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TTISTORV OF INDIA.

[Bf^oK F.

He recover Cabool.

A.I). I'.is many niortityiug circuia.stances, Before lie couM obtain any a.s.siHtance, he wa.s

obliged to cede the province of Kandahai', and a/lopt the Shiite form of Maho-

metanism. After these conceasions, he va,s furnished with a body of H-,00

horse, under the command of the whah's son, Morad Mirza. His own followern

mustered oidy about 700. He first proceeded agaiast Kamlahar, which he

reached in March, 154:5. It was in possession of Mirza Askari, as governor i>i'

Hoomayooii his other brother, Kamran. The siege was immediately commence^l, Vjut pro- recovers , Kandaimr. cceded languidly for five montlis, at the end of which desertion and famine

obliged Mii'za Askari to surrendei'. Hoomayoon, probably soured by misfortune, forgot the humanity which had formed the best feature in liis character ; and, disregarding the promise of pardon which he had given, subjected his brother to the most contumelious treatment, and then kept him nearly three yeara as a prisoner in chains He also violated his agreement with the shah, by keeping Kandahar to himself, and maltreating his Persian auxiliaries.

From Kandahar he proceeded against Cabool, and e.xpelled Kamran, who was obliged to take refuge in Scinde The capture was the more gratifying that it enabled him to recover his son Akber, now a child of about three vears of age. After a time Kamran returned, and a series of struggles took place, dm'ing which the greatest barbarities were perpetrated on both sides; and Akber, who had again fallen into the enemy's hands, escaped almost miractdously, after Ms uncle had. with savage cruelty, exposed him to the full tii"e of his fathers cannon. Kamran was ultimately defeated and obliged again to tiee ; but, by the aid of the Usbeks, obtained possession of Budukshan Tliither Hoomayoon followed He was victorious, and returned in triumph to Cabool in the end of 154)8. His affairs now assumed so promising an appearance that he began to talk of attempting the conquest of Transoxiana ; but his bad fortune retmiied, and in a battle vith Kamran, who had once more taken the field, he sustained a total defeat. On this occasion he made another of his remarkable e-scapes. A soldier had wounded him. and was about to repeat the blow, when he was so confounded by the sternness with which Hoomayoon exclaimed, 'Wretch! how dare you?" that he dropped his arm and let him escape. He lied Avith only eleven attendants, while Akber again fell into liis uncle's hands. Another tm*n in the wheel of fortune placed Hoomayoon in the ascendent, and Kamran became his prisoner. The manner in which he disposed of him is a great blot on liis memory. At first he gave him a most friendly reception, seated him on his right hand, feasted him, shared half of lus shce of water-melon with him. and sjjent the evening with lum in "jollity and carousing." In the morning his peremptory orders were to put out his brother's eyes. They were executed, Kamran exclaiming during the agony of the tortm-e, "O Lord, my God! what- ever sins I have committed have been amply punished in this world; have com- passion on me in the next." He died soon after at Mecca, where he had wished to end his days.

New vicissitudes


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 CuAP. v.] DEATH OF IIOOMAYOON. 119

In the meantime circumstances in India had become favom-able, and Hooma- ad. issc.

yoon, setting out from Cabool in January, 1555, at the head of 15,000 liorse, invaded the Punjab and took Lahore. After some delay he continued his march, noomayoon

agfiiii iiins-

obliged Sikundur Shah to take refuge among the lower ranges of the Himalaya, ter..f ueiiu and made liimself master of Delhi and Agi*a. He had thus regained possession "" '^^'^ of his capital and a portion of his original ten-itories, but was not destined long to enjoy them His life had been the sport of fortune — his death was to resemble it. He had only been six months in Delhi, and was one day, after a walk on the terrace of his library, descending by the stair, which wjis placed on the outside, and consisted of narrow steps, guarded only by a parapet about a foot high. Hearing the call to prayer from the minaret, he stopped, as is usual, repeated his creed, and sat down to wait till the muezzin had made his round. In rising, his staff by which he was supporting himself slipped, and he fell headlong over the parapet. He was taken up insensible, and died four days after, Hia dentil. on the 25th of January, 1556, at the age of fifty-one. He had commenced his reign twenty -five years before, but sixteen of these had been spent in exile from his capital.

As Hoomayoon's reign reached to the middle of the sixteenth century, it may be considered as forming the link between medieval and modern India. It will be proper, therefore, before continuing the narrative, to take a survey of the political condition of India at this period.

In the reign of Mahomed Toghlak, which commenced in 1 325, almost the Political whole of India proper — understanding by that name both Hindoostan and the india. Deccan — was subject to Mahometan sway. The chief territories not thus subject were a long narrow tract in the south-west of the ]ieninsula, the kingdom of Orissa, consisting of an unexplored and densely wooded region, stretching for about 500 miles along the coast from the Ganges to the Godavery, with a medium width of about 350 miles ; and Rajpootana in the north-west, consisting of a number of independent chieftainships, of which the lunits cannot easily be assigned, as they were constantly changing in their dimensions, according as the Mahometan invaders or the native chiefs gained the ascendency. Before the termination of Mahomed Toghlaks reign, in 1351, the extent of his dominions had shrunk exceedingly, in consequence of his inisgovernment. In 1 3 10 Bengal tlirew off its yoke, and became an independent kingdom; in 1344, the example was imitated by the Rajahs of Telingana and Carnata, the former recovering liis capital of Wurungole, and the latter establishing a new ca])ital at Eijanagm*, (»n the Toombudi-a ; while the Mahometans were obliged to rest satisfied with a frontier which extended no farther south than the banks of the Krishna, and no farther east than the meridian of Hyderabad. In 1347, a Hindoo movement on a still more extended scale took place, and the ^lahometans were driven across the Nerbudda. Hassan Gangii, the head of this last movement, founded in the Deccan the extensive kingdom of Bahmani, which continued to subsist

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following' the order ot" time, but .some atlvaiitage.s in respeet of arriuiociiieiit will a.u. 1&42. be gained by continuing the thread of Mahometan narrative unbroken to ti»e conclusion of Akbers reign. The empire of the (Jreat Mogul, almost extin- guished during the misfortunes of Hoomayoon, will thus be seen not oidy re-established, but raised to a degree of splendour which it never attained before; and it will, ni consequence, be unnecessary, in tracing Eiu'opean progress, to be constantly turning aside in order to contemplate the internal changes which were at the same tune taking place.

CHAPTER YI.

Peifrn of Akber.

KBER might be called a child of the desert, having been born Akbei s at Amerkote, on the edge of it, on the 14th of October, 154-2, history. after his ])arents. with a few followers, had traversed it as homeless wanderers, under almost unparalleled privations. Be- fore he was a year old he became a captive m the hands of an uncle with wiiom his father was at war; and, while still a mere child, was bar- barously placed in the most exposed position on the ramparts of Cabool, which was besieged, in the malicious expectation that some ball from the cannon of the besieijers would de- prive him of life. His caj)tivity was afterward'^ repeatedly renewed ; bit, as if he had been reserved for something great, he ])assed vui- harmed in the midst of danger, and made many hair-breadth escajies. If anything had been want- insj to confirm the belief that a liigli destiny a-

waited him, it would have been found in the remarkaltle talents which he began, at an early age, to display. Such were the expectations which he had excited, and the confidence reposed in him, that he was sent into the Punjab in the com- mand of an army, and gained distinction on the field of battle. At this time he must have been a mere boy, for when his father died he was only in his Vol. I. 16

Cii>'LlL. — .MkllL-iUll .-. .

ll^tan.


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 122

IirSTORV OF TNDTA.

fB^JOK 1

A D. 1660.

13elirain riiJea in Ak ber'a uuiiiu.

Wl

H'M

tl

le

luflaiicholy tidings readied liiui ho wuh aWnt

Akber's thvoiie in danger.

He gains a signal victory at

Paniput

fourteeiitli yeai'.

(Ml this coinuiaMd. Tlu; necessary steps were iinine<liately taken, and he waH forthwith i)rclaiined as hiwf'ul possessor of the throne. Tliere wa.s no rival in liis own family to dispute it with him; hut in Jieiiram Khan, a Toorkoman who had stood hioh in his father's confidence, and also been his own tutor, he found a minister who seemed determined to leave him little more than a nrmiinal sovereignty. Behrams talents were of the highest order; and he probably retained the power not for any treasonable purpose, but merely because he ha/1 persuaded himself that the interest of his youthful sovereign would thereby be most effectually promoted.

Akber was not the kind of person to be long kept in leading-strings, though he had prudence enough not to take any decisive step for the purpo.se of escap- ing from thraldom till he was sm-e that he would be able to give effect to it. At first, therefore, he left Behram undisturbed, and readily consented to all the measm-es which he rertommended. It is probable that in this way he was a considerable gainer ; for Behrams experience was great, and mast have done much to extricate Akber from the difficulties which encompassed him at the very outset of liis reign. In the Punjab, Sikundur Sur still kept his gi-ound, and declared his determination to be satisfied with nothing .short of the throne of Delhi; in Cabool, Mirza Soliman of Buduk.shan had made a sudden in-uption, and made himself absolute master ; and from an opposite direction, Hemoo, the talented Hindoo minister of the usurper Adih, was advancing towards Agi'a at the head of a powerful army. Against the last, as the most pressing danger, Behram and his young sovereign immediately took the field. It was almost too late; for the Mogul generals had sustained a severe defeat, and Hemoo had, in consequence, not only captured Agra, but forced his entrance into Delhi.

The contest now about to be waged wore a very ominous aspect for Akber. His army at the utmo.st mustered only 20,000 horse, wdiUe that of the enemy exceeded 1 00,000. No wonder that many of the ofiicers urged an instant retreat in the direction of Cabool. The minister and his sovereign stood alone when they resolved to risk the encounter. Some addition was made to Akber's force by the arrival of soldiers who had belonged to the defeated detachments, but when the armies met his was still far inferior in numbers. The decisive battle was fought near Paniput, on the 5th of November, 1556. Hemoo began the action with his elephants, and pushed forward with them into Akber s very centre ; but these powerful and unwieldy animals acted as they almost invariably did when their first charge failed to produce a general panic. Furiously attacked on all sides by the Moguls, who galled them with lances, aiTows, and javelins, they L'ecame unruly, and carried confusion into their own ranks. The day was thus quickly decided in Akber's favour ; but Hemoo, mounted on an elephant of procUgious size, still bravely continued the action, at the head of 4000 horse. An arrow pierced his eye and he sunk senseless into his howdah. • A few moments


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after, liaviiig coine to himself, he |)hicke(l out the arrfivv, which is said to have .v. iscio. brought the eye out along with it; and in the midst of this agony had the energy and presence of mind to attem}>t his escape by breaking through the ueroigm enemy's line. He deserved to succeed, but unhappily failed, and was taken aiiiiidoo. prisoner. On being brought back, Behram Khan lu-ged Akber to gain the envied title of Ohazy, or Champion of the Faith, by killing him with his own hand. He had too much spirit to do the executioner's office. It would have been pleasing to add that he went a step farther, and magnanimously interpose(i his sovereign authority to save the Hindoo's life, irnfoitunately, he left liim to the will of Behram Khan, who cut off" his head at a stroke.

Innnediately after the victory Akber marched upon Delhi, and entered it ■'^^^^

re-enter.

without opjjosition. He had not remained hmg when his presence was impera- i>eiiii. tively recpiired in the Punjab. Sikundur Shah, after defeating (me of his U'enerals, and oblio-ino- jum to take refuo-e in Lahore, had advanced to Kalanoi-e. On Akber's approach he retired to Mankote, and shut himself up in it. The siege wa,s immediately commenced, and liad lasted six months, when Sikundur Shah, who had been severely wounded, offered to ca})itulate. The tei'ms bomid liim to evacuate the fort, and give his son as an ho.stage for his future behaviour. Akber was happy to be thus rid of his most formidable opponent in India

Behram Khan, instead of gradually retiring from power sis his sovereign Anogimce became more capable of exercising it, began to presume more than ever on his services; and, as if Akber's consent had not been worth the asking, proceeded of his own accord to i)ass sentence of death and banishment on individuals whom he regarded fus his private enemies. One of tiie persons whom he banished was Molla Peer Mahomcul, the king's own preceptor; and, as if to make the act more galling, lie at once tilled ui) the office which he had thus rendered vacant by appointing another })rece[>tor in his stead. Akber was gTeatly incensed, ami immediately prepai'ed to adopt a mejwure which it is probable he had long- meditated.

Having gone on a hunting party in the beginning (tf 1560, he received, or no is

ilisiiiissoO

])reten<led to have received, a message from Delhi that his mother was extremely jui.irebeu. ill, and wished to see him. Immediately cu ai riving he issued a prochunatiou, announciiiiT that lie had taken the government into his own hands, and that in future no orders Init those issued liy his authority weiv to be oluyed. Hehi'am at once saw what was intended, and endeavoured to avert his downfall, by sending two of his principal friends to make his submis.sion in the humblest terms. Akber refused to see them, and shortly after imprisoned them. The disgraced minister soon found how little he could trust to those who ha<l pro- fited most by his prosperity, and .saw himself rapidly deserted. Various schemes passed through his mind. At one time he thought of proceeding to Malwah and setting up an independent sovereignty; at another, of making this experiment in Bengal, where it might be eas}- to expel the Afghans. The prospect, in either


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 ས།

N


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 I2t

HISTOIIY OF INDIA.

[Book I.

Behram'i i'el)eIU(ii fails.

A.D. 1500. case, did not scciri very hopcfiil ; and at last, as if Ik; had abandoned all treaw^n- altle designs, he set out for Gujerat with tiie avowed intention of taking shipping- and making a pilgrimage to Mecca. Having halted at Nagore, in the hope that the kings i-esentment might be withdrawn, he was deeply mortified on receiving a message which dismissed him from office, and ordered him to continue his pilgrimage without delay. The message is said to have been in the following terms: — "Till now our mind haa Ijeen taken up with our education and the amusements of youth, and it was our royal will that you should regulate the affairs of our empire. But it being our intenti(jn henceforward to govern our people by our own judgment, let our wellwisher withdraw from aU worldly concerns ; and, retiring to Mecca, far removed from the toils of public life, spend the rest of his days in prayer."

It seems that Behram Khan had been travelling with all the insignia of office ; for, on receiving this message, he retiuTied his state elephants, banners, and drums, and set out, shorn of his public honours, for Gujerat. Suddenly a new thought seemed to have struck him, for, on arriving at Bicanere, he stopped short and retraced his steps to Nagore. Here he began to collect troops, and gave such decided evidence of treasonable intentions, that Akber sent a Vjody of troops against him. As they approached he retired into the Punjab, and openly raised the standard of revolt. He even fought one battle, but lost it, and retired into the mountains of Sewalik. Here the hopelessneas of Ms cause, and perhaps also remorse for having engaged in it, combined in determining him to thi'ow himself on Akbers mercy. He was at once forgiven ; and some of the leading officers of the court were sent to receive him, and conduct him into the [)resence with every mark of distinction. On entering the court he hung Ms turban round his neck ; and, advancing rapidly, threw himself in tears at the foot of the throne. Akber, giving him Ms hand, caused him to rise, and placed him in his former .station at the head of the nobles. A splendid dress was then given him ; and the king, addressing him, offered him the choice of a place at court, a provincial government, or libei"ty to continue his pilgrimage with an escoi't suitable to his rank. Behram preferred the last, and set out for Mecca with a large retinue and an annual pension of about £5000. After reaching Gujerat, he halted in the suburbs of Puttun, and turned aside to visit a cele- brated spot, called Sahasnak, from the thousand temples in its 'icinity. Having hired a boat and a band of musicians, he spent all mght on the lake in company with his friends. As he was returning in the morning he was acco.sted by an Afglian, who, pretending to embrace him, drew a dagger and pierced him to the lieart It was an act of revenge for the death of his father, who had fallen in battle }»y Behram's sword

Akber soon showed that, in taking the government into his own hand, he had not presumed too much on his own talents. While success almost invariably attended liis arms, his internal measui'es exhibited a model of liberal and

He is l)ai'doued

(


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 20

III.STOl;^' OF INDIA.

[i;ooK I.

A 1). ir,in.

Sie^j of Moi'Cu.

Malwah.

Rivalship among Akber's officers.

'I'lic sicgi! of Mt'ita proved nioic (lifHi.i.ilt Lliaii liu'l l.ct-ii anticipated. Two of the principal Rajpoot cliiefs of Marwar had thrown themselves into it, and conducted the defence with so much skill and valour that the mirza's ojierations, though carried on with great vigour, were completely baffled, Aft<ir carrying mines under one of the bastioas, and making a prfK;tiwi])le breach, he advanced to the assault, but was re))ulsed. In the morning, when he was preparing to i-enew the assault, he found that in the course of tlie night the breach had been built up. Some montlis had thas passed away when want of provisiorts compelled the garrison to capitulate. Favourable terms were given; but one of tlie fajalis disdaining to accept of them, collected 500 of his followers, and, after burning whatever they could not take with them, rushed out and cut tlieir way through the enemy. About half the number succeeded ; the rest perished.

The war with Baz Bahadur, in Malwah, still continued, though he was at last so closely pressed that he was obliged to seek a refuge at Boorhanpoor, within the limits of Candeish. Still, however, he had no thoughts of peace, and not only kept the country in a con.staut state of ferment and alarm Ijy fre- (juent incursions, but by means of an alliance with the rulers of Candeish anrl Berar, was enabled to take the field with so powerful an army that the Moguls were obliged to retreat before it Peer Mahomed Khan fell back on Beezygur ; when, conti-ary to the advice of his officers, he resolved to risk an engagement. He was defeated, and lost his life in attempting to cross the Nerbudda ; while Baz Bahadur continued the pursuit as far as Agra, and once more became master of all Malwah in 1 561 . His triumph was short-lived, for the governor of Kalpee, being appointed to the command, expelled him a second time, and obliged him to flee to the mountains.

One of the greatest difficulties with which Akber had to contend, arose from rivalry and strife among his leading officers. Mahomed Khan Atka. who had been appointed minister at Delhi with the title of Shahab-u-din, was high in favour at court For this he was hated by Adam Klian Khoka, who endea- voured to undermine him ; and for this pm-pose had recoui-se to intrigues, which only issued in his own disgrace. He determined on revenge; antl one day, whUe the minister was sittino- in the hall of audience reading the Kc)ran, entered and saluted him. The minister continued, as was visual in such circumstances, to read on without taking any notice of his enti^ance, and Adam Khan, whether from momentary im])ulse or premeditation, drew his dagger and stabbed him to the heart. Akber was sleeping in one of the inner apartments, and, liearing the noise and ascei-taining the cause, rushed out in his sleeping dress. There lay the minister weltering in his blood, while the murderer stot)d, as if stupified by his own atrf)city, on an adjoining teiTace. Akber s first impvdse was t(» draw his sword and put him to death, but, recollecting himself, he letm-ned the sword to its scal)bard. Adam Klian took advantage of the interval to clasp


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the king's liaiul and l)eg fur mercy; but he shook him off in disgust, and ordered a.u. isor his attendants to do summary jastice by flinging him over the parajjct.

About this time Akber himself narrowly escaped assfussination. A famous -^kber chief of Tm'kestan, called Mirza Shurf-udin Hoos.sein, arriving from Lahore at Nissi„atioii. Agra, was received at court with great distinction ; but shortly after, being suspected of treasonable designs, fled to Ajmeer and went into rebellion. On the advance of the I'oyal army he retreated to the frontiers of Gujerat. One of his retainers, who happened to be in the neighbourhood of Delhi when the royal retinue was pa.ssing along the road, joined it; and, looking upwards, fixed an arrow in his bow and pointed it towards the .sky, as if he were going to shoot at some object in the air. The attendants, thinking he was aiming at a l)ird, did not inteifere, and he had time to lower the bow and lodge the arrow deep in the flesh of Ak])er"s shoulder. The assassin was immediately cut to pieces, and the arrow was with some difficulty extracted. I'he wound, though deep, did not prove serious, and healed over in about ten days.

Shortly after Akber set out from Agra on a hunting excui'sion. This was his Usbek ostensible object, but his real design was to nij) in the bud an insurrection which was meditated by Abdollah Khan Usbek, the governor of Malwah. He accord- ingly turned suddenly aside, and, in spite of the r.ainy season, made an incursion into that province. He had only reached Oojein when Abdollah Khan, taking guilt to himself, marched off with his forces and treasure for Gujerat. Akber chivalrously pursued with a small body of hor.se, but met with so much opposi- tion that he was obliged to fall back on Mando. The annoyance caused by this U.sbek was said to have given Akber a rooted dislike to the whole race ; and it was generally rumoured that he meant to seize and impri.son all the Usbek chiefs. The consequence was a general Usbek revolt. In a short time the insurgents mustered 40,000 horse, with which they ravaged the teriitories of Berar and Juanpoor. One of the leadei-s of the revolt was Asuf Khan Heroy, governor of Kurra. Shortly after his a])pointment he obtained permission to sulxlue a country called Gurrah, which was at the time governed by Doorgawutty, a ranee or Hindoo queen, as celebrated for beauty sis for ability. The aggi-ession appears to have been un])rincipled, for the only reason assigned for it is that Asuf Khan had heard of the riches of Gurrah. After several predatory excui'sions he invaded it with a force of about GOOO hor.se and infantiy. The queen opposed him with an army of 8000 horse and foot, and 1 500 elej)hant.s. The battle was sanguinary antl well contested, till the queen, who was mounted on an elephant, was struck by an arrow in the eye and disabled from giving ordei-s. Determined not to fall i)e,itiiof into the hands of the enemy, she plucked a dagger from the girdle of her elephant ^",1^ driver and stabbed herself Her capital was immeiliately taken by storm, and ^"^"^^ her infant son trampled to death. A.suf Khan obtained an immense booty in gold and jewels, but sent only a small part to the royal treasmy, and was thus able, on joining the revolt, to add largely to its pecuniary resources.


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 128

HISTORY OF INDIA.

' liOOK I.

A.U. I5<jr,.

Campaign

against this Usbuka.

A serioiis reverse repaired

Proceedinga in Cabool.

Akljcr, liiuUug that littN; |)ro;rn;s.s was uvula by lii.s officers in suijpressin;^ the revolt, detenniiied to take the field in person. A fever, with which he w{i.s seized, obliged him to retuiTi to Agra, where he remained till April, lofifi, and then resumed the campaign. Taking a select body of horse, he j)roceedefl by a forced march toward Lucknow, in the hope of surjjrising Sikun<lur Khan; Ijut that rebel chief, having received warning, evacuated the place and joined his confederates. Several of these, worked upon by emissanes from Aklicr, who always displayed great dexterity in breaking up any confederacy formed against him, abandoned the cause as hopeless, and made their submission ; but a formid- able opposition was still offered by Bahadur Khan Seestany, who, after crossing the Jumna and raising disturbances in the Doab, encountered the royalist general, Meer Moiz ool -Moolk, in the open field. The royalists were at first successful; and, in the full confidence of victory, commenced the pursuit without observing any order. Baliadur Khan immediately seized the advantage, and changed his defeat into a victory, so complete that Akbers first tidings of the resvilt were received from Meer Moiz himself, who never halted in his flight till he joined him at Canouge, with the wreck of his army.

The loss was greatly aggravated by its indirect effects — ^some of the confed- erates, who had made their submission, conceiving new hopes, and again joining the revolt. Among these was Khan Zuman, who immediately occupied Ghazi- poor and the adjoining country. Akber set out against him with all expedition, but Bahadm* Khan, taking advantage of his absence, advanced to Juanpoor and captured it by escalade. This disaster seeming the more serious of the two, Akber retraced his steps, and, by the junction of forces from the loyal provinces, was soon at the head of an army strong enough to crush the rebellion. Bahadur Khan accordingly evacuated Juanpoor and fled toward Benares, from which he sent an offer of submission. The offer was accepted; for all Akbers leanings were to the generous side, but on this occasion his leniency was carried to an extreme. When the king, after having given his royal word of pardon, ordered liim and his brother Klian Zuman to appear at coui't, the latter answered "that shame for his past offences alone prevented him from appearing in the presence, till tima should have convinced his majesty of his loyalty; but that when the king should return to Agra, both he and his brother Bahadur Khan would, at a future time, pay their respects." There was no sincerity in these words, for the brothers were only endeavouring to gain time, and took the first opportunity of revolting and seizing upon GuiTah.

The next quarter to which Akbers attention was .specially called was Cabool. It was in the hands of his half-brother, Mahomed Hakim Mirza, who was threatened by Suliman Mirza, chief of Budukshan. and sent a message to Akber, earnestly soliciting his aid. A strong reinforcement was accordingly sent ; but before it arrived the struggle was over. Suliman Mirza had made good his threat by attacking Cabool, and Mahomed Hakim Mii'za had been compelled


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to evacuate it. In his retreat he took the direction of the Indu.s, and wa.s a.d. loce.

ungratefid enoiigli to endeavour to compensate himself for the loss of Cabool by seizing u{)ou Lahore. This he was more readily tempted to do, because he believed that Akber's hands were fully occupied in the eastern provinces by the Usbeks. The attempt u])on Lahore was made; and, though it failed, appear- An i.titnii't ances were so alarming that Akber po.stponed a projected expedition against the i.aiioio Usbeks in the Doab, and in November, 1566, directed his mju'ch into the Punjab. In the dead of the night ]Iahomed Hakim Mirza was awakened by the noise of drums and trumpets ; and, calling to ask what it meant, was told that the citizens of Lahore were manifesting their joy at the intelligence they had received of Akber's approach. Without waiting to learn more, he mounted his steed in the utmost alarm, and, taking his cavalry along with him, was off on the instant for Cabool. Fortune was far more favourable to him than he deserved ; for on arriving he found that his enemy, Suliman Mirza, had retired to Budukshan for the winter, leaving Cabool very imperfectly defended. The consequence was, that he recovered it as quickly as he had lost it.

The ab.sence of Akber in the Punjab was no sooner known to the Usbeks Progress of than they put themselves in motion, took Canouge and Oude, and extended revolt. their conquests in all directions. He therefore hastened back to Agra, and having collected his troops, set out for Juanpoor. Khan Zuman Khan, when this startling intelligence reached him, was engaged in laying siege to the fort of Sheergur. He inunediately raised it, and, with his brother Bahadur Khan Seestany, who was besieging Kurra, crossed the Ganges in full retreat to Malwah, intending either to join some insurgents who had a])peared in that province, or to form an alliance with the kings of the Deccan. Akbei', fully alive to the magnitude of the danger which thus threatened, determined, if possible, to overtake him. Such was his haste that, on arriving at the ferry of Muneepoor, and finding no boats in readiness, he mounted his elephant and plunged into the stream. One hundred of his body-guard imitated his example; and though the water was then high, they all reached the opposite bank in safety. At the head of this small party Akber proceeded, and had actually come in sight of the enemy's camp before he was reinforced by the garrison from Kurra.

The enemy, never imagining that Akber would venture to cross without his lurap army, felt perfectly secure, and had accordingly passed the night in festivity. They were first brought to their sen.ses by the ominous sound of the royal mikara, or kettle-drum. Though completely surprised, they were so superior in numbers that the contest was for some time doubtfid, and Akber was in great personal danger; but his elei)hants, advancing rapidly into the midst of the confused mass, left the enemy no time to rally. Khan Zuman, while endeavour- ing to extract an arrow which had wounded him, fell with his horse, and was tram])led to death by an ele]>hant. His brother, Bahadur Khan, was taken prisoner; and on being bronght before the king, who asked him what injury he Vol. I. 17


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 :]{}

IlJSTOJiV OF INDIA.

[Hook I.

A IX LIT-.'

Siege of Cliittoor.

Akber shoot; .lagmul.

Sheikh Seliiri.

liad susttiiuL'(l to justify liiiii in uguiii drawing the sword, siinj>ly replied, "Praise be to God that he has rescued me once more to see your majesty's wmntenance." This impudent hypocrisy had saved him on a former occasion, but it now provi;d unavailing; for some of the officers, afraid perhaps of a renewal of the kings ill-judged leniency, put him to death without orders. The i-evolt of the Usbeks being now considered at an end, Akber returned to Agi"a in July, 1.jG7.

Akber next marched against Rana Cody Sing, who had hitherto refased to acknowledge the Mogul supremacy. He immediately directed his steps against Cliittoor, in Rajpootana. The rana quitted it before his arrival, and retired into the mountains, but left it am])ly provisioned and strongly garrisoned Ijy 8000 Rajpoots. It was immediately invested by AkVjer, who.se ap[jroaches are said to have been made in the most scientific manner, in the mode recommended by Vauban, and practised by the best engineers of modem times. After arriving near the walls by means of zigzag trenches and stuffed gabions, two mines were carried under bastions, filled with gunpowder, and fired. The stonning party advanced, and, finding a practicable breach, di'ided, with the view of entering both breaches at once. From some cause only one of the mines had exploded, and the second division was close upon the other when the second explosion took place, and 500 of the Moguls were blown into the air. The consequence was, that both attacks failed.

Akber's spu-it generally rose with the difficulties he encountered, and he immediately began to run new mines and carry on other works. One even- ing while they were in progress, he perceived Jagmul, the governor, superin- tending the repair of the breaches by torch-light. Seizing a matchlock from one of his attendants, he fired with so sure an aim as to lodge the ball in Jagmul's forehead. The garrison were at once seized with despair, and erecting a funeral pile for the dead body of their chief, bm-ned their wives and cliildren along with it. Akber, aware of what was going on, ordered his men forward to the breaches under the cover of night. Not a soul appeared, and they entered the fort without opposition. The Rajpoots had retired to their temples, and there, disdaining to accept of quarter, perished to a man.

Akber's cliildi-en had hitherto died ; but in 1569, shortly after he had made a pilgrimage to a celebrated shrine at Ajmeer. and paid a dsit to Sheikli Selim Chishty, in the village of Sikra, his favourite sultana gave birth to his son Selim. In the following year another son, whom he called Murad, was bom to him. As both births had taken place in the village of Sikra, he regarded it as a particularly propitious spot, and selected it as the site of a city, which at a later period received the name of Futtipoor.

Gujerat had long been torn by intestine factions, and also become a common asylum for all the chiefs who had risen in rebellion against Akber's government. Having therefore resolved to march against it in person, he set out in Septem- ber, 1572. Puttun and Ahmedabad fell into his hands without a blow. At


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 Chap VI.

REIGN OF AKBER.

131

SiiFiKH Sklim's Tomb at Ki'TTirooit Sikra.*

I'Voiii un Oriental tlrawing, Kist Indiu House.

Baroach and Surat matters wore a more threatening appearance, Ibrahim ad. i67-.>. Hoossein Mirza being near the one, and his brother Mahomed Hoossein Mirza near the other, each at the head of an independent army. On Akbers approach uujorat. towards Baroach, Ibrahim sud- denly quitted the place, and set out by a circuitous route to reach the Punjab, where he hoped to raise an insurrection. Akber, informed of his inten- tion, immediately adopted one t)f those chivalric resolutions which, notwithstanding the suc- cess which usually attended them, cannot be justiiied against the charge of rashness. It was nine o'clock at night when he heard of Ibrahim's departure. Immediately, taking only a small body of horse, he hastened off to intercept his retreat. On reaching the Mhendry, which runs by the town of Surtal, he found his i)arty reduced to forty troopers, and saw Ibrahim on the opposite 1)ank with 1000. At this moment Akber was joined by seventy additional troopers. He expected more, but refused to wait for them ; and crossing the river, he advanced to the charge. Many acts of individual heroism were ])erformed, i)articularly by some Hindoo rajahs, who, proud of the confidence which Akl)er had placed in them, were eager to justify it ; but none behaved more chivalrously than the king himself, who repeatedly engaged the bravest of his enemies single handed, and charged right against Ibrahim, who, shunning the encounter, only saved himself by the fleetness of his horse.

Satisfied with this achievement, Akber, instead of attempting to pursue the suppression fleeing enemy, waited till his army arrived, and then ])roceeded to lay siege to voit in tiio Sui'at. A valiant resistance was at first threatened ; but as soon as the batteries ""^" ' were ready to open, the inhabitants surrendered. Meanwhile Ibrahim Hoossein Mirza carried out his scheme of attempting an insuirection in the Punjab. On learning his arrival, Hoossein Koolly Khan, Akber's general, who was besieg- ing Nagarcote, immediately raised the siege and pursued him through the Punjab to Tatta on the Indus He probably thought that he had made his escape, or believed Koolly Khan to be more distant than lie was, for instead of continuing his flight, he set out on a hunting excm'sion. Oji his retiu'n he

' Tliis tomb waserecteil by .Xkber to Slieikli Selim, wall, with a magnificent cloi.'ster all around within

in gratituile for the prayers of the holy man. It is it. The sarcophagus containing the body is inclosed

a very beautiful little building, in the centre of a within a screen of marble, carved into lattice work,

tiue quadran;j;le575feet square, surrounded by a lofty and inlaid with niother-ofjiearl.


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 l:{2

FTTSTORY OF TXT)TA,

[Rook I,

A.U. 1.073.

Nuw troubles in Uujorat.

Revolt in Bengal.

found lii.s caiiip stormed, and lii.s Itrotlier Miusa/jod Hoossein a prisoner. He resolved to retrieve the day or perish, and made many desperate onsets; hut being repulsed at every point, desi.sted, an«l fled to Mooltan. Here, after being severely wounded and taken prisoner l>y a Beloochee, he was delivered up to tlie governor of Mooltan, who shortly alt<.'r beheaded him. His head was sent to Agra, and by Akber's order jilaced above one of its gates.

In July, 1573, the affairs of Gujerat were again thrown into disorder by the union of one of its former chiefs with ^lahomed Hoossein Mirza. These confederates, after overrunning several districts, felt strong enough to attempt the siege of Ahmedabad. The presence of Akber seemed absolutely necessary, but a foi^midable obstacle was in the way. The rainy season had commenced, and the march of a large army was impracticable. In these circumstances, he made one of those decisive movements for which he had become famou.s. Sending off a body of 2000 chosen horse, he followed rapidly with a retinue of 300 persons, chiefly nobles, mounted on camels and accompanied by led hoi"ses. Having come up with the main body at Puttun, he found that his whole force mustered 3000. Without halting he set forward for Ahmedabad, while a swift messenger hastened before to make the gan-ison aware of his approach. The enemy first learned it by the sound of his drum ; and though astonished above measure, prepared for action. Leaving 5000 horse to watch the gates and pre- vent a sally, Mahomed set out with 7000 horse. Akber at first waited, in the expectation that the garrison would join him ; but on learning that this was not to be expected, he crossed the river and drew up on the plain. The battle was fiercely contested, and was not decided till the king, with his body-guard of 100 men, made an attack in flank on Mahomed, who, losing all presence of mind, turned his back and fled. The rout now became general, ^lahomed, wounded in the face and mounted on a horse which had also been wounded, attempted to leap a hedge, but both fell, and he was made prisoner. Several persons laying claim to the honour of the capture, Akber put the (question to himself — " Who took you ? " Mahomed, holding down liis head, replied, " Nobody. The cirrse of ingratitude overtook me." He spoke truth, and paid the penalty ^ for before Akber had given any orders respecting him. Rajah Ray Sing, in whose charge he had been left, put him to death. The siege of Ahmedabad was immediately raised, and Akber entered it in triumph.

In the com'se of this year Dawood Khan, son of Suliman Kirany, ruler of Bengal, took up arms. Moonyim Khan, sent by Akber against him, defeated him in several actions, and compelled him to sign a treaty. Akber, disHking the terms, refused to ratify it, and insisted that Dawood Khan should either be expelled or obliged to pay tribute. He promised the latter, but it was merely to gain time; and as soon as he thought himself strong enough, he resumed hostilities. Moonyim Khan again defeated him, took his fleet of boats, and, after crossing the Ganges, laid siege to Patna. Akber, thinking his presence


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 Chap. VI.j

REIGN OF AKBER.

i;j3

S? r"*"-

required, left Agm in the middle of the rains, and set out with as many troops a.u. 1579. as could be embarked in 1000 boats. On arriving within a few miles of Patna he had the satisfaction to learn that, in consequence of Moon^'im's success, it was on the point of being evacuated. Hajeepoor, on the opposite side of the Ganges, also yielded without resistance. Dawood Khan, thus defeated at all points, iio^-mt in wished to make terms; but Akber insisted on his unconditional submission, at the same time observing to his messenger, " Tell Dawooil Khun 1 have a thou- sand men iu my army as good as he, and if he is disposed to put the point to issue in single combat, 1 will myself meet him." Dawood Khan had no idea of this manner of settling the contest, and made a precipitate retreat to Bengal. In the pm-suit 400 of his elephants were taken. Akber now returned to Agra ; and Moonyim Khan, continuing to prosecute the subjugation of Bengal, obliged Dawood Kiian to take refuji'e in Orissa. Ultimately he was overtaken on the shores of the Bav of Bengal, and obliijed to submit. The terms were that he should re- linquish all preten- sions to Bengal and Beliar, but retain Orissa and Cuttack. Moonyim Khan was appointed governor

of Bengal, and removed the seat of government from Khowaspoor Tanda to Goor, which had been the capital till it was abandoned on account of its in- salubrity. He had better have left matters as he found them, for he soon fell a victim to the climate, and was succeeded by Hoossein Koolly Khan, a Toorkoman, who bore the title of Khan Jehan.

Before Hoossein Koolly Khan had taken actual possession of his government, itss'ip-

pressioii.

RuiN8 OF GooR '— DanieU's Oriental Scenery.

' "Takin? the extent of the ruins of Goor at the most reasonable calculation, it is not less than fifteen miles in length (e.tenfling along the old bank of the Ganges), and from two to three in breadth. Several villages stand on part of its site; the remainder i.s cither covered with thick forest, the habitations of tigers and other beasts of prey, or become arable laud, whose soil is chiefly composed of brick-ilust. The principal ruins are a mosque, lined with bl.ick marble elaborately wrought, and two gates of the citadel, which are strikingly grand and lofty. These fabrics, and some few others, appear to owe their duration to the nature of their materials, which are

less marketable and more difficult to separate, than those of the ordinary brick-buildings, which have been, and continue to be an article of merchandise, and are transported to Moorshedabad, Malda, and other places, for the purposes of building. The situa- tion of Goor was higiily convenient for the capital of Bengal and Behar as united under one govern- ment, being nearly centrical with re.spect to the populous parts of tho>e provinces and near the junction of the principal rivers that, compose that e.vtraordinary inland navigation for which those pro- vinces are famed."— Major Reunell, quoted in Thorn- ton's Oazettecr of Indiit.


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IIIS'IOHV OF INDIA.

[Hook I

A D 1585

l!oii?al an.l JJehar in- coi'poratail in the Mo-ul empire.

Akber advances on tlie Punjab.

New trouMi! iu Gujerat.

DawooJ Kliau, liavin;;^ leagued with several ^Vfgliau chiefs, appeared at the hea«l of 50,000 hor.se, and retook the greater part <^t" Bengal, ili.s possession, however, was only momentary; for, in a battle fought shortly after, lie was defeated, taken prisoner, and put to death. The iiLsuirection was stilJ heahant. The fort of Khotas, in Behar, which had long held out, was obliged to surrender; and Bengal and Behar were formally incorporated with the empire of the Great Mogul, though they both

4

continued to be, from time to time, the seats of fonnidable insurrections. These had hitherto for the most part originated with Afghans, who had fled thither when the Afghan dynasty was driven from the throne of Delhi; but when their hostility had ceased to be fonnidable, the Mogul chiefs themselves began to give considerable trouble, first quarrelling with Akbers financial arrangements, and then making open war by appearing in the field in 1579. with an army of 30,000 men. After an intestine war, which the Afghans again endeavoured to turn to account, tranquillity was restored.

While Akbers officers were thus occupied in Bengal, he was himself obliged to march to the north-western provinces, in consecjuence of a new attempt by his half-brother, Mahomed Hakim Mirza, to make himself master of ])art of the Punjab. Mahomed had advanced as far as Lahore and laid siege to it, when the arrival of Akber at Sirhind disconcerted all his schemes, and he hastened back to Cabool. He had so often before escaped in the same way, that Akber deter- mined not to let him off so easily ; and after crossing the Indus, continued his march upon Cabool itself, which he entered in trixunph in 1 579. Mahomed was now at his mercy; but, on making his submission, received more favourable terms than he deserved, and was left in possession of his capital, wlule the royal army set out on its return. On this occasion Akber built the fort of Attock ; a short time after he built the fort of Allahabad, at the junction of the Jumna and Ganges.

After MoozufFur Shah, the former ruler of Gujerat, had been forced to abdicate, he was taken to Agra, and so far ingratiated himself with Akber that he was presented with an extensive domain, and allowed to reside upon it. He seemed satisfied; but in 1581, when new troubles arose in Gujerat, he was worked upon by some of the insurgents, and suddenly quitted Hindoostan for the purpose of attempting to recover his lost throne. Thus headed, the insur- rection soon became formidable, and the royal generals were obliged to retreat northwards to Puttun, leaving MoozufFur in possession of Alimedabad, Baroach, and nearly the whole of the province. An army, sent imder Mirza Khan, son of tlie late Behram Khan, recovered a large portion of what had been lo.st ; but MoozufFur, retiring into the more inaccessible parts of the peninsula, maintained himself in a kind of independence for several years.

In 1585, Mahomed Hakim Mirza havmg died, Akber immediately set out

J


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REIGN OF AKBER.

135

ill C'al)(Kil atul Cash- luere.

to take possession of Cabool. In this he found no difficulty; but he immediately a.u. i5s7 after undertook another task, which brought him into collision with tribes of a more warlike character than he had previously encountered, and called for his Aki^rt

. 1 1 • canii)aigns

utmost skill and pi'owess. Cashmere, with its beautiiui valley, tempted his ambition, and he resolved to make a conquest of it. The circumstances were ftivourable ; for dissensions liad broken out in the reigning family, and the whole kingdom was torn asunder by contentling factions. But the facilities for con- <piest thus afforded were greatly counteracted by the physical features of the country. It lies embosomed among lofty mountain chains, and is accessible only through perilous pavSses. At first Akber, then at Attock, was contented to

AiTouK, from West Bank of the Gauges. —Viguu's Visit to Olnixui

send forward a detachment of his armv. It succeeded in i)enetratin<; throu-'h a pass which had not been guarded ; but a threatened want of provisions, and the sudden setting in of winter with a heavy fiiU of snow, so intimidated the officers in command that they hastily concluded a treaty by which Cashmere nominally acknowledged the Mogul su]>remacy, but was left, in every other respect, in full possession of its former independence.

This treaty was utterly at variance with AkV)er's views; and he therefore not only refused to ratify it, but, in the following year (1587), sent a second mvading army, the commander of which, by dexterously availing himself of the intestine dissensions, was admitted within the pas.ses without a struggle, and afterwards made an easy conquest. The king, having been captured, was enrolled among the nobles of Delhi, and sent to live on a domain a.s.sirnu'd him in Behar. Cashmere, rob1)ed of its indo])endence, which it had maintained for nearly 1000 years, became merely a ilogul ])rovince.

The struggles in this quarter were not yet over; for Akber's ambitjon extended t,o the subiuixation, not nierelv of Ca.shmere, but of the Af'dian mountain districts which encircle the plain of Peshawer. The most powerful of the Afghan tribes in this direction were the Yoo.soofzyes or Eusofzeis, who possessed the northern part of the Peshawer plain, and the mountain terraces which rise above it and stretch back to the snowv ridires of the Hindoo Koosh.

Cashmere eoiHUierwl.

Campaign against tlio Ysfzyes and Rosb- iiyes.


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 136

HISTORY OF' INI»IA.

[Book I.

A.u. iMi. The Mi)<^ul iiriiiy ('iii[)l(»y((l in the expedition a^^uinst thiH AI';L^han tribe whh commanded by Zein Khan Koka, who allowed himself to be wm|)letely defeat<id, and had great difficulty in reaching the royal camp at Attr)ck. Rajah Beerbui,

a special favourite of Akber, perished on this occasion ; and the monarch had thus to endure, not merely the mortification of defeat, but the deep grief, which he could not but feel, at the loss of one of his most valued friends. The Yoosoofzyes, having failed to improve their victory, were ultimately obliged to make some sort of submission, which appears to have been more formal than real. The Roshnyes or Rooshe- nias, another of the mountain tribes, headed by a leader of the name of Jelala, made a still more valiant defence, but were also at last oblicred to submit. While this Afghan contest was being waged, Akber was extending and consolidatincj his empire in other directions. Taking advan- tage of dissensions in Scinde, he in 1591 sent Mirza Khan with an invading army from Lahore, to enter it from the north, and lay siege to the fort of Sehwan. Mirza Jany Beg, then ruling sciiide raado in Sciiidc, advanccd with a numerous army and a train of artillery. After province, arriving within twelve miles of the Mogul camp, he sent forward 100 boats filled with artillery- men and archers, to make an attack. Mirza Khan had only twenty - five boats at command ; but, taking advan- tage of the night, came upon the ene- my by surprise, and compelled him to a precipitate flight. Mirza Jany Beg be- came, in future, more cautious; and having bronslit

down his whole fleet, landed on a swampy ground, which, at high water, became inaccessible. Here he successfully resisted all attempts to dislodge him ; and

YoosooFZYE. — Elphiiistoue's Kingdom of

Cabool.

i

Ruins of the Castle of Sehwan. — Jackson's Afghanistan.


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 Chap. VI.] KEIGN OF AKBER. lo7

at the same time, while he kept his own commimications open, so interrupted ad. 1594.

those of the Moguls, that they were unable to obtain the necessary supplies. In these ciremnstances, Mirza Khan had no alternative but to divide his army, taking part (^f it to Tatta, while the remainder cojitiimed the siege. Mirza Jany Beg, thus tempted to assume the offensive, lost the advantages of his ])sition, and was finally caught in a trap, which compelled him to accept of any terms of peace that the Moguls chose to dictate. His kingdom became a Mogul province, and he himself exchanged his position as a king for that of 'i'i>f fii-st an officer in the Mogul service. In this war he is said to have employed some Portuguese soldiers, and to have had 200 natives dressed as Eui'opeans. These may be regarded as the first Sepoys in India.

It has been mentioned how Hoomayoon, Akber's father, after obtaining Kand.ihar military aid from the vSliah of Persia, on condition of making the compiest from Persia, of Kandahar, and ceding it to that monarch, refused to fulfil his agreement, and kept the contjuest to himself Internal troubles prevented the shah from resenting the injustice at the time ; but the circumstances afterwards became favom'able, and Kandahar passed to Persia shortly after Akber's accession. It remained in this position till loy-t, when Akl)er, turning the Pei-sian dissensions to account, was able to make himself master both of the town and temtory without being obliged to strike a blow, the Persian prince who held the fort being contented to exchange his possession for the government of Mooltan and a command in the Mogul ai'my.

In the whole of India north of the Nerbudda, Mogul supremacy was now Akbercinims completely established. It was otherwise m the Deccan ; and to it, therefore, in the Akber's attention was now earnestly turned. In 1586 he had availed himself of '"^^"" an opportunity to interfere in the internal concerns of Ahmednuggur ; and had endeavoiu'ed, though without success, to aid a claimant in obtaining the throne. In 151)0 he had recourse to a much more formal proceeding, and sent aml)assa- dors to four different courts — Asseer and Boorhanpoor, Ahmednuggur, Bejajjoor, and Bhagnagur, the modern Hyderabad — demanding an acknowledgment of his supremacy. When a common refusal was given, he only received the answer which he had anticipated, and for which he was })repared. For the avowed purpose of reducing them to subjection, Mirza Khan was immediately sent south with an army. He proceeded fii-st to Mando. Meanwhile a messenger had arrived from Boorhan, King of Ahmednuggur, who had lived for some time in exile at Akber's court, announcing his entire submission. His death having taken place shortly after, in 15f)4. and his son and successor having fallen in battle, a disputed succession took place, and the minister, who favoured the claim of a boy of the name of Ahmed, ap])lied for assistance to Akber's son. Prince jMurad Mirza, then in Gujerat. The ]>rince, by his father's orders, immediately put his army in motion and marched for the Deccfin, taking the direction of Ahmednuixonir.

Vol. I. 18


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HISTORY OF 1NI>IA.

[Book I.

A I). 1090.

Siego of All ludUiiuggur.

Heroism of Chand Beeby.

Akber's personal campaign in the Dec?an.

The miniHter, Mceaii Muiija, who called in this {orei;^ri aid, had repented of the .step, and therefore prepared to meet the prince a« if he had wjnie not oh an ally, but as an enemy. Having provisioned and otherwise prepared for the defence of Alimednu<ro-ur, he jjave the command of" it to the Princess Chand Beeby, who had been queen and dowager-regent of the neighbouring kingdom of Bejapoor, and marched toward the Bejapoor frontier with the remainder of the army. Prince Murad Mirza and Mirza Khan having united their forces, met the altered circumstances by laying aside their o.stensiljle character as auxiliaries, and assuming that of principals in the war.

Chand Beeby, equally j^repared to act her part, and when the Moguls opened the siege of Ahmednuggur, made a most resolute defence, counterworking their mines, superintending the repairing of breaches, and often making her appear- ance, sword in hand, to animate the garrison when their spirits began to fail. Not contented with thus resisting in the fort, she entered into correspondence with tlie neighbouring kings ; and, by vivid description of the common danger by which they were threatened, succeeded in forming a confederacy which levied a powerful army for the purpo:!e of advancing to her relief The Moguls, anxioas to effect a capture before this army could arrive, fired their mines, which blew up about eighty feet of the wall, and threw the garrison into such consternation that they would have given up the plase had not Chand Beeby, appearing among them with a veil on her face and a naked sword in her hand, animated them to new exertions. She caused gims to be brought to bear on the assail- ants, and stones to be hurled upon them, so that the ditch was filled with their dead. During the night she stood by the breach, superintending the workmen, and did not depart till she had seen it built up to such a height as to be no longer practicable. It was now the turn of the Moguls to be disheartened; and Prince Murad was glad to conclude a peace which left Ahmednuggur and its dependencies entire in the hands of its native sovereign, and only required him to renounce some obsolete or unavailable claim on the throne of Berar.

No sooner was this treaty ratified than the dissensions among the princes of the Deccan, which had only been suspended by a common danger, again broke out. Among other follies, they voluntarily assumed the offensive against the Great Mogul ; and, in the very face of their recent engagement, marched a hostile force into Berar. Akber had thus only too good ground for interfering; and he accordingly resolved, in 1599, to take the field in person. One cause of this resolution is said to have been the desire to divert his thoughts, and lighten the grief which he felt for the loss of his second son. Prince Murad, who had died of a sudden Ulness. Another care weighing heavily upon him was the miscon- duct of his eldest son, Prince Selim. He had formally appointed him his suc- cessor, and treated liim with the utmost indulgence, but met with a most ungrateful return. The prince had become the slave of intoxication, and imder its influence was hurried into several crimes. One of these was treason, wdiich


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he carried so far that it had assumed the form of open revolt, from which, how- ever, second and better thouglits induced him to desist. Another crime which stains his memory, is the share he had in the murder of Abulfazl, who had long been his father's favourite minister, and is still celebrated cis the his- torian of his reign. Abulfazl was returning from the Deccan when he fell into an ambuscade, which Narsing Deo, Rajah of Orcha, in Bundeleund, had laid for him, at the instigation of Prince Selim, and fell fighting valiantly. Had Akber been aware of the share which his son had in this atrocity, he would probably have taken effectual steps to disinherit him; since, without this additional aggravation, the tidings so affected him that he wept bitterly, and passed two days and nights without sleep. This first paroxysm over, he vowed revenge, and took it by inflicting on Narsing Deo said all his race severities of which his reign happily affords few examples.

In the south Akber's usual good fortune had attended him ; his arm.s, though not uniformly, were so generally successful, that most of the princes hastened to make their submission; and he returned to Agra in 1602, so satisfied with the result, that in a proclamation which he issued, he assumed, in addition to his other titles, that of Prince of the Deccan. While thus at the head of a mighty empire, of which he had himself been the main architect, and surrounded by a magnificence which few if any sovereigns have ever equalled, Akber, in his declining years, was far from happy. He had scarcely ceased to mourn for his second son, when his third son, Prince Daniel, whose marriage in 1604 he had celebrated with great festivities, died within a twelvemonth, the victim of his own drunken habits. But his sorrow for the dead members of his family was not so distressing as the shame and agony produced by the misconduct of the living. Selim, his only surviving son and destined successor, after a promise of reform, had sunk deeper than ever in his vicious courses, acting habitually with the caprice of a madman and the cruelty of a tyrant. A quarrel with his own son Khosroo had such an effect on that youths mother, that she destroyed herself by poison Akber, who had through life manifested the greatest decision, seems now to have hesitated as to his future arrangements. He shuddered at the thought of being succeeded by Selim, and yet in Khosroo, Selim's eldest son, he beheld the very passions which disgraced Selim himself There was a third son, Khurram He had entwined himself around the heart of his grandfather, but the fearful consequences of a disputed succession appear to have deterred him from making any destination in his favour. Amid these distressing trials and perplexities, his health began visibly to give way, and after an illness, during the last ten days of which he was confined to bed, and employed much of his time in giving good counsels to his son, he expired on the 13th of October, 1605. Of the sixty-four years of his life, fifty-one had been spent on the throne. He was buried near Agra, in a tomb consisting of a solid pyramid, surrounded by cloisters, galleries, and domes, and of such immense dimensions,


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 lO

JIISTfJiiY OF ISI>..

(IJOOK I.

A.n. 1605. that for a year or two after tlie coii<[ue.st f>f the surrounding t<jrritory hy the Britisl), a whole European regiment of dragoons was quartered in it.

iy_J'.ii::ij.il

racter.

Mausoleum of Emperor Akber at SectsiJitA.' — From an Oriental drawing in East India Hoose.

Akber'sper- Akber is described as of a manly, athletic, and handsome form, fair com-

son, talents, ^ _ i i • <» i •

andcha- plexion, pleasing features, and captivating manners. In early life his tastes

were somewhat epi- curean, and he indulged in wine; in his latter yeai-s he was abstemious, both in meat and drink He had no Tndictive- ness in liis nature ; and, however much he migh t have been provoked, was always ready to extend pai'don to every one wlio asked it. His coiu-age

Akber's Tombstone at Secundha.'— Oriental drawing, East India House. t • i t n

was so decided as oiten to amount to rashness ; and the chivalrous prevailed so much in Ins temper, that

" The tomb of Akber at Secundra, near Delhi, is, like all his buildings and doings, exceptional, and unlike those of any of his race, but still of great mag- nificence. The tomb is pyramidal in external form. The outer or lower terrace is .320 feet square by 30 feet in height, and its architecture is bold and massive. On this terrace stands another far more ornate, mea- suring 186 feet on each side, and 14 feet 9 inches in height. A third and a fourth of similar design, and respectively 1.5 feet "2 inches and 14 feet 6 inches high, stand on this, all these being of red sandstone. Within and above the last is a white marble inclosure 1.57 feet e.ach way, or, e.Kternally, just half the length of the

lowest terrace. The outer wall of this is entirely com- posed of marble trellis-work of the most beautiful patterns. Inside it is surrounded by a colonnade of the same material. In the centre of this cloister, ou a raised platform, is the tombstone of the founder, a splendid piece of the most beautiful arabesque tracery (see accompanying engraving). This, however, is not the true burial place; but the mortal remains of this great king repose under a far plainer tombstone, in a vaulted chamber in the basement, 35 feet square, exactly under tlie simulated tomb that adorns the summit of the mausoleum." — -Fergusson's Iland-Book of Architeciure.


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 Chap, VI. ] REIGN OF AKBER 141

he often underwent great toils and exposed hinisell' to great perils, from a mere ad 1005. love of adventure. His intellect, though not of the first order, wiis remarkably acute, and nothing pleased him more than discussions of a metaphysical and [)uzzling nature. When not actually engaged in these discussions, he delighted to be present at them as a listener ; and amused himself with the wianglings of philosoi)hical or religious sects, whose leaders he on varioas occasions summoned to court for this veiy purpose. One of the most remarkable of these discussions took place when he held a meeting of Maliometan doctors and Portuguese mis- sionaries, and deluded the latter by pretending to have some idea of becoming a Christian convert. The truth seems to be, that he had few serious convictions of any kind, and employed his acuteness, not so much for the purpo.se of disco- vering, as of evading truth.

In private life he was a kind and imlulgent parent, and a generous, warm- Akbers hearted, and strongly attached friend. Indeed, it may be truly said, that the only real griets which he suffered through life had their soui'ce in these two relations. As a military commander, he takes high rank. He did not fight many great battles, but often, after some of his ablest officers had fought and lost them, he no sooner made his appearance in the field than fortune, which had forsaken them, seemed to return, and defeat was converted into victory. In the cabinet he was still more successful than in the field; and possessed in the hiijliest degfree the art of winninii the affections of all with whom he came in contact, and rendering their varied talents antl influence subservient to the advancement of his service. For the first time Mahometans and Hindoos were seen, during his reign, working harmoniously together, while holding places of lionour and trust near the throne.

Akbers best fame is founded on his internal administration, into which so inteniai

, ^ nilniinistra-

many important inn)rovements were introduced, that it would be difficult to tum. enumerate them. Suffice it hei'e to say, that in every department of the state, business wtis conducted on rational, liberal, and tolerant principles; justice was administered impartially among all chiases of subjects, without reference to birth or religious profession; and the revenue was raised in the manner sup- posed to be mo.st equitable and least oppressive. Having first fixed a uniform standard t)f meivsurement, he carefully ascertained the extent and relative pro- ductiveness of each landed tenement, and then fairly apportioned the amount of taxation which each ought to bear. In this way there was little room for iavouritism ; ami a burdtMi which, while it lay equall}' upon all, was not exces- sive in its amount, was borne easily and without gnidging.

In connection with Akbers revenue sv.stem may be mentioned his adminis- Division <.f trative divisions of the empire into pro^^nces or suhihs, each of which wjis einpire int.. governed by a head officer called a suhahdar, whose powers were equivalent to those of a viceroy, all authority, civil as well as military, within the province being vested in him Subordinate to the subahdar, though a])|)ointed not by


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 U2

HrSTOI'.V OF INDIA.

[Book I

AT), um. him, l)iit }>y t!i(! king, was an officer, with tlic; title of dewan or diwnn, who had the ■sn[)erintendence of all matters of revenue and finance. The subahs, originally fifteen, were, in consequence of additional conquests, raised to eigh- teen. Of these twelve were in Hindoostan and six in the Deccan. Liberal Among the enactments of Akber which deserve notice for their humane and

spirit of Ak-

bers rule, liberal Spirit, and at the same time throw some reflection on the tardy legisla- tion of the British government on the same subjects, are his prohibition of the burning of Hindoo widows against their will, and his permitting them to marry again, though the Hindoo law expressly forbids it. The same humane and liberal spirit appears in his prohibition of the jezia or capitation tax on infidels, which had placed an enormous, irresponsiVjle, and much-abased power in the hands of fanatical Mahometans ; and in the aboHtion of the practice of making slaves of prisoners taken in war — a practice under the cover of which not only the wives and children captured in camps or fortified places, but the peaceable inhabitants of any hostile country, were seized and earned off into slavery. These enactments gave grievous offence — those affecting the Hindoos beino- odious to the Brahmins, and those which laid restraints on the Mahome- tans being seized upon by the Mollahs, and m-ged as a proof that Akber him.self was an infidel A still stronger proof was supposed to be found in a matter of court etiquette, on which Akber seems to have insisted with more pertinacity than is easily reconcilable with his usual moderation. He had a dLslike to the beard, and would scarcely admit a person who wore it to his presence. Unfor- tunately his feeling in this respect was in direct opposition to an injunction of the Koran ; and several of the more zealous Mahometan chiefs chose rather to

Palace of Akber, Puttipook Sikra. — From an original drawing by Capt. R. Smith, 44th Regiment.

forego the honours and pleasm-es of the court than conform to a regulation, the observance of which seemed incompatible with orthodoxy, works" "^ Among the public works executed dm-ing the reign of Akber, are the walls


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 Chap. VI. 1

REIGN OF AKBER.

143

and citadels of Agra and Allahabad, the touudatioii oi" the city of Futti[)(X)r on the site of the village of Sikra, for which, as the birth-place of two of iiis sons, he had conceived a strong partiality ; the splendid })alace erected in that city for his own residence, and near it a mosque remarkable for the beauty and majestic proportions of its architecture; and the white marble mosque and palace of Agra, in both of which simplicity and elegance are happily combined.

A. I). 1G06.

Chalees Sitoon, Axlauauao. ' — DauieU's Oriental Scenery.

Another work of Akber, though not strictly of a pubHc nature, is the tomb of Akters ,.iii,-

lie worKs,

his father Hoomayoon at Delhi. Its commanding position, its magnitude and solidity, and its stupendous dome of white marble, have long made it celeln'ated as one of the greatest of his structures ; while a new interest has recently been given to it as the scene of the capture of the last and, all things considered, the most worthless representative of the Great Mogul — the present (January, 1 858) so-called King of Delhi. It would be unpardonable, in referring to the per- formances of Akbers reiffn, not to mention anotiier work which, though of a very different nature from any of the above, might have shed gi-eater lustre on his reign than the most celebrated of them This work was a translation of the His order for

^ • L -r • T 1 1 i»ii' -IT - !•" Persian

gospels nito Persian. It was undertaken by Akbers special directions, and in- translation trasted to a Portuguese missionary, who, unfortunately, in.stead of executing it gosp'^u. faithfully, committed what is called a pious fraud, and produced a spurious translation, disfigured and adulterated by lying Popi.sli legends. The sad con- sequence is, that a work which, issued under the au.spices of the Great Mogul, might have given a knowledge of pure Christianity in influential quarters which could not otherwise be reached, has only had the effect of presenting it under a debased and ])olluted form.

' " The most beautiful tiling [at Allaiiabadl was the pavilion of the Chaleea Sitoon, or forty pillars, RO called from having that number on the principal floor, ilisposeil in two concentric octagonal ranges; one internal of si.tcen pillars, the other outside of

twenty-four; above this, supported by the inner colon- nade, wa.s an upper range of pillars crowned by a dome. This building has entirely disappeared, its materials being wanted to repair the fortifications." — Fergussou's Hand-Iiook of Architecture.


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 Two valuable contributions to our knowledge of Chinese and Japanese Metallurgy are known to us: 1st, Stanislas Julien et Paul Champion’s Industries anciennes et modernes de l’Empire Chinois. Paris, 1869; and 2nd, Dr. Burger’s paper on the copper mines of Japan in the translationstransactions [sic] of the Batavian Society (Verhandelingen van het Bataafsche genootschap 1836). Burger, the successor of von Siebold, was formerly at Desima in the service of the Dutch Government, and has also contributed very valuable materials to the knowledge of the Fauna and Flora Japonica.

In the following paper will be found partly the results of my own observations, made during five years residence in Japan and partly the translation of Japanese works on this subject. A collection of more than 300 different specimens of minerals, out of different parts of Japan, enables me to give an exact account of many useful minoral products of this country. The Japanese works which I have perused are:—

1.—San-kaï mei-butsu dzu-kuwai. This work was written by Hirase Tatsu-yai and illustrated by Hasegawa Mitsuno. It is published at Osaka and consists of 5 volumes 8 vo. The first volume contains the description and representation of mining and smelting works.

2.—Hon-zo-ko-moku Keï-mo, a large work written by the celebrated Japanese naturalist Ono Kanzan and edited for the second time in 1847 by Ono-Tsune-mori and Te-ken-shi-yeki. It is a kind of commentary and Nomenclator on the famous Chinese work on natural history, called Hon-zo-ko-moku (Chinese.) Pun-tsaou-kang-muh written by the Chinese savant Le-she-chin and published in China in the year 1596. A Japanese edition of this latter work was printed and edited 1714, by Ina-waka-sui. Ranzan’s work gives explanations of Japanese names, synonyms and the places of occurrence in Japan of the numerous natural products, described in the above-named Chinese work. The work is interesting for every one who occupies himself with the natural history of China and Japan. Siebold calls the author Ranzan, who has a

title: Page:TASJ-1-3.djvu/13


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 Iil<

JIISTOHY OK INlJlA.

[PjfJOK I.

CTTArTKPv YIT.

Modera India -Clianges in the mode of intercourse with the East — M'^napolies c^itahlLiihed by the Venetians, tho Genoese, and other ItaUan republics- Doubling of the Cape of Good Hope — Portuguese progress in India.

C.R.

A.D. MO.

Indian traile under Justinian.

Silk-worm-i first

brought to Europe.

Changes in the route of Indian

traflRc.

N the time of the Roman emperor Ju.stiiiian, wJien the Pei-sians, by establishing a monopoly of the Indian trade along the route which led most directly to Constantinople, had raised the price of silk eiKjr- mously in that luxurious capital, the opportune arrival of two Persian Wi monks dissipated the alami which had begun to prevail, by showing how an adequate supply might be obtained at home. In the course of their labours as Christian missionaries, they had penetrated into China, and become acquainted with the whole process of the sUk manufacture, from its commence- ment in the rearing of silk- worms, to its termination in the finished product. Their information attracted general attention ; and the emperor, fully alive to its importance, determined immediately to act upon it. With this view the monks, under his auspices, paid a second visit to Cliina, ami returned with a supply of the eggs of the silk -worm, concealed in the hollow of a cane. The worms hatched from these eggs being carefully reared, multiplied so rapidly that in a short time Greece, Sicily, and Italy were both producing raw silk, and manufacturing it on an extensive scale. One branch of the Indian trade was thus ill some degree superseded, but the others which remained were still suffi- cient to create a large demand, and excite to strenuous exertions for the purpose of supplying it. In this way the ancient channels of intercourse were again partially opened, and Indian products were beginning to flow into Europe by the inland and maritime routes which have been already described, when new obstacles of a very formidable character were suddenly interposed.

The Mahometan imposture, after spreading like wild-fii-e over the whole of Arabia, continued its conquests in all directions, and soon placed both Pema and Egypt under the absolute control of its fanatical adherents. The fierce ani- mosities thus engendered, left no room for friendly intercourse between those who regarded Mahomet as a prophet, and those who knew him to be an impos- tor. Exterminating warfare alone was thought of, and continued to rage with the utmost fury. In these circumstances, as the demand for Eastern products, originally confined to the more wealthy, had become generally diffused among all classes, the only alternative was to endeavour to obtain them by a channel which lay so far to the north as to run little risk of being interfered with by Mahome- tan fanaticism. Mention was formerly made of the commercial route, which after


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 Chap. VII.) EARLY INTERCOURSE WITH EUROPE. J 45

crossing the Indus continued west, and then sent a branch north to the Ca.s{)ian. w 109.3. This route, with a slight modification, was now adopted as the safest and most practicable, and continued for a long period to be the main trunk by which the commerce between Em-ope and the more remote regions of Asia was main- tained. Two lines of caravans, the one from the western frontiers of China, and the other from the western frontiers of India, met at a connnon point of the Amoo or Oxus, where that stream fii".st became available for transport. The goods by both lines were here embarked ; being carried down the stream into Lake Aral, they were again conveyed by land carri.age to the Caspian, and thence by water to the mouth of the Kur, and up the stream as far as navigable. An- other land conveyance brought them to the Phasis, down which they were tran- sported into the Black Sea, and thence to Constantinople, which thus became a great commercial emporium. At a later period a direct caravan route brought the products of the East to Astrakhan, from which they were conveyed either down the Volga into the Caspian, thereafter to follow the same route as before, or by land to the Don, and thence to the Sea of Azof

This route, with all its obvious disadvantages, was the best which Europe Houtebytiio

Persian

possessed for more than two centuries. The cfiliphs would not have been unwill- ouif. ing to renew the ancient channels of commerce. They were perfectly aware of the riches which would thus l)e poured into their treasury, and were politic enough to keep their finaticism in check when it could not be indulged without sacrificing tlieir pecuniary interests. Accordingly, even while the Indian trade was confined almost entirely to their own subjects, they carefidly endea^ured to extend it, both by affording it new facilities at home, and encouraging the exploration of foreign coimtries. In this way, at an early period, the caliphs of Bagdad had provided a new emporium for the trade of the Persian Gulf, by founding the port and city of Bussorah, at the junction of the Euj^hrates and Tigris ; and both from tiie Persian Gulf and the Red Sea numeroiis voyages were made to both sides of the peninsula of India, to Ceylon, to Malacca, and to the shores of countries lying far beyond it. By means of these voyages all the valued productions of the East Indies arrived in their ports, and found ready pur- chasers in merchants, who earned them for distribution into the interior.

The friendly intercourse between Christian and Mahometan nations seemed i:ffect.<<oftiio on the point of being renewed, at least commercially, when the })reaching of Peter the Hermit set all Europe in a flame, and myriads of Crusjiders hastened from every quarter to wrest the holy sepulchre from the hands of infidels War accordingly began again to rage with new fury ; and the exasperation which had been gi'adually softened by time, became more bitter and imiversal than it had ever been bef(»re. All idea of peaceful trade was now necessarily aban- doned ; and yet, perhaps, at no ])eriod did the trade of the West make more rapid progress than during the Cnisades. The armies destined for these cele- brated expeditions never could have reached the East without tlie aid of the Vol. I. 19


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 1 1 lllS'lOliV OF IM>IA. [Book ].

A 1) 12(11. Genoese, the Pi.sans, and the Venetians, whose fleets accompanying t!i(nj in their march along the nearest shores, 8uj)j)lied them b<jth with provisions and the incaiis of transport. In return for these services they naturally shared in the success of those whom they had assisted, ami, when vahialde harbours fell into the hands of the Crusaders, obtained many imfjortant privileges. Pro-ieasof Tlic maritime states of Italy, while thas ostensibly engaged in a wjinmon

tlio Italian i i • i i i i

maritime causc, wcre by no means prepai-ed to admit that they had a common interest, and were hence disposed to act towards each other on the narrowest and most illiberal principles. The old maxim, that the commercial prosperity of a state was best promoted by depressing the trade of its neighbour, though now ex- ploded, was then universally received ; and in acting upon it, there was no injus- tice or perfidy of which the rival Italian republics scrupled to be guilty when it seemed possible in this way to establish a maritime ascendency. One remark- able illustration of this fact wiis given in 1 204, when the Venetians induced the

I'lie leaders of the fourth crusade to turn aside fi-om their avowed object of warring

Venetians.

with infidels in order to wrest Constantinople from the hands of a monarch, who, whatever his demerits might be, was by profession Christian. A variety of motives may have influenced the Crusadei-s in taking this unwarrantable step ; but the subsequent conduct of the Venetians leaves no room to doubt that their only object was selfish aggrandizement. After Constantinople had been stormed and plundered, the dominions which had belonged to the Greek emperor were partitioned among his unprincipled conquerors ; and while an Earl of Flan ■ ders ^as placed upon his tlirone, the Venetians obtained a chain of settlements which stretched from the Dardanelles to the Adriatic, and made them virtually masters of the navigation and trade of the Levant. In Constantinople, which, from the cause already mentioned, had long rivalled Alexandria as an emporium for the traffic between Europe and India, they obtained exclusive privileges, which made it impossible for any maritime state to compete with them, and furnished them with the means of lording it over all their rivals.

The ungenerous coui'se pursued by the Venetians had undoubtedly the efiect of greatly extending their trade generally, and of giving them an almost exclusive monopoly of that large portion of the Indian trade which had its centre in Constantinople. The superiority they had thus acquired remained with them for rather more than half a century; and the injustice to which they owed it seemed almost to be forgotten, when the day of retribution arrived, and then- own tactics were successfully employed against them. The Greeks had never been reconciled to the Latin yoke, which had been fraudulently imposed upon them, and were therefore prepared to avail themselves of the fii'st favourable The Genoese, opportunity of shaking it off". Had they been left to their own resources they could scarcely have hoped lor success, but they had powerful auxiliaries in the Genoese, wlio wei'e animated at once by a feeling of revenge for the injustice which they had suffered, and a desire to become mastei's of a traffic, the posses-


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 Chap. VTL]

VENETIANS AND GENOESE.

147

sion of which had given the Venetians an immense superiority over all their rivals. The terms of alliance between the Greeks and the Genoese were easily settled. The former were again to be ruled by their own dynasty, and the latter were to supplant the Venetians in all their exclusive privileges. Both objects were accomplished. A Greek emperor once more mounted the throne of Constantinople, and the Genoese, in addition to other imj)ortant privileges, took formal j)Ossession of the suburb of Pera, subject only to the condition of holding it Jis a flef of the empire.

It was now the turn of the Venetians to be depressed; while the Genoese, not contented with their supremacy in the harbour of Constantinople, extended it to the Black Sea, where, by erecting forts on various points of the coast, and particularly on commanding positions in the Crimea and within the Sea of Azof, they secured a monopoly of the extensive and lucrative trade carried on with the East by way of the Caspian. In virtue of this monopoly Genoa became for a time the greatest commercial power in Europe. The Venetians at first attempted to compete with the Genoese, even in the harbour of Constantinople, but soon

Cm.

A.u. xaso.

Gonoeee as- cendoiicy at Coimtaiiti-

■;t; ! '. ■ i4.

CoNSTANTiNOPLK, end of Scveuteeiith Century — !• rcnn a print by noniann.

found the terms so unequal, in consequence of being burdened with heavy duties, from which their rivals were exempted, that they abandoned the struggle as hopeless. Their only alternative now was to resign the Indian trade altogether, or endeavour to re-open its ancient channels. In prefeiTing the latter, they were met at the very outset by deep-rooted prejudices, which made it unlaAvful and even impious to enter into alliances of any kind with Mahometan rulers ; but no sooner were these prejudices overcome than the remainder of the tivsk was com- paratively easy. With the sanction of the pope himself, who on this occasion, Venetians as on many others, allowed the supposed impiety to be committed in considera- the'luiun.' tion of the profit anticipated from it, a commercial treaty was concluded with the Sultan of Egy^it. It contemplated the caiTying on of the Eastern traffic


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 JH

IIISKJJCV UJ' 1NJ>1A.

(liooK i

A.D. 1453.

Tlie Floren- tines.

European demand for Indian com- modities.

Capture of Constanti- nople by the Tuiks.

both by the overhind rijute across Syi'ia, Jiiid Ijy the way of the Red Sea. With this view the Venetian senate was empowered to appoint two eoiwuLs, with mercantile jurisdiction, tlie one to reside at Damascus and the other at Alex- andria. Both of these cities were accordingly resorted to Ijy Venetian mer- chants and artisans; while at Beyrout, as the port of the former, and in the harbour of the hitter, mercantile vessels bearing the Venetian flag far outnum- bered those of all other countries. The Genoese, contented with their undisimted monopoly at Constantinople, seem not at this time to have made any attempt to share in the advantages which the Egyptian sultans had conferred on the Vene- tians; but the Florentines, after they had, by the conquest of Pisa, in 1405, acquired the seaport of Leghorn, turned their attention to the Indian trade, and succeeded, in 1425, in concluding a treaty which placed them on the same footing as the Venetians in respect of commercial privilege. Tlie earnest attempts thus made to share in the trade to the East Indies, would of themselves lead to tlie conclusion that a taste for the products of the- regions included under that general name must no longer have been confined, as at fii'st, to a few countries on the eastern part of the Mediterranean, but must have spread far west and north, so as to include a large portion of Europe. The fact was really so ; and there is not much difficulty in accounting for it. Many of the most distinguished leaders of the Crusades, with their followers, came from those quartei-s ; and on their return brought home with them new ideas and new wants. To theii" astonishment they had found that in several points, usually considered as tests of civilization, they were far surpassed by the infidels whom they had been accus- tomed to regard as mere barbarians. Galled by their inferiority in these respects, they had little difficulty in learning to sm-mount it ; and imbibed tastes and formed habits which they could not indvilge in the absence of Eastern pro- ducts. The demand naturally produced a supply; and Italian ships, freighted with these products, were frequently seen in the English Channel, in the Gennan Ocean, and even within the Baltic. In course of time the maritime spirit of the North was completely roused ; and its merchants, instead of waiting for Italian visits, sent theii- own vessels into the MediteiTanean, and there became pur- chasers of Indian produce at second hand from the Florentines, Venetians, and Genoese. In this traffic the lead was taken by the cities of the Hanseatic League, and ])articularly by Bruges, which in consequence became one of the most populous and floui'ishing marts in Northern Europe.

The Genoese were still in possession of theii- monopoly in 1453, when an event occurred which abruptly terminated it, and was followed by a series of disasters which ultimately annihilated their maritime greatness. This event was the captiu^e of Constantinople, and the extinction of the Greek empire, by the Turks under Mahomet II. They made an effort to escape the destruction which threatened them, by attempting to form a commercial treaty with the Mameluke Sultans of Egypt ; but the monopoly which they had held at Con-


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 CiiAP. vir.

CIUIISTOPHER COLUMBUS.

4!)

stantinople under the Greek emperors, placed them in a false position, and the negotiation proved fruitless. The Venetians, accordingly, were once more in the ascendent. Their most formidable rival had been obliged to resign the contest ; and they began to rmi a new coui-se of prosperity, to whicii, as far as human foresight reached, no limit could be assigned. At this period of unexampled ])rosperity Venice was tottering to her fall.

The revival of learning and the discovery of printing had at once awakened a spirit of in(][uiry, and furnished the most effectual means of diffusing it. In aU departments of literature and science rapid progress was made ; and discoveries leading to practical results in some of the m)st important arts of life, were con- stantly rewarding the diligent inquirer, and stimulating others to follow in his footsteps. Among the arts thus improved was navigation. Hitherto, when the shore was lost sight of, there had been no means of dii'ecting the com'se of a vessel at sea ; and the utmost which the boldest and most experienced navigator attem})ted, was to steer from headland to headland without hugging the inter- vening shore, or to take advantage of a wind which blew regularly like the monsoons of the Indian Ocean, and thus use it according to the direction from which it blew for traversing a wide expanse of sea on an outward or a homeward voyage. When the compass was discovered, the greatest obstacle to a voyage out of sight of land was at once removed ; and there was even less danger in launching out on the wide ocean than in following the windings of the coast, exposed to rocks and shoals, and the many dangei's of a lee shore.

Among the first who proposed to tui'n the use of the compass to jjractical account in the discovery of new lands, was the cele- brated Christopher Columbus. He had become satisfied, both on scientific grounds and from the accounts of travellers, par- ticularly those of Marco Polo, that as the continent of Asia extended much further eastward than had been generally imagined, it would be possible to arrive at the East Indies by sailing west across the Atlantic. The immense importance of such a passage, once proved to be practicable, was perfectly obvious. It would at once dispense with the tedious and expensive overland routes by which the produce of the East was then brought to Europe, and transfer the most valuable traffic with which the world was yet acquainted, from the hands of infidels to those of Christians. These were the grand objects at which Columbus aimed ; but so much were iiis views in advance of his n^e, that manv vears

fill.

A.IJ. 1460.

I'logrcss of the art of iiavigntioii.

Chuistopher CoLVMBrs. — From noi8.«.ir.i.

Cliristoiilier Coluiubua.


text:
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 !."> UISTOKV or INDIA. [Book T.

A u. i4o.i. passed away before he couid induce any Euroj)can state to incwr the expenm: whiuli would Im! necessary in oi-d<;r to realize tljem. Spain at la«t undertook the task, and was rewarded with the discovery of a New World. Tliis wan more than even Columbus had anticipated. TJKMigh his geographifxil ideaK were far more accurate than tho.se of his crmtemporaries, he had greatly underrated tlie magnitude of the globe; and hence, imagining that the land which he first reached belonged to Asia, he gave it the name of West Indies. In this name he informs us of the goal after which he had been striving, and which he was so confident of having actually attainecl, that for a time he would scarcely believe the evidence of his senses, and in.si.sted that everything which he saw was Indian. The delusion under which Columbus thas laboured is a striking proof of the general interest which was now felt in regard to India, and of the eager longings of the maritime states of Europe to obtain a share in its trade, without being fettered by the monopolies which the Maho- metans and Venetians had established in the Levant. ProUabie Tliougli Columbus faded to discover an oceanic route to India, he clearly

routes to _ _ _ _

the East pointed out the direction in which it lay. It was previously known that the

Xiidiss

Atlantic was bounded on the east by the continents of Europe and Africa, and lie had now proved that an equally insurmountable barrier bounded it on the west. The conclusion, therefore, was obvious, that if India was accessible from Europe by a continuous sea voyage, it could only be by tracing one or other of these continents to its termination, and then sailing round it. In accordance with tliis conclusion, four lines of passage presented themselves as possible — a north-west, a north-east, a south-west, and a south-east. The tliree first were subsequently attempted ; but the last, which was certainly the most promising, is the only one with which we have now to do. Trince As early as 1415, more than twenty years before Columbus was bom,

Henry of _

Portugal. Prince Henry, fourth son of John I., King of Portugal, after distinguishing himself at the capture of Ceuta, on the coast of Africa, returned with a determination to devote himself to maritime discovery, by employing navigators to trace the western coast of that continent, and thereby perhaps solve the great proljlem of a practicable route to the East Indies, by sailing round its southern extremity. He had all the talent and scientific acquirement necessary, in order to qualif' him for superintending the great task thus undertaken, and gave a striking proof of his inflexibility of purpose by Avithdi'awing from coiu"t, and fixing his residence in the seaport of Sagres, not far from Cape St. Vincent. Here he erected an observatory, and established a school of navigation for the training of youth, whom he might afterwards employ on voyages of discovery. He was not destined to solve the grand problem ; but before his death, in 1 463, had paved the way for it, by fitting out expeditions, which, leaving Cape Non (so called because no previous navigator had pavssed it) far behind, discovered Madeira and the Cape Verd Islands, and penetraf ed as fiir south as Sierra Leone.