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 tied, not to what should be, but to what is, to the particular truth of things, and not to the general reason of things, that his example draweth no necessarie consequence, and therefore a lesse fruitfull doctrine. Now doth the peerlesse Poet performe both, for whatsoeuer the Philosopher saith should be done, he giues a perfect picture of it by some one, by whō he presupposeth it was done, so as he coupleth the generall notion with the particuler example. A perfect picture I say, for hee yeeldeth to the powers of the minde an image of that whereof the Philosopher bestoweth but a wordish description, which doth neither strike, pearce, nor possesse, the sight of the soule so much, as that other doth. For as in outward things to a man that had neuer seene an Elephant, or a Rinoceros, who should tell him most exquisitely all their shape, cullour, bignesse, and particuler marks, or of a gorgious pallace an Architecture, who declaring the full bewties, might well make the hearer able to repeat as it were by roat all he had heard, yet should neuer satisfie his inward conceit, with being witnesse to it selfe of a true liuely knowledge: but the same mā, assoon as he might see those beasts wel painted, or that house wel in modell, shuld straightwaies grow without need of any description to a iudicial comprehending of them, so no doubt the Philosopher with his learned definitions, be it of vertues or vices, matters of publike policy or priuat gouernment, replenisheth the memorie with many infallible grounds of wisdom, which notwithstanding lie darke before the imaginatiue and iudging power, if they be not illuminated or figured forth by the spea-


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 king picture of ''Poesie. Tully taketh much paines, and many times not without Poeticall helpes to make vs know the force, loue of our country hath in vs. Let vs but heare old Anchices, speaking in the middest of Troies flames, or see Vlisses in the fulnesse of all Calipsoes delightes, bewaile his absence from barraine and beggerly Ithecæ''. Anger the Stoickes said, was a short madnesse: let but Sophocles bring you Aiax on a stage, killing or whipping sheepe and oxen, thinking them the Army of Greekes, with their Chieftaines Agamemnon, and Menelaus: and tell me if you haue not a more familiar insight into Anger, then finding in the schoolemen his Genus and Difference. See whether wisdom and temperance in Vlisses and Diomedes, valure in Achilles, friendship in Nisus and Eurialus, euen to an ignorant man carry not an apparant shining: and contrarily, the remorse of conscience in Oedipus; the soone repenting pride in Agamemnon; the selfe deuouring crueltie in his father Atreus; the violence of ambition in the two Theban brothers; the sower sweetnesse of reuenge in Medea; and to fall lower, the Terentian Gnato, and our Chawcers Pander so exprest, that we now vse their names, to signifie their Trades: And finally, all vertues, vices, and passions, so in their owne naturall states, laide to the view, that we seeme not to heare of them, but clearly to see through them. But euen in the most excellent determination of goodnesse, what Philosophers counsaile can so readely direct a Prince, as the feined Cirus in Xenophon, or a vertuous man in all fortunes: as Aeneas in Virgill, or a whole Common-wealth, as the Way

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 disrepute, and running up debts in all directions, and finally returned to the paternal roof. "Dear me! how interesting," said the missionary; "quite the Parable of the Prodigal Son! I trust, My Friend, you remembered it, and killed the fatted calf on his return?" "No, Sar," said the parent; "but I dam near kill that ar prodigal son."

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attempted to state that the Crown Colony system is unsuited for governing Western Africa, and have attributed its malign influence to its being a system which primarily expresses the opinions of well-intentioned but ill-informed officials at home, instead of being, according to the usual English type of institution, representative of the interests of the people who are governed, and of those who have the largest stake in the countries controlled by it—the merchants and manufacturing classes of England. It remains to point out how it acts adversely to the prosperity of all concerned; for be it clearly understood there is no corruption in it whatsoever: there is waste of men's lives, moneys, and careers, but nothing more at present. By-and-by it will add to its other charms and functions that of being, in the early future, a sort of patent and successful incubator for hatching a fine lively brood of little Englanders, who will cry out, "What is the good of West Africa?" and so forth; and they will seem sweetly reasonable, because by then West Africa will be down on the English rates, a pauper.

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192 down at last an unspeakable loser. When he comes to balance the account, and to compare profit and loss, he will find that, instead of the advantage he promised himself, he is ruined to all intents and purposes, is irreparably broken.

What shall a man give in exchange for his soul? Note, If once the soul be lost, it is lost for ever. There is no —counter-price, that can be paid, or will be accepted. It is a loss that can never be repaired, never be retrieved. If, after that great price which Christ laid down to redeem our souls, and to restore us to the possession of them, they be so neglected for the world, that they come to be lost, that new mortgage will never be taken off; there remains no more sacrifice for sins, nor price for souls, but the equity of redemption is eternally precluded. Therefore it is good to be wise in time, and do well for ourselves.

2. Here are some considerations proper to encourage us in self-denial and suffering for Christ.

(1.) The assurance we have of Christ's glory, at his second coming to judge the world, v. 27. If we look to the end of all these things, the period of the world, and the posture of souls then, we shall thence form a very different idea of the present state of things. If we see things as they will appear then, we shall see them as they should appear now.

The great encouragement to steadfastness in religion is taken from the second coming of Christ, considering it,

[1.] As his honour; The Son of man shall come in the glory of his Father, with his angels. To look upon Christ in his state of humiliation, so abased, so abused, a reproach of men, and despised of the people, would discourage his followers from taking any pains, or running any hazards for him; but with an eye Of faith to see the Captain of our salvation coming in his glory, in all the pomp and power of the upper world, will animate us, and make us think nothing too much to do, or too hard to suffer, for him. The Son of man shall come. He here gives himself the title of his humble state, (he is the Son of man,) to show that he is not ashamed to own it. His first coming was in the meanness of his children, who being partakers of flesh, he took part of the same; but his second coming will be in the glory of his Father. At his first coming, he was attended with poor disciples; at his second coming, he will be attended with glorious angels; and if we suffer with him, we shall be glorified with him, 2 Tim. 2. 12.

[2.] As our concern; Then he shall reward every man according to his works. Observe, First, Jesus Christ will come as a Judge, to dispense rewards and punishments, infinitely exceeding the greatest that any earthly potentate has the dispensing of. The terror of men's tribunal (ch. 10. 18.) will be taken off by a believing prospect of the glory of Christ's tribunal. Secondly, Men will then be rewarded, not according to their gains in this world, but according to their works, according to what they were and did. In that day, the treachery of backsliders will be punished with eternal destruction, and the constancy of faithful souls recompensed with a crown of life. Thirdly, The best preparative for that day, is, to deny ourselves, and take up our cross, and follow Christ; for so we shall make the Judge our Friend, and these things will then pass well in the account. Fourthly, The rewarding of men according to their works is deferred till that day. Here good and evil seem to be dispensed promiscuously; we see not apostacy punished with immediate strokes, nor fidelity encouraged with immediate smiles, from heaven; but in that day aU will be set to rights. Therefore judge nothing before the time, 2 Tim, 4. 6—8.

(2.) The near approach of his kingdom in this world, v. 28. It was so near, that there were some attending him, who should live to see it. As Simeon was assured that he should not see death till he had seen the Lord's Christ come in the flesh; so some here are assured that they shall not taste death (death is a sensible thing, its terrors are seen, its bitterness is tasted) till they had seen the Lord's Christ coming in his kingdom. At the end of time, he shall come in his Father's glory; but now, in the fulness of time, he was to come in his own kingdom, his mediatorial kingdom. Some little specimen was given of his glory a few days after this, in his transfiguration; (ch. 17. 1.) then he tried his robes. But this points at Christ's coming by the pouring out of his Spirit, the planting of the gospel-church, the destruction of Jerusalem, and the taking away of the place and nation of the Jews, who were the most bitter enemies to christianity. Here was the Son of man coming in his kingdom. Many then present lived to see it, particularly John, who lived till after the destruction of Jerusalem, and saw christianity planted in the world. Let this encourage the followers of Christ to suffer for him, [1.] That their undertaking shall be succeeded; the apostles were employed in setting up Christ's kingdom; let them know, for their comfort, that, whatever opposition they meet with, yet they shall carry their point, shall see of the travail of their soul. Note, It is a great encouragement to suffering saints, to be assured, not only of the safety, but of the advancement, of Christ's kingdom among men; not only notwithstanding their sufferings, but by their sufferings. A believing prospect of the success of the kingdom of grace, as well as of our share in the kingdom of glory, may carry us cheerfully through our sufferings. [2.] That their cause shall be pleaded; their deaths shall be revenged, and their persecutors reckoned with. [3.] That this shall be done shortly, in the present age. Note, The nearer the church's deliverances are, the more cheerful should we be in our sufferings for Christ. Behold, the Judge standeth before the door. It is spoken as a favour to those that should survive the present cloudy time, that they should see better days. Note, It is desirable to share with the church in her joys, Dan. 12. 12. Observe, Christ saith, Some shall live to see those glorious days, not all; some shall enter into the promised land, but others shall fall in the wilderness. He does not tell them who should live to see this kingdom, lest, if they had known, they should have put off the thoughts of dying, but some of them shall; ''Behold, the Lord is at hand. The Judge standeth before the door; be patient, therefore, brethren.''

CHAP. XVII.

In this chapter we have, I. Christ in his pomp and glory, transfigured, v. 1..13. II. Christ in his power and grace, casting the devil out of a child, v. 14..21. And, III. Christ in his poverty and great humiliation, 1. Foretelling his own sufferings, v. 22, 23. 2. Paying tribute, v. 24..27. So that here is Christ, the Brightness of his Father's glory, by himself purging our sins, paying our debts, and destroying for us him that had the power of death, that is, the devil. Thus were the several indications of Christ's gracious intentions admirably interwoven.

ND after six days Jesus taketh Peter, James, and John his brother, and bringeth them up into an high mountain apart, 2. And was transfigured before them: and his face did shine as the sun, and his raiment was white as the light. 3. And, behold, there appeared unto them Moses and Elias, talking with him. 4. Then answered Peter, and said unto Jesus, Lord, it is good for us to be here: if thou


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 "I hope not (said Ferdinand) for gladly would I believe the villain wronged him."—"Before I request a more explicit account of this alarming business, let me send to my uncle, and rejoice him with the news of your safe arrival."

"I understood," said Ferdinand, 'that he had quitted my brother."

"Yes, Sir, but the Countess sent for him again when the Count was seized with this dreadful disorder of his senses."

Mr. Dunloff being returned into the room, after he had dispatched a messenger, respectfully entreated Ferdinand to explain those words which had so greatly shocked him.—He very readily took up his story from the arrival of his brother's messenger to the present hour, repeating the particulars which the assassin had told him in his momentary fit of penitence.

During this recital Mr. Dunloff expressed the utmost surprise and horror.—"How true is the observation (exclaimed he) that one


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 It may seem inconceivable, however, that the present governing body of West Africa, the home officials, and the English public as represented in Parliament, can be ill-informed. West Africa has not been just shot up out of the ocean by a submarine volcanic explosion; nor are we landing on it out of Noah's ark, for the thing has been in touch with Europe since the fifteenth century; yet, inconceivable as it may seem that there is not by now formulated and in working order a method of governing it suitable for its nature, the fact that this is so remains, and providentially for us it is quite easy of explanation without abusing any one; though no humane person, like myself for example, can avoid sincerely hoping that Mr. Kipling is wrong when he sings

For although it is true that we have made a mess of this great feeding ground for England's manufacturing millions; yet there are no leaders on whom blame alone can fall, whom we can make scapegoats out of, who can be driven away into the wilderness carrying the sins of the people. The blame lies among all those classes of people who have had personally to deal with West Africa and the present system; and the Crown Colony system and the resolution of '65 are merely the necessary fungi of rotten stuff, for they have arisen from the information that has been, and has not been, placed at the disposal of our Government in England by the Government officials of West Africa, the Missionaries, and the Traders.

We will take the traders' blame first—their contribution to the evil dates from about 1827 and consists in omission

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 crime leads to a thousand others, and that when a man has made his mind familiar with guilt, he proceeds on to the most detestable actions, and plunges headlong into the blackest enormities! Gracious Heaven! that jealousy and avarice should gradually tend to robbery and murder!

"I would prepare you, Sir, for the scenes you must witness, and the shocking discovery that will wound every feeling of your heart; but I know not where or how to begin, the packet must speak for itself."

"What packet?" demanded Ferdinand.

"It was written and delivered by Madam Claudina to my uncle, with a strict charge not to deliver it to you till after her death, and then you was to have it without delay.

"This packet my uncle entrusted, sealed up, to me for you, lest death should suddenly cut him off, and his papers fall under the inspection of his master. When Madam Claudina was seized with her last illness, the consequence of the general report, and belief of


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 your death, for it threw her into fits that at last occasioned the termination of her existence. She wrote a letter to Count Rhodophil, conjuring my uncle to deliver it himself, and at the same time permitted him to open the packet entrusted for you, to read it, and keep the bond enclosed for the benefit of her son.

"She expired in true penitence for her sins, and I humbly hope the Almighty will extend his mercy towards her. My uncle, borne down with sorrow for your supposed death, though he would sometimes indulge a hope against all apparent probability, was so overcome with the sad scene of her last hour, that he fell ill, and could not attend on the Count; I was commissioned to do it, and accordingly waited upon him: I found him in high spirits, the Countess in the room.

"I had only sent in my name: I took the letter from my pocket, which had been superscribed by my uncle, and delivered it. He broke the seal, and opened it; instantly his


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 colour changed, his hands trembled, and his whole frame was agitated."

"Bless me, Sir (said the Countess) what ails you?" The hypocrite struggled to recover himself; he falteringly told her, "it was a letter that announced the death of an old friend, whom he was grieved to lose."

"I thank you, Sir (said he to me;) be so good to tell your uncle I shall call at his apartment, and ask how he does by and bye."

To give you an idea of his confusion and tremulous voice is impossible. The Countess looked extremely surprised: I gave him a penetrating glance, and withdrew.

The next morning he saw my uncle; he first soothed him, and tried to get the packet Claudina had given him; but in vain were persuasions and threats, for he at length told him it was not in his possession. This highly irritated him; many words passed, which ended in his bidding my uncle to leave his house.—Nothing could be more impolitic, knowing


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 how much he was in his power; but he trusted to the honour of a man he treated ill, and soon repented of his behaviour.

That night my uncle was removed to this house; the Count heard of it, and met him as he was carrying out. He pressed him to turn back.

"No, Sir," said he, "an old and faithful servant can be turned out but once.—You fear me, and therefore you hate me; but I never shall disturb the peace of your family." My uncle continued a long time in a fluctuating way, which at last turned to a fit of the gout, and held him many weeks.

During this time your letter came, I could scarcely credit my senses when I saw the address, and prepared my uncle well as I could; but indeed he almost expired with joy when I presented it to him. The next day, Peter, the Count's man, called "to ask after Mr. Ernest," he said; but I believe to observe whether we had received a letter, which was made no secret of.—"This will


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 be bad news to somebody," said he, and withdrew not much pleased I thought.

A few days after he called again; the Count, he said, was very low spirited, eat nothing, and he believed was going fast. 'He talks of sending for his brother to make his peace with him before he dies.'—'Indeed! (said my uncle) well, then I shall think he does repent; my poor master must know all, for I pledged myself to deliver Madam Claudina's letter after her death.—Peter said it would be better not, it would only make Mr. Ferdinand unhappy. Away he went, and a day or two after we heard you were sent for.

About a week ago Peter came again in a violent hurry; his master was desperately ill in a bad fever, seized the day before, just after writing a letter to Vienna to Mr. Ferdinand's friends, to know why he did not come as he expected. That night the fever grew worse, he was light-headed, and talked at random, often called for his brother and Ernest, therefore the Countess begged my


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 frankly, I think that they, in their generation, were justified in not telling all they could tell about the Coast. They found they could get on with it, keep it quiet and manage the natives fairly well under the system of Courts of Equity in the Rivers, and the Committee of merchants with a Governor approved of by the Home Government, which was working on the Gold Coast up to 1843. In 1841 there arose the affair of Governor Maclean, and the inauguration of the line of policy which resulted in the resolution of 1865. The governmental officials having cut themselves off from the traders and taken over West Africa, failed to manage West Africa, and so resolved that West Africa was not worth managing,—a thing they are bound to do again.

The abuse showered on the merchants, and the terrific snubs with which the Government peppered them, did not make the traders blossom and expand, and shower information on those who criticised them—there are some natures that are not sweetened by Adversity. Moreover, the Government, when affairs had been taken over by the Offices in London, took the abhorrent form of Customs, and displayed a lively love of the missionary-made African, as he was then,—you can read about him in Burton —and for the rest got up rows with the traders' best customers, the untutored African; rows, as the traders held, unnecessary in their beginning and feeble-handed in their termination. The whole of this sort of thing made the trader section keep all the valuable information to itself, and spend its energies in eluding the Customs, and talking what Burton terms "Commercial English."

Then we come to the contribution made by the Government officials to the formation of an erroneous

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 uncle would come to the Castle. He was but poorly, yet thought it his duty to go, and has remained there from that time.

Your brother still continues in a deplorable way, sometimes furious, at other times melancholy, and has made such discoveries of his crimes, as though they must prove beneficial to you, yet, will, I am sure, give you infinite deal of pain, I mean with respect to the will he destroyed, and which your father, the late Count Renaud, made a few days before his death.

"Is it possible," cried Ferdinand, "and was I remembered in that will?"

"Yes, Sir, he gave you his blessing, and pardoned all your undutiful conduct, and persevering obstinacy, and left a handsome fortune to your children."

Before Ferdinand could reply, so greatly was he agitated, the messenger returned from Ernest, and Ferdinand was desired to hasten to the Castle. He obeyed the summons, and was first conducted to the Countess; they


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 met with a little confusion on both sides; she was greatly affected.

"Your unhappy brother (said she) has, within the last two hours, been restored to his reason; the physicians say it is the last effort of nature, and bespeaks approaching death: He has been informed of your arrival; much caution was used to break it to him, but he bore it without any great emotion. He said he wished to be private with Ernest, and I withdrew. Now I will inform him you are here."

Ferdinand was so inexpressibly shocked, and so reluctant to see a man in the agonies of death, whose life had been so culpable, that when the Countess returned in tears, and besought him to hasten into the room, his legs trembled under him, and with great difficulty he tottered into the apartment, where a sight met him sufficiently dreadful to appal the stoutest resolution.

Rhodophil was supported by pillows, his face long, pale, and distorted, his eyes wildly


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 rolling then on Ernest, who supported him on one side, as Peter did on the other, and then throwing them upwards with an earnest supplicating stare. Ferdinand stopped a moment irresolute whether to proceed or not.—Rhodophil's eye dropping, fixed on him, "Save me! save me! (he cried) he comes to strike daggers to my soul!"

"Compose yourself, Sir" (said Ernest.)—Ferdinand advanced to the bed, the scene before him, the horrors of his brother's mind penetrated to his heart. He threw himself on his knees, "I beseech you, Rhodophil, to be composed, to forgive yourself; Heaven is my witness, that of whatsoever nature, and however great, are the injuries you have done me, I forgive you, and most earnestly pray that Heaven may extend its mercy towards you."

"You know not what you say (cried he, looking wildly on his brother;) my crimes are beyond pardon, cannot be forgiven, here or hereafter."


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 "And who shall dare to limit the mercy of Heaven?" said Ferdinand; "the magnitude of your crimes may deserve punishment, but what can exceed the torments you now feel?"

"O, it is horror indeed!" cried the wretched man: "Let the guilty look on me and tremble, foul deeds will come to light; see, see, there is Claudina calling on me, imprecating curses on my head, me, the seducer of innocence, the destroyer of my brother's honour."

"Gracious Heaven!" cried Ferdinand, and sunk on the floor. This sight threw Rhodophil into ravings: "Now, now, I have murdered him again! See! how the blood streams, it covers me, hide, hide me, from his blood!" During this dreadful paroxysm they had recovered Ferdinand, and placed him in a chair by the bedside. He viewed the guilty Rhodophil with averted looks of mingled horror and compassion.


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 He again recovered a temporary interval of reason on seeing his brother raised from the floor: "Ferdinand (said he) I have been a most atrocious villain—I have ever deceived and betrayed you; my father's spirit, for I have heard his voice more than once, has warned, has upbraided me, for my crimes: Hark! hark! I hear him now. O, pardon! pardon!" Again he fell into ravings, till again exhausted, by the use of cordials, reason weakly returned. At this moment Ernest fell on his knees: "Do you, Sir, pardon me, and compose your spirits—it was my voice that has occasionally alarmed you."

"How!" cried Ferdinand, "was it your voice that addressed itself to me?"

"I confess it, Sir," said Ernest, "I had many suspicions, and some proofs that you were most unfairly dealt with; excluded from my good master's sight long before he died, by misrepresentations, I could gain no access to him either in person or by letter. I had heard much, but not enough to found proofs


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 upon, nor would my single testimony avail. I saw your misery and despair when cut off from all hope of a last forgiveness. I concealed myself in a closet, and in the agony of the moment, the words I pronounced, you thought proceeded from the dead body of your father. Heaven forgive me, if I did wrong; but it tranquillized your mind, and that was my only object.

"Twice afterwards I made use of the same device; the last time, the deceit was surely meritorious, for then I was master of a secret that froze me with horror; but to spare you, I had recourse to that method of warning you from."

"O, Heavens!" said Ferdinand, "what a black scene of iniquity opens before me! Unhappy man!" cried he, violently agitated; "What indeed must be the torture of your mind!" Rhodophil gasped for breath, every feature seemed convulsed, he struggled for speech.


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 opinion concerning the state of affairs in West Africa. This arose from the conditions that surrounded them there, and the way in which they were unable, even if they desired, to expand their influence, distrusted naturally enough by the trading community since 1865, held in continuously by their home instructions, and unprovided with a sufficient supply of men or money on shore to go in for empire making, and also villainously badly quartered,—as you can see by reading Ellis's West African Sketches. It is small wonder and small blame to them that their account of West Africa has been a gloomy one, and such it must remain until these men are under a different system: for all the reasons that during the past have caused them to paint the Coast as a place of no value to England, remain still in full force,—as you can see by studying the disadvantages that service in a West African Crown Colony presents to-day to a civilian official.

Firstly, the climate is unhealthy, so that the usual make of Englishman does not like to take his wife out to the Coast with him. This means keeping two homes, which is expensive, and it gives a man no chance of saving money on an income say of £600 a year, for the official's life in West Africa is necessarily, let him be as economical as he may, an expensive one; and, moreover, things are not made more cheerful for him by his knowing that if he dies there will be no pension for his wife.

Secondly, there being no regular West African Service, there is no security for promotion; owing to the unhealthiness of the climate it is very properly ordained that each officer shall serve a year on the Coast, and then go home on a six months' furlough. It is a fairly common thing for a man to die before his twelve months' term is up, and

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 "Pray for me, pray for the wretch who cannot pray for himself."—More cordials were administered, and a temporary strength returned: "Now, now, I can speak; I always hated you," said he, hastily addressing Ferdinand; "I sought to warp our father's mind against you, and pretended love to wound more deeply.

"I saw and loved Claudina; I tried to buy her of Dupree through an agent; she loved you; my offers were rejected. In revenge I persuaded you to marry, knowing that would ruin you with your father. I informed him of it. He disbelieved it. He sent for you; all was discovered, and drove you from the house.

"I intercepted every letter, and represented you careless of his affection, and deficient both in love and duty, yet I pleaded with him to forgive you when I had worked him to a pitch of fury that made him outrageous.


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 "I kept Ernest from his confidence, by assuring him he had encouraged you. Under these impressions, one day, in a great fury, he made a will in my favour; but I believe grief, for your supposed neglect of him, preyed upon his mind, he fell into a swift decay.

"I told him you knew of his illness, but never inquired for him; once or twice Ernest petitioned for you, but he disregarded him.

"A week before his death he one day called me to his bed—'Tell the ungrateful Ferdinand (said he) that on my death-bed I forgive him: I revoke a curse that has preyed upon my spirits; may Heaven forgive his unnatural behaviour, as I do.'

"The next day he sent for his lawyer; I was alarmed; the lawyer was from home, the clerk came; he would make a new will, he did so: I pretended to rejoice at it. He left your children his estate in Bavaria, and you a thousand crowns a year, with the small farm on the skirts of the Forest; also an annuity to Ernest of two hundred crowns.


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 "Those bequests were not much in comparison to what I became heir to, but it made you independent, and that was death to me.

"I sounded the clerk; I found him fit for my purpose; he was friendless and venal. The will was destroyed. I kept every one from the room till my father expired; the rest you know.

"Then to complete my revenge I had you at the Castle.

"I poisoned the mind of Claudina; I told a thousand falsehoods; you assisted my designs by going to the army; I made her believe you repented of your marriage, which occasioned your melancholy; in short I succeeded, I corrupted her mind, and dishonoured her person.

"Revenge was complete—she was pregnant—you returning—I sought to persuade her to destroy the child—she was taken ill—miscarried—and all we thought was well.

"You returned; the voice, which she thought supernatural, threw her into horrors.


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 She sent for Ernest, confessed she had wronged you, and, having sworn him to secrecy, got him to procure her escape.

"I had reason to fear Ernest, therefore did not dare to discharge him. My mind was always distracted, terror and guilt my constant companions, for I always dreaded a discovery.

"The clerk who had made the will went into Austria—he spent the money in dissipation—joined with a set of gamblers—frequently made demands upon me for money, accompanied with threats.

"At length news arrived of your death; then I thought my misery at an end, and my fears all done away. One only trouble remained: I had married solely that you nor your children should be benefited after my death: My wife seemed not likely to have children; your boy must inherit, that distracted me; I could not come at him, he was too well taken care of, and I was still in the power of Ernest during the life of Claudina.


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 "Happily, as I thought, she died soon after; but her letter spoke daggers to my soul, and made me fearful of my own shadow.

"Whilst I was struggling with this imbecility of mind, came an account of your being still in existence which rendered me desperate, and resolve on your death as the only chance of escaping shame and punishment, Claudina having informed me that she had left a packet for you, confessing all her crimes.

"I wrote to the man who had before but too well served me, and held out such advantages, promised such a sum as I knew he would not resist, and when he had completed your destruction, he was to meet me at Ulm, and receive his reward.

"I made an excuse of business to go there, and wait the event. He came, assured me that you was murdered, and thrown into the river; and added, that being associated with a set of men, who were both gamblers and robbers, it was their intention on his return


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 to leave the country with their booty, and go into England, and as banditti were known to infest those mountains, it would be generally believed both you and him had been plundered and murdered.

"I hugged myself in security, gave him the promised reward, returned home, and pretended to be uneasy that you did not arrive: I believed myself safe from a discovery, when the avenging hand of Heaven was uplifted to overwhelm me with the punishment due to my crimes.

"Eternal justice preserved you, and the day of retribution is at hand; a life of deceit, crimes and falsehoods, will soon be terminated here, and my soul trembles for its doom hereafter."


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CHAP. VIII.

ended the confession of the wretched guilty Rhodophil, which was not made without many breaks, pauses, and frequent refreshments, to enable him to proceed in the dreadful story; but we would not notice them to interrupt the narrative.

Ferdinand sat fixed in the chair; his eyes riveted on his brother, or occasionally thrown up to Heaven; he shuddered with horror, but spoke not a single word.

When the story was concluded, and the miserable object before him lay gasping for


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 breath, he clasped his hands, tears streaming down his cheeks.

"Gracious father!" said he, "extend thy mercy to this unhappy man; may the long torment conscious guilt has inflicted—may the unspeakable terrors of a distracted mind plead in mitigation of his crimes; and may his sufferings obtain the same forgiveness from Heaven, which, with my whole soul, I accord to him here."

To this fervent address, Ernest pronounced an amen.—The wretched man seemed inwardly to join in prayer; he lay exhausted and speechless; the effort he had made during the confession of his crimes, reduced him to the last extremity; nor could he utter a single word for some time.

At length he wished to be alone with Ernest: Ferdinand, with tottering steps, reached the antechamber, and sunk on a sofa, overpowered by the recollection of what he had heard, and hardly believing it possible


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 human nature could be debased by such deliberate malice and unheard of wickedness.

He remained for three hours alone; for he could not see any one, but was at length again summoned to the sick chamber; Rhodophil had again recovered speech, and besought him once more to pronounce him forgiven, and to join Ernest in prayers for him to Heaven.

Poor—poor Rhodophil! On the bed of death, with all the horrors of a guilty conscience, who can describe thy feelings; what lethean draught can silence the inward monitor, than now shrinks trembling from the view of futurity!!!

Most fervent were the prayers they offered to the throne of mercy; he seemed to have a temporary calmness, and at last dropped into a slumber. Ferdinand was persuaded to withdraw; the Countess had ordered a bed for him; he gladly retired to it for a few hours, to recover his spirits.


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 Rh

Buds of each Plant, that the Leaves may be the better, they gather the Leaves when they are at their full growth, and in vigour, and dry them by hanging them up in the shade. The best Tobacco made by the Spaniards in their Plantations is pick'd Leaf by Leaf, with great care that none faulty may be found amongst it. That from the Nuevo Reyno de Granada (corruptly called Verinas, or Tabac de Verine) is reckon'd the best.

Tobacco is likewise planted in other places of the Island, and is of several sorts, from several Seeds: that with the broad Leaves is call'd Bulls Face. There are two sorts from Oronoque, and two Spanish kinds. It is sown in Beds; when the Leaves are about two Inches long, the Plants are drawn, and planted at four Foot distance one way, and three and an half another, then they are kept clean, and when grown about a Foot high, and going to shoot out their Stalks or Tops, the top of the Stalk or Bud is snipt off. That day seven night the Buds rising ex alis foliorum on the sides, are snipt off likewise, and seven days thence the other Under-buds. It stands some time longer, and then the Stalks and Leaves are cut off, hang'd up in a Shed, and if wet weather come, a Fire is made in it to hinder the Corruption of the Tobacco. Some time after the Leaves are stript off and preserv'd in great heaps from the injuries of the Air till 'tis made fit for the Market. It has been made here worth twelve Pence a Pound in England.

The Head of the River Mino is far up from this place, and there is a Lake where I have been told are to be seen great heaps of Snakes roll'd together, who leap into the Water. Abundance of Fish comes from thence. There were a great variety of Water-Melons here in the Spaniards time. The Cows eat them, and dunging, their Seeds, (at this Dry River, where they came to water,) there grew, and were preservd, till perfect neglect lost all their sorts.

Very good Fullers Earth was taken out of a Stratum of the Earth, in sinking a Well here. I did not observe any difference in the Layers of Earth taken out of this Well, from those in England, neither could I find any Shells or Petrefactions amongst the Stones, Clay, Sand, &c. brought up. But I was inform'd, upon enquiry, by Colonel Nedham, an Eye-Witness, that in Barbados at Sir John Colleton's Plantation they dug for a Well, and at forty seven Foot had water, but in dry weather it went away: they dug to fifty, and had water a second time, which dryed away again; after a third digging they came to some Shells, and then into a River, and taking up water they brought up Fish with it. After this their water never decay'd; tho' there wer etwelve [sic] Men perpetually draw-


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 The night passed without any change;—Rhodophil dozed, started, and often waked in great horror, but his senses were not much deranged. In the morning Ferdinand entered the room just as he had desired to see his Countess; they met at his bedside; he spoke very inwardly, and with much difficulty of respiration, he entreated her pardon for many acts of unkindness and inattention; owned his motives for marrying her were her large fortune, and the hope of an heir to prevent Ferdinand or his son from succeeding him.

He praised and blessed her.—Then taking Ferdinand's hand, he feebly pressed it,

"Be her friend," said he.—"May Heaven bless you, and pardon me.—See the end of guilt and duplicity.—Truth and innocence only can make a death-bed easy.—The virtuous man looks forward with hope; the guilty one with fear and trembling—Heaven have mercy on me!!!"


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 Those were the last words he spoke.Violent convulsive hiccups soon came on, which drove the Countess and Ferdinand to their respective apartments, unable to support the last struggle of nature; and in less than a quarter of an hour, the latter was informed the dreadful scene had closed!!!

Thus then expired the unhappy Rhodophil, only seven and twenty years of age.—Ferdinand requested Ernest and Mr. Dunloff to take the management of every thing upon themselves, for he was incapable of giving directions; he entreated them to let the confession of the wretched Rhodophil rest in their own bosoms, and, if possible, never to hint a word relative to the story, on any occasion whatever. This they faithfully promised; and at his request, Mr. Dunloff undertook to write for him to Count M and his friends, directing them at the Count's castle; and if he was not arrived, to have them forwarded to Vienna.


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 We will now look back on the friends of Ferdinand, who were suffering the most painful inquietude on his account. The day preceding the one appointed by them to leave Vienna, the Count called on Heli at the interpreter's, and, to his surprise, found him preparing to leave Germany in a few days.

"I was coming to you," said he; a great revolution has taken place in my affairs;—the Grand Seigneur is dead; his successor was the friend of our family; my uncle is appointed to a place of much eminence, and I shall return to my own country without fear, and sure of preferment.

"Your bounty to me, therefore, I intended to resign, and only request a sufficient sum to carry me safe into Constantinople.—I go with joy, for I like neither your country or customs; and the women I detest.

"The ungrateful Fatima will have cause to repent her desertion of me, now I might have placed her at the head of a hundred


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 women, perhaps; but no matter, I shall soon find others to please and console me."

The Count was not sorry to hear of this change in Heli's hopes and circumstances;—he assured him of their ready concurrence to his wishes, and took leave of him to get the business immediately settled. They also procured the liberty of the man who had been detained as a witness against Fatima, as after a fruitless search, they had given up any farther inquiry.

On the following day, Mr. D'Alenberg, his daughter, Louisa, the Countess of Wolfran, the two Barons, and the Count M, accompanied by their servants, left Vienna, determined to proceed through Lintz, and make some inquiries after Ferdinand. The ladies were entirely unacquainted with their apprehensions for his safety, and supposed him with his brother.

As they stopped at the same inn Ferdinand had rested in, they were quickly informed of his leaving Lintz on the very day he had written to them, and, in their course of in-


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 quiries, learnt that a band of robbers sometimes infested the neighbouring hills and woods, which made it extremely hazardous for passengers, and therefore the landlord persuaded the company to go the lower road, as having less woods to travel through.

This account made them excessively apprehensive that Ferdinand had unhappily fallen in with the gang, and had been murdered. The Count accused himself incessantly, and protested, that, should any accident have befallen his friend, he never should enjoy peace more, or forgive himself, for not insisting upon going with him.—The Barons were extremely concerned; Mr. d'Allenberg overpowered with sorrow.

His extreme dejection, and the inquietude not to be concealed, which pervaded the countenance of Count M, alarmed the ladies, and Miss D'Alenberg earnestly inquired of her father the cause of so visible a disorder.—He tried to evade her curiosity, but only augmented it, because perfectly as-


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 sured he was uneasy, his endeavours to hide it from her, proved it was a matter of some consequence; she therefore caught the infection of her father's looks, and though she ceased to importune him, she saw there was some affliction preparing for her, which he was unwilling to communicate.

The Countess and Louisa were not more composed; each thought the painful secret must concern herself, and were equally unhappy.

A general air of concern pervaded through the whole party, and every one seemed to avoid particular conversation, though the Count, impressed with the idea that Miss d'Allenberg viewed him with some degree of preference, which indeed was justified by her behaviour to him; exerted all his endeavours to assume a tranquillity far distant from his heart, that he might not communicate his uneasiness to her: But the disguise was too flimsy to succeed, and only the more strongly


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 convinced her that something lay hid, that would not bear investigation.

Mr. d'Allenberg had a small estate at Augsburg; he proposed to his friends going there, and sending off an express to Count Rhodophil, also, another to Mr. Dunloff.—This proposal met their approbation; the Barons could not resolve to separate themselves from the party, until some intelligence was gained to remove or confirm their present conjectures.

The ladies made no opposition; they frankly avowed to each other the painful suspense which tortured their imaginations, and anxiously sought for some clue to elucidate the mystery, but it was plain they must wait for the discovery.

They proceeded on to Augsburg, a very unsocial party, and arrived there without any accident: Being unexpected, they were not presently, or comfortably accommodated, but they were not fastidious, and bore inconveniences without repining.


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 The same night of their arrival, two messengers were procured; letters written and sent off: One of them was ordered to proceed on to the Count's estate, if he obtained no satisfactory answer from Mr. Dunloff.—The gentlemen took a walk in the garden after this business had been expedited. There was a small pavilion of two rooms, each opening into, and fronting different walks, with a communication door between them.

The gentlemen entered one of these rooms and sat down.

"I am convinced," said the Count, as if continuing a conversation—"I am convinced, that if we do not gain satisfactory information from the return of the expresses, it will be impossible to impose longer on the sagacity of the ladies, already so much alarmed; we cannot dissemble our inquietude, and the dreadful certainty of what we fear, if unhappily it proves such, must be known to them at last."


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 the years between 1842 and '50. Later on, his description of that dim grim battle in the West where Arthur died, himself in doubt, and where friend and foe were shadows in the mist,

was his record of this time, and all it meant for those who, in its war, still held to their standards. Nor indeed, when he wrote the Passing of Arthur, was his own soul freed from the agony of the battle. Nevertheless, he did not give way. Like St. Paul, "cast down but not destroyed," there were certain heights of faith and thought in his secret soul to which, undismayed, and unheeding of the confused strife, he retired when he pleased. But the others—down in the heat of the contest, on the burning sand—we have seen in what a condition they were in the poetry of Clough and Arnold. Misery and restlessness; changing and divided thoughts; doubts and longing for peace and calm; nothing left but duty; faith retired to her interlunar cave; the noise and confusion of the battle driving men distracted who cared for the ancient ideals; even among those who had no poetic instincts a certain vague distress; beauty gone, ugliness and tumult filling the world of thought. And in common life, materialism growing; conventions and maxims again tyrannising over society; art, creation, imagination, and truth


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 "True," answered Mr. D'Alenberg;—"but whilst there exists a possibility that Ferdinand lives, I would not wound them by our ."

He had not time to finish the sentence;—an exclamation of "Help, help," from the adjoining room, caused them to pull open the door, where they beheld Miss D'Alenberg on the floor, the Countess and Louisa endeavouring to raise her.

They flew to her assistance; she was cold and senseless; what a sight for a father!—Poor Mr. D'Alenberg was in agonies: The young Baron, more collected, had hastened to the house, and returned with drops and water, which, on applying, she showed signs of returning life, and was raised and placed on two chairs, Louisa supporting her in her arms.

She opened her eyes, and saw the whole group standing round her, her father holding her hand between his trembling ones.


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 "Ah!" said she, "Ferdinand is then dead!"

"Not so, I hope, my dear Theresa," replied he tenderly.

"Dying, if not dead," returned she, "the dreadful certainty will soon arrive—A second time to feel this blow—alas! 'tis too, too much to bear."

Mr. d'Allenberg and the ladies besought her to retire into the house; she submitted in silence to their wishes, and was supported through the garden; the Count remained rooted to the spot, inconceivably astonished at a discovery so little expected.

"What an unfortunate adventure," said Baron Reiberg, "that we should be overheard; I had not the smallest idea of Miss D'Alenberg's attachment to our friend."

"Nor I, I promise you," returned the Count, trying to recover from his surprise; "nor I am sure had Ferdinand."

"But if he lives," said the Baron, "as he is now a disengaged man, I hope the young


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 lady will be happy; for she is a most charming young woman."

"Indeed she is," replied the Count;—"Heaven grant my friend may be alive; the rest we must leave to Providence."

They returned to the house, not a little disconcerted that accident had revealed what they had so industriously sought to conceal.

Mean time, Mr. D'Alenberg found it requisite, for the peace of his daughter, to enter into a full explanation of their hopes and fears; disguise would no longer avail to impose upon her, and he candidly laid every thing before her.

When he had concluded, and again mentioned hope,

"My dear Sir," said she, interrupting him, with a solemnity of look and accent, that penetrated to his heart—"my dear Sir, do not attempt to delude me with hope; rather seek to strengthen my mind, and fortify it to expect the worst. I always told you, because I always felt, that the preference I entertain-


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 ed for that unfortunate young man would terminate unhappily.

"It was the soft melancholy of his air, the tuneful accents of his voice, and the effusions of a bright understanding and pleasing vivacity, which now and then broke through the cloud that seemed to overcast his mind: It was those affecting appearances that stole insensibly into my heart, and to see Ferdinand was to pity him; pity soon ripened into esteem and affection, and now there is an end of all."

"Do not decide so peremptorily," said her father; "hope may still exist."

"You once before told me so, Sir," returned she; "but I have never listened to the flatterer; yet I had brought my mind to a comparative degree of content, when he was so unexpectedly restored to us; not that I could ever flatter myself with his esteem, nor circumstanced as he was, ought I to have wished for it."


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 "Dear Theresa," said Mr. d'Allenberg, 'those circumstances are changed; he has lately lost his wife, from whom he was parted."

"Why would you tell me so, to enhance my distress? Oh! my dear father, my Louisa, assist me to derive courage from the extent of my misfortunes; teach me to submit to the dispensations of Providence, that I may not cloud the last days of a beloved parent with sorrow, by an imprudent attachment."

Her father embraced her with streaming eyes, entreating her not to give way to despair, though he could hardly bid her to indulge hope. He retired and left her with the ladies, and in the evening she appeared at supper with them.

The gentlemen were agreeably surprised; she tried to eat, though she could not swallow three mouthfuls; she endeavoured to speak, to smile, but it was a smile of woe that shocked every one present; but her efforts were astonishing to her father, and convinced


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 him of the dignity of her mind, and what struggles she was capable of, to afford him peace.

Four days of painful suspense they had endured, in which the delicate frame of Miss d'Allenberg seemed to be falling a sacrifice to the strength of her mind, and the assumption of a fortitude her spirits but ill supplied. They were sitting at the dinner table when the return of a messenger was announced; she turned faint and sick.

"I will retire, if you please," said she to her father, and accompanied by her two friends, tottered out of the room.

With difficulty, they preserved her from fainting.

"I shall soon know the worst," said she, "and that is some degree of ease from this dreadful uncertainty. If he lives, I am indifferent as to myself; for where there is no expectation, there can be no disappointment."

Her trembling frame spoke the agitations of her heart, when suddenly the door opened,


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 utterly gone out of it. This was the state of things even in 1847 when Rossetti began to write poetry, much more in 1853 when his first poems were finished, still more in the sixties of the last century.

It was a state of things which the artist nature rebelled against, as, not in identical but in similar circumstances, Keats had rebelled. A whole tribe of young men, to whom Rossetti and the Pre-Raphaelite movement and afterwards Morris, Burne-Jones, and others, gave expression, were weary to death of all the turmoil round subjects which (as they were presented to them at the moment) did not interest them at all, much less excite or impel them. All that Arnold. wrote about with so much intensity, all the waters of thought in which he struggled, were as little to them as all the ideas which Byron and Shelley wrote of were to Keats. They broke away from them, like Keats, into another world—a new world of beauty and art.

The theological contests were outside of their theology which was concerned, when it existed, and for a time it did exist, not with doctrine and its battles, but with the inner mystic relation between the personal soul and the divine, between the saints, angels, and spirits of the universe and their own spirit here on earth. They were, in their early career, and especially Rossetti, mystics by nature and grace. Doubts did not trouble them at all. They either believed or disbelieved. Historical criticism and science bored them to extinction. They cried: "Away with these


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 follies and phantasms. That which actually is, is not in them. They are in the apparent, not the real world. Why should we walk through their mud and lade ourselves with their thick clay? The constancy of energy, the correlation of physical forces, natural selection, the struggle for existence, the descent of man, whether the Bible be infallible or not—if it be beautiful and instil peace is all we care for—are outside our world. For us, they might as well be discussed in Sirius. Let us get away from this vain disquiet to quiet, from futile argument to fruitful contemplation, from materialism to the spiritual, from this ugly world to a beautiful one, from theological squabbles to religious symbols, from fighting sects to the invisible Church, from Science and its quarrels to the great creations of imagination, from convention to truth in art, from imitation of dead forms of art to Nature herself. Let us leave a world, noisy, base through money-seeking, torn and confused with physical and mental ugliness, worried with dry criticism of history and futile contentions of doctrine, to the realm of pure faith, or, if we cannot or do not care to believe, to that pure image of beauty which we see once more rising from the Sea of Time. And for that we will turn back to the bygone centuries, to their thought and their work, to a world noble, lovely, joyous, full of passionate subjects, close to Nature, thrilling with possibilities for the imagination; a world which believed in a spiritual life; which understood how to love, how to forgive,


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 and Mr. d'Allenberg appeared with an animated countenance.

"He lives," she exclaimed; and leaning her head on the bosom of Louisa, burst into a flood of tears, the first she had shed for three days.

"He does, my dear Theresa; a letter from Mr. Dunloff has restored us all to happiness.

He lives, indeed, wonderfully preserved, and arrived only two days before the messenger.—His brother had expired that day, and therefore both men went to Dunloff's, who quickly sent one back with intelligence so much desired; the other is gone on to Count M's, to give notice of his return."

Mr. d'Allenberg might have proceeded for an hour; his beloved daughter heard nothing, thought of nothing, but "Ferdinand is alive; yes, that amiable and unfortunate young man is the care of Heaven; his life is preserved!!!"

"Will you not come down, my Theresa, and hear read, or read yourself, this charm-


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 ing letter? We shall pursue our journey tomorrow, if you are capable of bearing the fatigue."

"Yes," said she, starting up; "let me hear the letter, dear Sir—how good you are."

She descended to the parlour, where Mr. Dunloff's letter was presented to her; she devoured the contents with great avidity, and joined, with astonishing composure, in the mutual congratulations they made each other, for the completion of their wishes.

The next morning they left Augsburg.—The two Barons resolved to attend them to Ulm, as they made that in their route to drop the Countess, who engaged, the moment she had settled her affairs, to bring her son with her, and spend some weeks at Mr. d'Allenberg's. The Barons took leave of her there; but young Reiberg so earnestly importuned his father, that he might be permitted to accompany his friend the Count,


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 apparent relata. Apparent nature is the dream, and the apparent relations of space are dream relations, and the space is the dream space. Similarly the space in which causal nature is set is the expression of certain relations between the causal objects. It is the expression of certain facts about the causal activity which is going on behind the scenes. Accordingly causal space belongs to a different order of reality to apparent space. Hence there is no pointwise connexion between the two and it is meaningless to say that the molecules of the grass are in any place which has a determinate spatial relation to the place occupied by the grass which we see. This conclusion is very paradoxical and makes nonsense of all scientific phraseology. The case is even worse if we admit the relativity of time. For the same arguments apply, and break up time into the dream time and causal time which belong to different orders of reality.

I have however been discussing an extreme form of the bifurcation theory. It is, as I think, the most defensible form. But its very definiteness makes it the more evidently obnoxious to criticism. The intermediate form allows that the nature we are discussing is always the nature directly known, and so far it rejects the bifurcation theory. But it holds that there are psychic additions to nature as thus known, and that these additions are in no proper sense part of nature. For example, we perceive the red billiard ball at its proper time, in its proper place, with its proper motion, with its proper hardness, and with its proper inertia. But its redness and its warmth, and the sound of the click as a cannon is made off it are psychic additions, namely, secondary qualities which are only the mind’s way of perceiving nature. This is not only the vaguely

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 prevalent theory, but is, I believe, the historical form of the bifurcation theory in so far as it is derived from philosophy. I shall call it the theory of psychic additions.

This theory of psychic additions is a sound common-sense theory which lays immense stress on the obvious reality of time, space, solidity and inertia, but distrusts the minor artistic additions of colour, warmth and sound.

The theory is the outcome of common-sense in retreat. It arose in an epoch when the transmission theories of science were being elaborated. For example, colour is the result of a transmission from the material object to the perceiver’s eye; and what is thus transmitted is not colour. Thus colour is not part of the reality of the material object. Similarly for the same reason sounds evaporate from nature. Also warmth is due to the transfer of something which is not temperature. Thus we are left with spatio-temporal positions, and what I may term the ‘pushiness’ of the body. This lands us to eighteenth and nineteenth century materialism, namely, the belief that what is real in nature is matter, in time and in space and with inertia.

Evidently a distinction in quality has been presupposed separating off some perceptions due to touch from other perceptions. These touch-perceptions are perceptions of the real inertia, whereas the other perceptions are psychic additions which must be explained on the causal theory. This distinction is the product of an epoch in which physical science has got ahead of medical pathology and of physiology. Perceptions of push are just as much the outcome of transmission as are perceptions of colour. When colour is perceived the nerves of the body are excited in one way and transmit their message towards the brain, and when push is perceived

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 other nerves of the body are excited in another way and transmit their message towards the brain. The message of the one set is not the conveyance of colour, and the message of the other set is not the conveyance of push. But in one case colour is perceived and in the other case the push due to the object. If you snip certain nerves, there is an end to the perception of colour; and if you snip certain other nerves, there is an end to the perception of push. It would appear therefore that any reasons which should remove colour from the reality of nature should also operate to remove inertia.

Thus the attempted bifurcation of apparent nature into two parts of which one part is both causal for its own appearance and for the appearance of the other part, which is purely apparent, fails owing to the failure to establish any fundamental distinction between our ways of knowing about the two parts of nature as thus partitioned. I am not denying that the feeling of muscular effort historically led to the formulation of the concept of force. But this historical fact does not warrant us in assigning a superior reality in nature to material inertia over colour or sound. So far as reality is concerned all our sense-perceptions are in the same boat, and must be treated on the same principle. The evenness of treatment is exactly what this compromise theory fails to achieve.

The bifurcation theory however dies hard. The reason is that there really is a difficulty to be faced in relating within the same system of entities the redness of the fire with the agitation of the molecules. In another lecture I will give my own explanation of the origin of the difficulty and of its solution.

Another favourite solution, the most attenuated form

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 which the bifurcation theory assumes, is to maintain that the molecules and ether of science are purely conceptual. Thus there is but one nature, namely apparent nature, and atoms and ether are merely names for logical terms in conceptual formulae of calculation.

But what is a formula of calculation? It is presumably a statement that something or other is true for natural occurrences. Take the simplest of all formulae, Two and two make four. This — so far as it applies to nature — asserts that if you take two natural entities, and then again two other natural entities, the combined class contains four natural entities. Such formulae which are true for any entities cannot result in the production of the concepts of atoms. Then again there are formulae which assert that there are entities in nature with such and such special properties, say, for example, with the properties of the atoms of hydrogen. Now if there are no such entities, I fail to see how any statements about them can apply to nature. For example, the assertion that there is green cheese in the moon cannot be a premiss in any deduction of scientific importance, unless indeed the presence of green cheese in the moon has been verified by experiment. The current answer to these objections is that, though atoms are merely conceptual, yet they are an interesting and picturesque way of saying something else which is true of nature. But surely if it is something else that you mean, for heaven’s sake say it. Do away with this elaborate machinery of a conceptual nature which consists of assertions about things which don’t exist in order to convey truths about things which do exist. I am maintaining the obvious position that scientific laws, if they are true, are statements about entities

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 which we obtain knowledge of as being in nature; and that, if the entities to which the statements refer are not to be found in nature, the statements about them have no relevance to any purely natural occurrence. Thus the molecules and electrons of scientific theory are, so far as science has correctly formulated its laws, each of them factors to be found in nature. The electrons are only hypothetical in so far as we are not quite certain that the electron theory is true. But their hypothetical character does not arise from the essential nature of the theory in itself after its truth has been granted.

Thus at the end of this somewhat complex discussion, we return to the position which was affirmed at its beginning. The primary task of a philosophy of natural science is to elucidate the concept of nature, considered as one complex fact for knowledge, to exhibit the fundamental entities and the fundamental relations between entities in terms of which all laws of nature have to be stated, and to secure that the entities and relations thus exhibited are adequate for the expression of all the relations between entities which occur in nature.

The third requisite, namely that of adequacy, is the one over which all the difficulty occurs. The ultimate data of science are commonly assumed to be time, space, material, qualities of material, and relations between material objects. But data as they occur in the scientific laws do not relate all the entities which present themselves in our perception of nature. For example, the wave-theory of light is an excellent well-established theory; but unfortunately it leaves out colour as perceived. Thus the perceived redness — or, other colour — has to be cut out of nature and made into the reaction of the mind under the impulse of the actual events of

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text: Yeast: A Problem/Chapter 3

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 nature. In other words this concept of the fundamental relations within nature is inadequate. Thus we have to bend our energies to the enunciation of adequate concepts.

But in so doing, are we not in fact endeavouring to solve a metaphysical problem? I do not think so. We are merely endeavouring to exhibit the type of relations which hold between the entities which we in fact perceive as in nature. We are not called on to make any pronouncement as to the psychological relation of subjects to objects or as to the status of either in the realm of reality. It is true that the issue of our endeavour may provide material which is relevant evidence for a discussion on that question. It can hardly fail to do so. But it is only evidence, and is not itself the metaphysical discussion. In order to make clear the character of this further discussion which is out of our ken, I will set before you two quotations. One is from Schelling and I extract the quotation from the work of the Russian philosopher Lossky which has recently been so excellently translated into English — ‘In the “Philosophy of Nature” I considered the subject-object called nature in its activity of self-constructing. In order to understand it, we must rise to an intellectual intuition of nature. The empiricist does not rise thereto, and for this reason in all his explanations it is always he himself that proves to be constructing nature. It is no wonder, then, that his construction and that which was to be constructed so seldom coincide. A Natur-philosoph raises nature to independence, and makes it construct itself, and he never feels, therefore, the necessity of opposing nature

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 as constructed (i.e. as experience) to real nature, or of correcting the one by means of the other.’

The other quotation is from a paper read by the Dean of St Paul’s before the Aristotelian Society in May of 1919. Dr Inge’s paper is entitled ‘Platonism and Human Immortality,’ and in it there occurs the following statement: ‘To sum up. The Platonic doctrine of immortality rests on the independence of the spiritual world. The spiritual world is not a world of unrealised ideals, over against a real world of unspiritual fact. It is, on the contrary, the real world, of which we have a true though very incomplete knowledge, over against a world of common experience which, as a complete whole, is not real, since it is compacted out of miscellaneous data, not all on the same level, by the help of the imagination. There is no world corresponding to the world of our common experience. Nature makes abstractions for us, deciding what range of vibrations we are to see and hear, what things we are to notice and remember.’

I have cited these statements because both of them deal with topics which, though they lie outside the range of our discussion, are always being confused with it. The reason is that they lie proximate to our field of thought, and are topics which are of burning interest to the metaphysically minded. It is difficult for a philosopher to realise that anyone really is confining his discussion within the limits that I have set before you. The boundary is set up just where he is beginning to get excited. But I submit to you that among the necessary prolegomena for philosophy and for natural science is a thorough understanding of the types of entities, and types of relations among those entities, which are disclosed to us in our perceptions of nature.

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324 South Wales, a bill had already been introduced by Mr. Wentworth, giving effect to Hare's system. . . . . He thought it desirable that minorities should be represented. Take a constituency with 2,100 voters. It seemed very hard that a moiety of the constituency with one or two votes over should have the power to send into Parliament a member to represent the whole of the constituency, when nearly one half of them would not be represented. It was said that it was wrong to make the experiment now, when it had not been adopted by the Imperial Parliament He had great respect for the House of Commons, but, if the principle was a philosophical one, the fact of its not being introduced at home was no reason why it should not be tried here. It was also urged that it was not a perfect principle, but it was useless to aim at perfection, for some fraction of the minority must always be unrepresented.

Mr. objected to the attempted application of the principle to particular districts only. There was no class of the community to whom he would give advantages which others could not enjoy. If the power of concentrating their votes should be given to the voters of certain districts it would be unjust, and give one set of voters an unfair advantage over others. He was opposed, moreover, to the principle of the representation of minorities.

Mr. J. T. opposed the clause. In the district which he represented three members were returned, and the effect of the clause would be injurious to it. Were it divided into three portions, and each port allowed a member, it might be represented as a whole; but to give an inconsiderable minority, perhaps not numbering one-twelfth of the whole body of electors, the privilege of returning a member who would vote in opposition to the other two, was practically to reduce the representation of the district to a single member.

Mr. said that if the Legislature once laid down a correct principle that was a veiy important thing, even though it were attended with no great practical results. He was not affected by the argument that this was a small experiment, applying to four constituencies only. It was for the political philosopher to lay down a great scheme, and it was for the practical man to test that scheme. The hon. member for East Bourke had said that minorities did occasionally return representatives, even under the existing system, by what was commonly called plumping. This was, however, a mere matter of chance; it could only happen where the majority was divided. The same hon. member had also told the committee that under the present system there was a representation of a variety of opinions; that the colony was divided into various interests—mining, agricultural, and town interests; but the hon. member seemed to have overlooked the fact that the same class might be predominant in every instance—that the majority, in every instance, might hold the same set of political opinions. To take the question of protection, for example. There might, probably, be a majority in the towns in favour of protection; and they all knew that in the agricultural constituencies, the farmers, and probably the labourers, were also in favour of


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Rh protection. In the mining districts, no doubt, there was a majority against protection. It was clear, however, that even on the question of protection there would be a majority in favour of protection in two classes of constituencies, although those two classes might seem, at first sight, to have no connexion whatever. The result of the present electoral system had been, that there was a representation of interests, but not a representation of opinions. He did not think that interests ought to be represented at all. What, after all, was the representation of interests but the representation of selfishness? Men's "interests," in the common meaning of the word, implied that a certain number of persons belonging to the same sphere or the same branch of industry thought their selfish interests would be advanced by a certain course of legislation being pursued. That was not what ought to be obtained in the selection of representatives; but if, as was the case, it was found that the people of the colony held very different opinions, the object ought to be to get as many as possible of those opinions represented. How was the truth to be elicited but by hearing different opinicms expressed by those who were best able to put them forth in the Legislature? Every interest in the colony might be represented, and yet nothing like a majority, or even a fair proportion, of the opinions of the colony be represented. It had been asked what practical advantages would follow the adoption of the principle of the clause ? Great advantages would follow it, if it were carried out systematically. All classes of opinions, or, at all events, all those opinions which commanded the assent of any considerable portion of the colony, would be represented in that House, and all sides of any question would be heard. Whatever Ministry had been in office, he believed that it had not represented, in any degree, opinions, and the consequence had been to degrade the politics of the colony. Instead of being supported on the ground of its opinions, the Ministry had always been supported on personal grounds or interests; and either a Ministry or an Opposition, supported on those grounds, did not tend to raise the character of the Legislature. In the constituencies of Collingwood and St. Kilda, large minorities were defeated on every contest The result of all elections had been that the minority was politically annihilated. This was calculated to lead to political inaction. The minority, feeling themselves powerless, would decline to take any part in future elections. This was not a desirable state of things. It was not to the interest of the colony that a large body of men should be led to feel that it was useless for them to take any part in political contests. A gentleman sitting behind him said, "Divide the constituencies." No doubt, in some cases, one class of political opinions was predominant in one part of a district, and another class of opinions was predominant in another part of the district. This, however, was a mere accident; it was one which was not likely to continue, and above all, it was one upon which no stable system of legislation ought to be based. The Legislature ought to endeavour to give the minority a fair share of the representation in every locality. It had been said that the four constituencies ought to be consulted by their representatives before the


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326 change. If it were proposed to place them under some disability, it might be reasonable to ask their opinion, but he really could not see what ground they had for being consulted, when it was imposed to confer on them a privilege not extended to other constituencies. Moreover, it was contrary to the very principle to consult the constituencies, for it was the opinion of the majority which would have to be asked, while the principle of the clause was the representation of the minority. He could refer to subjects which had been agitated from time to time in the colony; and, without disrespect to any members, he would say that candidates had been driven of necessity occasionally to conceal their opinions, or, at all events, to put a gloss upon them. ("Oh!") No doubt there might be a class of persons who had not been driven to that—who, having no opinions of their own, merely endeavoured to ascertain the opinions of a majority, in order to subscribe to those opinions; and he admitted that that class of persons had had no violence done to their opinions. (Laughter.) From time to time a few active persons banded themselves together to agitate for certain changes in the law. When the Constitution was inaugurated, many persons were anxious for the repeal of the clause which authorised a grant of £50,000 a year for religious purposes; and in almost every constituency where these persons had been at all successful candidates were driven to say either that they would vote for the immediate abolition of state aid to religion, or that they would not oppose the principle, although they thought the grant ought to be continued for some years longer; and yet all this time there was a very large minority entirely opposed to the theory. (Hear.) Then, with regard to the land question, there had been from time to time a vast amount of agitation, and persons had been obliged to give up the opinions they entertained, or, at all events, simulate opinions which they did not hold, in order to be returned. But it would have conduced more to the character of the Legislature if these persons had been able to come honestly and openly forward, and say—"We are opposed to the prevailing theories on the land question; we admit we are unable, in consequence, to command the support of the majority, but we appeal to the minority of the constituencies, who, we are sure, agree with us." (Hear.) Electors would not be driven to take advantage of the clause unless they pleased. (Hear.) Theoretically speaking, the chief objection to the clause was, that it did not apply to the whole colony that it was limited to four constituencies. But, if the system worked well, it could be extended. Constituencies now returning two members could be so enlarged as to return three; and constituencies at present returning only one member each could be amalgamated, so that the united electoral district should have three representatives. In all countries where legislation had been really progressive, it had been tentative. An experiment was tried on a small scale, and when found to work well the principle was extended. (Hear.)

Mr., after dealing with the objection that the clause would give the power of combined action to particular sects of politicians, and the argument as to the possibility of representing all opinions. expressed him


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Rh self hostile to the proposed measure. If the government had proposed Hare's system in its entiretyn he would gladly have assented to the proposition; but for other and far more important reasons than the representation of minorities; but it merely suggested the adoption in a mangled form of one feature of the system applied to four particular constituencies, and for which he had heard nothing urged which had any weight on his mind.

Mr. said that the present clause was copied from the bill previously introduced by the member for Portland, to whom Mr. Mill had written to express his gratification that a representation of minorities was to be attempted. The principle of such a representation was the result of the best and most philosophical opinions. He adverted to Lord John Russell's proposal in the bill of 1854, and the interruption to the progress of reform caused by the Crimean War, and addressed himself especially to the arguments with regard to the force which might be acquired by the professors of religious or political opinions.

Mr., admitting that, theoretically, it was correct that minorities should be represented, said the bill did not carry the principle out. It was possible that some opinions might not be represented in the House, but this "was an evil which could not be obviated: they must stop somewhere, or else a minority of one intelligent voter might demand to be represented.

Mr. appealed to members, in considering this question on the high ground from which it deserved to be reviewed, to discard from their minds all thoughts of the effect of the clause upon local political parties. If they did so, whatever the present conclusion might be, the discussion could not be fruitiess, for it would tend to educate the community. After replying to arguments of preceding speakers, he expressed his belief that the more the question was discussed and examined the more likely it was that at a future day a full system of representation would be brought forward by some government possessing the confidence of the country. He did not know any country in the world in which such a system could be more judiciously tried than in Victoria, a colony accustomed from its infancy to the exercise of political privileges. He hoped to see the day when public opinion would be so enlightened that, no longer seen through the narrow medium of local or sectarian jeedousies, this most equitable scheme would be adopted with the full approbation of all thinking and right-minded persons.

Mr. opposed the clause. If the question of minorities were to be dealt with, it should be considered in all its bearings, and not upon a clause by which the principle was introduced in a mangled form. Hare's proposition was not before the House.

Captain regarded the representation of minorities as opposed to the great principle of constitutional government—the rule of the majority.

Mr. predicted that the adoption of such a clause would lead to anarchy, like that in America.


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. Ladies and gentlemen… [To ] Ah, madame!

. How do you do, Josefina?

. Allow me to present our friends. Ramón, this is Adolphe Barona, our correspondent's son.

. Yes, yes indeed. His father is a great friend of mine. Great man, Barona!

. His wife.—Introduce your wife and daughter.

. My wife, my daughter. Although we have not had the pleasure before, we may consider ourselves old friends. Your father is like a brother to Gonzalo and myself. We entered business together when we were boys.

. I believe you did. Papa talks about you incessantly. Apparently you had rare sport in your day; you were up to—what is it?—tricks.

. Tricks?

. Yes, de… bêtises. I mean you made damn fools of yourselves.

. You don't say so.

. Although he speaks Spanish perfectly, without trace of foreign accent, as he has lived in Paris all his life he is unfamiliar at times with the precise meaning of words.

. I always speak Spanish at home with papa; but the habit of thinking in French makes me commit—how shall I say? I cannot help it—une gaffe, Josefina, une gaffe…

. You break badly. Is that what you say?

. Yes, that is what you say. [Aside to ] Say and do.

. Josefina speaks charmingly, like an unadulterated Madrileña.

. Oh, please don't accuse me of anything quite so shocking, or your expectations may be forfeited.


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 that the old gentleman consented, and also engaged to join them very soon.

They all proceeded to the Count's mansion, as being nearest to Ferdinand; arrived there without any accident, and immediately sent a servant, with letters to Castle Renaud.

Those letters reached Ferdinand just as he returned from the funeral of his brother.—What delightful sensations sprung to his heart, when he found his friends were so near to him; he thought his obligations to them superseded the cold forms of decorum in circumstances like his, therefore, sending for his faithful old Ernest, he requested Mr. Dunloff and his son would come to the castle, and remain with him during his absence.

He had entreated the Countess to remain there, and command, as usual; but she declined the offer, and the day preceding the funeral, had removed to the house of a friend, until one of her own was ready to receive her. She had a good estate of her own, and a very handsome settlement from Rhodophil.


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 Ferdinand detained the messenger, that he might accompany him, and agreeably surprise his friends.—When he was announced, they could hardly credit the information;—all started up, and, in a moment, he received the embraces of his three friends: The ladies were present; Miss d'Allenberg behaved like a heroine; she said little, but that little was extremely proper.

At length he was quietly seated; they asked him a hundred questions in a breath.

"Spare me at present," said he; "I wish not to remember unpleasant scenes now, when I am so perfectly happy."

He certainly thought himself so at that moment; but soon after, when in conversation, he beheld Miss d'Allenberg speaking with some attention to the Count—Ah! thought he, how unfortunate, that such a charming young woman should encourage a hopeless passion.—Then the numberless little incidents in which he had admired her, came to his recollection; he watched her atten-


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328 Mr. and Mr. also opposed it in its principle.

Mr., having referred to Hare's book, quoted the observations it contained on the minority clause in the English bill of 1854. (Pp. 14, 15.)

Mr. supported, and Mr., Mr. , and Mr. , opposed the clause.

The replied.

The clause was ultimately negatived.

Wenn das Dach unseres Hanses in Brand steht, sind wir wenig geneigt, an die zweckmässigste Einrichtung unseres Wohnzimmers za denken; wenn die Geschicke des Gesammt-Vaterlandes einer verhängnissvollen Entscheidung entgegeneilen, fühlen wir wenig Stimmung für Beschafbignng mit Localfragen. Dennoch rückt der Zeitpunkt immer näher, an welchem die Verfassungsfrage und mit ihr ein neues Wahlgesetz auf die Tagesordnung unserer gesetzgebenden Versammlung kommen werden. Im Hinblick hierauf haben gerade jetzt die Herren Drs. Varrentrapp und Burnitz eine Methode veröffentlicht, durch welche sowohl der Mehrheit als der Minderheit eine ihrer Starke entsprechende Zahl von Vertretem gesichert werden soll. Es ist hier nicht der Ort, in mathematische Erörterungen einzugehen. Von einer kundigeren Feder soll anderwärts nachgewiesen werden, dass die am Schlusse des Schrifkchens aufgestellten mathematiachen Formeln auf willkürlichen, nur in seltenen Fällen zutreffenden Annahmen beruhen, dass jedoch in manchen Fällen diese Methode, nicht wie die beiden Verfasser annahmen, ein mathematisch exactes, aber ein approximativ befriedigendes Resultat ergibt. Uebrigens beruht es auf einem Irrthum, wenn diese Methode sich als eine neue ankündig. Dieselbe findet sich bereits in dem von den Verfassem


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 man fulfil in body and soul the idea which God embodied in him.'

'Fourierist!' cried Lancelot, laughing. But surely you never saw a face which had lost by wear less of the divine image? How thoroughly it exemplifies your great law of Protestant art, that the Ideal is best manifested in the Peculiar.' How classic, how independent of clime or race, is its bland, majestic self-possession! how thoroughly Norse its massive squareness!'

'And yet, as a Cornishman, he should be no Norseman.'

'I beg your pardon! Like all noble races, the Cornish owe their nobleness to the impurity of their blood—to its perpetual loans from foreign veins. See how the serpentine curve of his nose, his long nostril, and protruding, sharp-cut lips, mark his share of Phœnician or Jewish blood! how Norse again, that dome-shaped forehead! how Celtic those dark curls, that restless grey eye, with its 'swinden blicken,' like Von Troneg Hagen's in the Niebelungen Lied!'

He turned: Honoria was devouring his words. He saw it, for he was in love, and young love makes man's senses as keen as woman's.

'Look! look at him now!' said Claude, in a low voice. 'How he sits, with his hands on his knees, the enormous size of his limbs quite concealed by the careless grace, with his Egyptian face, like some dumb granite Memnon!'


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 converted to the Ue of the Game-keeper and his Family. Tho’ as Jones alone was dicovered, the poor Lad bore not only the whole Smart, but the whole Blame; both which fell again to his Lot, on the following Occaion. Contiguous to Mr. Allworthy’s Eftate, was the Manor of one of thoe Gentlemen, who are called Preervers of the Game. This Species of Men, from the great Severity with which they revenge the Death of a Hare or a Partridge, might be thought to cultivate the ame Supertition with the Bannians in India, many of whom, we are told, dedicate their whole Lives to the Preervation and Protection of certain Animals, was it not that our English Bannians, while they preerve them from other Enemies, will mot unmercifully laughter whole Hore-loads themelves, o that they tand clearly acquitted of any uch heathenih Supertition.

I have, indeed, a much better Opinion of this Kind of Men than is entertained by ome, as I take them to anwer the Order of Nature, and the good Purpoes for which they were ordained in a more ample Manner than many others. Now, as Horace tells us, that there are a Set of human Beings,


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‘Born to conume the Fruits of the Earth,’ So, I make no manner of Doubt but that there are others

‘Born to conume the Beats of the Field,’ or, as it is commonly called, the Game; and none, I believe, will deny, but that thoe Squires fulfil this end of their Creation.

Little Jones went one Day a hooting with the Game-keeper; when, happening to pring a Covey of Partridges, near the Border of that Manor, over which Fortune, to fulfil the wie Purpoes of Nature, had planted one of the Game-Conumers, the Birds flew into it, and were marked (as it is called) by the two Sportmen, in ome Furze Buhes, about two or three hundred Paces beyond Mr. Allworthy’s Dominions.

Mr. Allworthy had given the Fellow trict Orders, on Pain of forfeiting his Place, never to trepas on any of his Neighbours, no more than on thoe who were les rigid in this Matter, than on the Lord of the Manor.


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 With regard to others, indeed, thee Orders had not been always very crupulouly kept; but as the Dipoition of the Gentleman with whom the Partridges had taken anctuary, was well known, the Game-keeper had never yet attempted to invade his Territories. Nor had he done it now, had not the younger Sportman, who was exceively eager to purue the flying game, over-peruaded him; but Jones being very importunate, the other, who was himelf keen enough after the Sport, yielded to his Peruaions, entered the Manor, and hot one of the Partridges.

The Gentleman himelf was at that time on horeback, at a little Ditance from them; and hearing the Gun go off, he immediately made towards the Place, and dicovered poor Tom: For the Game-keeper had leapt into the thicket Part of the Furze-brake, where he had happily concealed himelf.

The Gentleman having earched the Lad, and found the Partridge upon him, denounced great Vengeance, wearing he would acquaint Mr. Allworthy. He was as good as his Word, for he rode immediately to his Houe, and complained of the Trepas


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 on his Manor, in as high Terms, and as bitter Language, as if his Houe had been broken open, and the mot valuable Furniture ole out of it. He added, that ome other Peron was in his Company, tho’ he could not dicover him: for that two Guns had been dicharged almot in the ame Intant. And, ays he, “we have found only this Partridge, but the Lord knows what Michief they have done.”

At his Return home, Tom was preently convened before Mr. Allworthy. He owned the Fact, and alledged no other Excue but what was really true, viz. that the Covey was originally prung in Mr. Allworthy’s own Manor.

Tom was then interrogated who was with him, which Mr. Allworthy declared he was reolved to know, acquainting the Culprit with the Circumtance of the two Guns, which had been depoed by the Squire and both his Servants; but Tom toutly perited in aerting he was alone; yet, to ay the Truth, he heitated a little at firt, which would have confirmed Mr. Allworthy’s Belief, had what the Squire and his Servants aid, wanted any further Confirmation.


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 The Game-keeper being a upected Peron, was now ent for, and the Quetion put to him; but he, relying on the Promie which Tom had made him, to take all upon himelf, very reolutely denied being in Company with the young Gentleman, or indeed having een him the whole Afternoon.

Mr. Allworthy then turned towards Tom, with more than uual Anger in his Countenance, and advied him to confes who was with him; repeating, that he was reolved to know. The Lad, however, till maintained his Reolution, and was dimied with much Wrath by Mr. Allworthy, who told him, he hould have to the next Morning to conider of it, when he hould be quetioned by another Peron, and in another Manner.

Poor Jones pent a very melancholy Night, and the more o, as he was without his uual Companion; for Mater Blifil was gone abroad on a Viit with his Mother. Fear of the Punihment he was too uffer was on this Occaion his leat Evil; his chief Anxiety being, let his Contancy hould fail him, and he hould be brought to betray