text:
Page:Bury J B The Cambridge Medieval History Vol 1 1911.djvu/222

176 With this evidence before us, it is hard to deny that the history of the generations which first experienced the “fatal gift” of Constantine supplied only too good ground for St Gregory’s complaint of contentions and strivings for dominion among Christian bishops. But though these contentions disturbed the work of councils, councils did not create them and Gregory was hardly fair if he laid on councils the responsibility for them : rather, in this direction lay the remedy and counterpoise, seeing that councils represented the parliamentary and democratic side of church government — stood, that is to say, in idea at least, for free and open discussion as against the untrammelled decrees of authority, and for the equality of churches as against the preponderance of metropolitan or patriarch or pope. No more grandiloquent utterance of these principles could indeed possibly be found than the words with which the Council of Ephesus concludes its examination of the Cypriot claim. “Let none of the most reverend bishops annex a province which has not been from the first under the jurisdiction of himself and his predecessors; and so the canons of the fathers shall not be overstepped, nor pride of worldly power creep in under the guise of priesthood, nor we lose little by little, without knowing it, that freedom which our Lord Jesus Christ, the Liberator of all men, purchased for us with his blood.”

And councils really were, at any rate in two main departments of their activity, the organ through which the mind of the federated Christian communities did arrive at some definite and lasting self-expression, namely in the Creed and in the Canon Law. In both directions, it is true. East and West moved only a certain part of the way together: in both too, white the impulse was given by councils, the influence of the great churches added something to the completeness of the work: in the case of the Creed, what became a universal usage in the liturgy was at first only a usage of Antioch and Constantinople; in the case of the Canon Law the collective decisions of councils were supplemented by the individual judgments of popes or doctors before the corpus of either Western or Eastern Law was complete. Nevertheless it remains the fact that it was from and out of the conciliar movement that Church Law, as such, came into being at all; that the canons of certain fourth and fifth century councils are the only part of this Law common to both East and West; and that again the only common formulation of Christian doctrine was also the joint work of councils, which for that very reason enjoy the name of oecumenical, Nicaea, Constantinople, and Chalcedon.

1. The origins of the Christian Creed or Symbolum are lost in the obscurity which hangs over the sub-apostolic age. We know it first in a completed form as used in the Roman church about the middle of the second century. From Rome it spread through the West, taking the shape ultimately of our Apostles’ Creed; and one view of its history would make this Roman Creed the source of all Eastern Creeds as well.


text:
Page:Bury J B The Cambridge Medieval History Vol 1 1911.djvu/221

Rh the identification was complete. The second difficulty was of a less archaic kind, and took longer to circumvent. Aelia-Jerusalem did not even dominate its own district, but was quite outshone by its near neighbour at Caesarea. Politically Caesarea was capital of the province : ecclesiastically it was the home of the teaching and the library of Origen, and the Origenian tradition was kept alive by Pamphilus the confessor and by Eusebius, bishop of the church at the time of the Nicene council. It was hardly likely that the council would do anything derogatory to the friend of Constantine, the most learned ecclesiastic of the age : and in fact all the satisfaction that the bishop of Jerusalem obtained at Nicaea was the apparent right to rank as the first of the suffragans of the province—like Autun in the province of Lyons, or London in the province of Canterbury. Local patriotism felt the sop thus thrown to it to be quite unsatisfying, and for a hundred years the sordid strife “for the first place,” rtf* a-pwretW as Theodoret calls it, went on between the bishop of Jerusalem and the bishop of Caesarea. In the confusion of the doctrinal struggle it was easy enough for an orthodox bishop to refuse allegiance to an Arianising metropolitan: and Caesarea being in close relations with Antioch, it was natural for the bishops of Jerusalem to turn to their neighbours at Alexandria, nor, we may suppose, was Alexandria disinclined to favour encroachment upon the territory of its Antiochene rival. Western churchmen, with their profound belief in the finality of every decision of Nicaea, looked coldly on the movement, and it is one of the counts in Jerome’s catalogue of grievances against John of Jerusalem. But at the first Council of Ephesus, with Cyril of Alexandria in the chair and John of Antioch absent, Juvenal of Jerusalem secured the second place, though he still failed to abrogate the metropolitical rights of Caesarea. At the Latrocinium of Ephesus in 449, again under Alexandrine presidency, he managed to sit even above Domnus of Antioch. The business of the Council of Chalcedon was to reverse the proceedings of the Latrocinium, and it might have been anticipated that with the eclipse of Alexandrine influence the fortunes of Jerusalem would also suffer. But a timely tergiversation on the doctrinal issue saved something for Juvenal and his see : the council decreed a partition of patriarchal rights over the “East” between the churches of Antioch and Jerusalem.

Very similar were the proceedings which established the “auto- cephalous” character of the island church of Cyprus. The Cypriots too began by renouncing the communion of the Arian bishops of Antioch: they too espoused the cause of Cyril against John at the Council of Ephesus, and were rewarded accordingly : and just as the Empress Helena’s discovery of the Cross served the claims of the church of Jerusalem, so the discovery of the coffin containing the body of Barnabas the Cypriot, with the autograph of St Matthew’s Gospel, was held to demonstrate finally the right of the Cypriots to ecclesiastical isolation.

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/


text:
Page:Bury J B The Cambridge Medieval History Vol 1 1911.djvu/220

174 Some forty or fifty years after Damasus the Roman author of the original form of the so-called Isidorian collection of canons, incorporating in his preface the substance of the Damasine definition on the subject of the three Petrine sees, adds to Rome, Alexandria, and Antioch mention also of the honour paid, for the sake of James the brother of the Lord and of John the apostle and evangelist, to the bishops of Jerusalem and Ephesus. Mere veneration of the “pillars” of the apostolic Church is not enough to account for this' modification of the original triad ; the reasons must be sought in the circumstances of the day. If Ephesus is said to “ have a more honourable place in synod than other metropolitans,” it may be merely that Ephesus, the most distinguished church of those over which Constantinople, from the time of St John Chrysostom, asserted jurisdiction, was a convenient stalking-horse for the movement of resistance to Constantinopolitan claims ; but it is also possible that the phrase was penned after the oecumenical Council of Ephesus in 431, where Memnon of Ephesus was seated next after the bishops of Alexandria and Jerusalem. If the bishop of Jerusalem is “accounted honourable by all for the reverence due to so hallowed a spot,” and nevertheless “the first throne,” sedes prima, “was never by the ancient definition of the fathers reckoned to Jerusalem, lest it should be thought that the throne of our Lord Jesus Christ was on earth and not in heaven,” we cannot help suspecting that at the back of the writer’s mind hovers an uneasy consciousness that the apostolic traditions of Rome, which were so readily brought into play against Constantinople, might find an inconvenient rival in Jerusalem. Not that at Jerusalem, apart from a certain emphasis on the position of James the Lord’s brother, there was ever any conscious competition with Rome : but it was true that, about the time that this canonical collection was published, the see of Jerusalem was just pushing a campaign of aggrandisement, carried on for over a century, to a triumphant conclusion.

The claims of Jerusalem were comparatively modest at the start, and it did not occur to Damasus for instance that they need be taken into serious consideration. Two initial difficulties hampered their early course. Although Jerusalem was the mother church of Christendom, and the home and centre of the first apostolic preaching, Aelia Capitolina, the Gentile city founded by Hadrian, had no real continuity with the Jewish city on the ruins of which it rose. The church of Jerusalem had been a church of Jewish Christians, the church of Aelia was a church of Gentile Christians, and for a couple of generations too obscure to have any history. A probably spurious list of bishops is all the record that survives of it before the third century. Then came the taste for pilgrimages—in 333 a pilgrim made the journey all the way from Bordeaux—and the growing cult of the Holy Places: Jerusalem was the scene of the most sacred of Christian memories, and locally at any rate Aelia was Jerusalem. From the time of Constantine onwards


text:
Page:The lay of the Nibelungs; (IA nibelungslay00hortrich).pdf/28

xxiv to Dietrich; who returns triumphant to his own country; where also, Monk Ilsan, according to promise, distributes these fifty-two Garlands among his fellow Friars, crushing a garland on the bare crown of each, till “the red blood ran over their ears.” Under which hard, but not undeserved treatment, they all agreed to pray for remission of Ilsan’s sins: indeed, such as continued refractory he tied together by the beards, and hung pair-wise over poles, whereby the stoutest soon gave in.

So endeth here this ditty

Of strife from woman's pride:

God on our griefs take pity,

And Mary still by us abide.

“In Part Fourth is announced (gemelt) of the little King Laurin, the Dwarf, how he encompassed his Rose-garden with so great manhood and art-magic, till at last he was vanquished by the heroes, and forced to become their Juggler, with etc., etc.”

Of which Fourth and happily last part we shall here say nothing; inasmuch as, execpt that certain of our old heroes again figure there, it has no coherence or connection with the rest of the “Heldenbuch”; and is simply a new tale, which by way of episode Heinrich von Ofterdingen, as we learn from his own words, had subsequently appended thereto. He says:

Heinrich von Ofterdingen

This story hath been singing,

To the joy of Princes bold,

They gave him silver and gold,

Moreover pennies and garments rich:

Here endeth this Book the which

Doth sing our noble Heroes’ story:

God help us all to heavenly glory.

Such is some outline of the famous “Heldenbuch”; on which it is not our business here to add any criticism. The fact that it has so long been popular betokens a certain worth in it; the kind and degree of which is also in some measure apparent. In poetry


text:
Page:Bury J B The Cambridge Medieval History Vol 1 1911.djvu/219

Rh masterful Damasus, in the last years of a long life and a troubled pontificate, to attempt what his predecessors had not yet attempted, and to formulate in brief and incisive terms the doctrine of Rome upon Creed and Bible and Pope. A council of 378 or 379, after reciting the Nicene symbol, laid down the sober lines of Catholic theology as against the various forms of one-sided speculation, Eunomian and Macedonian, Photinian and Apollinarian, to which the confusions of the half-century since Nicaea had given birth; and the East could do no better than accept the Tome of Damasus, as seventy years later it accepted the Tome of Leo. Another council in 382 published the first official Canon of Scripture in the West—the influence of Jerome, at that time papal secretary, is traceable in it—and the first official definition of papal claims. Roman primacy (“ceteris ecclesiis praelata,” “primatum obtinuit”) is grounded, with obvious reference to the vote of the council of 381 in favour of Constantinople, on “no synodal decisions” but directly on the promise of Christ to Peter recorded in the Gospel. Respect for Roman tradition imposes next a mention of “the fellowship of the most blessed Paul”; but the dominant motif reappears in the concluding paragraph, and the three sees whose prerogative was recognised at Nicaea are . transformed into a Petrine hierarchy with its “prima sedes” at Rome, its “secunda sedes” at Alexandria, and its “tertia sedes” at Antioch.

St Augustine’s theory of the Civitas Dei was, in germ, that of the medieval papacy, without the name of Rome. In Rome itself it was easy to supply the insertion, and Jo conceive of a dominion still wielded from the ancient seat of government, as world-wide and almost as authoritative as that of the Empire. The inheritance of the imperial traditions of Rome, left begging by the withdrawal of the secular monarch, fell as it were into the lap of the Christian bishop. In this connexion it is a significant coincidence that the first description which history has preserved to us of the outward habit of life of a Roman pontiff belongs to the same period, probably to the same pope, as the formulation of the claim to spiritual lordship. Ammianus was a pagan, but not a bigoted one. He professes, and we need not doubt that he felt, a genuine respect for simple provincial bishops, whose plain living and modest exterior “commended them to the Deity and His true worshippers.” But the atmosphere of the capital, the “ostentatio rerum Urbanarum,” was fatal to unworldliness in religion. After relating that in the year 366 one hundred and thirty-seven corpses were counted At the end of the day in the Liberian basilica, on the occasion of the fight between the opposing factions of Damasus and Ursinus, the historian grimly adds that the prize was one which candidates might naturally count it worth any effort to obtain, seeing that an ample revenue, showered on the Roman bishop by the piety of Roman ladies, enabled him to dress like a gentleman, to ride in his own carriage, And to give dinner-parties not less well appointed than the Caesar’s.


text: Page:Bury J B The Cambridge Medieval History Vol 1 1911.djvu/218


text: Page:Bury J B The Cambridge Medieval History Vol 1 1911.djvu/217


text:
Page:Bury J B The Cambridge Medieval History Vol 1 1911.djvu/236

190 tradition, which consistently represents the Teutoni as a people whose original home was in the North. The simplest solution of the difficulty is that the Miftenberg Toutoni were a fragment which split off from the Teutonic peoples during their migration southward, and settled in this district, just as in north-eastern Gaul a portion of the Cimbri and Teutones maintained itself as the tribe of the Aduatuci.

The whole process of the expulsion of the Kelts from South Germany must have been accomplished between b.c. 100 and 70, for Caesar knows of no Gauls on the right bank of the upper Rhine, and the Helveti had been living for a considerable time to the south of the head-waters of the river which, as Caesar tells us, divides Helvetic from German territoiy.

The first collision between the Teutons and the Graeco-Roman world took place far to the east of Gaul. It resulted from a great migration of the eastern Teutonic tribes in the neighbourhood of the Vistula, which had carried some of them as far as the shore of the Black Sea. The chief of these tribes was that of the Bastarnae. Settled, it would seem, before their exodus near the head-waters of the Vistula they appear, as early as the beginning of the second century, near the estuary of the Danube. The whole region north of the Pruth, from the Black Sea to the northern slope of the Carpathians, was in their possession and remained so during all the time that they are known to history. Another Germanic tribe, doubtless dependent upon them, meets us in the same district, namely the Sciri from the lower Vistula. The well-known and much discussed “psephisma”of the town of Olbia in honour of Protogenes mentions them as allied with the Galatai, and there has been much debate as to what nation is to be understood by these IaXdmu, and they have sometimes been conjectured to be Illyrian Kelts (Scordisci), sometimes Thracian, sometimes the—also Keltic—Britolages, or the Teutonic Bastarnae, or even the Goths. The majority of scholars has however decided that these “Galatians” are the Bastarnae, whose presence in the neighbourhood of Olbia in the year 182 is attested by Polybius. There is, indeed, much in favour of this hypothesis and nothing against it. The inscription then, which is proved by the character of the writing to be one of the oldest found in this locality, would have been written about the time of the arrival of the Bastarnae at the estuary of the Danube, that is to say, about 200-180, and would therefore be the earliest documentary evidence for the entrance of the Germanic tribes on the field of general history.

As early as the year 182 we find the Bastarnae in negotiations with Philip of Macedon. Philip’s plan was to get rid of the Dardanians, and after settling his allies on the territory thus vacated to use it as a base for an expedition against Italy. After long negotiations, the Bastarnae in 179 abandoned their lately-won territory, crossed the


text:
Page:Bury J B The Cambridge Medieval History Vol 1 1911.djvu/246

200 to make peace. In 176 the Emperor returned to Rome, and there celebrated, along with his son Commodus, a well-deserved triumph. In 177 Marcus rejoined his army with the purpose of completing the work of conquest. Two new provinces, Marcomania and Sarmatia, were to be added to his Empire and were to round off his northern boundary. The war began (apparently before the end of 177) with an attack upon the Quadi, after which the Marcomanni were to be dealt with. In the course of the three-years* war both peoples were so thoroughly exhausted that when the Emperor suddenly died (17 March 180) their military strength was already broken.

One of the first acts of Commodus, an unworthy successor of his father, was to make peace which surrendered to the all but beaten enemy every advantage that had been wrested from them. The struggle for the lands to the north of the Danube was at an end. Meanwhile the Romans were confronted, about the close of the century, with a new and dangerous enemy in the west, in the angle between the Main and the frontier of upper Germany and Rhaetia—by the Alemans. As their name indicates, 1 the Alemans were not a single tribe but a union of tribes—a confederacy. We hear (somewhat later) the names of several of the component tribes, the Juthungi, the Brisigavi, the Bucinobantes, and the Lentienses. Whence did they come? No doubt the nucleus of this confederacy was formed by the southern divisions of the Hermunduri. To these there may have attached themselves various fragments of peoples which had split off before and after the Marcomannic war, just as later, towards the middle of the third century, the Semnones, in the course of a migration southward, probably joined this confederacy and were absorbed by it.

Before long—as early as 213—the new nation came in contact with the Romans. So far as can be made out from the confused account which is given us of their first appearance 2 they had invaded Rhaetia, whereupon the Emperor Caracalla took the field against them, flung them back across the frontier and advanced into their territory carrying all be- fore him. 3 Before twenty years had passed the Teutons—presumably the Alemans again—renewed the attack upon the Roman frontier defences. So threatening was the situation that the Emperor Severus Alexander felt

1 Alemanni (Gothic atamans from the Old Teutonic *alamannex) means “all people,” “all men,” and therefore designates an aggregate of peoples. So the historian Asinius Quadratus (in Agathias, i. 6, p. 17) : ol *A ajiarol. . . $vrrj vStt elff iv AvdpanroL Kai fjuyddei, koX tovto dtiparcu afrroit ij hru>vvpXa.

2 Dio, Lxxvn. 13-15, on which see Bang, Hermes, 41 (1906), p. 623; cf. Herodian, iv. 7. 2-3; Vita Carac. 5. 4. 6; 10. 6.

per limitem Raetiae ad kostes extirpandos barbarorum [ierram] introiturus est, ut ea res ei prospers feliciterque ceded, I and on 6 October ob salute[m] mdoriamque Oermanicam of the sovereign. Ob victoriam Germanicam is also the cause of the setting up of the inscription in C.I.L. xm. 6459 and the same victoria Germanica appears on the coins of the year 213 (Cohen, iv 2 . p. 210 n. 645-6).
 * According to the records of the Arval College for the year 213 ( C.I.L. vi. 2086) the members made an offering on 11 August quod dominus n[oster] . ..


text:
Page:Bury J B The Cambridge Medieval History Vol 1 1911.djvu/256

206 ships—against the Danubian frontier. Once more the province of Lower Moesia bore the brunt of their attack. The land army of the Teutons, in which lay their main strength, first made an unsuccessful attempt to take Tomi and Marcianople, then swept like a flood over the interior of the country, wasting and plundering as they went. Meanwhile the fleet, which was manned chiefly by Heruli, sailed past Byzantium and Cyzicus into the Aegean, and appeared before Thessalonica. Part of it remained there and blockaded the city; the remainder made a great plundering expedition which bears eloquent testimony to the seamanship and daring of these Teutons, along the coasts of Macedonia, Greece, and Asia Minor, extending even as far as Crete and Cyprus.

This was the situation when the Emperor Claudius reached the scene of war. At his approach the besiegers of the hard-pressed Thessalonica had hastily drawn off northwards and effected a junction with their kinsmen in Upper Moesia. The. hostile forces met near Naissus. In the desperate struggle which ensued the Teutons suffered a crushing defeat. What remained of their army was in part cut to pieces in the pursuit, in part driven into the inhospitable recesses of the Balkans, where the survivors surrendered. They were partly enrolled in the Roman army, partly, in pursuance of a policy initiated by the Emperor Marcus, settled as coloni in the devastated frontier districts.

Thus the danger was averted from the Empire, and the desire of its restless neighbours beyond the Danube to make expeditions on the great scale was damped for nearly a hundred years. No doubt the inroads and piratical voyages of smaller Gothic war-bands continued; indeed, in the next fourteen years (270-284), there was fighting with bands of this kind under Quintillus, Aurelian, Tacitus, and Probus, but all these incursions were easily repelled by the imperial government, which gained strength under Aurelian and Probus. Just at this time, too, there broke out a severe internal struggle between the Teutons of the Euxine and those of the Danube. The first aid called in by the Goths against the Tervingi was that of the Bastarnae, but the outcome of the struggle was that the Bastarnae were defeated and compelled to abandon the territory which they had held so tenaciously for more than five hundred years. The expelled Bastarnae, said to have numbered 100,000 men, were taken under his protection by the Emperor Probus and settled in Thrace. After that the Tervingi, supported by the Taifali, made war on the allied Gepidae and Vandals, while the East Goths fought with their eastern neighbours the Urugundi, who on their defeat were taken under the protection of the Alani. We can see that the whole of the eastern Germanic world was in a state of wild uproar.

On the middle Danube there had been no fighting worth mention


text:
Page:Bury J B The Cambridge Medieval History Vol 1 1911.djvu/255

A.D. 267-270] plundering expedition of the Heruli in the year 267. From Lake Maeotis a fleet, said to have been five hundred strong, sailed along the western shore of the Euxine, then through the Bosphorus, where they made a successful coup-de-main against Byzantium, through the Propontis, where Cyzicus was captured, and the Hellespont, and onward past Lemnos and Scyros across the Aegean to Greece. Here on the classic soil of Attica, Argolis, and Laconia the wild hosts of these barbarians made fearful havoc, and it was long enough before the bewildered provincial government ventured to oppose them. The defenders, in whose ranks the historian Dexippus of Athens played a leading part, gradually gained confidence, and when they had succeeded in destroying the ships, the invaders were obliged to retreat by the land route. Beaten by the Roman troops their hosts rolled northwards through Boeotia, Epirus, Macedonia, towards their home, which they succeeded in reaching although hard pressed by their pursuers and at the very last compelled by the Emperor Gallienus to fight a battle, in which they incurred heavy losses, at the river Nestus, on the boundary between Macedonia and Thrace.

We have seen above how the Danube had been constantly threatened since the appearance of the Goths on the Black Sea, how invasion after invasion had descended on Dacia and Moesia. Soon after the accession of Gallienus (probably 256-7), Dacia with the exception of the narrow strip between the Temes and the Danube, which continued to be held down to the time of Aurelian, together with the portion of Lower Moesia which lay to the north of the Danube (the present Great Wallachia), became the prey of the barbarians. Some of the West Goths settled in Great Wallachia and the Taifali in the Banat; the northern districts, especially Transylvania, were occupied by the Victovali and Gepidae, who at this time make their appearance among the enemies of Rome. The consequence of the loss of Dacia and Trans-Danubian Moesia was that the Teutons now became on the lower Danube as well as elsewhere the immediate neighbours of the Empire, their territory being divided from it only by the river.

Only once in this whole period of inward decay did the imperial power succeed in winning a decisive victory. That was the achievement of the Emperor Claudius, whom his grateful contemporaries and successors have rightly adorned with the honourable title of “Gothicus.” In the spring of 269 the Teutons made yet another attack upon the Empire, surpassing all former ones in violence. East Goths and West Goths, whom tradition here first distinguishes, Bastamae (Peucini), Gepidae, and Heruli united their forces and advanced with a mighty army And fleet—estimated in the sources at 300,000 fighting-men and 2000


text:
Page:Bury J B The Cambridge Medieval History Vol 1 1911.djvu/254

204 detachment pressed onward over the undefended passes of the Balkans into Thrace, laid siege to Philippopolis, and even despatched a plundering party into Macedonia. One division of the Gothic army, after vainly assaulting Novae and Nicopolis, was defeated in the neighbourhood of the latter town by the Emperor Decius in person, but this success was immediately counterbalanced by a reverse. The Goths, while retiring southwards by way of Beroe (Augusta Traiana), the present Eski-Zaghra, on the southern slope of the Balkans, defeated the Roman troops who were pursuing them. After this battle the victorious Goths effected a junction with their countrymen who were investing Philippopolis, and that city fell into their hands. The Romans, however, were now making extensive preparations, in view of which the barbarians began their retreat. Decius, eager to wipe out the failure at Beroe, sought to bar their path, and, in the hope of inflicting a crushing defeat upon them, engaged them near Abrittus, about 80 miles south-east of Durostorum (Silistria) in June 251. The day, which began well for the Romans, ended in a fearful disaster, a great part of their army was destroyed, and the Emperor himself and one of his sons were among the slain. The country from which the barbarians had just retired now lay once more defenceless before them. They were finally bought off by the promise of a yearly subsidy.

The Gothic war of 250-251 had revealed in its full extent the danger which had lain hidden behind the mountains of Dacia. Later events did little to remove the terrible impression which the invasion of Kniwa had left behind. On the contrary, the history of the eastern half of the Empire in the reigns of Valerian and Gallienus, Claudius, Aurelian, and Probus is filled with incessant struggles against the Goths and their allies. For even Asia Minor was not exempt from their ravages ; besides the bands which swept down by the Balkans and back again there were now others which came by sea from the Crimea and Lake Maeotis to ravage a constantly widening area of the coasts of Asia Minor and which even penetrated to the inland districts. Especially prominent in these piratical raids were the Borani and Heruli, two peoples who here appear in history for the first time side by side with the Goths. The first of these expeditions, made by the Borani in 256 against the town of Pityus (on the eastern shore of the Black Sea), ended in failure, but by the following year these same Borani succeeded in capturing and sacking Pityus and Trapezus. Even more destructive was the expedition which (spring 258) was undertaken by the West Goths, starting by sea and land from the port of Tyras. The whole western coast of Bithynia with the cities of Chalcedon, Nicomedia, Nicaea, Apamea, and Prusa was ravaged. The years 263, 264, and 265 also witnessed the vasting of the coast lands of Asia Minor by similar expeditions of the Pontic Teutons. Ilium, Ephesus with its renowned temple of Artemis, and Chalcedon were this time the victims of the barbarians.

But all these exploits were far surpassed in importance by the great


text:
Page:Bury J B The Cambridge Medieval History Vol 1 1911.djvu/253

A.D. 240-250] The territory where the Goths at last took up their abode embraced the whole of the northern coast of the Black Sea. In the east it was separated by the Don from that of the Alani, in the west it bordered on the tract of country northward of the Danube Delta and the Dacian frontier which had been settled four hundred years earlier by the Bastamae and the Sciri. Here the Goths divided into two sections soon after their immigration, that dwelling more to the west being known as the Tervingi, “the inhabitants of the forest region,” while the eastern division was known as the Greutungi, “the inhabitants of the Steppes.” For the former the name Visigoths (Vesegoti) came into use, at latest c. 850, for the latter the name Ostrogoths, designations however of which the meaning is not absolutely certain, although “the western Goths” and “the eastern Goths” was an interpretation already known to Jordanes. The boundary between them was formed by the Dniester. Before long there appear alongside of them other Germanic peoples, the Gepidae, Taifali, Borani, Urugundi, and Heruli. The two first of these had some original link of connexion with them. The Gepidae indeed appear in the Gothic legend of their migrations as an actual part of the Gothic nation. Whether they migrated to the Black Sea region at the same time as the Goths, or followed them later, must remain an open question.

Towards the end of the reign of Severus Alexander (222-285) the first indications of the appearance on the northern shores of the Black Sea of a new and powerful barbarian race, of a most warlike temper, had already become manifest, when the Greek towns of Olbia and Tyras fell victims to the sudden descent of an unknown enemy from the North. A little later, under Gordian III (288-244), its name is found. In the spring of 288 Gothic war-bands marched southwards, crossed the Danube with the connivance of the Dacian Carpi and broke into the province of Lower Moesia, where they captured and plundered the town of Istrus. The Procurator of the province, Tullius Menophilus (288-241), being unable to repel the invasion by force of arms, induced the Goths to retire by the promise of a yearly subsidy. But by 248 they had renewed their attacks on the Roman frontier in alliance with the Taifali, Asdingi, and Bastamae. Under the leadership of Argaith and Gunterich their bands again broke into Lower Moesia, assailed without success the fortified town of Marcianople and plundered the unfortunate province again.

But these first exploits of the Goths were completely thrown into the shade by the great invasion of Roman territory made at the beginning of 250 by the half-legendary King Kniwa at the head of a powerful army. While the Carpi flung themselves upon Dacia, the Gothic attack was directed as before upon Moesia. Thence a strong


text:
Page:Bury J B The Cambridge Medieval History Vol 1 1911.djvu/252

202 the Pyrenees, devastating as they went. Then they pushed on, as the Cimbri had done before them, across the mountains into Spain, and made havoc of that country for several years, reducing to subjection even great cities like Tarraco, while, like the Vandals after them, they also made a foray into Africa. As at the time of the Cimbrian war, the terror of the Germans spread through all the countries of Western Europe. Only after a considerable time Postumus—a capable soldier and a well-intentioned administrator—was able to force the Germanic hordes out of Gaul and restore peace and security. But the Rhine became the frontier of the Empire and remained so as .long as the Empire lasted.

From this time onward begins a period of incessant fighting with the Teutons of the Rhine-country: with the Alemans in the south and the Franks in the north. The weakness and exhaustion of the Empire caused by inner dissensions becomes manifest. If Postumus succeeded in keeping the Roman possessions on the Gaulish bank of the Rhine essentially intact, his immediate successors were less successful. The country was left defenceless, and large portions of it were plundered and drained of their resources. Probus indeed, whose short reign (276-282) is a ray of light in these gloomy times, succeeded in clearing them out of Gaul, and even ventured to assume the offensive on the upper Rhine, in a brilliant campaign forcing the Alemans back to the further side of the Neckar. But such successes were but temporary. Only in the time of Diocletian does a durable improvement on the Rhine frontier set in, an improvement which was maintained for the next two or three generations. During this period a third set of invaders, in addition to the Franks and Alemans, appeared towards the close of the century in the Saxons, the terror of the British and Gaulish coasts. In the main, however, Gaul was suffered to enjoy peace; and with peace returned prosperity.

Meanwhile on the shores of the Euxine, there emerges a people with whose name the world was to ring for centuries, the Goths. Their original home had been, it would appear, in Scandinavia, and after their migration to the German Baltic coast they had at first established themselves about the estuary of the Vistula, then in course of time they had moved further southward along the right bank of that river, so that at the beginning of our era they appear as far south as the neighbourhood of the Bohemian kingdom of the Marcomanni. How long they remained in this region we do not know, but it is not unlikely that their eastward migration falls about the time of the great Marcomannic war. We are equally ignorant of the time occupied by this migration and the details of its progress; the only thing certain is that it reached its close not later than c. 286-240.


text:
Page:Bury J B The Cambridge Medieval History Vol 1 1911.djvu/251

A.D. 235-258] himself obliged to break off his campaign against the Persians, and take over in person the direction of the operations on the Rhine. Negotiations had already begun before his assassination (March 235), but his successor, the rough and soldierly Maximin, brought new life into the campaign. Advancing by forced marches into the country of the Alemans he drove the barbarians before him without serious resistance, laid waste their fields and dwellings far and wide, and finally defeated them far in the interior of their territory.

The result of this campaign, the last war of offence on a large scale which the Romans waged on the Rhine, was the restoration of security to the frontier for a period of twenty years. Under Gallienus—probably about the year 258—the storm broke. With irresistible force the armies of the Alemans broke through the great chain of frontier fortifications between the Main and the Danube, and after overpowering the scattered Roman garrisons, poured like a flood across the whole of the Agri Decumates, and established themselves permanently in the conquered territory. At the same time Rhaetia became a prey to them ; nay more, a strong force even crossed the Alps and penetrated as far as Ravenna. The invaders were, it is true, defeated by Gallienus near Milan, and forced to retreat, but the country at the northern base of the Alps was lost, and its loss threw open to the Germanic hordes the gates of Italy.

In addition to the Alemans of the upper Rhine, there now appeared, on the lower course of that river, another dangerous enemy, namely the Franks. The frontier had scarcely ever been seriously threatened at this point since the days of Augustus, but now under Gallienus the situation was altered. Here also there had quietly grown up a confederacy which, under the name of Fraud, the Free, presumably comprised the tribes formerly met with in these regions, the Chamavi, Sugambri, and other smaller clans. Their name, first heard in the time of Gallienus, was soon to become even more terrible in the ears of the Romans than that of the Alemans. The first attack of the new league of peoples upon the Rhine frontier occurred in 253. The districts on the Gaulish bank of the Rhine soon fell into the hands of the enemy. With great difficulty Gallienus succeeded in forcing them back across the Rhine. But others followed them, and there ensued a series of desperate struggles which lasted till 258. On the whole the Romans had the best of it, even though their army was not large enough to prevent isolated bands of Franks from establishing themselves upon the left bank of the Rhine.

In 258 Gallienus was called away to the lower Danube, which urgently demanded his presence. The confusion which was created in the Rhine district by the assassination in the following year of the Emperor’s son Valerian who had been left behind as Imperial Resident at Cologne, by the ambitious general Cassianus Postumus, gave the Franks a welcome opportunity to make a new inroad into Gaul. Their bands ranged almost unresisted through the whole country from the Rhine to


text: Page:Bury J B The Cambridge Medieval History Vol 1 1911.djvu/250


text: Page:Bury J B The Cambridge Medieval History Vol 1 1911.djvu/249


text: Page:Bury J B The Cambridge Medieval History Vol 1 1911.djvu/248


text: Page:Bury J B The Cambridge Medieval History Vol 1 1911.djvu/247


text:
Page:Seventh Report - Guns for gold- the Wagner Network exposed.pdf/82

Rh {| ! Number !! Title !! Reference
 * 5th || Global Health, Global Britain || HC 200
 * 6th || Sovereignty for sale: follow-up to the acquisition of Newport Wafer Fab || HC 1245
 * 7th || Lagos calling: Nigeria and the Integrated Review || HC 202
 * 1st Special || A climate for ambition: Diplomatic preparations for COP26: Government Response to the Committee’s Seventh Report of Session 2019–21 || HC 440
 * 2nd Special || Government response to the Committee’s First Report of Session 2021–22: In the room: the UK’s role in multilateral diplomacy || HC 618
 * 3rd Special || Government Response to the Committee’s Fourth Report: The UK Government’s Response to the Myanmar Crisis || HC 718
 * 4th Special ||Government response to the Committee’s Third Report: Sovereignty for sale: the FCDO’s role in protecting strategic British assets || HC 807
 * 5th Special || Never Again: The UK’s Responsibility to Act on Atrocities in Xinjiang and Beyond: Government Response to the Committee’s Second Report || HC 840
 * 6th Special || Global Health, Global Britain: Government Response to the Committee’s Fifth Report || HC 955
 * 7th Special || Government Response to the Committee’s Sixth Report: Sovereignty for sale: follow-up to the acquisition of Newport Wafer Fab || HC 1273
 * }
 * 3rd Special || Government Response to the Committee’s Fourth Report: The UK Government’s Response to the Myanmar Crisis || HC 718
 * 4th Special ||Government response to the Committee’s Third Report: Sovereignty for sale: the FCDO’s role in protecting strategic British assets || HC 807
 * 5th Special || Never Again: The UK’s Responsibility to Act on Atrocities in Xinjiang and Beyond: Government Response to the Committee’s Second Report || HC 840
 * 6th Special || Global Health, Global Britain: Government Response to the Committee’s Fifth Report || HC 955
 * 7th Special || Government Response to the Committee’s Sixth Report: Sovereignty for sale: follow-up to the acquisition of Newport Wafer Fab || HC 1273
 * }
 * 6th Special || Global Health, Global Britain: Government Response to the Committee’s Fifth Report || HC 955
 * 7th Special || Government Response to the Committee’s Sixth Report: Sovereignty for sale: follow-up to the acquisition of Newport Wafer Fab || HC 1273
 * }
 * }


text:
Page:Bury J B The Cambridge Medieval History Vol 1 1911.djvu/270

220 for the capital where he found shelter in the friendly house of a senator Strategius, while a eunuch, Eugenius by name, recently dismissed from the imperial service, put unlimited funds at his disposal. As he wandered unrecognised through the streets, on every hand he heard men muttering of the cruelty and avarice of Petronius, the father-in-law of Valens. The Emperor himself was no longer in Constantinople, and popular discontent seemed only to need its champion. The regiments of the Divitenses and the Tungritani Juniores, on their march from Bithynia for the defence of Thrace, were at the moment in the city. For two days Procopius negotiated with their officers; his gold and promises won their allegiance and in their quarters at the Anastasian Baths the soldiers met under cover of night and swore to support the usurpation. “Leaving the inkpot and stool of the notary,” so ran the scornful phrase of the Court rhetorician, this stage figure of an emperor, hesitating to the last, assumed the purple and with stammering tongue harangued his followers. Any sensation was grateful to the populace, and they were content to accept without enthusiasm their new ruler. Those who had nothing to lose were ready enough to share the spoils, but the upper classes generally held aloof or fled to the Court of Valens; none of them met Procopius as he entered the deserted senate house. He relied for support upon men's devotion to the family of Constantine; as reinforcements bound for Thrace reached the capital, he came before them with Faustina, the widow of Constantius, by his side, while he himself bore her little daughter in his arms. He pleaded his own kinship to Julian and the troops were won. Gumoarius and Agilo who had served Constantius well were recalled from retirement and put at the head of the army, while to Julian’s friend Phronemius was given the charge of the capital. Valentinian had advanced Pannonians, Procopius chose Gauls, for the Gallic provinces had most reason to remember Julian’s services to the Empire. Nebridius, recently created praetorian praefect through the influence of Petronius, was held a prisoner and forced to write despatches recalling Julius who was in command in Thrace; the stratagem succeeded and the province was won without a blow. The embassy to Ulyricum, however, bearing the newly minted coinage of Procopius, was defeated by the vigilance of Aequitius, every approach, whether through Dacia, Macedonia, or the pass of Succi, being effectually barred.

The news of the revolt reached Valens as he was leaving Bithynia for Antioch, and he was only recalled from abject despair by the counsels of his friends. Procopius with the Divitenses and a hastily collected force had advanced to Nicaea, but before the approach of the Jovii and Victores he retreated to Mygdus on the Sangarius. Once more the soldiers yielded when he appealed to their loyalty to the house of Constantine: the troops of Valens deserting “ the degenerate Pannonian,” “the drinker of miserable barley beer,” went over to the usurper. One success followed


text:
Page:Bury J B The Cambridge Medieval History Vol 1 1911.djvu/280

228 and went over to the side of Romanus; on his return to the Court he found nothing to criticise in the administration of the province. Pancratius had died at Trier but Jovinus was sent back to Africa with Palladius, the latter being directed to hold a further examination as to the truth of the allegations made by the second embassy. Men who on the shewing of the Emperor’s representative had given false witness on the inquiry were to have their tongues cut from their mouths. By threats, trickery, and bribes Romanus once more achieved his end. The citizens of Leptis denied that they had ever given any authority to Jovinus to act on their behalf, while he, endeavouring to save his life, was forced to confess himself a liar. It was to no purpose: together with Ruricius the governor and others he was put to death by order of the Emperor (369?).

Not even this sacrifice of innocent lives gave peace to Africa. Firmus, a Moorish prince, on the death of his father Nebul, had slain his brother; that brother however had enjoyed the favour of Romanus, and the machinations of the Roman general drove Firmus into rebellion. He assumed the purple, while persecuted Donatists and exasperated soldiers and provincials gladly rallied round him. Theodosius, fresh from his successes in Britain and Gaul, was despatched to Airica by Valentinian as commander-in-chief, charged with the task of reasserting imperial authority. On examining his predecessor’s papers, a chance reference caused the discovery of the plots of the last eight years, but it was not till the reign of Gratian that the subsequent inquiries were concluded. Palladius and Remigius both committed suicide, but the arch-offender Romanus was protected by the influence of Merobaudes. The whole story needs no comment : before men’s eyes the powerlessness of the Emperor and the might of organised corruption stood luridly revealed.

For at least two years Theodosius fought and struggled against odds in Africa; at length discipline was restored amongst the troops, the Moors were defeated with great loss, and the usurper driven to take his own life: the Roman commander entered Sitifis in triumph (374?). Hardly however was his master Valentinian removed by death when Theodosius fell a victim to the intrigues of his enemies (at Carthage, a.d. 375-6); baptised at the last hour and thus cleansed of all sin, he walked calmly to the block. We do not know the ostensible charge upon which he was beheaded, nor do our authorities name his accuser. But the evidence points to Merobaudes, the all-powerful minister of Gratian. Theodosius had superseded Romanus and disclosed his schemes, and Romanus was the friend and protSgS of Merobaudes, while it is clear that Gratian held in his own hands the entire West including Africa, for as yet (376) the youthful Valentinian II was not permitted to exercise any independent authority. Possibly Merobaudes may have


text: Page:Bury J B The Cambridge Medieval History Vol 1 1911.djvu/273


text: Page:Bury J B The Cambridge Medieval History Vol 1 1911.djvu/274


text:
Page:Bury J B The Cambridge Medieval History Vol 1 1911.djvu/275

366-369] the pursuit Ascarii in the Roman service captured the barbarian king, and in the heat of the moment he was struck dead. After a few lesser encounters resistance was for the time at an end. It was probably his interest in this campaign which had led Valentinian to spend the early months of 366 at Rheims. He now returned to Paris and from the latter city advanced (end of June 366 ?) to meet his successful general, whom he nominated for the consulship in the succeeding year. At the same time the head of Procopius reached him from the East. But in the high tide of success he was struck down with a serious illness (winter 366-7). The Court was already considering possible candidates for the purple when Valentinian recovered, but, realising the dangers for the West which might arise from a disputed succession, at Amiens on 24 August 367 he procured from the troops the recognition of the seven year old Gratian as co-Augustus. It may well have been the necessity for defending the northern coast against raids of Franks and Saxons which had summoned Valentinian to Amiens; and now on his way from that town to Trier tidings reached him of a serious revolt in Britain. Fullofaudes, the Roman general, together with Nectaridus, the commander of the coast line (count of the Saxon shore?), had both met their deaths. In the autumn of 367 Severus, count of the imperial guards, was despatched to the island only to be recalled. Jovinus, appointed in his place, sent Provertides in advance to raise levies, while in view of the constant reports of fresh disasters the Count Theodosius (the father of Theodosius the Great) was ordered to sail for Britain at the head of Gallic reinforcements. From Boulogne he landed at Rutupiae (Richborough : spring 368) and was followed by the Batavi, Heruli, Jovii, and Victores. Scenes of hope- less confusion met him on his arrival ; Dicalydones and Verturiones (the two divisions of the Piets), Attacotti and Scotti (Irish) all ranged pillaging over the countryside, while Frank and Saxon marauders swept down in forays on the coast. Theodosius marched towards London, and it would seem made this city his head-quarters. Defeating the scattered troops of spoil-laden barbarians, he restored the greater part of the booty to the harassed provincials, while deserters were recalled to the standard by promises of pardon. From London, where he spent the winter, Theodosius prayed the Emperor to appoint men of wide experience to govern the island—Civilis as pro-praefect and Dulcitius as general ; in this year too, he probably co-operated with imperial troops on the continent in the suppression of Frank and Saxon pirates in the Low Countries and about the mouths of the Rhine and Waal. Valentinian himself advanced as far north as Cologne in the autumn of 368. In the year 369 Theodosius everywhere surprised the barbarians and swept the country clear of their robber bands. Town-fortifications were restored, forts rebuilt, and frontiers regarrisoned, while the Areani, a treacherous border militia, were removed. Territory in the north was recovered, and a new fifth province of Valentia or Valentinia created. The revolt of Valentinus,


text: Page:Bury J B The Cambridge Medieval History Vol 1 1911.djvu/302


text: Page:Bury J B The Cambridge Medieval History Vol 1 1911.djvu/301


text:
Page:Bury J B The Cambridge Medieval History Vol 1 1911.djvu/303

Rh of Ambrose conquered, and Christian monks who had at Cailinicum destroyed a Jewish synagogue were at last freed from the duty of •making reparation; but even here the stubborn resistance of the Emperor shews the general principles which governed his administration. Though naturally merciful, so that contemporaries wondered at his clemency towards the followers of defeated rivals, yet when seized by some sudden outburst of passion he could be terrible in his ferocity. He himself was conscious of his great failing, and when his anger had passed, men knew that he was the readier to pardon: Praerogativa igno8cendi erat indignatum fuisse. But with every acknowledgment made of his weaknesses he served the Empire well; he brought the East from chaos into order; and even if it be on other grounds, posterity can hardly dispute the judgment of the Church or deny that the Emperor has been rightly styled “Theodosius the Great.”


text: Page:Bury J B The Cambridge Medieval History Vol 1 1911.djvu/324


text:
Page:A Recitall of that which hath happened in the Kings Armie.pdf/14

 The morrow after, thoſe of the Parliament, came perſonally to ſalute and acknowledge the King; the firſt Preſident making the Relation: which charge he executed in ſubſtance and eloquence moſt happelie, and to the great contentment of his Maieſtie. All the other bodies of the Chamber of accompts, Court of aides, of the Finances, of the Iuſtices of the law, and the Maior and Iurats of the Towne did the like. And likewiſe the Eccleſiaſticall perſons of the town, all with great ſhewe of ioye, and hope of happie and quiet Reigne of his ſaid Maieſtie: wherein they were the more confirmed by the anſweres which they receiued likewiſe from him, in excellent tearmes, and kingly eloquence. The ſame day the Embaſſador of Venice was graunted audience: where hee preſented firſt of all the letters of the Signiorie vnto his Maieſtie, and afterward declared the ioy they had of his happie Succeſsion vnto the Crown; beſeeching him to accept the offer of the friendſhip of the ſaid Signiorie vnto his Maieſtie, & to promiſe and aſſure them of his, to maintaine the good intercourſe betweene his Crowne, and the ſaide Signiorie: whereunto his Maieſtie aunſwered verie well and wiſely. Hee was determined to haue ſtaid but one day at Towers, but they were ſo deſirous to ſee him, that hee could not depart vntill the Saturday following. At which time, with one iourney hee went vnto his Armie at the Caſtle of Loyre, which is ten good leagues off, & [sic] and departed thence the morrow after for to goe toward Mans, which long time hee was deſirous to be ſiege. He lodged twiſe by the way. And being arriued at Yuray leueſque the xxvij. daye, one league


text: Page:Bury J B The Cambridge Medieval History Vol 1 1911.djvu/323


text:
Page:Bury J B The Cambridge Medieval History Vol 1 1911.djvu/325

408] him. Meanwhile a cunning Greek, the chancellor Olympius, profited by the change in the Empjeror’s feelings towards his great minister. Under the mask of Christian piety he secretly intrigued against Stilicho in order to undermine his position. Thus Olympius accompanied the Emperor to Pavia and on this occasion spread the calumnious report, that Stilicho intended to kill the child Theodosius and put his own son Eucherius on the throne. The storm now gathered over Stilicho’s head. The prelude to the catastrophe, however, took place at Pavia.

When the Emperor had arrived with Olympius at this town, the latter made an exhibition of his philanthropy by visiting the sick soldiers; probably his real object was to gather the threads of the conspiracy which he had already spun and to weave them further. On the fourth day Honorius himself appeared among the troops and tried to inspire them with enthusiasm for the fight against Constantine, At this moment Olympius gave a sign to the soldiers, and, in accordance with a previous arrangement, they threw themselves upon all the high military and civil officers present, who were supposed to be Stilicho’s adherents. Some of them escaped to the town, but the soldiers rushed through the streets and killed all the unpopular dignitaries. The slaughter continued under the very eyes of the Emperor, who had withdrawn at first but reappeared without his royal robes and tried to check the mad fury of the soldiers. When the Emperor, fearing for his own life, had a second time retired, Longinianus, the Praefectus Praetorio for Italy, was also slain. News of this horrible mutiny reached Stilicho at Bologna. He at once summoned all the generals of Teutonic race in whose loyalty alone he could still trust. It was decided to attack the Roman army, should the Emperor himself have been killed. When, however, Stilicho learned that the mutiny had not been directed against Honorius, he resolved to abstain from punishing the culprits, for his enemies were numerous and he was no longer sure of the Emperor’s support. But to this the Teuton generals would not agree, and Sarus even went so far as to have Stilicho’s Hunnic body-guard killed during the night. Stilicho now betook himself to Ravenna, and to this town Olympius despatched a letter from the Emperor, addressed to the army, with the order to arrest Stilicho and keep him in honourable custody. During the night Stilicho took refuge in a church to secure the right of sanctuary; but in the morning the soldiers fetched him away, solemnly assuring him that his life was safe. Then a second letter from the Emperor was read, which condemned Stilicho to death for high-treason. The fallen man might still have saved his life by appealing to the Teuton soldiers, who were devoted to him, and would readily have fought for him. But he made no attempt to do so, probably to preserve the Empire from a civil war, which would have been fatal at this time. Without resistance he offered his neck to the sword. In him the Roman Empire (23 August 408) lost one of its most prominent statesmen, and


text:
Page:Bury J B The Cambridge Medieval History Vol 1 1911.djvu/336

280 half a million, set out from Hungary, crossed the Rhine at Easter-time, and invaded Belgica. It was only now that Aetius, who had been deceived by the false representations of the king of the Huns, thought of offering resistance; but the standing army at his command was absolutely insufficient to hold the field against such a formidable opponent. He found himself, therefore, obliged to beg for help from the king of the Visigoths, who although he had at first intended to keep himself neutral and await the development of events in his territory, thought, after long hesitation, that it would be to his own interest to obey the call. Theodoric joined the Romans with a fine army which he himself led, accompanied by his sons Thorismud and Theodoric. Attila had in the meantime advanced as far as Orleans, which Sangiban, the king of the Alans who were settled there, promised to betray to him. The proposed treachery, however, was frustrated, for the allies were already on the spot before the arrival of the Huns, and had encamped in strength before the city. Attila thought he could not venture an attack on the strong fortifications with his troops, which principally consisted of cavalry, so he retreated to Troyes and took up a position five miles before that town on an extensive plain near the place called Mauriacus, there to await a decisive battle with the Gotho-Roman army which was following him. Attila occupied the centre of the Hun array with the picked troops of his people, while both the wings were composed of troops from the subjected German tribes. His opponents were so arranged that Theodoric with the bulk of the Visigoths occupied the right wing, AStius with the Romans, and a part of the Goths under Thorismud formed the left wing of the army, while the untrustworthy Alans stood in the centre. Attila first tried to get possession of a height commanding the battlefield, but Afe'tius and Thorismud were beforehand and successfully repulsed all the attacks of the Huns on their position. The king of the Huns now hurled thimself with great force on the Visigothic main body commanded by Theodoric. After a long struggle the Goths succeeded in driving the Huns back to their camp; great losses occurred on both sides ; the aged king of the Goths was among the slain, as was also a kinsman of Attila’s.

The battle however remained drawn, for both sides kept the field. The moral effect, which told for the Romans and their allies, was, however, very important, inasmuch as the belief that the powerful king of the Huns was invincible had suffered a severe shock. At first it was decided to shut up the Huns in their barricade of wagons and starve them out. But when the body of Theodoric, who had been supposed up till then to be among the survivors, had been found and buried, Thorismud, who was recognised as king by the army, called upon his people to revenge and to take the enemy’s position by storm. But Aetius, who did not wish to let the Goths become too powerful, succeeded in persuading Thorismud to relinquish his scheme, advising his return to


text:
Page:The Revolt of the Angels v2.djvu/319

 brought with him the pious Théophile, waxed indignant when he heard the musician praising the Lord, and rained down such blows on his head as would have felled an ox. But the head of a musician is harder than a bucranium, and the blows which Théophile received did not avail to modify that angel’s notion of divine providence. Arcade, having at great length set up his scientific idealism in opposition to Zita’s pragmatism, the beautiful archangel told him that he argued badly.

“And you are surprised at that!” exclaimed young Maurice’s guardian angel. “I argue, like you, in the language of human beings. And what is human language but the cry of the beasts of the forests or the mountains, complicated and corrupted by arrogant anthropoids. How then, Zita, can one be expected to argue well with a collection of angry or plaintive sounds like that? Angels do not reason at all; men, being superior to the angels, reason imperfectly. I will not mention the professors who think to define the absolute with the aid of cries that they have inherited from the pithecanthropoid monkeys, marsupials, and reptiles, their ancestors! It is a colossal joke! How it would amuse the demiurge, if he had any brains!”

It was a beautiful starlight night. The gardener was silent.


text:
Page:The Revolt of the Angels v2.djvu/320

 "Nectaire," said the beautiful archangel, "play to us on your flute, if you are not afraid that the Earth and Heaven will be stirred to their depths thereby."

Nectaire took up his flute. Young Maurice lighted a cigarette. The flame burnt brightly for a moment, casting back the sky and its stars into the shadows, and then died out. And Nectaire sang of the flame on his divine flute. The silvery voice soared aloft and sang:

"That flame was a whole universe which fulfilled its destiny in less than a minute. Suns and planets were formed therein. Venus Urania apportioned the orbits of the wandering spheres in those infinite spaces. Beneath the breath of Eros—the first of the gods, animals, and thoughts sprang into being. In the twenty seconds which hurried by betwixt the life and death of those worlds, civilizations were unfolded, and empires sank in long decline. Mothers shed tears, and songs of love, cries of hatred, and sighs of victims rose upward to the silent skies.

“In proportion to its minuteness, that universe lasted as long as this one—whereof we see a few atoms glittering above our heads—has lasted or will last. They are, one no less than the other, but a gleam in the Infinite.”

As the clear, pure notes welled up into the charmed air, the earth melted into a soft mist,


text:
Page:The Works of H G Wells Volume 9.pdf/349

 of a stupidly held umbrella. He is going to treat our little tiff about that lady as closed. He has the air of picking up our conversation again at some earlier point.

He steps into the gutter, walks round outside a negro hawker, just escapes the wheel of a hansom, and comes to my side again.

"We can't go on talking of your Utopia," he says, "in a noise and crowd like this."

We are separated by a portly man going in the opposite direction, and join again. "We can't go on talking of Utopia," he repeats, "in London Up in the mountains—and holiday-time—it was all right. We let ourselves go!"

"I've been living in Utopia," I answer, tacitly adopting his tacit proposal to drop the lady out of the question.

"At times," he says, with a queer laugh, "you've almost made me live there too."

He reflects. "It doesn't do, you know. No! And I don't know whether, after all, I want"

We are separated again by half-a-dozen lifted flagstones, a burning brazier, and two engineers concerned with some underground business or other—in the busiest hour of the day's traffic.

"Why shouldn't it do?" I ask.

"It spoils the world of everyday to let your mind run on impossible perfections."

"I wish," I shout against the traffic, "I could smash the world of everyday."

My note becomes quarrelsome. "You may accept this as the world of reality, you may consent to be one


text:
Page:Bury J B The Cambridge Medieval History Vol 1 1911.djvu/346

290 comites cimiatum. They took exactly the plaoe of the Roman provincial governors, so that the city-districts also appear under the title of provinciae. Their authority extended even to the exercise of jurisdiction with the exception of such cases as were reserved to the civic magistrates, and included control of the police and the collection of taxes. The dux could at the same time be comes of a civitas in his district. At the head of the towns themselves were the curiales who, as hitherto, were bound by oath to fill their offices; and they were personally responsible for collecting the taxes. The most important official was the defensor, who was chosen from among the curiales by the citizens and only confirmed by the king. He exercised, in the first instance, jurisdiction in minor matters, but his activity extended over all the branches of municipal administration. Side by side with this Roman magistrature existed the national system which the Goths had brought with them. The Gothic people formed themselves into bodies of thousands, five hundreds, hundreds, and tens, which also remained as personal societies after the settlement. The millenarius, as of old, led the thousand in war and ruled over it jointly with the heads of the hundreds both in war and in peace. The comes civitatis and his vicar originally only possessed jurisdiction over the Romans of his own circuit, but in Euric’s time that had so far changed that he now possessed authority to judge the Goths as well in civil suits in conjunction with the millenarius: thus the later condition was prepared in which the millenarius appears only as military official. On the other hand the defensor remained a judiciary solely for the Romans.

We know but little about the officers of the central government. The first minister of Euric and of Alaric II was Leo of Narbonne, a distinguished man of varied talents. His duty comprised a combination of the functions of the quaestor sacri palatii and of the magister officiorum at the imperial Court; he drew up the king’s orders, conducted business with the ambassadors, and arranged the applications for an audience. A higher minister of the royal chancery was Anianus, who attested the authenticity of the official copies of the Lex Romana Visigothorum and distributed them; he seems to have answered to the Roman primicerius notariorum or referendarius.

The organisation of the Catholic Church was not disturbed by the Visigoth rule: rather it was strengthened. The ecclesiastical subdivision of the land as it had developed in the last years of the Roman sway corresponded on the whole with the political: the bishoprics, which coincided in extent with the town districts, were grouped under metropolitan sees, which corresponded with the provinces of the secular administration. Since the middle of the fifth century the authority of the Roman bishop over the Church had been generally recognised. Next to the Pope the bishop of Arles exercised over the Gallic clergy a theoretically almost unlimited disciplinary power. A bishop was chosen by


text:
Page:A Recitall of that which hath happened in the Kings Armie.pdf/15

 from the ſaid towne of Mans, which hee had cauſed to be inuironed the day before by the Lord of Fargeſſe: he ſent to ſummon the ſaid town. Vnto whom the Lord of Boisdauphin (which commaunded in it for the League) made an anſwere, as if hee had been reſolute to burie himſelfe in it, and all thoſe that were with him, rather than to depart out of it, & began to burne a great part of the Suburbes of La Couſture, eſpeciallie that part which was without the retrenchment of the ſaid Suburbes. But the ſaid Lord of Fargeſſe came vpon them with his troupe, and ſaued a great part of the aforenamed Suburbes. Immediately after the Baron Byron, and Chaſtalion arriued with the greateſt part of the French Infanterie, by whome the ſame night was the aforeſaid retrenchment wonne, which was in ſome place twentie foote high, and might eaſelie haue attended the Cannon: and from that time it was ſuppoſed, that they were eaſier to be dealt with, than was looked for. The morrow after the xxviij. of the ſaid moneth of Nouember, his Maieſtie came and lodged in the ſaid Suburbes, which is faire, and in a manner more commodious to lodge in, than the Towne. And the ſame daye hee cauſed all the other Suburbes to be wonne, except the Suburbes of Saint Iohn, that was on the other ſide of the Riuer of Sarthe, which was wonne the morrow after, the ſaid Boyſdauphin hauing cauſed more than halfe to bee burned, and that which was next to the bridge, which was the faireſt houſing. All their valour appeared in nothing but in that. For three daies folowing, whilſt the Gabeons wer a making and other preparatiues neceſſarie for the


text:
Page:Seventh Report - Guns for gold- the Wagner Network exposed.pdf/76

Rh {| class="wikitable" ! Details !! Location !! Position !! Notes on Wagner link
 * Name: Igor Viktorovich Khodyrev Nationality:Russian || Syria Russia || General Director of Kapital (see next table); Chief geologist of Evro Polis (aka. Evropolis) || Involved in the Russian extraction of resources in the Middle East and Africa, including through organisations associated with Prigozhin’s network. Chief geologist of Evro Polis, the legal cover of Wagner and affiliated entities in Syria. General director of Kapital, the Russian oil and gas company on contract with the Syrian government.
 * Name: Artem Ivanovich Tolmachev Nationality: Russian || CAR || Commercial Director of Bois Rouge (see next table) || A senior businessman within Prigozhin’s network, Tolmachev leads efforts to exploit the timber industry in the CAR.
 * Name: Pavel Andreevich Karasev Nationality: Russian || Syria || CEO of Mercury LLC Mercury LLC || Mercury LLC is an oil and gas company in Syria, which supports and benefits from the Syrian regime and is associated with Prigozhin. It is sanctioned by the UK and others.
 * Name: Irina Vladimirova Markova Nationality: Russian || Syria  || CEO of Velada LLC since January 2023  || Velada LLC is an oil and gas company in Syria, which supports and benefits from the Syrian regime and is associated with Prigozhin. It is sanctioned by the UK and others.
 * Name:Rafael Marsilovich Slaimonov Nationality: Russian|| Syria || CEO of Evro Polis LLC  || As the head of Evro Polis, Slaimanov is responsible for significant wealth generation for Prigozhin through oil and gas extraction in Syria. Evro Polis is an oil and gas company in Syria, which is supports and benefits from the Syrian regime and is associated with Prigozhin. It is sanctioned by the UK and others.
 * }
 * Name: Irina Vladimirova Markova Nationality: Russian || Syria  || CEO of Velada LLC since January 2023  || Velada LLC is an oil and gas company in Syria, which supports and benefits from the Syrian regime and is associated with Prigozhin. It is sanctioned by the UK and others.
 * Name:Rafael Marsilovich Slaimonov Nationality: Russian|| Syria || CEO of Evro Polis LLC  || As the head of Evro Polis, Slaimanov is responsible for significant wealth generation for Prigozhin through oil and gas extraction in Syria. Evro Polis is an oil and gas company in Syria, which is supports and benefits from the Syrian regime and is associated with Prigozhin. It is sanctioned by the UK and others.
 * }
 * Name:Rafael Marsilovich Slaimonov Nationality: Russian|| Syria || CEO of Evro Polis LLC  || As the head of Evro Polis, Slaimanov is responsible for significant wealth generation for Prigozhin through oil and gas extraction in Syria. Evro Polis is an oil and gas company in Syria, which is supports and benefits from the Syrian regime and is associated with Prigozhin. It is sanctioned by the UK and others.
 * }


text:
Page:Bury J B The Cambridge Medieval History Vol 1 1911.djvu/356

298 and from this union was born Merovech. Evidently the legend owes its origin to an attempt to explain the etymology of the name Merovech, son of the sea. In consequence of this legend some historians have maintained that Merovech was a wholly mythical personage and they have sought out some remarkable etymologies to explain the name Merovingian, which is given to the kings of the first dynasty; but in our opinion the existence of this prince is sufficiently proved, and we interpret the term Merovingian as meaning descendants of Merovech.

Merovech had a son named Childeric. The relationship is attested in precise terms by Gregory of Tours who says cujus filiusfuit Childericus. In addition to the legendary narratives about Childeric which Gregory gathered from oral tradition, we have also some very precise details which the celebrated historian borrowed from annals now no longer extant. The legendary tale is as follows: Childeric, who was extremely licentious, dishonoured the daughters of many of the Franks. His subjects therefore rose in their wrath, drove him from the throne, and even threatened to kill him. He fled to Thuringia—it is uncertain whether this was Thuringia beyond the Rhine, or whether there was a Thuringia on the left bank of the river—but he left behind him a faithful friend whom he charged to win back the allegiance of the Franks. Childeric and his friend broke a gold coin in two and each took a part. “When I send you my part,” said the friend, “and the pieces fit together to form one whole you may safely return to your country.” The Franks unanimously chose for their king Aegidius, who had succeeded Aetius in Gaul as magister militum. At the end of eight years the faithful friend, having succeeded in gaining over the Franks, sent to Childeric the token agreed upon, and the prince, on his return, was restored to the throne. The queen of the Thuringians, Basina by name, left her husband Basinus to follow Childeric. “I know thy worth,” said she, “and thy great courage; therefore I have come to live with thee. If I had known, even beyond the sea, a man more worthy than thou art, I would have gone to him.” Childeric, well pleased, married her forthwith, and from their union was born Clovis. This legend, on which it would be rash to base any historical conclusion, was amplified later, and the further developments of it have been preserved by the pseudo-Fredegar and the author of the Liber Historiae.

But alongside of this legendary story we have some definite information regarding Childeric. While the main centre of his kingdom continued to be in the neighbourhood of Toumai, he fought along with the Roman generals in the valley of the Loire against all the enemies who sought to wrest Gaul from the Empire. Unlike his predecessor Clodion and his son Clovis, he faithfully fulfilled his duties as a foederatus. In the year 463 the Visigoths made an effort to extend their dominions to the banks of the Loire. Aegidius marched against them, and defeated them at Orleans, Friedrich, brother of King Theodoric II, being slain in the battle.


text:
Page:The Revolt of the Angels v2.djvu/321

 the stars revolved rapidly in their orbits, the Great Bear fell asunder, its parts flew far and wide. Orion’s belt was shattered; the Pole Star forsook its magnetic axis. Sirius, whose incandescent flame had lit up the far horizon, grew blue, then red, flickered, and suddenly died out. The shaken constellations formed new signs which were extinguished in their turn. By its incantations the magic flute had compressed into one brief moment the life and the movement of this universe which seems unchanging and eternal both to men and angels. It ceased, and the heavens resumed their immemorial aspect. Nectaire had vanished. Clodomir asked his guests if they were pleased with the cabbage soup which, in order that it might be strong, had been kept simmering for twenty-four hours on the fire, and he sang the praises of the Beaujolais which they had drunk.

The night was mild. Arcade, accompanied by his guardian angel, Théophile, Prince Istar, and the Japanese angel, escorted Zita home.


text: Page:Bury J B The Cambridge Medieval History Vol 1 1911.djvu/352


text: Page:Bury J B The Cambridge Medieval History Vol 1 1911.djvu/351


text:
Page:The Works of H G Wells Volume 9.pdf/350

 scar in an ill-dressed compound wound, but so—not I! This is a dream too—this world. Your dream, and you bring me back to it—out of Utopia"

The crossing of Bow Street gives me pause again.

The face of a girl who is passing westward, a student girl rather carelessly dressed, her books in a carrying-strap, comes across my field of vision. The westward sun of London glows upon her face. She has eyes that dream, surely no sensuous nor personal dream.

After all, after all, dispersed, hidden, disorganised, undiscovered, unsuspected even by themselves, the samurai of Utopia are in this world, the motives that are developed and organised there stir dumbly here and stifle in ten thousand futile hearts

I overtake the botanist, who got ahead at the crossing by the advantage of a dust-cart.

"You think this is real because you can't wake out of it," I say. "It's all a dream, and there are people—I'm just one of the first of a multitude—between sleeping and waking—who will presently be rubbing it out of their eyes."

A pinched and dirty little girl, with sores upon her face, stretches out a bunch of wilting violets in a pitifully thin little fist, and interrupts my speech. "Bunch o' vi'lets—on'y a penny."

"No!" I say curtly, hardening my heart.

A ragged and filthy nursing mother, with her last addition to our Imperial People on her arm, comes out of a drinkshop and stands a little unsteadily, and wipes mouth and nose comprehensively with the back of a red chapped hand


text:
Page:The Revolt of the Angels v2.djvu/322

HE city was asleep. Their footsteps rang loudly on the deserted pavement. Having reached the corner of the Rue Feutrier, half-way up Montmartre, the little company halted before the dwelling of the beautiful angel. Arcade was talking about the Thrones and Dominations with Zita, who, her finger on the bell, could not make up her mind to ring. Prince Istar was tracing the mechanism of a new sort of bomb on the pavement with the end of his stick, and bellowed so loudly that he woke the sleeping citizens and stirred into activity the amatory passions of the neighbouring Pasiphaës. Theophile was singing the barcarole from the second act of Aline, Queen of Golconda at the top of his voice. Maurice, his arm in a sling, was fencing left-handed with the Japanese, striking sparks from the pavement, and crying “A hit! a hit!” in a piercing voice.

Meanwhile Inspector Grolle at the corner of the next street was dreaming. He had the bearing


text:
Page:Bury J B The Cambridge Medieval History Vol 1 1911.djvu/353

240-392] together to prosecute a war in common, but when the war was over the link snapped and the tribes fell asunder again.

Documentary evidence enables us to trace how the generic name Franci came to be given to certain tribes between the Main and the North Sea, for we find these tribes designated now by the ancient name which was known to Tacitus and again by the later name. In Peutinger’s chart we find Chamavi qui et Pranci and there is no doubt that we should read qui et Frauci. The Chamavi inhabited the country between the Yssel and the Ems; later on, we find them a little further south, on the banks of the Rhine in Hamaland, and their laws were collected in the ninth century in the document known as the Lex Francorum Chamavorum. Along with the Chamavi we may reckon among the Franks the Attuarii or Chattuarii. We read in Ammianus Marcellinus (xx. 10) Rheno transmisso, regionem pervasit (Julian in 360) Francorum quos Atthuarios vocant. Later, the pagus Attuariorum will correspond to the country of Emmerich, of Cleves, and of Xanten. We may note that in the Middle Ages there was to be found in Burgundy, in the neighbourhood of Dijon, a pagus Attuariorum, and it is very probable that a portion of this tribe settled at this spot in the course of the fifth century. The Bructeri, the Ampsivarii, and the Chatti were, like the Chamavi, reckoned as Franks. They are mentioned as such in a well- known passage of Sulpicius Alexander which is cited by Gregory of Tours (Historia Francorum, ii. 9). Arbogast, a barbarian general in the service of Rome, desires to take vengeance on the Franks and their chiefs—subreguli— Sunno and Marcomir. 'Consequently in midwinter of the year 392 collecto exerdtu transgressus RJienum, Bructeros ripae proximos, pagum etiam quern Chamavi incolunt depopulatus est, nullo unquam occur sante, nisi quod paud ex Ampsivariis et Catthis Marcomers duce in ulterioribus collium jugis apparuere. It is this Marcomir, chief of the Ampsivarii and Chatti, whom the author of the Liber Historiae makes the father of Pharamond, though he has nothing whatever to do with the Salian Franks.

Thus it is evident that the name Franks was given to a group of tribes, not to a single tribe. The earliest historical mention of the name may be that in Peutinger’s chart, supposing, at least, that the words et Prand are not a later interpolation. The earliest mention in a literary source is in the Vita Aureliani of Vopiscus, cap. 7. In the year 240, Aurelian, who was then only a military tribune, immediately after defeating the Franks in the neighbourhood of Mainz, was marching against the Persians, and his soldiers as thejr marched chanted this refrain:

It would be in any case impossible to follow the history of all these


text:
Page:The Revolt of the Angels v2.djvu/323

 of a Roman legionary and displayed all the characteristics of that proudly servile race, who, ever since men first took to building cities, have been the mainstay of Empires and the support of ruling houses. Inspector Grolle was very strong, but very tired. He suffered from an arduous profession and from lack of food. He was a man devoted to duty, but still a man, and he was unable to resist the wiles, the charms, and the blandishments of the gay ladies whom he met in swarms in the shadows along the empty streets and round about pieces of waste ground; he loved them. He loved like a soldier under arms. It tired him, but courage conquered fatigue. Though he had not yet reached the middle of Life’s way, he longed for sweet repose and peaceful country pursuits. At the corner of the Rue Muller, on this mild night, he stood lost in thought. He was dreaming of the house where he was born, of the little olive wood, of his father’s bit of ground, of his old mother, bent with long and heavy labour, whom he would never see again. Roused from his reverie by the nocturnal tumult, Inspector Grolle turned the corner of the street, and looked rather unfavourably at the band of loiterers, wherein his social instinct suspected enemies of law and order. He was patient and resolute. After a lengthy silence, he said, with awe-inspiring calm:


text:
Page:A Recitall of that which hath happened in the Kings Armie.pdf/16

, and the pieces brought to their places, his Maieſtie himſelfe hauing paſſed whole nights therein, vppon the ſecond day of September, began to beat certaine defences of the wall of the ſaid Towne. Immediatelie after the firſt vollies of the Cannon, that braue ſpeach which they had giuen at the ſummoning of the Towne, was turned quite contrarie into ſubmiſsion. So that Boiſdauphin and his people not imagining that they ſhould haue been ſo ſharplie delt withall (for within three houres they ſhoulde haue had aſſault giuen them, which they were not wel reſolued to abide) demaunded a Parley; and in fine before two of the clocke in the afternoone, the ſaide Towne was yeelded vnto his Maieſtie: notwithſtanding that there were in it no more than an hundred gentlemen, and twentie enſignes of footemen, who during the time of the Parley, did diſhonour each other publiquely. The Gentlemen ſaid, that the Souldiers would not fight, and the Souldiers ſaid, that agaynſt their wills the Gentlemen would compound. As in truth it was a thing verie ſtrange, hauing cauſed the people to ſpend more than 5000. crownes in the fortefying of the Suburbs of their Townes, burnt more than a 100000. crownes worth of houſing, and (as it is ſaid) ruined the Countrey ſix times as much more, for to abide three vollyes of the Cannon, and afterward to yeeld the Towne: which without the great care that his Maieſtie had had of it, had neuer beene kept from pillage: but hee commaunded the gates to be kept ſhut. And to the intent that none ſhould take occaſion to go into it, he would not lodge in it himſelfe, but kept in the ſuburbes where he firſt was


text:
Page:Bury J B The Cambridge Medieval History Vol 1 1911.djvu/378

320 lived permanently at the Vandal Court a supernumerary class of men who without holding any definite office enjoyed the favour of the king and were employed by him in different ways. A number of them seem to have borne the title comes as among the Franks, Ostrogoths, and others; from among them were taken, for example, the envoys sent to foreign nations. Together with the provincial officials, who might be temporarily present at the Court, and the Arian bishops, the persons of principal position in the king’s circle frequently co-operated in the decision of important questions of state affairs. As a general designation for these persons when they belonged to the laity the expression domestici appears. Admittance into the royal household required an oath of fealty.

From among the king’s circle were drawn the greater part of the higher officials in the provincial government, especially over the Vandals. The most important officers of the Vandals were the heads of the thousands (the chiliarchs, millenarii), on whom devolved the management of the districts, i.e. the settlements of a thousand heads of families, in judicial, military, administrative, and fiscal respects. Outside the Vandal allotments the organisation of the Roman system in Africa still remained, with the exception of the military, and the duties of the separate offices were discharged by the Romans themselves. The only exceptions were the islands in the Mediterranean; Sardinia, Corsica, and the Balearic Isles were united into one province and placed under a governor of German nationality who resided in Sardinia and exercised both military and civil functions.

The ruler has by virtue of his position absolute right over the revenue of the State; state property and royal private property are identical. A principal source of revenue is provided by the produce of royal domains, which in Roman Africa occupy a particularly important place. To this was added the taxes paid by the provincials, from which the Vandals themselves were entirely exempt. The burdens, however, cannot as a rule have been so oppressive as they were under the Roman rule, for later on, under the government of the Byzantines, the former more lenient conditions were regretted. Besides the taxes were to be taken into account the proceeds from the tolls, the right of coinage, fines, dues from mines and manufactures, and other unusual receipts.

The Arian as well as the Catholic Church is subject to the royal power; the appointment of bishops is dependent on the consent of the sovereign, the synods are convoked by the king and can only meet with his permission. The Asdingian Vandals in their seats in Hungary had clearly been already converted to Arianism, while the Silingians, Alans, and Sueves in the first phase of their Spanish career were still adherents of paganism. After the occupation of Africa the Catholic clergy were entirely expelled from the country districts in the province of Zeugitana


text: Page:Bury J B The Cambridge Medieval History Vol 1 1911.djvu/380


text: Page:Bury J B The Cambridge Medieval History Vol 1 1911.djvu/379


text:
Page:Bury J B The Cambridge Medieval History Vol 1 1911.djvu/381

Rh as well as from Carthage, and the vacant places were given over to the Arian clergy with the whole of the church property. In the other parts of the kingdom few or no Arian priests were to be found; only under Huneric who presented the whole of the Catholic churches to the Arians (a measure which certainly was never wholly carried out) were they installed in greater numbers. The bishop residing in Carthage bore the title of Patriarch and exercised as metropolitan a supreme power over the whole of the Arian clergy. Since the Arian church-service was held in the vernacular as among the other Germans, the clergy were mostly of German nationality.

The position of the Catholic Church was, as has been already remarked, very varied under the different rulers and very largely dependent on the state of foreign politics. In Africa, after the tumult of the conquest had passed over and the endowment of the Arian Established Church was put into effect, Gaiseric only proceeded against those adherents of orthodoxy from whom danger to the State was to be feared. The clergy beyond the Vandal allotment were closely supervised, but they were not molested if they did not oppose the royal will but confined themselves to the execution of their pastoral duties. The real persecutions began first under Huneric and were continued, after an interval of peace, by Gunthamund and Thrasamund, though in a milder form. Hilderic gave the Catholic Church its complete freedom again; his successor Gelimer, an ardent Arian, was too much occupied with political com- plications to be able to be active in that sphere. Ecclesiastical conditions suffered therefore only temporary not permanent disturbance and sustained no material hurt; rather, the persecutions contributed largely to temper the inner strength of the African Church.

When the Vandals occupied Africa they were undoubtedly still in the same primitive stage of civilisation in which they had lived in their homes in Hungary. Their political position as conquerors, the settlement in an enclosed district, the sharp religious opposition must certainly have hindered a rapid acceptance of the Roman influence. But under Gelimer they quite adopted the luxurious mode of life of the Romans, i.e. of the rich nobility ; they lived in magnificent palaces, wore fine clothes, visited theatres, gave themselves up to the pleasures of an excellent table and did homage with great passion to Aphrodite. Roman literary culture had just made its appearance in the royal Court and among the nobility. Gaiseric was himself certainly, at least at first, not skilled in Latin, but one of his grandsons was famous for having distinguished himself in the acquisition of manifold know- ledge. The same is said of Thrasamund, and we may assume it of Hilderic.

Latin was the language of diplomatic intercourse and legislation, as it was in the other German kingdoms; the Vandal language was quite supplanted, and only remained in use in popular intercourse and in


text:
Page:The lay of the Nibelungs; (IA nibelungslay00hortrich).pdf/29

Rh “the rude man,” it has been said, “requires only to see something going on; the man of more refinement wishes to feel; the truly refined man must be made to reflect.” Tor the first of these classes our “Hero-book,” as has been apparent enough, provides in abundance; for the other two scantily, indeed for the second not at all. Nevertheless our estimate of this work, which as a series of Antique Traditions may have considerable meaning, is apt to be too low. Let us remember that this is not the original “Heldenbuch” which we now see; but only a version of it into the Knight-errant dialect of the thirteenth, indeed partly of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, with all the fantastic monstrosities, now so trivial, pertaining to that style; under which disguises the really antique earnest groundwork, interesting as old Thought, if not as old Poetry, is all but quite obscured from us. But Antiquarian diligence is now busy with the “Heldenbuch” also, from which what light is in it will doubtless be elicited, and here and there a deformity removed. Though the Ethiop cannot change his skin, there is no need that even he should go abroad unwashed.

Casper von Roen, or whoever was the ultimate redactor of the “Heldenbuch,” whom Lessing designates as “a highly ill-informed man,” would have done better had he quite omitted that little King Laurin, “and his little Rose-garden,” which properly is no Rose-garden at all; and instead thereof introduced the “Gehörnte Siegfried” (Behorned Siegfried), whose history lies at the heart of the whole Northern Traditions; and, under a rude prose dress, is to this day a real child’s-book and people’s-book among the


text:
Page:Bury J B The Cambridge Medieval History Vol 1 1911.djvu/400

340 which produces dead-drunkenness followed by a pleasant Nirvana-sensation.

A comparison of Rubruquis’ account with that of Radloff shews that the dairying among the Altaians has remained the same from the earliest times. A late acquisition from China, and only available for the wealthier, is the “brick-tea," which is also a currency, and a substitute for money.

Little meat is eaten, notwithstanding the abundance of the herds ; it is only customary on festive occasions or as a consequence of a visit of special honour. In order not to lessen the stock of cattle, the people content themselves with the cattle that are sick beyond recovery, or dead and even decaying. The meat is eaten boiled, and the broth drunk afterwards. Only the Volga-Kalmucks and the Kara-Kirghiz, who are very rich in flocks, live principally on sheep and horse meat. That the Huns and Tartars ate raw meat softened by being carried under the saddle, is a mistake of the chroniclers. At the present time the mounted nomads are accustomed to put thin strips of salted raw meat on their horses' sores, before saddling them, to bring about a speedy healing. But this meat, impregnated with the sweat of the horse and reeking intolerably, is absolutely uneatable.

From the earliest times, on account of the enormous abundance of game, hunting has been eagerly practised for the sake of food and skins, or as sport, either with trap and snare, or on horseback with falcon and eagle. From Persia came the long-haired greyhound in addition. Fishing cannot be pursued by long-wandering nomads, and they make no use even of the best-stocked rivers. But by the lakes and the rivers which do not dry up, fishing is an important source of food among short-wandering nomads.

For grain the seeds of wild-growing cereals are gathered; here and there millet is grown without difficulty, even on poor soil. A bag of millet-meal suffices the horseman for days; a handful of it with a drink of water appeases him well enough. Thus bread is a luxury for the nomad herdsman, and the necessary grain can only be procured in barter for the products of cattle-rearing and house-industry. But the Kirghiz of Ferghana in their short but high wanderings on the Pamir and Alai high above the last agricultural settlements, which only extend to 4600 feet, carry on an extensive agriculture (summer-wheat, millet, barley) by means of slaves and labourers at a height of 8500 feet, while they themselves climb with their herds to a height of 15,800 feet, and partly winter in the valleys which are free from snow in winter. The nomads .eat vegetables seldom, as only carrots and onions grow in the steppes. The half-settled agricultural half-nomads of to-day


text: Page:Bury J B The Cambridge Medieval History Vol 1 1911.djvu/404


text: Page:Bury J B The Cambridge Medieval History Vol 1 1911.djvu/403


text:
Page:A Recitall of that which hath happened in the Kings Armie.pdf/17

 . There were two ſoldiers found with a Chalice which they had ſtollen, and were hanged immediately, although they were knowen to be men of value. The thundring of the Cannon was heard at Le Fort-berne-herd, when the Counte Briſaac was arriued with two Regiments to ſuccour the ſaid Town of Mans: who was ſo made afraid, that he ran back againe 12 leagues; and in retiring, fell by chance into the Reiſters quarter that ſerued his Maieſtie, who would not diſlodge as they were appointed, & carried away for their bootie 30. or 40. horſe and chariots without the loſſe of anie man. His Maieſtie reſtored firſt into the towne of Mans, the Biſhop and the Lord of Fargeſſe his brother, which had been Gouernour before, & pardoned the reſt of the inhabitants, who came all, aſwell Eccleſiaſticall, as other, to giue him thankes, with proteſtation of their fidelitie and perfect obedience. During the aboad, which the King made at Mans, fiue daies after the taking of it, the Caſtle of Beaumont yeelded firſt of all, and the Caſtle of Touvoie, and likewiſe the greateſt part of the Gentlemen, which were in the Towne of Mans, and others which had been ſeduced by the League, & put them ſelues into the Kings ſeruice; who was accompanied in that ſiege with more than fiue hundred Gentlemen of the Prouinces thereabout. Amongſt whom there were manie Marqueſſes, Counties, and other great Lords.

At that time the Townes of Sablee, Lauall, Chaſteaugountere, which are all Townes of importance, and manie others which are not of ſo great name, were reduced vnto the King.