failure to [p316] give him fair notice that criminal liability is dependent upon the place where the film is shown.

What we said last Term in Cohen v. California, 403 U.S. 15, 19, answers respondent's contention that the peculiar interest in prohibiting outdoor displays of sexually frank motion pictures justifies the application of this statute to petitioner: "'Any attempt to support this conviction on the ground that the statute seeks to preserve an appropriately decorous atmosphere in the courthouse where Cohen was arrested must fail in the absence of any language in the statute that would have put appellant on notice that certain kinds of otherwise permissible speech or conduct would nevertheless, under California law, not be tolerated in certain places... No fair reading of the phrase 'offensive conduct' can be said sufficiently to inform the ordinary person that distinctions between certain locations are thereby created.'"

We need not decide the broad constitutional questions tendered to us by the parties. We hold simply that a State may not criminally punish the exhibition at a drive-in theater of a motion picture where the statute, used to support the conviction, has not given fair notice that the location of the exhibition was a vital element of the offense.

The judgment of the Supreme Court of Washington is

Reversed.

title: Rabe v. Washington/Opinion of the Court


text:
Page:Manual on Uniform Traffic Control Devices for Streets and Highways, 11th Edition (December 2023).pdf/1153

MUTCD 11th Edition CHAPTER 9F. SIGNALS

Section 9F.01

Support:

Part 4 contains information regarding signal warrants and other requirements relating to signal installations.

Option:

For purposes of signal warrant evaluation, bicycles may be counted as either vehicles or pedestrians.

Section 9F.02

Support:

Chapter 4H contains information on the design and application of bicycle signal faces.

Section 9B.22 contains information for the Bicycle Signal sign that is required to be installed with a bicycle signal face.

Section 9F.03

Standard:

'''At installations where visibility-limited signal faces are used, signal faces shall be adjusted so bicyclists for whom the indications are intended can see the signal indications. If the visibility-limited signal faces cannot be aimed to serve the bicyclist, then separate signal faces shall be provided for the bicyclist.'''

On bikeways, signal timing and actuation shall be reviewed and adjusted to consider the needs of bicyclists. December 2023


text: Alma Mater (Adrian C. Wilcox High School)


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 "Take care of the others!" he called back to his followers. "We'll go after the leaders."

The response from behind was a cheer, a half dozen shots and some of the most joyous profanity that ever fell from the lips of American sailors, mingled with shrieks from the boats they were to "take care of."

"Stop!" Brewster shouted to the Arabs. "Stop, or we'll kill every one of you!" His boat was not more than fifty feet from the other.

Suddenly a tall, white-robed figure arose in the middle of the Egyptian craft, and a moment later the pursuers saw Peggy's form passed up to him. She was instantly clasped by one of his long arms, and the other was lifted high above her. A gleaming knife was held in the upraised hand.

"Fire on us if you dare!" came in French from the tall Arab. "Dog of an American, she shall die if you come near her!"


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 Brewster's heart almost ceased beating, and every vestige of color left his face. Clear and distinct in the light from the yacht the Arab and his burden were outlined against the black screen beyond. There was no mistaking the earnestness of the threat, nor could the witnesses doubt the ghastly intention of the long, cruel knife that gleamed on high. Peggy's body served as a shield for that of her captor. Brewster and Bragdon recognized the man as one of Mohammed's principal retainers, a fierce-looking fellow who had attracted more than usual attention on the day of the sheik's visit.

"For God's sake, don't kill her!" cried Brewster in agonized tones. There was a diabolical grin on the face of the Arab, who was about to shout back some defiant taunt when the unexpected happened.

The sharp crack of a gun sounded in the stern of Brewster's boat, and an unerring bullet sped straight for the big Arab's forehead.


text:
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 It crashed between his eyes and death must have been instantaneous. The knife flew from his hand, his body straightened and then collapsed, toppling over, not among his oarsmen, but across the gunwale of the craft. Before a hand could be lifted to prevent, the dead Arab and the girl were plunged into the sea.

A cry of horror went up from the Americans, and something surprisingly like a shout of triumph from the abductors. Even as Brewster poised for the spring into the water a flying form shot past him and into the sea with a resounding splash. The man that fired the shot had reckoned cleverly, and he was carrying out the final details of an inspired plan. The Arab's position as he stood in the boat was such as to warrant the sailor's belief that he could fall no other way than forward, and that meant over the side of the boat. With all this clearly in mind he had shot straight and true and was on his way to the water almost as the two toppled overboard.

Monty Brewster was in the water an instant later, striking out for the spot where they had disappeared, a little to the left of the course in which his boat was running. There was a rattle of firearms, with curses and cheers,


text: Fight On Wilcox

title: Fight On Wilcox


text:
Page:Forma breve de administrar los sacramentos a los Indios, y Españoles que viven entre ellos (1635).djvu/13

Rh that you, Lord, sanctified the sanctified ✠ and blessed the blessed, ✠ and may be for all who use it a perfect remedy, permanent in their organs, in the name of our Lord Jesus Christ, who will come to judge the living & the dead, & the world by fire. Amen.

exorcize you creature, water, in the name of God the Father almighty, ✠ & in the name of Jesus Christ ✠ the Son of our Lord, & by the power of the Holy Spirit, ✠ so that you may be cleansed water, for the expulsion of all adversarial powers of the devil, so that all fantasies may be eradicated, and expelled, from this creature, water, & be the source of flowing water Rh


text:
Presidential Decree No. 1599

WHEREAS, exclusive economic zone extending to a distance of two hundred nautical miles from the baselines from which the territorial sea is measured is vital to the economic survival and development of the Republic of the Philippines;

WHEREAS, such a zone is now a recognized principle of international law;

NOW, THEREFORE, I, FERDINAND E. MARCOS, President of the Philippines, by virtue of the powers vested in me by the Constitution, do hereby decree and order:

SECTION 1.
There is hereby established a zone to be known as the exclusive economic zone of the Philippines. The exclusive economic zone shall extend to a distance of two hundred nautical miles beyond and from the baselines from which the territorial sea is measured: Provided, That, where the outer limits of the zone as thus determined overlap the exclusive economic zone of an adjacent or neighboring state, the common boundaries shall be determined by agreement with the state concerned or in accordance with pertinent generally recognized principles of international law on delimitation.

SEC. 2.
Without prejudice to the rights of the Republic of the Philippines over it territorial sea and continental shelf, it shall have and exercise in the exclusive economic zone established herein the following;

 * (a) Sovereignty rights for the purpose of exploration and exploitation, conservation and management of the natural resources, whether living or non-living, both renewable and non-renewable, of the sea-bed, including the subsoil and the superjacent waters, and with regard to other activities for the economic exploitation and exploration of the resources of the zone, such as the production of energy from the water, currents and winds;

 * (b) Exclusive rights and jurisdiction with respect to the establishment and utilization of artificial islands, off-shore terminals, installations and structures, the preservation of the marine environment, including the prevention and control of pollution, and scientific research;

 * (c) Such other rights as are recognized by international law or state practice.

SEC. 3.
Except in accordance with the terms of any agreement entered into with the Republic of the Philippines or of any license granted by it or under authority by the Republic of the Philippines, no person shall, in relation to the exclusive economic zone:

 * (a) explore or exploit any resources;

 * (b) carry out any search, excavation or drilling operations:

 * (c) conduct any research;

 * (d) construct, maintain or operate any artificial island, off-shore terminal, installation or other structure or device; or

 * (e) perform any act or engage in any activity which is contrary to, or in derogation of, the sovereign rights and jurisdiction herein provided.

Nothing herein shall be deemed a prohibition on a citizen of the Philippines, whether natural or juridical, against the performance of any of the foregoing acts, if allowed under existing laws.

SEC. 4.
Other states shall enjoy in the exclusive economic zone freedoms with respect to navigation and overflight, the laying of submarine cables and pipelines, and other internationally lawful uses of the sea relating to navigation and communications.

SEC. 5.

 * (a) The President may authorize the appropriate government office/agency to make and promulgate such rules and regulations which may be deemed proper and necessary for carrying out the purposes of this degree.

 * (b) Any person who shall violate any provision of this decree or of any rule or regulation promulgated hereunder and approved by the President shall be subject to a fine which shall not be less than two thousand pesos (₱2,000.00) nor be more than one hundred thousand pesos (₱100,000.00) or imprisonment ranging from six (6) months to ten (10) years, or both such fine and imprisonment, in the discretion of the court. Vessels and other equipment or articles used in connection therewith shall be subject to seizure and forfeiture.

SEC. 6.
This Decree shall take effect thirty (30) days after publication in the Official Gazette.

DONE in the City of Manila, this 11th day of June, in the year of Our Lord, nineteen hundred and seventy-eight

(Sgd.) FERDINAND E. MARCOS

By the President:

(Sgd.) JUAN C. TUVERA Presidential Executive Assistant

title: Presidential Decree No. 1599


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Rh Od almighty, Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, who renews you out of water, & the Holy Spirit, who bestows upon you the forgiveness of sins, himself anoints you, & I anoint you ✠ with the Chrism of health, for eternal life. ℞. Amen.

Accept this white garment, blessed & unblemished, which will carry you before the judgment of our Lord Jesus Christ, so you will have eternal life, & live forever and ever. ℞. Amen.


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 but he paid no heed to these sounds. He was a length or two behind the sailor, praying with all his soul that one or the other might succeed in reaching the white robes that still kept the surface of the water. His crew was "backing water" and straining every muscle to bring the boat around sharp for the rescue.

The sailor's powerful strokes brought him to the spot first, but not in time to clutch the disappearing white robes. Just as he reached out an arm to grasp the form of the girl she went down. He did not hesitate a second but followed. Peggy had fallen from the dead Arab's embrace, and that worthy already was at the bottom of the sea. She was half conscious when the shot came, but the plunge into the cold water revived her. Her struggles were enough to keep her up for a few moments, but not long enough for the swimmers to reach her side. She felt herself going down and down, strangling, smothering, dying. Then something vise-like clutched her arm and she had the sensation of being jerked upward violently.

The sailor fought his way to the surface with the girl, and Brewster was at his side in an instant. Together they supported her until one of the boats came up, and they were drawn


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 over the side to safety. By this time the abductors had scattered like sheep without a leader, and as there was no further object in pursuing them the little American fleet put back for the yacht in great haste. Peggy was quite conscious when carried aboard by the triumphant Brewster. The words he whispered to her as she lay in the bottom of the boat were enough to give her life.

The excitement on board the "Flitter" was boundless. Fear gave way to joy, and where despair had for a moment reigned supreme, there was now the most insane delight. Peggy was bundled below and into her berth, Dr. Lotless attending her, assisted by all the women on board. Brewster and the sailor, drenched but happy, were carried on the shoulders of enthusiastic supporters to a place where hot toddies were to be had before blankets.

"You have returned the favor, Conroy," said Brewster fervently, as he leaned across the heads of his bearers to shake hands with the sailor who was sharing the honors with him. Conroy was grinning from ear to ear as he sat perched on the shoulders of his shipmates. "I was luckier than I thought in saving your life that day."


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 "It wasn't anything, Mr. Brewster," said young Conroy. "I saw a chance to drop the big nigger, and then it was up to me to get her out of the water."

"You took a big risk, Conroy, but you made good with it. If it had not been for you, my boy, they might have got away with Miss Gray."

"Don't mention it, Mr. Brewster, it was nothing to do," protested Conroy in confusion. "I'd do anything in the world for you and for her."

"What is the adage about casting your bread upon the water and getting it back again?" asked "Rip" Van Winkle of Joe Bragdon as they jubilantly followed the procession below.

There was no more sleep on board that night. In fact the sun was not long in showing itself after the rescuers returned to the vessel. The daring attempt of Mohammed's emissaries was discussed without restraint, and every sailor had a story to tell of the pursuit and rescue. The event furnished conversational food for days and days among both the seamen and the passengers. Dan DeMille blamed himself relentlessly for sleeping through it all and moped for hours because he had lost a magnificent chance to "do something."


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 The next morning he proposed to hunt for the sheik, and offered to lead an assault in person. An investigation was made and government officials tried to call Mohammed to account, but he had fled to the desert and the search was fruitless.

Brewster refused to accept a share of the glory of Peggy's rescue, pushing Conroy forward as the real hero. But the sailor insisted that he could not have succeeded without help,—that he was completely exhausted when Monty came to the rescue. Peggy found it hard to thank him gently while her heart was so dangerously near the riot point, and her words of gratitude sounded pitifully weak and insufficient.

"It would have been the same had anybody else gone to her rescue," he mused dejectedly. "She cares for me with the devotion of a sister and that's all. Peggy, Peggy," he moaned, "if you could only love me, I'd—I'd—oh, well, there's no use thinking about it! She will love some one else, of course, and—and be happy, too. If she'd appear only one-tenth as grateful to me as to Conroy I'd be satisfied. He had the luck to be first, that's all, but God knows I tried to do it."

Mrs. Dan DeMille was keen enough to see


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 how the land lay, and she at once tried to set matters straight. She was far too clever to push her campaign ruthlessly, but laid her foundations and then built cunningly and securely with the most substantial material that came to hand from day to day. Her subjects were taking themselves too deeply to heart to appreciate interference on the part of an outsider, and Mrs. Dan was wise in the whims of love.

Peggy was not herself for several days after her experience, and the whole party felt a distinct relief when the yacht finally left the harbor and steamed off to the west. A cablegram that came the day before may have had something to do with Brewster's depression, but he was not the sort to confess it. It was from Swearengen Jones, of Butte, Montana, and there was something sinister in the laconic admonition. It read:

His brain was almost bursting with the hopes and fears and uncertainties that crowded it far beyond its ordinary capacity. It had come to the point, it seemed to him, when the brains of a dozen men at least were required to


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 operate the affairs that were surging into his alone. The mere fact that the end of his year was less than two months off, and that there was more or less uncertainty as to the character of the end, was sufficient cause for worry, but the new trouble was infinitely harder to endure. When he sat down to think over his financial enterprises his mind treacherously wandered off to Peggy Gray, and then everything was hopeless. He recalled the courage and confidence that had carried him to Barbara Drew with a declaration of love—to the stunning, worldly Barbara—and smiled bitterly when he saw how basely the two allies were deserting him in this hour of love for Peggy Gray. For some reason he had felt sure of Barbara; for another reason he saw no chance with Peggy. She was not the same sort—she was different. She was—well, she was Peggy.

Occasionally his reflections assumed the importance of calculations. His cruise was sure to cost $200,000, a princely sum, but not enough. Swearengen Jones and his cablegram did not awe him to a great extent. The spending of the million had become a mania with him now and he had no regard for consequences. His one desire, aside from Peggy, was to increase the cost of the cruise.


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 They were leaving Gibraltar when a new idea came into his troubled head.

He decided to change his plans and sail for the North Cape, thereby adding more than $30,000 to his credit.


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Gunong Bubu is the most elevated mountain of the coast range of the State of Perak. Its highest summit lies about S. 17° E. of Thaipeng, distant, say, twenty miles as the crow flies. It is one of the series of nearly detached groups of mountains which form the coast-range, having their spurs and longest axes generally in a N.N.E. and S.S.W. direction. There is no record of any exploration of Gunong Buba. It is said that some Europeans have ascended it and made a collection of plants, but what the Reverend Mr. and I saw of the flora, inclines us to think that some of the adjacent and lower summits could only have been reached. The mountain is not quite 5,600 feet high, but rendered very inaccessible by precipices of granite 1,000 feet high, which bar most of the spurs. At the request of Sir, I undertook its exploration, accompanied by the Revd. as botanist, and Mr., who had charge of the Malays carrying our baggage. We started from the mountain garden at Arang Para, which is about 3,000 feat above sea level—not a good point of departure, as we had to descend and then climb up again over several very steep spurs before we could reach even the foot of the range. The following is the journal.

May 20, 1884.—Started from the mountain garden at 9. on a course due south, descending a very steep slope along a mountain track used by Chinese sawyers. It soon began to rain heavily, which made the steep path so slippery that


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 progress was exceedingly slow. We at last reached the bottom of a narrow gorge, through which a mountain torrent came down with considerable force. From this point to the summit of Gunong Bubu, our road had to be cut through the jungle. After wading along the stream to find a convenient point for climbing the next spar or ridge, we crossed it, having difficult and slow climbing both in ascending and descending. The forest was a close jungle of rattans and saplings, with an undergrothundergrowth [sic] of ferns which completely closed us in above and around. A second spur, still higher than the first, was ascended, but on its ridge we found the jungle in a slight degree more open, so we continued along it. It ascended slowly. In about two miles, finding that it was taking us too. much out of our course, we left the ridge and crossed another spur which was very steep, rendering it necessary to proceed by a series of long zigzags. Rested in the furthest valley, and then mounted another ridge higher and steeper than any we had previously climbed. On the edge, we found an old rhinoceros beat, which we followed, ascending for about a mile, where it terminated on the summit of an almost precipitous bluff. The rain was so heavy at this point, that we had to wait till it ceased before we could descend. This was no easy matter, and occupied until nearly sunset in bringing down our baggage. In the valley, we found a branch of the Kenas River making a pretty cascade over large granite boulders. Here we built nice little sheds which the large-leaved Pinanga palm enabled us to thatch comfortably.

May 21.—We left our encampment about 7.30, following the stream until it joined the Kenas River. Near this we found a species of Helicia, which is the second proteaccous plant we have noticed in Perak. We also found a splendid species of Fagraea, probably F. auriculata, with large fragrant


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 cream-coloured flowers nearly a foot across the rotate corolla, the tube of which is eight inches long.

The Kenas River is about one hundred feet wide, descending in rapids amid large granite boulders. It contains many deep water-holes with fishes, different somewhat from those on the Perak. They are under examination, with a view to specific description. There are also land crabs about the stream and a peculiar species of prawn (Palaemon?).

From the Kenas, we struck to the west of south crossing two small, steep, densely-wooded spurs. This brought us to the base of a steep slope, which was at the foot of Gunong Bubu. Here the jungle became more open, being mostly composed of forest trees and Bertam palm (Engeissonia tristis). We soon lost sight of the Pinanga which we had found on the Kenas. There was a distinct rhinoceros beat on the crest, covered with foot-prints, which had been made only a few hours before. The logs which lay in the way were smoothed by the constant passing and repassing of these animals. There were also many of these water-holes and it was difficult to imagine that they had not been cur artificially on one side. The jungle was easily cut, but the truck was so steep as scarcely to afford a footing in places. It took us nearly the whole day to climb a distance of 5,000 yards, and then we camped on a narrow terrace near a small trickling supply of water. Near this camp, we could hear the roaring of a large cascade, probably not far off, but the descent to it was too steep for us to attempt to reach it then. Our huts were built of attap and were large and comfortable. We had descended so much from our starting point that we were still below the level of the Hermitage garden of Arang Para.

May 22.—Before starting this morning we sent back a party of Malays to bring up fresh supplies to this camp for our


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 return journey. We got away about 8 It is very difficult to make an early move from these camps. What with cooking rice for the day and packing up the baggage, a good part of the morning runs away. Our journey was just like that of yesterday, only a little more steep in places. About 1,000 feet above camp we left the region of Bertam, or attap palms, and came into that of Licuala, growing amid high forest trees. Up to this time, we could not get a single view of the country around us. When we had ascended to the level of Arang Para we felled a number of trees in the hope of extending the prospect, but were unsuccessful. The ascent was now only very steep in places, and the spur curved much more to the north. When we reached the height of nearly 4,000 feet above the sea, we camped and built our houses. When this was done, we felled a good deal of timber on the northern slope of the spur and soon opened up an extensive view. Arang Para bungalow bore about E.N.E., but none of the Larut side of the range was visible, owing to the spurs of Mount Bubu. We had an abundance of water close to our camp. A small stream fell over about one hundred feet of rocks at a short distance below the terrace we were upon.

Next day, the 23rd, we left all the baggage at our resting place, and proceeded to make a trial trip to reach the summit. We could get no reliable information from the Malays. Some said it was only two hours' journey, while others insisted that it would take the whole day. Our intention was to climb for half a day, and, if the difficulties were great, to move our camp on another stage. Our great delay, of course, was in cutting down the jungle and not being able to sec more than a few yards around us. However, we were agreeably surprised to find a comparatively easy, though steep, ascent for


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 about a mile. After this, we had to climb by roots of trees, stumps and branches, and made but slow progress. I cannot say now whether this portion of our journey was on the face of a cliff or not. We could see absolutely nothing around us but trees and roots, and these overhung with such a thick coating of brown moss, ferns and orchids, that above and below were equally hidden. Sometimes we crept in and out under these roots and over them, or climbed a tree to get to some ledge near its upper branches, but where we were going, or how far we were, could only be guessed from the barometer. I do not suppose, however, that any one could climb so steep an ascent with less danger. One could not fall. It would puzzle any person to throw a stone more than a few yards. amid such a thicket.

At five thousand feet by the aneroid, we began to see the first specimens of that graceful fern Matonia pectinata. This has never been previously recorded from Pêrak, and the only habitats are Java and Mount Ophir near Malacca, where it is associated with Dipteris Horsfeldii. The latter forn we had seen 1,000 feet below, and it occurs on all the mountains of Perak at heights a little over 3,500 feet but at Singapore it is found at the sea level. Besides this, there was plenty to see and admire in the way of ferns, orchids and mosses, with many curious fungi and lichens, for the moisture and deep shade made the place the very home of the cryptogamia. But the climbing was such very hard work, that attention to anything else was almost impossible. At about 5,400 feet, the entire vegetation changed. It was still a thicket, but more or less stunted and twiggy, very distressing to climb. I cannot say how long it continued, but long before I expected it, we suddenly found ourselves on an open level space, on the summit of Mount Bubu.


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 This, however, is not the highest point. The crest of the mountain is a narrow ridge about half a mile long, gradually sloping up to the northward until it is about 100 feet above where we then were. This might be called the lower shoulder of the ridge or crest. A splendid view was obtainable three-quarters round the compass, but the north was hidden by the higher summit.

The first thing that attracted our attention was the vegetation. The trees were all low and small, stunted and gnarled by the weather. Beneath there was a thick carpet of moss, into which the foot sunk some inches and when withdrawn left a pool of water on the foot-print. Above this was a most luxuriant growth of heather (Lycopodium nutans), while Matonia pectimata spread out its fan-like fronds on every side, The sides of the trees were hoary with long-bearded lichens (Usnea burbata) and mosses. There were only a few species of trees. One very common one was a conifer, but in the absence of any cones we were left in doubt whether it was Dacrydium elatum or some other species. Abundance of young plants of this pine covered the ground. There were also thickets of Leptospermum flavescens, which grew as high as the pine, and a shrub of the genus Leucopogon. The two latter are entirely Australian on their affinities, and both species are found on that continent. Besides these, there were abundance of Nepenthes or pitcher-plants with bushes of Rhododendrons (R. verticillatum?), with a Gahnia and some few other flowering plants and ferns.

From this point, a hasty exploration was made to the highest point or northern summit of the mountain. Though scarcely half a mile in direct distance, it required considerably over a mile of hard climbing to reach it. The roots of the bushes have proved a kind of upper platform on the crest and


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 thus one has to climb over and under in a most disgraceful manner, as the whole was an eutangled mass of twigs which stopped and caught one at every side, besides being dripping with water. By the time the highest crest was reached, the clouds had gathered, and no view could be obtained. Having satisfied ourselves about the road, and cleared the most of it, we turned back. Though the descent was slower and more troublesome than going up, yet we reached our camp easily an hour before sunset. Our supplies had not arrived, and our chances of making a second ascent seemed rather uncertain. Our last rations of rice were served out that evening. On the next day (Queen's birthday, hence the camp was called. Queen's Camp) we cleared away much more of the forest, but as the party were without food, and there were no signs of our messengers, we prepared, with much chagrin, to return to our lower camp. We had just packed everything when the supplies arrived. Our messengers had lost themselves in the jungle and this was the cause of the delay.

On the 27th, taking with us a light equipment for camping, we again ascended the summit of the mountain. After erecting our tents, or rather our waterproof sheets which served as a substitute, we went on to the summit and built an immense heap of wood and dammar resin to serve as a signal fire at night. Beyond the summit there is a steep valley and at the other side are isolated pinnacle of granite nearly as high as the mountain and perfectly precipitous except on the side of the valley. Messrs. and ascended this with much hard climbing and found on the summit a small pile of stones and a flag-staff, while the remains of a flag were strewn on the ground. It is supposed that this flag was placed there at the instance of Captain, who paid the Malays a considerable sum to plant a flag there for surveying


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 purposes. We found no other signs that any person had visited the locality before.

A perfect deluge of rain with thunder and lightning obliged Messrs. and to remain on the granite pinnacle for some time, for the cloud and mist obscured everything and rendered it impossible to descend. I remained on the opposite summit superintending the erection of the bonfire. It was miserably cold, and we were all very glad when we could make our way back to our tents. This we did not do until the clouds cleared, when a magnificent view was unveiled. Both sides of the coast range were visible and the plains from the Dinding River to the town of Thaipeng were laid out like a panorama. The Matang opening with the village seemed just beneath us. The whole valley of the Pêrak with all the windings of the river were clear and distinct for a distance of fifty or sixty miles. The main range was also very clear and some of the highest peak bore a different aspect from anything I had seen before. An island between Perak and Sumatra, which is rarely seen from Mount Ijau, was now plainly visible, as also several summits of mountains to the south-east. Nothing could be seen of the mountain observed by Mr. from Arang Para. The highest summit visible. to us was, in my opinion, the sugar-loaf hill to the north and east of Gunong Robinson, I should think the mountain I refer to is between eight thousand and nine thousand feet high.

Altogether, the view from the summit of Gunong Bubu is one of the finest imaginable. Rivers and mountains, dense forests and open plains, the distant sea and the unexplored. forests to the eastward all combine to form a scene of wonderfully varied beauty. Unfortunately, however, the clouds and mists almost continually obscure this prospect. At early morning and after a heavy thunderstorm, the whole atmosphere is


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 comparatively clear. At other times, there is generally either a cap of cloud on the summit of the mountain itself or the whole valleys are shrouded with dazzling masses of steam-like white vapour in which the mountain tops pcep out like islands.

We returned to our camp about sunset, and then proceeded to light our signal fires. We had one on each end of the crest so as to be well seen from the valley of the Pêrak on one side and Thaipeng on the other. Owing to the good supply of dammar we had obtained, we were able to kindle a very bright and conspicuous flame at each station and we werc answered by fires from Sengang, Kwala Kangsa, and other places on the Pêrak river as well as from Kota and Matang on the Larut side. We also fired rockets, but these were not seen except in placcs very close to the mountain.

Our tents were completely open on one side, but the cold. was not great until nearly dawn. The temperature then went down to 58° Fahrenheit, which was the lowest reached on this journey. At 4 we were visited by heavy rain and a strong wind from the east. Our shelter did not protect us from either, so that we passed the time rather uncomfortably until sunrise, when the rain ceased. Everything was then so wet that we could not attempt to dry our clothes, we therefore returned to Queen's Camp as speedily as we could. Having taken a hasty and scanty meal there, we made our way to our second day's camp reaching it easily at sunset. We expected to meet supplies at this camp, but they had not arrived. We had nothing but cocoa to serve out to our weary and hungry Malays after their long journey, but with this they were satisfied and went to rest quite cheerfully. An early start on the following morning enabled us to reach the Kenas River at an appointed depôt, and here we found the much-needed supplies at about noon.


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 I have already mentioned that, at the camp of the preceding evening, we could again distinctly hear the roar of some large cascade at about half a mile from where we were. We tried to search it, but the jungle was too thick and the descent too steep to do so that night, our want of provisions obliged us to push on without further delay in the evening. From the noise we heard, there must be a fine body of water, falling from a considerable height.

The camp we were now upon was not one we had occupied on our outward journey. It was on the River Kenas. The stream was here about eighty yards wide and descending in rapids amid large rocks. There were many deep pools of beautifully clear water. We spent a few days fishing on these pools, and caught a good many rock-fish and mullet about one pound in weight. Three species of fish were seen and a peculiar prawn. I believe the fish were species of Barbus therapon, and what I thought was Polyacanthus cuponus. The latter is the scaly fish (without barbels) which is found in the ditches and paddy fields.

In returning from the camp, we crossed the watershed between the Kenas and Kangsa, in order to explore the course of that river, which was not previously known. The watershed was somewhat difficult of access, and took us to a height of about three thousand feet above the sea-level. We had the misfortune to meet with bad weather and incessant rain during this part of the journey. The river Kangsa, even in its upper portions, was swollen into a fierce muddy stream, quite impassable, except on fallen trees. Of these there were many lying from bank to bank on the rocky sides of the torrent. We soon found that the water descended in a series of cascades for a depth of about 1,100 feet. I can give no idea of the grand magnificence of the scenery at this part of our


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. Whether there was a flood in the river or not, the beauty of the rocks and precipices in the wild forest could not be surpassed. We had to descend by a series of zigzags crossing the successive cascades on logs sometimes at a considerable height above the water. If ever the romance of a lovely view was destroyed by the perils of a journey, it was here. We bad to cross fifteen of these aerial bridges. Some were narrow and some were half rotten, and all were over cascades where the slightest slip was certain destruction. In the lower part of the stream we had to ford the water, which was just fordable and no more. I consider that it was quite wonderful that this part of our journey was accomplished without accident, which, however, was only effected by constant care and much delay. We arrived at Lady rest-house on the Kuâla Kangsa Road on the evening of the last day of the month the most of which had been spent in the jangle, and none the worse for our sojourn away from civilization, except in the innumerable leech-bites from which we all suffered.

J. E. TENISON-WOODS.

Note.—Amongst the fishes of the Kenas there was a small specimen of what I took to be Ophiocephalus micropeltes, but the species is doubtful. The barbel may have been B. kolus.

Since our journey, the mountain has been again ascended by Mr., the Government Botanist, who obtained a good collection of plants.


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Rh aided, or benefited their country, there is a fixed and definite place in heaven, where they shall be happy in the enjoyment of everlasting life." But "the souls of those who have given themselves up to the pleasures of sense, and made themselves, as it were, the servants of these, who at the bidding of the lusts which wait upon pleasure have violated the laws of gods and men,—they, when they escape from the body, flit still around the earth, and never attain to these abodes but after many ages of wandering." We may gather that his creed admitted a Valhalla for the hero and the patriot, and a long process of expiation for the wicked.

There is a curious passage preserved by St Augustin from that one of Cicero's works which he most admired—the lost treatise on 'Glory' —which seems to show that so far from being a materialist, he held the body to be a sort of purgatory for the soul.

"The mistakes and the sufferings of human life make me think sometimes that those ancient seers, or interpreters of the secrets of heaven and the counsels of the Divine mind, had some glimpse of the truth, when they said that men are born in order to suffer the penalty for some sins committed in a former life; and that the idea is true which we find in Aristotle, that we are suffering some such punishment as theirs of old, who fell into the hands of those Etruscan bandits, and were put to death with a studied cruelty; their living bodies being tied to dead bodies, face to face, in closest possible conjunction: that so our souls are

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196 coupled to our bodies, united like the living with the dead."

But whatever might have been the theological side, if one may so express it, of Cicero's religion, the moral aphorisms which meet us here and there in his works have often in them a teaching which comes near the tone of Christian ethics. The words of Petrarch are hardly too strong—"You would fancy sometimes it was not a Pagan philosopher but a Christian apostle who was speaking" These are but a few out of many which might be quoted:—"Strive ever for the truth, and so reckon as that not thou art mortal, but only this thy body; for thou art not that which this outward form of thine shows forth, but each man's mind, that is the real man—not the shape which can be traced with the finger." "Yea, rather, they live who have escaped from the bonds of their flesh as from a prison-house." "Follow after justice and duty; such a life is the path to heaven, and into yon assembly of those who have once lived, and now, released from the body, dwell in that place." Where, in any other heathen writer, shall we find such noble words as those which close the apostrophe in the Tusculans?—"One single day well spent, and in accordance with thy precepts, were better to be chosen than an immortality of sin!" He is addressing himself, it is true, to Philosophy; but his Philosophy is here little less than the Wisdom of Scripture: and the

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