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 similar to that which the inhabitants of France so implicitly credited during the olden time, and of which the reader will find instances in the ‘.’ See stories No. 4 and 11,—and the notes to the same, for further illustration of the nature of this universal belief of the middle ages.

It is now a long while ago, full two thousand years, that there lived a rich man, who had a fair pious wife, and they had for each other great love, but yet they had no children, and the wife prayed therefore day and night.

Now before their house there stood a court, wherein stood a Juniper-tree, under which stood the wife once in the winter time, peeling herself an apple. And as she so peeled the apple, she cut herself in the finger and the blood fell upon the snow. ‘Alas,’ said the woman, and she sighed right out, and saw the blood before her, and was indeed troubled in her mind. ‘Alas, that I had but a child, as red as blood, and as white as snow!’ And as she said this, she became right glad in her mind, and felt as though it should come to pass.

Then went she into the house, and a month passed away and the snow disappeared, and in two months. all was green; in three months there came flowers upon the earth; in four months all the trees in the forest thickened, and the green twigs were all growing in one among another. Then the song of the little birds resounded through the forest, and the blossoms fell down from the branches.


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 brass collar round his neck bore the name of the ship, and he was installed on board the same day, and a letter despatched to Leghorn to inform the captain of his safe arrival.

The crew of the Forward was now complete, with the exception of the captain. It numbered the following individuals: 1. The Captain, K. Z. 2. The Chief Officer. 3. The Second Officer, James Wall. 4. Doctor Clawbonny. 5. Johnson, the boatswain. 6. Simpson, the harpooner. 7. Bell, the carpenter. 8. Brunton, the chief engineer. 9. Plover, the second engineer. 10. Strong, a colored man, the cook. 11. Foker, the ice-master. 12. Wolsten, the gunsmith. 13. Bolton, sailor. 14. Garry, sailor. 15. Clifton, sailor 16. Gripper, sailor. 17. Pen, sailor. 18. Warren, stoker.

5th of April brought the sailing day. Dr. Clawbonny's coming on board somewhat reassured people's minds, for where the learned Doctor went it must be safe to follow; but still the sailors seemed so restless and uneasy, that Shandon longed to be fairly out at sea, for he did not feel sure of any of them till they had lost sight of land.

Dr. Clawbonny's cabin was on the poop, which took up all the stern of the vessel. The captain's cabin and the chief officer's were on either side, overlooking the deck. The captain's remained hermetically closed after being furnished according to his written directions, and the key, as he ordered, was sent to him at Lubeck, so that no one could enter but himself.

This was a great vexation to Shandon, as it damped his ambitious hopes of getting sole command. In fitting up his own cabin, he took for granted they were going to the Arctic, and knowing, as he did, so thoroughly all that was required, he left nothing wanting.

The cabin of the second mate was in the forecastle, where the men slept—a large, roomy place, with a stove in the center, and every accomodation, for the sailors were

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/


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'''114 The Ten Curtains for the Tabernacle (Exodus 26:1–6)

All the skilled craftsmen among the workmen made the ten curtains for the tabernacle. They were made of finely spun linen, as well as blue, purple, and scarlet yarn, with cherubim skillfully worked into them. Each curtain was twenty-eight cubits long and four cubits wide; all the curtains were the same size. And he joined five of the curtains together, and the other five he joined as well.

He made loops of blue material on the edge of the end curtain in the first set, and also on the end curtain in the second set. He made fifty loops on one curtain and fifty loops on the end curtain of the second set, so that the loops lined up opposite one another. He also made fifty gold clasps to join the curtains together, so that the tabernacle was a unit.

The Eleven Curtains of Goat Hair (Exodus 26:7–14)

He then made curtains of goat hair for the tent over the tabernacle—eleven curtains in all. Each of the eleven curtains was the same size—thirty cubits long and four cubits wide. He joined five of the curtains into one set and the other six into another. He made fifty loops along the edge of the end curtain in the first set, and fifty loops along the edge of the corresponding curtain in the second set. He also made fifty bronze clasps to join the tent together as a unit.

Additionally, he made for the tent a covering of ram skins dyed red, and over that a covering of fine leather.

The Frames and Bases (Exodus 26:15–30)

Next, he constructed upright frames of acacia wood for the tabernacle. Each frame was ten cubits long and a cubit and a half wide. Two tenons were connected to each other for each frame. He made all the frames of the tabernacle in this way.

He constructed twenty frames for the south side of the tabernacle, with forty silver bases to put under the twenty frames—two bases for each frame, one under each tenon.

For the second side of the tabernacle, the north side, he made twenty frames and forty silver bases—two bases under each frame.

He made six frames for the rear of the tabernacle, the west side, and two frames for the two back corners of the tabernacle, coupled together from bottom to top and fitted into a single ring. He made both corners in this way. So there were eight frames and sixteen silver bases—two under each frame.

He also made five crossbars of acacia wood for the frames on one side of the tabernacle, five for those on the other side, and five for those on the rear side of the tabernacle, to the west.

He made the central crossbar to run through the center of the frames, from one end to the other. And he overlaid the frames with gold and made gold rings to hold the crossbars. He also overlaid the crossbars with gold.


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 to instruct us, for we shall come across other nations with different customs from our own; she is going, in short, where I have never been."

"But you know nothing more definite than that?" exclaimed Shandon.

"I have heard some talk of her going to the North Seas. So much the better if we are bound for the Arctic."

"But don't you know the captain?" asked Shandon again.

"Not at all; but he is a brave fellow, you may be sure."

By this time the steamer had arrived at Birkenhead, and Clawbonny and Shandon landed on the pier, and at once repaired to the shipbuilding-yard. The sight of the brig almost made the little doctor beside himself with joy, and he went subsequently every day to look at her on the stocks.

He made his abode with Shandon, and undertook the arrangement of the medicine-chest, for he was a duly qualified doctor and a clever man, though rather unpractical. At twenty-five years of age he was just an ordinary surgeon, but at forty he was a learned man, well known throughout the whole city, and a leading member of the Literary and Philosophical Institute of Liverpool. He possessed a small private fortune, which enabled him to practice gratuitously in a great many cases, and his extreme amiability made him universally beloved. He never did an injury to a single human being, not even to himself. Lively and rattling as he was, and an incessant talker, he had an open heart and hand for everybody.

As soon as the news of his appointment to the Forward spread through the city, his friends besieged him with solicitations to remain at home. But their arguments and entreaties only made him more determined to go, and when the little man once got a crotchet in his brain no one could turn him from it.

On the 5th of February the Forward was launched, and two months later she was ready to go to sea.

Punctually to the time, on the very day fixed for his coming by the captain's letter, a large Danish dog made his appearance, sent by rail from Edinburgh to Richard Shandon's address. He was an ill-favored, snappish, unsociable animal, with a peculiar expression in his eye. A


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 "If you will please allow me to"

"No, I will not allow your skill, and bravery, and hardihood to be underrated even by you. The captain who has chosen you for his chief officer knows his man, I'll be bound."

"But that's not the question," said Shandon, impatiently.

"Well, and what is the question, then? Don't keep me in suspense, pray."

"You won't let me speak. Please to tell me, Doctor, how you came to join in the expedition of the Forward."

"Well, it was through a letter which I have here from the brave captain, a very laconic one, though it says all that is necessary."

And drawing the said letter out of his pocket, he handed it to Shandon, who read as follows:—

, Jan. 22nd, 1860.

"If Dr. Clawbonny is willing to embark in the brig Forward, let him present himself to the chief officer, Richard Shandon, who has received orders concerning him."

"The Captain of the Forward, K. Z.

"To Dr. Clawbonny, Liverpool."

"The letter came this morning, and here I am ready to go on board."

"But, at any rate," said Shandon, "you know where we are going, I suppose?"

"Not I; but what does it matter to me, so long as I go somewhere? People call me a learned man, but they are much mistaken. I know nothing, and if I happen to have published some few books which sell pretty well, they are not worth anything, and it is very good of the people to buy them. I know nothing, I tell you, except that I am an ignoramus. Now I have a chance of completing, or rather recommencing, my studies in medicine, in surgery, in history, in geography, in botany, in mineralogy, in conchology, in geodesy, in chemistry, in natural philosophy, in mechanics, in hydrography. Well, I accept the offer, and don't need much pressing, I assure you."

"Then you know nothing about the destination of the Forward?" said Richard, in a disappointed tone.

"I know this much, Mr. Shandon, that she is going where there will be much to learn and discover, and much


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'''Exodus 37:19 The Veil (Exodus 26:31–35)

Next, he made the veil of blue, purple, and scarlet yarn, and finely spun linen, with cherubim skillfully worked into it.

He also made four posts of acacia wood for it and overlaid them with gold, along with gold hooks; and he cast four silver bases for the posts.

The Curtain for the Entrance (Exodus 26:36–37)

For the entrance to the tent, he made a curtain embroidered with blue, purple, and scarlet yarn, and finely spun linen, together with five posts and their hooks.

He overlaid the tops of the posts and their bands with gold, and their five bases were bronze. Constructing the Ark (Exodus 25:10–16)

Bezalel went on to construct the ark of acacia wood, two and a half cubits long, a cubit and a half wide, and a cubit and a half high. He overlaid it with pure gold, both inside and out, and made a gold molding around it. And he cast four gold rings for its four feet, two rings on one side and two on the other. Then he made poles of acacia wood and overlaid them with gold. He inserted the poles into the rings on the sides of the ark in order to carry it.

The Mercy Seat (Exodus 25:17–22)

He constructed a mercy seat of pure gold, two and a half cubits long and a cubit and a half wide. He made two cherubim of hammered gold at the ends of the mercy seat, one cherub on one end and one on the other, all made from one piece of gold. And the cherubim had wings that spread upward, overshadowing the mercy seat. The cherubim faced each other, looking toward the mercy seat.

The Table of Showbread (Exodus 25:23–30; Leviticus 24:5–9)

He also made the table of acacia wood two cubits long, a cubit wide, and a cubit and a half high. He overlaid it with pure gold and made a gold molding around it. And he made a rim around it a handbreadth wide and put a gold molding on the rim.

He cast four gold rings for the table and fastened them to the four corners at its four legs. The rings were placed close to the rim, to serve as holders for the poles used to carry the table. He made the poles of acacia wood for carrying the table and overlaid them with gold.

He also made the utensils for the table out of pure gold: its plates and dishes, as well as its bowls and pitchers for pouring drink offerings.

The Lampstand (Exodus 25:31–40; Numbers 8:1–4)

Then he made the lampstand out of pure hammered gold, all of one piece: its base and shaft, its cups, and its buds and petals. Six branches extended from the sides, three on one side and three on the other. There were three cups shaped like almond blossoms on the first branch, each with buds and petals, three on the next branch, and the same for all


text: Author:Dorothy Nickerson

title: Author:Dorothy Nickerson


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 approaching when the nobleman had agreed to pay him. Just at this time he was, unexpectedly, compelled to undertake a journey. As he was on his way, who should he encounter but Rubezahl, in all his pride, mounted upon a goat; and with a nose which he had made for himself, a full half-yard long; the goat kept mocking the tailor, and bidding the master welcome, while Rubezahl kept crying out, ‘Good luck to you, master! Good luck to you, master! Do you want to be paid your wages for the garment which you cut out for me, and which I am now wearing?’ All this time the goat kept on his mocking, ‘Master! master!’ But the tailor was sorely frightened, notwithstanding he had oftentimes, before, laughed at the wondrous rider; and now thought to himself, he should be properly rewarded for his roguery.

After this, Rubezahl upbraided him most severely, and at the same time bantered him heartily for his intended theft of the cloth, saying, ‘How stands it, brother, have we not something that we can barter? Hast thou not cribbed any thing, hast thou not nipped off any little bits from one stuff or another, or thrown any behind the stove, and said, ‘The devil shall have that!’ or hast thou thrown nothing after the mice, and so saved some of the best little pieces?’

But the tailor was struck dumb with astonishment, and said not a word. But he who bestrode the goat, proceeded, ‘How strange it is that all you tailors must steal. The very first men and tailors who were upon the face of the earth commenced the practice, for they made themselves aprons of fig-leaves, and robbed the trees for that purpose. So, that it is clear, tailoring, from the beginning, could not exist without robbery; hence it is, that we must, like the


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 fig-tree, put up with the loss and let you go on stealing.’

At last Rubezahl said to the convicted tailor, ‘Go, you bungler, and henceforth accustom your needle to work more closely. Not to take too wide stitches, nor thy fist to take what does not belong to thee. Give to every one his own, and of such of their materials, be they silk, satin, or good broad-cloth, as you don’t use, take none to yourself. Keep to thy lawful wages which you, you ragged rascal, can raise quite high enough, and never more seek to increase thy gains by barefaced purloinings, or I will smite you for your ill deeds, and bid you welcome in somewhat harsher style than I have done this time.’

Upon this he began gradually shuffling back, with his great goat and long nose, and at length left the tailor standing quite alone. He, however, carried his jest upon the tailor thus much further, that whenever he heard a goat bleat, he immediately fancied it was some man calling to him, and saying, ‘Master, master!’

As it afterwards fell out, this tailor, from his not hearing correctly, once called out to a he goat, ‘Sir, shall I make you a suit of clothes?’ The goat gave for answer, ‘Puff’—that is to say, he drove his horns so sharply against the tailor’s ribs, that he puffed.


text: Supplement to the Fourth, Fifth, and Sixth Editions of the Encyclopædia Britannica/Annuities/Tables


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 A Selection from the Catalogue of

G.P. PUTNAM'S SONS

Complete Catalogue sent on application


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 ADA MASON'S STORY

" repeat to you often enough, Monsieur, our horror, our consternation, and the deep sympathy we feel for you."

Thus M. Carrège, the Juge d'Instruction, addressed Van Aldin. M. Caux, the Commissary, made sympathetic noises in his throat. Van Aldin brushed away horror, consternation, and sympathy with an abrupt gesture. The scene was the Examining Magistrate's room at Nice. Besides M. Carrège, the Commissary, and Van Aldin, there was a further person in the room. It was that person who now spoke.

"M. Van Aldin," he said, "desires action—swift action."

"Ah!" cried the Commissary, "I have not yet presented you. M. Van Aldin, this is M. Hercule Poirot; you have doubtless heard of him. Although he has retired from his profession for some years now, his name is still a household word as one of the greatest living detectives."

"Pleased to meet you, M. Poirot," said Van Aldin, falling back mechanically on a formula that he had discarded some years ago. "You have retired from your profession?"

"That is so, Monsieur. Now I enjoy the world."

The little man made a grandiloquent gesture.

"M. Poirot happened to be travelling on the Blue


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 Train," explained the Commissary, "and he has been so kind as to assist us out of his vast experience."

The millionaire looked at Poirot keenly. Then he said unexpectedly:

"I am a very rich man, M. Poirot. It is usually said that a rich man labours under the belief that he can buy everything and every one. That is not true. I am a big man in my way, and one big man can ask a favour from another big man."

Poirot nodded a quick appreciation.

"That is very well said, M. Van Aldin. I place myself entirely at your service."

"Thank you," said Van Aldin. "I can only say call upon me at any time, and you will not find me ungrateful. And now, gentlemen, to business."

"I propose," said M. Carrège, "to interrogate the maid, Ada Mason. You have her here, I understand?"

"Yes," said Van Aldin. "We picked her up in Paris in passing through. She was very upset to hear of her mistress's death, but she tells her story coherently enough."

"We will have her in, then," said M. Carrège.

He rang the bell on his desk, and in a few minutes Ada Mason entered the room.

She was very neatly dressed in black, and the tip of her nose was red. She had exchanged her grey travelling gloves for a pair of black suède ones. She cast a look round the Examining Magistrate's office in some trepidation, and seemed relieved at the presence of her mistress's father. The Examining Magistrate prided himself on his geniality of manner, and did his best to put her at her ease. He was helped in this by Poirot,


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 I


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168

, old and steadfast,

Secondly, smith Ilmarinen,

Third, the lively son of Lempi,

He the handsome Kaukomieli,

Sailed upon the lake’s broad surface,

O’er the far-extending billows,

To the cold and dreary village,

To the misty land of Pohja,

To the land where men are eaten,

Where they even drown the heroes.

Who should row the vessel onward?

First, the smith named Ilmarinen.

He it was who rowed the vessel,

He was first among the rowers,

And the lively Lemminkainen

Was the last among the rowers.

Väinämöinen, old and steadfast,

In the stern himself was seated,

And he steered the vessel onward,

Through the waves he steered it onward,

Through the foaming waves he steered it,

Steered it o’er the foam-capped billows,

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 who acted as interpreter, and whose friendly manner was reassuring to the Englishwoman.

"Your name is Ada Mason; is that right?"

"Ada Beatrice I was christened, sir," said Mason primly.

"Just so. And we can understand, Mason, that this has all been very distressing."

"Oh, indeed it has, sir. I have been with many ladies and always given satisfaction, I hope, and I never dreamt of anything of this kind happening in any situation where I was."

"No, no," said M. Carrège.

"Naturally I have read of such things, of course, in the Sunday papers. And then I always have understood that those foreign trains—" She suddenly checked her flow, remembering that the gentlemen who were speaking to her were of the same nationality as the trains.

"Now let us talk this affair over," said M. Carrège. "There was, I understand, no question of your staying in Paris when you started from London?"

"Oh no, sir. We were to go straight through to Nice."

"Have you ever been abroad with your mistress before?"

"No, sir. I had only been with her two months, you see."

"Did she seem quite as usual when starting on this journey?"

"She was worried like and a bit upset, and she was rather irritable and difficult to please."

M. Carrège nodded.


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 "Now then, Mason, what was the first you heard of your stopping in Paris?"

"It was at the place they call the Gare de Lyon, sir. My mistress was thinking of getting out and walking up and down the platform. She was just going out into the corridor when she gave a sudden exclamation, and came back into her compartment with a gentleman. She shut the door between her carriage and mine, so that I didn't see or hear anything, till she suddenly opened it again and told me that she had changed her plans. She gave me some money and told me to get out and go to the Ritz. They knew her well there, she said, and would give me a room. I was to wait there until I heard from her; she would wire me what she wanted me to do. I had just time to get my things together and jump out of the train before it started off. It was a rush."

"While Mrs. Kettering was telling you this, where was the gentleman?"

"He was standing in the other compartment, sir, looking out of the window."

"Can you describe him to us?"

"Well, you see, sir, I hardly saw him. He had his back to me most of the time. He was a tall gentleman and dark; that's all I can say. He was dressed very like any other gentleman in a dark blue overcoat and a grey hat."

"Was he one of the passengers on the train?"

"I don't think so, sir; I took it that he had come to the station to see Mrs. Kettering in passing through. Of course he might have been one of the passengers; I never thought of that."


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 Mason seemed a little flurried by the suggestion.

"Ah!" M. Carrège passed lightly to another subject. "Your mistress later requested the conductor not to rouse her early in the morning. Was that a likely thing for her to do, do you think?"

"Oh yes, sir. The mistress never ate any breakfast and she didn't sleep well at nights, so that she liked sleeping on in the morning."

Again M. Carrège passed to another subject.

"Amongst the luggage there was a scarlet morocco case, was there not?" he asked. "Your mistress's jewel-case?"

"Yes, sir."

"Did you take that case to the Ritz?"

"Me take the mistress's jewel-case to the Ritz! Oh no, indeed, sir." Mason's tones were horrified.

"You left it behind you in the carriage?"

"Yes, sir."

"Had your mistress many jewels with her, do you know?"

"A fair amount, sir; made me a bit uneasy sometimes, I can tell you, with those nasty tales you hear of being robbed in foreign countries. They were insured, I know, but all the same it seemed a frightful risk. Why, the rubies alone, the mistress told me, were worth several hundred thousand pounds."

"The rubies! What rubies?" barked Van Aldin suddenly.

Mason turned to him.

"I think it was you who gave them to her, sir, not very long ago."


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 "My God!" cried Van Aldin. "You don't say she had those rubies with her? I told her to leave them at the Bank."

Mason gave once more the discreet cough which was apparently part of her stock-in-trade as a lady's maid. This time it expressed a good deal. It expressed far more clearly than words could have done, that Mason's mistress had been a lady who took her own way.

"Ruth must have been mad," muttered Van Aldin. "What on earth could have possessed her?"

M. Carrège in turn gave vent to a cough, again a cough of significance. It riveted Van Aldin's attention on him.

"For the moment," said M. Carrège, addressing Mason, "I think that is all. If you will go into the next room, Mademoiselle, they will read over to you the questions and answers, and you will sign accordingly."

Mason went out escorted by the clerk, and Van Aldin said immediately to the Magistrate:

"Well?"

M. Carrège opened a drawer in his desk, took out a letter, and handed it across to Van Aldin.

"This was found in Madame's handbag."

"" (the letter ran),—"I will obey you; I will be prudent, discreet—all those things that a lover most hates. Paris would perhaps have been unwise, but the Isles d'Or are far away from the world, and you may be assured that nothing will leak out. It is like you and your divine sympathy to be so interested in the work on famous jewels that I am writing. It will, indeed, be an extraordinary privilege to actually


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 see and handle these historic rubies. I am devoting a special passage to 'Heart of Fire.' My wonderful one! Soon I will make up to you for all those sad years of separation and emptiness.—Your ever-adoring,

""


text: The Mystery of the Blue Train/Chapter 14


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Runo XLII]

Unto Pohja’s distant haven,

To his well-known destination.

When they reached the goal they sought for,

And the voyage at length was ended,

To the land they drew the vessel,

Up they drew the tarry vessel,

Laid it on the steely rollers,

At the quay with copper edging.

After this the house they entered,

Crowding hastily within it,

Then did Pohjola’s old Mistress,

Ask the purport of their coming.

“Men, what tidings do you bring us,

What fresh news, O heroes, bring you?”

Väinämöinen, old and steadfast,

Answered in the words which follow:

“Men are speaking of the Sampo,

Heroes, of its pictured cover.

We have come to share the Sampo,

And behold its pictured cover.”

Then did Pohjola’s old Mistress

Answer in the words which follow:

“Two men cannot share a grouseling,

Nor can three divide a squirrel,

And the Sampo loud is whirring,

And the pictured cover grinding,

Here in Pohjola’s stone mountain,

And within the hill of copper.

I myself rejoice in welfare,

Mistress of the mighty Sampo.”

Väinämöinen, old and steadfast,

Answered in the words which follow:

“If you will not share the Sampo,

Give us half to carry with us,

Then the Sampo, all entire,

To our vessel will we carry.”

Louhi, Pohjola’s old Mistress,

Heard him with the greatest anger,

Called together all her people,

Summoned all her youthful swordsmen,

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Rh

 the Author of these united Tracts had been any Friend to, ''he wou'd probably have made his Entrance after that manner, in one or other of the Five Treatise formerly publish'd apart. But as to all Prefatory or Dedicatory Discourse, he has told us his Mind sufficiently, in that Treatise which he calls''. Being satisfy'd however, that there are many Persons who esteem these Introductory Pieces as very essential in the Constitution of a Work; he has thought fit, in behalf of his honest Rh


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iv Printer, to substitute these Lines under the Title of ; and to declare, "That (according to his best Judgment and Authority) these Presents ought to pass, and be receiv'd, constru'd, and taken, as satisfactory in full, for all Preliminary Composition, Dedication, direct or indirect Application for Favour to the Publick, or to any private Patron, or Party whatsoever: Nothing to the contrary appearing to him, from the side of Truth, or Reason". Witness his Hand, this Fifth Day of December, 1710.


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 supraliminal sense magnitudes or intervals. The one magnitude or interval is taken as standard and the ratio of the other to it is then estimated directly.

The two forms of this method are applicable to color problems and both were applied in the present review. The first form may be referred to as the simple ratio or $$R$$ form and represented by the simple operational equation

in which $$C_1$$, represents the color perceived as belonging to the chosen standard; $$C_2$$, the color to be evaluated; $$R$$, the estimate of the ratio; and the subscript $$_A$$, the attribute with respect to which the estimate is made. Thus, the given color $$C_2$$, is judged equal to $$RC_1$$, with respect to $$_A$$. Suppose that $$C_1$$ and $$C_2$$, represent two surface-color perceptions and the observer’s task were to estimate relative lightness. He would compare the two colors directly with each other and report a quantitative judgment concerning the fraction or multiple which the lightness of $$C_2$$ is of $$C_1$$;. In case of surface-color perception, as when one views the Munsell samples, $$_A$$ may become either $$_H$$, $$_S$$ or $$_L$$, according to whether hue, saturation, or lightness is the attribute being estimated. According to the existing O.S.A. definitions (, p. 213) hue, saturation, and lightness correspond closely to Munsell hue, chroma, and value.

The second, or difference ratio, method is designated by R’ and represented by the analogous equation in which $$|C_2-C_1|$$ is the perceived standard difference or interval, $$|C_4-C_3|$$ is the difference to be evaluated, and R’ is the estimate of the ratio of intervals with respect to 4, the particular aspect under estimate.

The observer records his estimate either by numbers or by linear extents which seem to him to be in the ratio of the sense magnitudes in question. Perhaps the easiest method is to adjust the relative positions of the samples themselves until the space ratio represents the sense ratio. A more generally practicable recording method, however, is graphically to indicate rather than actually to make, the representative space adjustment. suggests the application of graphic recording to the $$R$$ form. The observer represents the attributive magnitude of $$C$$; by a line of convenient length. He then draws a second line, representing $$C_2$$, of such length relative to the first line that the ratio formed by the two lines is the same as the estimated ratio. Figure 3 shows the same kind of recording in case of the $$R'$$ form of the ratio method. Here the one line is drawn to represent the sense difference or sense distance between $$C_2$$; and $$C_1$$, while the other line is so drawn that its length relative to the first will be the same as $$C_3-C_4$$; relative to $$C_2-C_1$$.

The difference-form ($$R'$$) of estimate is more reliable because the perceptual unit is defined by its beginning point ($$C_1$$) and its end point ($$C_2$$), both presented to the observer during the estimate. The analytically simpler form ($$R$$) implies a beginning point corresponding to zero (zero lightness, or zero saturation), but no sample exemplifying this beginning point is present. Therefore greatest reliance was placed on estimates by the difference-form ($$R'$$).

The use of the ratio method seems peculiarly


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 significant because, as pointed out by Judd, amounts to the direct application of the definitions of the attributes of color-perception. Until other methods are proved comparable, only the ratio method is strictly applicable. Then, too, precision psychophysical threshold methods of the traditional sort (, p. 23) were not considered feasible, partly because of the great length of time required and partly because the inescapable preliminary problem of the equality of supraliminal magnitudes representing equal numbers of just noticeable differences still remains to be solved (, p. 286;, p. 143).

Procedural details

The observers were instructed to use daylight or its equivalent, to illuminate the samples at 45°, and to view them along the perpendicular as recommended in 1931 by the International Commission on Illumination. They were also requested not to fixate a given sample for long but to keep the fixation relatively mobile; for preadaptation is an important factor (,, , , , p. 544). They made visual estimates of hue, lightness, and saturation on the Munsell constant-value and constant-hue charts. All of these charts were mounted and viewed on three different, approximately neutral grounds of relatively high, medium, and low reflectance, respectively; see. The I.C.I. tristimulus specifications of these white, gray, and black (matt cardboard) surfaces were determined under artificial daylight illumination approximating 6500°K. The daylight apparent reflectance relative to magnesium oxide (Y) and the trilinear coordinates (x,y) were, respectively, as follows: white, Y=0.852, x=0.3204, y=0.3292; gray, Y=0.253, x =0.3140, y=0.3244; black, Y=0.040, x=0.307, y=0.312. Masks of the same materials,, were made and used to expose separately the various rows, columns, and arcs of samples designed to yield colors constant in two attributes and regularly varying in the third. These grounds and masks were of some service in controlling the psychological phenom


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 on him! "

Another story is related of him as follows: "In our time there was a man in Egypt who disliked Al-Ghazali and abused him and slandered him. And he saw the Prophet (God bless him and give him peace!) in a dream; Abu Bakr and Omar (may God be well pleased with both of them!) were at his side, and Al-Ghazali was sitting before him, saying, O Apostle of God, this man speaks against me! Thereupon the Prophet said, Bring the whips! So the man was beaten on account of Al-Ghazali. Then the man arose from sleep, and the marks of the whips remained on his back, and he was wont to weep and tell the story."

And should this praise seem oriental and extravagant, we add the words of Professor Duncan B. Macdonald, who has made a more thorough study of Al-Ghazali’s life and writings than any other student of Islam: " What rigidity of grasp the hand of Islam would have exercised but for the influence of Al-Ghazali might be hard to tell; he saved it from scholastic decrepitude, opened before the orthodox Moslem the possibility of a life hid in God, was persecuted in his life as a heretic, and now ranks as the greatest doctor of the Moslem Church."

To understand the importance of Al-Ghazali and of his teaching we must transport ourselves to the time in which he lived. We cannot understand a man unless we know his environment. Biography is only a thread in the vast web of h


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 istory, in which time is broad as well as long. Al-Ghazali belongs to the small company of torch bearers in the Dark Ages.

He was born at Tus, in Khorasan, Persia, in the year 1058 A. D., and died in 1111 A. D. When Al-Ghazali was born Togrul Bey had just taken Bagdad, Henry IV was Emperor, Nicholas II was Pope, the Norman conquest had just begun in the west, and Asia Minor was overrun by the Turks in the Near East. Among Al-Ghazali’s other contemporaries in the west were Hildebrand the Pope, Abelard, Bernard, Anselm, and Peter the Hermit. About the time he wrote his greatest work, God frey of Bouillon was King of Jerusalem. Al-Ghazali was struggling with the problem of Islam in its relation to the human heart thirsting for God, about two hundred years after Al-Kindi had written his remarkable apology for the Christian faith at the court of Haroun-ar-Rashid and two hundred years before Raymond Lull laid down his life a martyr in North Africa.

The condition of the Moslem world had utterly changed since the days when Busrah with its rival city Kufa were dominated by the victorious Arabs of Omar's Caliphate. The Abbasside Caliphs of the eleventh century were almost as much the shadows of former power as the Emperors of the East; they retained little more than their religious supremacy. Togrul Bey, the grandson of Seljuk, had been confirmed by the powerless Caliph Al-


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 Qa im bi-amr Allah, in all his conquests, loaded with honours, saluted as King of the East and West, and endowed with the hand of the Caliph's daughter. In the next reign, that of Al-Muqtadi, the Seljuk Turks captured Jerusalem.

"About the year 1000," says Noldeke "Islam was in a very bad way. The Abbasside Caliphate had long ceased to be of any importance, the power of the Arabs had long ago been broken. There was a multitude of Islamite States, great and small; but even the most powerful of these, that of the Fatirnids, was very far from being able to give solidity to the whole, especially as it was Shi'ite.

"...These nomads (the Turks) caused dreadful devastation, trampled to the ground the flourishing civilization of vast territories, and contributed almost nothing to the culture of the human race; but they mightily strengthened the religion of Mohammed. The rude Turks took up with zeal the faith which was just within reach of their intellectual powers, and they became its true, often fanatical, champions against the outside world. They founded the powerful empire of the Seljuks, and conquered new regions for Islam in the northwest. After the downfall of the Seljuk empire they still continued to be the ruling people in all its older portions. Had not the warlike character of Islam been revived by the Turks, the Crusaders perhaps might have had some prospect of more enduring success."
 * "Sketches from Eastern History," Theodore Noldeke. London, 1892, p. 98.


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Togrul Bey was invested with the title of Sultan in the royal city of Nishapur, A. D. 1038. Accord ing to Gibbon, he was the " father of his soldiers and of his people. By a firm and equal administration Persia was relieved from the evils of an archy; and the same hands which had been imbrued in blood became the guardians of justice and the public peace. The more rustic, perhaps the wisest, portion of the Turkmans continued to dwell in the tents of their ancestors; and, from the Oxus to the Euphrates, these military colonies were protected and propagated by their native princes. But the Turks of the court and city were refined by busi ness and softened by pleasure: they imitated the dress, language, and manners of Persia; and the royal palaces of Nishapur and Rei displayed the order and magnificence of a great monarchy. The most deserving of the Arabians and Persians were promoted to the honours of the state; and the whole body of the Turkish nation embraced with fervour and sincerity the religion of Mahomet."

The first of the great Seljuk Sultans was conspicuous by his zeal for the Moslem faith. He spent much time in prayer, and in every city which he conquered built new mosques. By force of arms he delivered the Caliph of Bagdad at the head of an irresistible force and taught the people " Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire."


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 of Mosul and Bagdad the lesson of obedience. Rescued from his enemies, the alliance between the Caliph and the Sultan was cemented by the marriage of Togrul's sister with the successor of the Prophet. In 1063 Togrul died and his nephew Alp Arslan succeeded him. His name, therefore, was pronounced after that of the Caliph in public prayer by all the Moslems of the Near East.

The character of his rule Gibbon gives us in a sentence: "The myriads of Turkish horse over spread a frontier of 600 miles from Taurus to Erzeroum, and the blood of 136,000 Christians was a grateful sacrifice to the Arabian prophet." The " valiant lion," for that is the significance of his name, displayed at once the fierceness and gener osity of a typical Oriental ruler. Christians suf fered dreadful persecution. Enemies were assas sinated; but the learned, the rich, and the favoured were lavishly rewarded. Arslan was a valiant warrior of the faith and as eager for the battle field as those whom Moore describes:—

Armenia was laid waste in the crudest manner


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 when the capital was taken on June 6, 1064. We are told that "human blood flowed in torrents, and so great was the carnage, that the streets were literally choked up with dead bodies; and the waters of the river were reddened from the quantity of bloody corpses." The wealthy inhabitants were tortured, the churches pillaged, and the priests flayed alive. Al-Ghazali was then six years old.

In 1072 Alp Arslan was assassinated. His eldest son, Malek Shah, succeeded him. He extended the conquests of his father beyond the Oxus as far as Bokhara and Samarkand, until his name was inserted on the coins and in the prayers of the Tartar kingdom on the borders of China. " From the Chinese frontiers, he stretched his immediate jurisdiction or feudatory sway to the west and south, as far as the mountains of Georgia, the neighbourhood of Constantinople, the holy city of Jerusalem, and the spicy groves of Arabia Felix. Instead of resigning himself to the luxury of the harem, the shepherd king, both in peace and war, was in action in the field."

Nizam Al-Mulk was his vizier, and it is largely due to his influence that the study of science and literature revived to such a remarkable degree. The calendar was reformed, schools and colleges erected, and the learned competed with each other for the favour of royalty. For thirty years Nizam Al-Mulk was honoured by the Caliph as the very oracle of religion and science. But at the age of


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 ninety-three, the venerable statesman, to whom, as we shall see later, Al-Ghazali owed so much, was dismissed by his master, accused by his enemies, and murdered by a fanatic. The last words of Nizam attested his innocence, and the remainder of Malek’s life was short and inglorious.

The Arabic language had become dominant everywhere. Its vocabulary had leavened the whole lump of languages in the Near East. Every race with which the Arabs came in contact was more or less Arabized. " The extent of this influence," says Chenery, " may be perceived by comparing the Persian of Firdausi with that of Sa'di.

The language of the former, who flourished in the early part of our eleventh century, is tolerably pure, while the Gulistan, which was produced some two hundred and fifty years later, is in some places little more than a piecing together of Arabic words with a cement of the original tongue. It is to be noticed, also, that the latter author introduces continually Arabic verses, as the highest ornaments of his work, and assumes that his readers are acquainted with this classic and sacred tongue."

Trade routes extended everywhere. There was intercourse with India and China on the east, as well as with the Spice Islands, so called, of Malaysia. Caravans carried trade across the whole of Central Asia and Northern Arabia to the emporiums


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'''116 six branches that extended from the lampstand.

And on the lampstand were four cups shaped like almond blossoms with buds and petals. A bud was under the first pair of branches that extended from the lampstand, a bud under the second pair, and a bud under the third pair. The buds and branches were all of one piece with the lampstand, hammered out of pure gold.

He also made its seven lamps, its wick trimmers, and trays of pure gold. He made the lampstand and all its utensils from a talent of pure gold.

The Altar of Incense (Exodus 30:1–10)

He made the altar of incense out of acacia wood. It was square, a cubit long, a cubit wide, and two cubits high. Its horns were of one piece. And he overlaid with pure gold the top and all the sides and horns. Then he made a molding of gold around it.

He made two gold rings below the molding on opposite sides to hold the poles used to carry it. And he made the poles of acacia wood and overlaid them with gold.

He also made the sacred anointing oil and the pure, fragrant incense, the work of a perfumer. The Bronze Altar (Exodus 27:1–8)

Bezalel constructed the altar of burnt offering from acacia wood. It was square, five cubits long, five cubits wide, and three cubits high. He made a horn at each of its four corners, so that the horns and altar were of one piece, and he overlaid the altar with bronze.

He made all the altar’s utensils of bronze—its pots, shovels, sprinkling bowls, meat forks, and firepans. He made a grate of bronze mesh for the altar under its ledge, halfway up from the bottom.

At the four corners of the bronze grate he cast four rings as holders for the poles. And he made the poles of acacia wood and overlaid them with bronze. Then he inserted the poles into the rings on the sides of the altar for carrying it. He made the altar with boards so that it was hollow.

The Bronze Basin (Exodus 30:17-21)

Next he made the bronze basin and its stand from the mirrors of the women who served at the entrance to the Tent of Meeting.

The Courtyard (Exodus 27:9–19)

Then he constructed the courtyard. The south side of the courtyard was a hundred cubits long and had curtains of finely spun linen, with twenty posts and twenty bronze bases, and with silver hooks and bands on the posts. The north side was also a hundred cubits long, with twenty posts and twenty bronze bases. The hooks and bands of the posts were silver. The west side was fifty cubits long and had curtains, with ten posts and ten bases. The hooks and bands of the posts were silver. And the east side, toward the sunrise, was also fifty cubits long.


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'''Exodus 39:3  The curtains on one side of the entrance were fifteen cubits long, with three posts and three bases. And the curtains on the other side were also fifteen cubits long, with three posts and three bases as well. All the curtains around the courtyard were made of finely spun linen. The bases for the posts were bronze, the hooks and bands were silver, and the plating for the tops of the posts was silver. So all the posts of the courtyard were banded with silver.

The curtain for the entrance to the courtyard was embroidered with blue, purple, and scarlet yarn, and finely spun linen. It was twenty cubits long and, like the curtains of the courtyard, five cubits high, with four posts and four bronze bases. Their hooks were silver, as well as the bands and the plating of their tops. All the tent pegs for the tabernacle and for the surrounding courtyard were bronze.

An Inventory of Materials (Ezra 2:68–70; Nehemiah 7:70–73)

This is the inventory for the tabernacle, the tabernacle of the Testimony, as recorded at Moses’ command by the Levites under the direction of Ithamar son of Aaron the priest. Bezalel son of Uri, the son of Hur, of the tribe of Judah, made everything that the LORD had commanded Moses. With him was Oholiab son of Ahisamach, of the tribe of Dan, an engraver, designer, and embroiderer in blue, purple, and scarlet yarn and fine linen.

All the gold from the wave offering used for the work on the sanctuary totaled 29 talents and 730 shekels, according to the sanctuary shekel.

The silver from those numbered among the congregation totaled 100 talents and 1,775 shekels, according to the sanctuary shekel— a beka per person, that is, half a shekel, according to the sanctuary shekel, from everyone twenty years of age or older who had crossed over to be numbered, a total of 603,550 men.

The hundred talents of silver were used to cast the bases of the sanctuary and the bases of the veil—100 bases from the 100 talents, one talent per base.

With the 1,775 shekels of silver he made the hooks for the posts, overlaid their tops, and supplied bands for them.

The bronze from the wave offering totaled 70 talents and 2,400 shekels. He used it to make the bases for the entrance to the Tent of Meeting, the bronze altar and its bronze grating, all the utensils for the altar, the bases for the surrounding courtyard and its gate, and all the tent pegs for the tabernacle and its surrounding courtyard. The Ephod (Exodus 28:6–14)

From the blue, purple, and scarlet yarn they made specially woven garments for ministry in the sanctuary, as well as the holy garments for Aaron, just as the LORD had commanded Moses.

Bezalel made the ephod of finely spun linen embroidered with gold, and with blue, purple, and scarlet yarn. They hammered out thin sheets of gold and cut threads from them to interweave with the blue, purple, and scarlet yarn, and fine linen—the work of a skilled


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'''118 craftsman. They made shoulder pieces for the ephod, which were attached at two of its corners, so it could be fastened. And the skillfully woven waistband of the ephod was of one piece with the ephod, of the same workmanship—with gold, with blue, purple, and scarlet yarn, and with finely spun linen, just as the LORD had commanded Moses.

They mounted the onyx stones in gold filigree settings, engraved like a seal with the names of the sons of Israel. Then they fastened them on the shoulder pieces of the ephod as memorial stones for the sons of Israel, as the LORD had commanded Moses.

The Breastpiece (Exodus 28:15–30)

He made the breastpiece with the same workmanship as the ephod, with gold, with blue, purple, and scarlet yarn, and with finely spun linen. It was square when folded over double, a span long and a span wide.

And they mounted on it four rows of gemstones:

These stones were mounted in gold filigree settings.

The twelve stones corresponded to the names of the sons of Israel. Each stone was engraved like a seal with the name of one of the twelve tribes.

For the breastpiece they made braided chains like cords of pure gold. They also made two gold filigree settings and two gold rings, and fastened the two rings to the two corners of the breastpiece. Then they fastened the two gold chains to the two gold rings at the corners of the breastpiece, and they fastened the other ends of the two chains to the two filigree settings, attaching them to the shoulder pieces of the ephod at the front.

They made two more gold rings and attached them to the other two corners of the breastpiece, on the inside edge next to the ephod.

They made two additional gold rings and attached them to the bottom of the two shoulder pieces of the ephod, on its front, near the seam just above its woven waistband. Then they tied the rings of the breastpiece to the rings of the ephod with a cord of blue yarn, so that the breastpiece was above the waistband of the ephod and would not swing out from the ephod, just as the LORD had commanded Moses.

Additional Priestly Garments (Exodus 28:31–43)

They made the robe of the ephod entirely of blue cloth, the work of a weaver, with an opening in the center of the robe like that of a garment, with a collar around the opening so that it would not tear.

They made pomegranates of blue, purple, and scarlet yarn and finely spun linen on the lower hem of the robe. They also made bells of pure gold and attached them around the hem between the pomegranates, alternating the bells and pomegranates around the lower hem of the robe to be worn for ministry, just as the LORD had commanded Moses.


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'''Exodus 40:10  For Aaron and his sons they made tunics of fine linen, the work of a weaver, as well as the turban of fine linen, the ornate headbands and undergarments of finely spun linen, and the sash of finely spun linen, embroidered with blue, purple, and scarlet yarn, just as the LORD had commanded Moses.

They also made the plate of the holy crown of pure gold, and they engraved on it, like an inscription on a seal:

Then they fastened to it a blue cord to mount it on the turban, just as the LORD had commanded Moses.

Moses Approves the Work

So all the work for the tabernacle, the Tent of Meeting, was completed. The Israelites did everything just as the LORD had commanded Moses.

Then they brought the tabernacle to Moses:

The Israelites had done all the work just as the LORD had commanded Moses. And Moses inspected all the work and saw that they had accomplished it just as the LORD had commanded. So Moses blessed them. Setting Up the Tabernacle (Acts 7:44–47; Hebrews 9:1–10)

Then the LORD said to Moses, “On the first day of the first month you are to set up the tabernacle, the Tent of Meeting. Put the ark of the Testimony in it and screen off the ark with the veil. Then bring in the table and set out its arrangement; bring in the lampstand as well, and set up its lamps.

Place the gold altar of incense in front of the ark of the Testimony, and hang the curtain at the entrance to the tabernacle. Place the altar of burnt offering in front of the entrance to the tabernacle, the Tent of Meeting. And place the basin between the Tent of Meeting and the altar, and put water in it.

Set up the surrounding courtyard and hang the curtain for the entrance to the courtyard.

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'''120 utensils; consecrate the altar, and it shall be most holy. Anoint the basin and its stand and consecrate them.

Then bring Aaron and his sons to the entrance to the Tent of Meeting and wash them with water. And you are to clothe Aaron with the holy garments, anoint him, and consecrate him, so that he may serve Me as a priest. Bring his sons forward and clothe them with tunics. Anoint them just as you anointed their father, so that they may also serve Me as priests. Their anointing will qualify them for a permanent priesthood throughout their generations.”

Moses did everything just as the LORD had commanded him. So the tabernacle was set up on the first day of the first month of the second year.

When Moses set up the tabernacle, he laid its bases, positioned its frames, inserted its crossbars, and set up its posts. Then he spread the tent over the tabernacle and put the covering over the tent, just as the LORD had commanded him.

Moses took the Testimony and placed it in the ark, attaching the poles to the ark; and he set the mercy seat atop the ark. Then he brought the ark into the tabernacle, put up the veil for the screen, and shielded off the ark of the Testimony, just as the LORD had commanded him.

Moses placed the table in the Tent of Meeting on the north side of the tabernacle, outside the veil. He arranged the bread on it before the LORD, just as the LORD had commanded him.

He also placed the lampstand in the Tent of Meeting opposite the table on the south side of the tabernacle and set up the lamps before the LORD, just as the LORD had commanded him.

Moses placed the gold altar in the Tent of Meeting, in front of the veil, and he burned fragrant incense on it, just as the LORD had commanded him. Then he put up the curtain at the entrance to the tabernacle. He placed the altar of burnt offering near the entrance to the tabernacle, the Tent of Meeting, and offered on it the burnt offering and the grain offering, just as the LORD had commanded him.

He placed the basin between the Tent of Meeting and the altar and put water in it for washing; and from it Moses, Aaron, and his sons washed their hands and feet. They washed whenever they entered the Tent of Meeting or approached the altar, just as the LORD had commanded Moses.

And Moses set up the courtyard around the tabernacle and the altar, and he hung the curtain for the entrance to the courtyard. So Moses finished the work.

The Cloud and the Glory (Numbers 9:15–23)

Then the cloud covered the Tent of Meeting, and the glory of the LORD filled the tabernacle. Moses was unable to enter the Tent of Meeting because the cloud had settled on it, and the glory of the LORD filled the tabernacle.

Whenever the cloud was lifted from above the tabernacle, the Israelites would set out through all the stages of their journey. If the cloud was not lifted, they would not set out until the day it was taken up. For the cloud of the LORD was over the tabernacle by day, and fire was in the cloud by night, in the sight of all the house of Israel through all their journeys.


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 ena of contrast and end-effect (,, , p. 546; , , , p. 567) due to field factors aforementioned. The manner of using the masks is indicated later.

The $$R$$ form of the ratio method here involved the direct comparison of several samples with respect to a given attribute while the $$R'$$ or difference-ratio form called for the comparison of the attributive differences between samples. Thus, in the one case the observer asked himself, “How much does each of these colors differ in this attribute from my chosen standard?” And in the other case, “How much do the attributive intervals between these various pairs of adjacent colors differ from my standard interval?” In both cases, the estimates of the departures from the standards were recorded in vectorial notation. The record forms used by the observers are shown in and are similar in shape and pattern to the color charts themselves.

The observers were instructed to represent their estimates of the kinds and degrees of departure by drawing vectors of appropriate directions and proportionate lengths. Outlines of the prescribed procedure for estimating hue, saturation and lightness differences are as follows.

Hue differences were estimated from the constant-value charts. The series of samples in a given radius of constant Munsell hue was isolated by masking the remainder of the chart, and the series was then examined for variations in hue. If such were observed, the effort was made to estimate a representative or average hue and indicate departures therefrom by tangential vector notation ($$R'$$ form). The same procedure was followed in turn for each radius of constant Munsell hue on the chart. Next, the hue spacings of the hue radii considered as wholes were examined, and if the hue differences seemed unequal, a tangential vector of length proportional to the estimated adjustment required was affixed to the end of the radius (R’ form).

Saturation differences, like hue differences, were estimated from the constant-value charts. The samples in a given constant-chroma ring were masked off, and the subject looked them over in an effort to select a sample of representative chroma to serve as standard. Any sample


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28

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1

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pp. 30ff.

It is worth noticing that, at the Synod of St.Wenceslas' Day, A.D.1418, the principle of just war and limited violence was upheld and that, even after the reversal of the position in 1419, a Hussite priest Jan Z̄elivsky̍, was defending Chelc̄icky̍'s absolutist position. F. Bartos̄ "K poc̄a̍tkūm Petra Chelc̄icke̍ho," (The Beginnings of Peter Chelc̄icky̍),, Prague, vol.II, p.154.

Spinka, "Peter Chelc̄icky̍, the Spiritual Father of the Unitas Fratrum,", vol.XII, no.4 (December 1943), p.276.

Bartos̄,, p.155.

Holinka, ed.,, Prague: Melantrich, 1940, p.27.

p.22 et seq.

He went there together with Brother Lucas, a theologian later connected with the Unity.

Bartoš,, p.156.

i.e. the 4 essences of the Divine Body of the eucharist (corpus Christi, , ,).

Bartos̄,, p. 156.

a Taborite theologian, priest of Z̄atec, friend of Payne.

Bartos̄, p. 157.

Probably his ,

Concerning the dating, Bartos̄,, pp.149–160; Goll, "Petr Chelc̄icky̍ a jeho spisy," (P.C. and His Works), , 1881, p.12–13, same author, , II, p.65; Yastrebov, , 1908, p.185–195.

.

From the, quoted by Bartos̄, , p. 152f.

, p. 153,. Palacky̍,, p.234.

His official title was "Omnium heresum et precipue Viclefistice et Picardice heresis sollicitus persecutor," Bartos̄,, p.150.

Palacky̍,, p.227; Cardinal Aeneas Silvius, later Pope Pius II, called Nicholas "a man full of evil days."

p.42f.

Written A.D.1434.

Especially, (About the Seven Sacraments).

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 which seemed to differ in chroma from the standard was then evaluated in terms of it, and a suitable radial vector was drawn to indicate the displacement ($$R$$ form). Subsequently, the masks were removed, and the radii of constant Munsell hue were examined for irregularities in the size of the saturation steps between adjacent colors. After selection of a representative saturation step, each of the other steps could be evaluated in terms of it ($$R'$$ form).

Saturation differences were estimated again, this time from the constant-hue charts. A constant-chroma column was masked off, and the $$R$$ form applied. After each column had been so studied, the masks were removed, and the equality of the chroma steps checked by the $$R'$$ form. Incidentally, most subjects found the applications of the $$R'$$ form to saturation the most difficult part of the entire procedure.

Lightness differences were also estimated from the constant-hue charts. Rows of constant Munsell value were masked off and deviations in lightness of each sample from the average lightness of the row were evaluated by the $$R$$ form, after which the masks were removed, and the size of the lightness difference between successive constant-value rows was estimated by the $$R'$$ procedure. These estimates were recorded numerically as the ratio of the actual size to the average size of value step. It will be noted that two color attributes were estimated from both types of chart, and it frequently happened that two vectors, each for a different attribute, had to be recorded for a single sample. If, for a sample on a constant-value chart, a radial vector had been drawn already to indicate a chroma deviation, the tangential vector to indicate a hue deviation would be started from the end or arrow-head of the radial vector. Thus the resultant of the two vectors would be indicated by the position of the final arrow-head, and would represent the difference between the 1929 Munsell notation of the sample and that estimated by the observer to indicate the color. In case of constant-hue charts an analogous combination of horizontal and vertical vectors would be required to record combined saturation and lightness deviations.

Complications

The unusual difficulties of the judgmental situation justify some account of the special problems reported by the observers.

(A) There was the problem of complex chromatic comparisons forcing, as it does, the abstraction of the attribute to be estimated. Attributive abstraction is peculiarly difficult in cases of strong association; for instance, when saturation is the judged attribute, hue being constant and lightness variable, there is a strong tendency to estimate darker colors as of higher saturation. This relation is often found in everyday life. A familiar related problem is that of comparing the lightness of colors differing in hue. A similar difficulty, especially for unsophisticated subjects, is that of comparing chromatic and achromatic colors in respect to lightness. The untrained observer usually perceives chromatic samples as lighter relative to achromatic samples than does the trained observer. Inspection of data from the constant-hue charts revealed the interesting fact that the vectorial lightness indications for the chromatic samples were rarely downward. The indication was usually that the chromatic sample seemed too light relative to the achromatic sample of the same Munsell value. (B) Observers making estimates of saturation difference by the $$R'$$ method reported greater facility when all colors departed definitely from neutral gray than when one of the colors was perceived as gray. The trouble seemed to be that a first step extending from zero saturation appeared as a qualitative step and so tended to give the impression of an infinite quantitative step. The second step was, on the other hand, a definitely limited quantitative step. Seven of the observers made a written memorandum to the effect that the first step was or seemed definitely too great.

Possibly related to this was a certain change of attitude correlated with presence or absence of gray. When observing saturation differences from gray some observers reported that they “just look for any difference” whereas between two chromatic colors of the same hue they think more definitely in terms of saturation. Such a change of attitude might be expected to occur on the basis of least effort. Looking for a mere difference


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 would be easier when the detection of saturation was difficult, whereas looking for a saturation difference would be easier when both colors are saturated to an obvious degree.

(C) The long recognized difficulties of spatial and temporal separation of compared samples were evidently present in this study where widely separated parts of a chart so often must be compared. Contrast and end-effects due to proximity of samples and terminal positions have already been mentioned.

(D) Finally, the visual estimates of the colors were all made with the samples in the regular positions and patterns of the Munsell system. This condition in itself would serve as a resistance to change. The untrained subject, or even the trained subject in a doubtful case, would tend to be affected or guided by the system ; therefore, slight adjustments were probably not made and larger adjustments may not have been great enough. Still, this resistance to change might be considered advantageous in the sense of producing conservative estimates of the revisions required.

In the face of all of these difficulties what did the observers actually do? Only the more typical tendencies can be mentioned here. (a) The series of colors, or color differences, to be judged was first surveyed as a whole and the observer essayed a decision with respect to rank order for the attribute in question. Often no progressive graduation was found; and instead of arriving at an order, the observer was able to identify a few extreme colors and a number which seemed about equal with respect to the attribute in question. (b) After some such preliminary survey, the observer might proceed to the assignment of vectors. A common practice was to draw in vectors representing the more extreme displacements first, and then, partly on the basis of those, to fill in the shorter vectors indicating the lesser irregularities. (c) There was the tendency to "carry" a standard subjectively even though some particular perceptual standard had been chosen. Occasionally, the subject might refer to the standard sample for verification, but would often make many comparisons without doing so.

This "absolute" procedure (, p. 205; 84) and the ranking procedure (, p. 244; 81) mentioned above were both hit upon by many subjects without instruction, probably because they facilitated the subject's difficult task. Certainly it is easier to decide which of two sensory magnitudes is greater than to estimate how much greater; and it is sometimes easier when making numerous comparisons to carry a subjective standard than to refer back each time to a perceptual one.

Evidently, it would be a mistake to conclude that the ratio method has been applied to the spacing problem in anything like pure form. The actual procedure was so complex that if the ratio method were not pointed out it might pass unrecognized. An advantage of the complicated instructions is that they call for so thorough an examination of the charts that marked irregularities in spacing can scarcely be overlooked.

Observers

Since there were 7 constant-value charts and 20 constant-hue charts used in the survey, and since each of these 27 charts was prepared with the three backgrounds, a total of 81 charts were to be examined, each chart requiring about 100 judgments. The task was exacting, and those observers who returned complete sets of data from observation of the constant-value charts, the constant-hue charts, or both, usually took a year or more to do so. Without substantial contributions of this character, the successful completion of the investigation would have been impossible.

Data were received from forty-one subjects. Complete or nearly complete returns were secured from the following: W. H. Beck, Marion Belknap, B. R. Bellamy,, , , , Loraine Fawcett, , , Paul Henry, M. M. Jackson, D. B. Judd, K. L. Kelly, , S. M. Newhall, Dorothy Nickerson, R. W. Russell, Walter Scott, , W. T. Spry, , Irving Taylor, J. Weitz. Partial or supplementary observations which were summarized with the others were furnished by the following: Genevieve Becker, H. P. Gage, S. R. Gilmore, I. H. Godlove, G. W. Haupt, R. S. Hunter, H. E. Hussong, L. A. Jones, E. M. Lowry, Alexander Murray, P. Nutting, M. R. Paul, F. H. Rahr,R. H. Sawyer, Albert Smith, W. B. VanArsdel, K. S. Weaver.


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Talk:Artemis Accords

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86

R. Holinka,, p.21; Emil Smeta̍nka, ed., , Prague, 2nd ed., 1929, p.vii; concerning the dating, Goll in , 1881, p.16, and, by the same author, , vol.II, p.68 (Prague, 1882); a clue to the dating is found in the  (here after referred to as ), chap.XIV, p.76* ("for the squires would like to have a foreign king, a rich German, who would add alien countries to his own").

Spinka,, p.289.

,I,chap.XIV, p.74*.

Straub and Keller,, pl.xxiv, quoted by Emile Māle,.

Canst thou draw out Leviathan with an hook? or his tongue with a cord which thou lettest down? Canst thou put an hook into his nose? or bore his jaw through with a thorn?

Migne, ed., "Patrologiae cursus completus," vol.76:, col.489.

Migne, ed., "Patrologiae" vol.133:, p.490,D: Sed Leviathan iste hamo captus est, quia in redemptore nostro dum per satellites suos escam corporis momordit, divinitatis illum aculeus perforavit. Hujus hami linea Christi est genealogia. Sicut per nares insidiae, ita per circulum divinae virtutis omnipotentia designatur

Migne, ed., "Patrologiae" vol.164: ,, p.685.

"Le̍viathan, le monstre qui nage dans la mer du monde, c'est Satan. Dieu a lance̍ la ligne dans cette mer. La corde de la ligne, c'est la divinite̍ humaine du Christ; le fer de l'hameçon, c'est la divinite̍ de Je̍sus-Christ; l'appāt, c'est son humanite̍. Attire̍ par l'odeur de la chair, Le̍viathan veut le saisir, mais l'hameçon lui de̍chire la māchoire. (Quoted in the great work on medieval art,, by Emile Māle, Paris: Armand Colin, 6th ed., 1925, pp.384 et sqq. Coulton remarks that this symbolism is one of the medieval methods of explaining the Atonement to the popular mind, and that it ranks side by side with that other simile, immortalized by the great schoolman Peter Lombard (.III, dist.xix, a), that God made a mouse-trap for the devil and baited it with Christ's human flesh. (G.G.Coulton, , New York, Knopf, 1928, p.298).

Cf. F.M.Bartos̄, (Seeking of the Essence of Christianity in the Czech Reformation), Prague: Kalich, 1939, p.4, n.9.

. NF, I, chap.XXII, pp.117f, n.9.

306–337.

314–336.

R.G.D. Laffan,, London: 1930, vol.I, pp.4–5. The legend of the Donation was pictorialized about A.D.1250 in ten murals of the oratory of St.Sylvester near the Church of Santi Quattro, Incoronati on Monte Celio, Rome. (Cf., Rome, 1889, p.162).

The Pseudo-Isidorian Decretals consist of two parts; the first part contains about 60 epistles of popes, beginning with St.Clement (cca.A.D.95) and ending with Melchiades (314) (., I, chap.XV, p.89*), and for the most part professedly addressed to all the bishops of the Church Universal. The epistles ascribed to Clement are ancient forgeries, and the remainder of the decretals are false documents issuing from the school of Boniface in Metz, and were first published by one Isidore Mercator, cca.A.D.850, being at once accepted in Rome and made part of the body of the pontifical law. (Littledale,, London: 1889, p.347).The second part consists of papal decrees of the period between Sylvester I ( 314–336) and Gregory II ( 715–731) of which 39 are spurious, and of the acts of several councils which are quite unauthentic. It opens with the Donation of Constantine, the most famous of all these forgeries, parts of which was quoted in the text above.

., I, p.43* , chaps. XIV,XV,XVI–XXIII, p.99*, p.117*, n.9 (the Waldensian version),

Rinaldi records ( IX, p.145), that Emperor Sigismund of the Constance Council fame, was crowned Emperor by Pope Eugenius IV only after he had re-confirmed and ratified the Donation of Constantine.

Nicholas of Cusa,, A.D.1435,. Girolamo Mancini,, Firenze, 1891, pp.145ff). Another clergyman who doubted the authenticity of these documents was Reginald Pecock, the Bishop of St.Asaph, who wrote in 1444 (reprinted in London in 1860,. p.350–366); . also Marsilius of Padua,, dictio II, cap.11; Dante: , III, 10.

1405–1457. Of course, Valla had immediately many enemies who wrote against his discoveries, but in vain (e.g. Antonio Cortesi di Pavia,, etc.). It is significant, however, that Valla's discovery was reluctantly recognized as valid by the Church of Rome only 430 years later, on September 20, 1870! (Cf. Mancini,, p. 157).

A.D.313. Again, legend has it that Constantine granted the Edict of Toleration to the Christians after his miraculous victory at the Milvian Bridge.

Lewis Mumford,, New York: Harcourt, Brace & Co., 1944, p.70.

The was written  1440–1443 and the  in 1440. This represents another example of the phenomenon which Toynbee calls "simultaneous pluralistic creation" (, vol.III, p.238). If we tried to explain this incident on the basis of Toynbee's interpretation of history as and  we might say that the challenge presented by the bankruptcy of official Christendom to the stricken and stunned population of the nations of the Holy Roman Empire was taken up by these two men; both men were launched by their parents on the conventional career of their society and class and generation; both showed their creative genius in rebelling against the outworn convention. Both brought their genius to fruition by : Valla by leaving Rome and going to Pavia and Florence; Chelc̄icky̍ by leaving Prague and the Taborites and going to the hamlet of Chelc̄ice. In their retreat they disentangled themselves from the trammels of society in order to in due course with a new moral power, and a new practical policy for dealing with a new state of affairs to which the old order had no application. . Toynbee's chapter "Analysis of Growth,", vol. III, pp.217–377.

, I, chap.XXIII, p.122*, ;. Peter Kropotkin,, New York: Vanguard Press, 1927, p.17.

, I, chap. XXXV, p.157*, (Judges 8: 22–23).

, I, chaps.XXVII (p.132*) and XC (p.253* f.); 1-Sam.8:4–20 and 12:18–19.

Chap. XXVII, p.132*; also pp.167*, 250*.

Chap.XXIX, p.138*; Hos. 13:9–11; pp. 207*, 267*.

Chap. XXXV, p.156*; 1-Ki.12:11.

Chap. LX, p.205*

Chap. XL, p.169*

, I, chap.XLVI, p.183*

Chap.XXXIV, p.153*.

Chap.XXX,.

Chap.XXIX, p.137*.

Chap.XXXVI, p.159*

. p.160*, n.2, and p.142*, n.7.

, I, chap.XIV, p.75*

Chap.XXX, p.143*; cf.pp. 154*, 156*, 158*, 161*, 250*.

Chap.XXXIV, p.154*.

Chap.XLV, p.178*.

Chap XXXVII, pp.164*–166*.

Chap.LXXXVIII, p.251*.

Chap.XCI, p.256*

Chap LXXXIII, p.245*.

, I, chap.XXIX, p. 137*.

Chap.XXVI, p. 129*.

Chap.XCV, p. 265*.

Chap.XLIX, p. 187*.

Chap.XXXIV, p. 153*

Chap. XIV, p.83*.

Chap. XXIX, p.136*.

Chap. XXIX, p.138*f.

Chap. XI, p.57*.

Chap. XI, p.58*

Chap. XXXIV, p.153*.

Chap. XXXIV, p.153*.

Chap. II, p.14*.

Chap. II, p.16*.

Chaps.VI–XII, 32*–62*.

, pp.59–65.

pp.56,63,74*,112*.

Chap.XXVIII,p.135*.

Chap.XXX, p.142*

Chap.XXX, p.142*.

Chap.XVII, p.93*.

p.95*.

Chap.XLCXLV [sic], p.179*.

A.D. 1431–1449.

Chaps. XIII–XVIII, LXVIII–LXXII, LXXVII–LXXX.

Chap.XIII, p.70*

Chap.XIII, p.63*,n.1.

Chap.LXVIII, p.214*,n.1.

Chaps.LXVIII & LXXVII.

Chap.LXXVII, p.230*f.

Chap.LXXVII, p.231*.

Chap LXXVIII, p.233*f.

Chap. 76, p.229*

Chap.XL, p.170*.

Chap.XL, .169*

pp.142*, 192*.

pp.75*, 202*, 212*.

p.196*.

Chap.XCI, p.256*.

Chap.LXXIX, p.237*.

Chaps. XXX, XXVIII,.

Chap. XXX, p.140*.

Chap.XC, p.255*.

Chap XIV, p.80*.

Chap.XIV, p.80*.

Chap.XXXVII, p.165*f.

Chap.XXXVII, p.166*

../../Part 2/Section 8a.

Chap.VI, p.34*

37:165*.

Chap.XCV, p.266*

Chap.XXXVIII, p.167*.

Chap.XI, p.57*.

I:6.

Chap.LXXXII, p.244*.

Chap.LXXXI, p.243*.

Chap.XLVII, p.185*.

Chap.XIV, p.75*.

Chap VI, p.32*.

Chap.LV, p.194*

Chap.XXIII, p.123*.

Chap.LXXXIII, p.245*.

Chap.LV, p.194*.

../../Part 2/Section 10.

Chap.LV, p.195).

../../Part 2/Section 10.

Chap.XXXII, p.150*.

Chap.LXVIII, p.215*.

Chap LXX, p.220*.

Chap.XIV, p.83*.

Chap.LX, p.205*.

Chap.LVIII, p.201*

Chap.XV, p.89*.

Chap.XV, p.88*.

Chap.XXI, p.120*.

, I, chap.XXXIV, p.153.

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 All subjects were similar in that they had some interest in color and passed the Ishihara test for color blindness, but they differed widely in respect to the nature of their color interest and the character of their special training. In general they may be classified as follows: professional colorists in science or industry, 10; amateur or apprentice colorists, 8; professional physicists specialized or interested in color, 5; professional psychologists specially interested in color, 5; psychology students, 5; business executives with a broad or commercial interest in color, 3; specialists in dyes and pigments, 2; specialists in physiological optics, 2; graphic arts research, 1. There is much overlapping and this classification, like any other, is rather arbitrary.

The task of making visual estimates of colors and color differences is obviously a psychological one and the fact that one of our psychological observers, F. L. Dimmick, was opposed to the procedure as too demanding is duly noted. It should be noted, further, that the psychologists as a group were inevitably aware of numerous sources of error, technical imperfections, and general observational difficulty in the procedure. The various specific difficulties which seemed of any essential importance to the writer have been revealed in the preceding section on “complications.” Most of them appeared to bother the nonpsychological observers relatively little or not at all. But one of these, D. L.MacAdam, also objected on psychological grounds. The subcommittee is grateful to both of these subjects for carrying through their series of observations in spite of their objections.

The advantages of having such a diverse group of subjects are; first, that participation by a wide representation of the color-interested population yields correspondingly representative results and, second, tends toward wide application of results. A disadvantage of the fact that the data represent a heterogeneous sample of color-interested individuals is that they may not prove wholly satisfactory to any particular individual in the group. Lack of psychological training in scientific observation will tend to make the group results incorrect for the specialized sense-psychologist whose judgments in general might be assigned a higher validity than those of anyone else. Other observers would be more susceptible to the various recognized sources of error indicated in the section on “complications. Some of the sources of error are not even recognized by most of the untrained observers. These errors undoubtedly affect the results in ways not intended by the observers, but, on the other hand, they show various systematic tendencies which should correspond to the way the Munsell samples look to them. An example of the latter is the tendency to see chromatic colors as lighter than does the more experienced observer. As already indicated, there is something to be said for the view that what is really wanted here is a system of color which will seem right to the bulk of the population which will use it. Probably this population would never contain more than a minority who were specially trained in technical color observation. A desirable later step, perhaps, would be to produce a surface-color solid which would be as correct as the most rigorous technical training could make it. In the meantime, however, we shall hope to make some comparisons between results secured from sense-psychologists and conscientious colorists; possibly the differences in their results will not prove to be intolerably large after all.

Averaging the estimates

Representative visual determinations were computed for the hue, value, and chroma of each of the standard Munsell colors as perceived against each of the three experimental grounds. Each of these determinations is an average of the individual estimates of the participating observers. The averaging procedure included two principal steps: (a) summarization of all of the available data, and (b) computation from the summary of the arithmetical means of hue, value, and chroma. A detailed description of these two principal steps is given below.

(a) The original vectorial records entered by the observers in the data sheets, of the form already illustrated in, were summarized on sheets of the form illustrated in. In this particular form, which was used in conjunction with the constant-value charts, the hori


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 the main conception of the work, but the scenery, the appliances, the mechanism by which this conception is brought home to us, have been put through the crucible of another man's mind, and come out again, one and all, in the form of written words. With the loss of every degree of such realism as we have described, there is for art a clear gain of liberty and largeness of competence. Thus, painting, in which the round outlines of things are thrown on to a flat board, is far more free than sculpture, in which their solidity is preserved. It is by giving up these identities that art gains true strength. And so in the case of novels as compared with the stage. Continuous narration is the flat board on to which the novelist throws everything. And from this there results for him a great loss of vividness, but a great compensating gain in his power over the subject; so that he can now subordinate one thing to another in importance, and introduce all manner of very subtle detail, to a degree that was before impossible. He can render just as easily the flourish of trumpets before a victorious emperor and the gossip of country market women, the gradual decay of forty years of a man's life and the gesture of a passionate moment. He finds himself equally unable, if he looks at it from one point of view—equally able, if he looks at it from another point of


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 view—to reproduce a colour, a sound, an outline, a logical argument, a physical action. He can show his readers, behind and around the personages that for the moment occupy the foreground of his story, the continual suggestion of the landscape; the turn of the weather that will turn with it men's lives and fortunes, dimly foreshadowed on the horizon; the fatality of distant events, the stream of national tendency, the salient framework of causation. And all this thrown upon the flat board—all this entering, naturally and smoothly, into the texture of continuous intelligent narration.

This touches the difference between Fielding and Scott. In the work of the latter, true to his character of a modern and a romantic, we become suddenly conscious of the background. Fielding, on the other hand, although he had recognised that the novel was nothing else than an epic in prose, wrote in the spirit not of the epic, but of the drama. This is not, of course, to say that the drama was in any way incapable of a regeneration similar in kind to that of which I am now speaking with regard to the novel. The notorious contrary fact is sufficient to guard the reader against such a misconstruction. All that is meant is, that Fielding remained ignorant of certain capabilities which the novel possesses over the drama; or, at least, neglected and did not develop


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 them. To the end he continued to see things as a playwright sees them. The world with which he dealt, the world he had realised for himself and sought to realise and set before his readers, was a world of exclusively human interest. As for landscape, he was content to underline stage directions, as it might be done in a play-book: Tom and Molly retire into a practicable wood. As for nationality and public sentiment, it is curious enough to think that Tom Jones is laid in the year forty-five, and that the only use he makes of the rebellion is to throw a troop of soldiers into his hero's way. It is most really important, however, to remark the change which has been introduced into the conception of character by the beginning of the romantic movement and the consequent introduction into fiction of a vast amount of new material. Fielding tells us as much as he thought necessary to account for the actions of his creatures; he thought that each of these actions could be decomposed on the spot into a few simple personal elements, as we decompose a force in a question of abstract dynamics. The larger motives are all unknown to him; he had not understood that the nature of the landscape or the spirit of the times could be for anything in a story; and so, naturally and rightly, he said nothing about them. But Scott's


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 it was not in my power to gild the hands of justice a second time, and I was committed for a whole year to the house of correction in the residence. Every lash of the goaler's whip gave new strength to my resentment, the separation from my mistress increased my passion, and I hastened on the wings of love and revenge to my native place, as soon as I had been set at liberty. I flew to Jenny, but was denied admittance and treated with scorn. The pinching want having subdued my pride and laziness, I offered my services to the rich, in the village, but nobody would employ a fellow who had been imprisoned in the house of correction."

"Pressed by hunger and dire necessity, and foiled in all my attempts at getting an honest livelihood, I renewed my depredations on the game, and was entrapt a third time through Robert's watchfulness. The repeated infringements on the game laws had aggravated my guilt; The judges


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 looked into the records of the law, but not into the heart of the transgressor, paid no regard to the plea of want and dire necessity, and sentenced me to have the mark of a gibbet burnt on my back, and to work three years in the fortifications."

"At the close of that term I recovered my liberty a second time, and here begins a new period of my life."

"I was entirely changed, having entered the fortress as a common transgressor, and left it as a consummate villain. I was not entirely divested of all sentiments of honor when I was confined; however the few remaining sparks of ambition were soon extinguished by ignominy, being confined in one room with twenty-three malefactors, two of whom were murderers, and all the rest famous thieves and vagabonds. I was laughed at, when mentioning the name of God, and urged every day to utter blasphemies against our Holy Redeemer! My


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 fellow prisoners sung obscene songs to me, which I could not hear without disgust and horror, and committed actions which I could not behold without blushing. Every day new rogueries were related, or wicked designs fabricated.

"At first I avoided the company of that abominable set of wretches as much as possible, hiding myself in the remotest corners of the prison; however, I wanted a companion in my solitude and the cruelty of my goaler had refused me even the poor consolation of taking my dog with me. My labour was hard and my health declining: I wanted assistance, and, to be sincere with you, I was in need of comfort, which, scanty as it was, I could not obtain without sacrificing the last remains of my conscience."

"Thus I used myself by degrees to hear without disgust, the most horrid language, and to behold without aversion, and at


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 length with secret pleasure, the most shocking actions; before the termination of my confinement I was superior in wickedness to my instructors in villany, and began to thirst with increasing impatience for liberty and revenge: I hated the whole human race, because every one of my fellow creatures was either happier or less wicked than myself; I fancied to be a martyr to the natural rights of man, and a victim of glaring injustice. I rubbed my chains against the wall in a fit of frenzy, grinding my teeth when the sun was rising behind the rock on which the fortress stood, and experienced with unutterable agony, what a hell an extensive view creates in the bosom of a prisoner."

"The free air whistling through the iron grates of my window, and the swallow perching on the massy bars, seemed to mock me with their liberty, and rendered my imprisonment more hateful and horrid to me. Seized with the burning fangs of


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 THE KOREAN WAR AND ITS AFTERMATH MacGregor, Blacks in the Military: Essential Documents (Wilmington, Del.; Scholarly Resources Inc., 1981), pp. 309–11; Ltr, TAG to CGs, Third and Fifth Armies, 9 Aug 51, sub: Change in Status of Certain General Reserve Units, AGAO-I 322 (26 Jul 51) G–1–M, 14th Inf file, DAMH-HSO; "FE Racial Integration Means New Names for 2 Regiments," Army Times, 4 Aug 52.

$27$ Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States, Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1954 (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office. 1960), pp. 121–25; Coakley et al., "Demobilization," pp. 8–9.

$28$ Coakley et al., "Demobilization," pp, 69–72, 85–87.

$29$ Eisenhower, Papers of the Presidents, 1953, pp. 860–61; Coakley et al., "Demobilization," pp. 28–29; "Induction and Release of Army National Guard Units," pp. 21–24. In 1952 General Mark W. Clark reorganized the Far East Command as a unified command with U.S. Army Forces, Far East, as the Army's element.

$30$ Ltr, TAG to CinC, U.S. Army, Europe, and CG, First Army, 7 Apr 54, sub: Change in Status of Certain Divisions, AGAO-I (M) 322 (2 Apr 54) G–1, 9th Inf Div file, Ltr, TAG to CGs, Third and Fifth Armies, 27 Apr 54, sub; Change in Status of Certain Divisions, AGAO-I (M) 322 (22 Apr 54) G–1, 8th Inf Div file, Ltr, TAG to CG, Fifth Army, 27 Apr 54, sub; Reorganization of the 10th Infantry Division, AGAO-I (M) 322 (22 Apr 54) G–1, 10th Inf Div file, Ltr, TAG to CG, First Army, 23 Apr 54, sub: Activation of the 69th Infantry Division (Training), AGAO-I (M) 322 (22 Apr 54) G-1, 69th Inf Div file, and Historical Data Cards for the 5th, 8th, 9th, 28th, 31st, 43d, and 69th Inf Divs and the 101st Abn Div, all DAMH-HSO.

$31$ Semiannal Report of the Secretary of Defense, 1954, pp. 56–57; Coakley et al., "Demobilization," pp. 39–43; Ltr, TAG to CG, Sixth Army, 27 Sep 54, sub: Reorganization of the 2d Infantry Division, AGAO-I (M) 322 (16 Sep 54) G–1, 2d Inf Div file, and Ltr, TAG to CG, Third Army, 27 Oct 54, sub: Reorganization of the 3d Infantry Division, AGAO-I (M) 322 (19 Oct 54) G–1, 3d Inf Div file, both DAMH-HSO; "Schofield Ready to Welcome 25th Division," Army Times, 18 Sep 54; "Induction and Release of Army National Guard Units," pp. 48–58; ''Report of the Chief of the National Guard Bureau. 1955,'' pp. 4–15.

$32$ Coakley et al., "Demobilization," pp. 29–38.

$33$ Summary of Major Events and Problems, FY 1954, OCAFF, ch. 14, pp. 1–43 Ltr, TAG to CG, Fourth Army, 28 May 54, sub; Activation of the 4th Armored Division, AGAO-I (M) 322 (26 May 54) G–1, 4th Armd Div file, and Ltr, TAG to CGs, Second Army and Continental Army Command (CONARC), 9 Mar 55, sub: Change in Status of 3d Armored Division, AGAO-I (M) 322 3d Armd Div (8 Mar 55) G–1, 3d Armd Div file, both DAMH-HSO; "4th Armored Reactivated at Ft. Hood," Army Times, 26 Jun 54; "4th Armd Build-Up Underway," Army Times, 3 Jul 54; William R. Rock, 3d Armored Division (Spearhead), A History of the 3d Armored Division (Darmstadt, Germany: Stars and Stripes, 1957), pp. 45–46.

$34$
Ltr, TAG to CGs, U.S. Army, Caribbean, and Third Army, 2 Dec 54, sub: Organization of the 23d Infantry Division, AGAO-I (M) 322 (17 Nov 54) G–, 23d Inf Div file, and Ltr, CGs, U.S. Army, Alaska, and Sixth Army, 27 Oct 54, sub: Organization of the 71st Infantry Division, AGAO-I (M) 322 71st Inf Div (12 Oct 54) G–1, 71st Inf Div file, both DAMH-HSO; Semiannual Report of the Secretary of the Army, 1 Jul–Dec 54, p. 20; "Scattered from Here to Yon, Two 'Wilson Divisions' Formed." Army Times, 20 Nov 54.

$35$
Coakley et "Demobilization," pp. 88–89; TOE 7R, Infantry Division, 1955; TOE 17R, Armored Division, 1955; TOE 57, Airborne Division, 1955; Ltr, TAG to CGs, CONARC, and Second and Fourth Armies, 23 May 55, sub: Reorganization of 1st, 3d, and 4th Armored Divisions, AGAO-I (M) 322 (18 May 55) G–1, Ltr, TAG to CGs, CONARC, and Third, Fifth, and Sixth Armies, 23 May 55, sub: Reorganization of Certain Infantry Divisions, AGAO-I (M) 322 (19 May 55) G–1, Ltr, TAG to CGs, CONARC, and Third Army, 1 Aug 55, sub: Reorganization of the 11th Airborne Division, AGAO-I (M) 322 (20 Jul 55) G–1, Ltr, TAG to CGs, CONARC and Third Army, 26 May 1955, sub: Reorganization of 82d Airborne Division, AGAO-I (M) 322 (24 May 55) G–1, Ltr, TAG to CinC, U.S. Army, Europe. 9 Sep 55, sub: Confirmation of Reorganization of Certain Units. AGAO-O (M) 322 (16 Aug 55) G–1, and Ltr,