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 has been brought up in the English fashion, with plenty of physical exercise and languages. She can keep books. Her training has been practical. When I tell you that she manages the bulls, you can judge for yourself. And she handles the men, too. Yes, sir! They are all mad over her. So are the toreros.

. Apparently everybody has anticipated us.

. My dear Marchioness! And Teresita! This is a great pleasure. [Greetings and kisses] Do sit down.

. Sit by me, Jimena. Here is a chair, Belisa.

. And I shall sit by Josefina. We must conspire together, eh, Josefina? And with whom better? Now don't denounce me to your poor husband! I have not been in to see you since the beginning of the week. You have guests in the house, and I know what that means.

. Yes, the Marquis and his daughter. I want you to meet them.

. If she ever gets through with that Campos.

. Polito! You know everybody. Who are those women who just arrived?

. The Rector's daughters.

. Poetry and Rhetoric? I know them; I mean the others.

. Oh! The Marchioness of Villaquejido and her daughter, Teresita.

. The girl who is going to be a nun?

. Her mother intends her to be one, and so as to fortify her against temptation, she is taking her about now


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Rh choice of 299 voters, and third in the choice of 200, is excluded, and E, who was only third in the choice of 101, is elected.

Mr. Lytton has shown by his own argument that the combination supposed is politically preposterous, and, by a calculation made by M. Andræ, abstractedly, haying regard only to probabilities, next to impossible.

I am willing, however, to accept the problem as it is stated by the opponents of the system, and adopt the result, which I believe is perfectly reconcilable with the principle which is at the foundation of this method of voting, and also reconcilable with justice.

The object is to give the elector the means of voting for the candidate who most perfectly attains his ideal of what a legislator should be, but it does not contemplate giving him the choice of more than one. The simple operation of the principle is seen when it is implied to an election viva voce without voting papers, as is suggested for municipal elections (pp. 282-3). A and C would there have polled quotas, and E the comparative majority. The primary purpose of giving the voter the opportunity of adding to his paper the second, third, or other names for one of whom his vote is to be taken on the contingency of the name at the head not requiring it, is not to add greater weight to his vote, but to prevent it from being thrown away or lost owing to a greater number of voters than is necessary placing the same popular candidate at the head of their papers. The purpose is, in fact, to prevent what would have happened in the case supposed, if provision had not been made for the contingency, for the result of the above disposition of the votes would then have been that A alone could have been elected. Keeping in view this main purpose, to which all other objects are secondary, and comparatively unimportant, it is immaterial in what order the votes are counted. I should have stated the problem thus,—600 votes are found to have been given for A, 200 of these only are appropriated to him. A further number of 200 votes are next appropriated either to C or to B, depending on the order in which the voting papers bearing A's name at the head have been liberated by his return, and which depends again, in Denmark, upon the order in which the votes issue from the urn, and in the system here proposed, on the localities or particular constituencies for which A happened to be a candidate, and which govern the rule of appropriation. (See Clauses XVIII., XIX., and XXIV.) In whatever order or manner the votes have been taken, there, will remain a majority, or, as I have named it, a comparative majority, and a minority of 101, or 99. If B has succeeded in obtaining the quota of 200 in the process, C will have the majority of 101,—if C has succeeded in obtaining that quota, as in the case put by Mr. Lytton, B is in the unlucky predicament of having the votes of his friends exhausted in their successful efforts to elect A and C, and he is left with the minority of 99,—E being supported by 101 voters, who have given no vote to B. The first 200 voters, whose voting papers are appropriated to A, have no ground of complaint, for their votes have

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/


text: The New York Times/1918/11/11

title: The New York Times/1918/11/11


text: Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1500-1714/Gifford, Bonaventure


text: Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1500-1714/Giffard, Charles (1)


text: Page:Anatoly Vasilievich Lunacharsky - Self-Education of the Workers.djvu/1


text: Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1500-1714/Giffard, Charles (2)


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304 been attended with entire success, namely, the return of their candidate to the representative assembly, with all the moral weight of the emphatic expression of esteem shown by the proffered votes of the whole constituency of 600. Still less have the second 200 voters, whose votes were appropriated to C, any reason to complain, for they also have not only elected a favourite candidate of their own, but, equally with the first 200, they are gratified by the triumphant success of A. The 99 voters for B have also the latter satisfaction, and if they have failed to return their next favourite candidate, it is simply because 101 are more than 99.

The complaint of injustice is no doubt made rather in the interest of the candidate than in that of the electors. Instead of a struggle for mastery in which 301 may overpower, set at defiance, and extinguish the voices of 299, this method of election promises that each 200 shall be free to choose the exponent of their opinions ; but it does not promise that any vote, taken singly, shall aid in the return of more than one candidate. In the supposed Danish case, the candidate might certainly complain of the ill-fortune which had brought out of the urn the voting papers of his friends in an order so wonderfully adverse to his success that, according to the computation of M. Andræ, it would not happen in one election out of some millions. If such a case had occurred under the method proposed in this treatise, B's only ground of complaint would have been that A and had offered themselves as candidates to constituencies in which they happened to be more popular than himself, and in which, unluckily for him, his only supporters also chiefly dwelt ; and the votes of these constituencies having been appropriated to A and C, that appropriation had exhausted the votes which, but for their prior possession, would have come to him, B. The law of appropriation by locality, in fact, redresses any fortuitous injustice or hardship which a resort to chance or lot may occasion, for although the circumstances supposed are obstacles to the political success of B, as every interposition of a superior or more favoured competitor must be, yet it is no fair ground of complaint.

There is no doubt that if the system of valuation of votes, according to the position of the candidates on the voting papers were adopted, as in the Frankfort proposal, Appendix B, and as in appendix C, pp. 209-302, that the result would be very different. The supposed poll would then stand thus:—


text: Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1500-1714/Gifford, Edmund


text: Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1500-1714/Gifford, Emanuel


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 humblest of all, nor was he ashamed of it; for he felt that the industry, study, and application, by means of which he achieved his eminent position, were entirely due to himself. It is related of him, that on one occasion he took his son Charles to a little shed, then standing opposite the western front of Canterbury Cathedral, and, pointing it out to him, said, "Charles, you see this little shop; I have brought you here on purpose to show it you. In that shop your grandfather used to shave for a penny: that is the proudest reflection of my life." When a boy, Lord Tenterden was a singer in the Cathedral, and it is a curious circumstance that his destination in life was changed by a disappointment. When he and Mr. Justice Richards were going the Home Circuit together, they went to service in the Cathedral; and on Richards commending the voice of a singing man in the choir, Lord Tenterden said, "Ah! that is the only man I ever envied! When at school in this town, we were candidates for a chorister's place, and he obtained it."

Not less remarkable was the rise, to the same distinguished office of Lord Chief Justice, of the rugged Kenyon and the robust Ellenborough; nor was he a less notable man who recently held the same office—the astute Lord Campbell, late Lord Chancellor of England, son of a parish minister in Fifeshire. For many years he worked hard as a reporter for the press, while diligently preparing himself for the practice of his profession. It is said of him, that at the beginning of his career he was accustomed to walk from county town to county town when on circuit, being as yet too poor to afford the luxury of posting. But step by step he


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Rh It is certain, however, that such a method would open a door for party organisation and party action of a most formidable kind, by the means of settled and printed lists, giving an increased amount of influence to mere numbers acting together, which under the simpler system of regarding only the first, or first uncancelled name, and of appropriation according to localities, no party ticket could secure, but which, on the contrary, any such ticket would rather impair.

It will be interesting, however, to refer to the different result of this case, as it would be determined if the improved rule for obtaining the quota, examined in Appendix E, were applied. The last example there put (p. 307) shows that B would be returned with A and C, without any of the dangerous consequences of giving overwhelming power to numbers, which might be feared from the foregoing method of valuation.

Among those,—Earl Russell, Mr. Andriæ, Mr. James Garth Marshall, Earl Grey, and others, who within the last ten years have sought a remedy for the defects in representative institutions which have made them the creatures of a number of dispersed majorities,—must be included the name of Mr. Droop, of Lincoln's Inn, and late Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge. Mr. Droop, “on observing the rather peculiar phenomena of the general election in 1857, directed his attention to the problem how representatives might be elected who should best represent the whole constituency, and not merely the majority.” Perceiving that I had introduced contingent voting, which was also a part of his scheme, he has kindly commimicated to me his method of appropriation of every vote to the candidate for whom it is successively designed, and of arriving at a quota which should be exactly the nmnber of votes that ought to be retained for each successful candidate in order to ensure his election. The accurate determination of this quota, Mr. Droop remarks, would require the solution of an algebraical equation of a high degree, but there is no difficulty in approximating to it to any required degree of accuracy. One step of this process may be adopted with great advantage. It is the result of an observation that the quota proposed to be adopted cannot be greater than the quotient produced by dividing the aggregate number of votes polled for the number of candidates to be elected, who stand highest on the poll, by such last-mentioned number. Thus, if there were 2,000 candidates, all polling more or less votes, of whom only 654 can be elected, it is not necessary to take as the dividend the whole number of votes polled by the 2,000, but it is sufficient to take the number of votes polled by the 654 who stand highest on the poll. The quotient thus obtained, which will be necessarily far smaller in number than that obtained by the process pre-


text: Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1500-1714/Gifford, Francis


text: Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1500-1714/Gifforde, George (1)


text: Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1500-1714/Gifforde, George (2)


text: Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1500-1714/Giffard, George


text: Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1500-1714/Gifford, George (1)


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306 scribed in the text (Clause I., page 25), is termed the “first-trial” quota. The excess votes of the candidates having more than the quota will then be reapportioned among the successive names, and a dividend composed of the numbers attributed to the [654] highest again divided, and a “second-trial” quota obtained, and the same process of appropriating the excess votes, and again computing the successive quotas, repeated, until the uniform quota can be no further reduced. This is explained in the following example:—Take the case of 7 candidates, of whom 5 are to be elected by 200 electors. A receives 37 first votes, B 14, C 31, D 45, E 24. F 19, G 30. To obtain the first-trial quota, the 5 highest, which are D 45, A 37, C 31, G 30, and E 24, are added together, and the result, 167, divided by 5 = 33, which is the first-trial quota. As D's number therefore exceeds the quota by 12 (45−33) these 12 votes are then distributed to the candidates whose names follow his on the voting papers. C is supposed to stand next on 3 of the papers, E on 6, G on 3; these votes are added to those already given to those candidates, and if A's 4 surplus votes (37−33) being set free belong to B, and G's last vote (34−33) also to B, the 5 highest will now be found to be, D 33, A 33, C 33, G 33, E 30: these numbers must again be added together, and the result, 162, divided by 5 = 32, which is the second-trial quota. The same process must now be repeated, D's surplus vote of (33−32) given to G, whose name stands next on the voting paper, A's surplus vote to B, C's to B, G's two last votes (one received from D) to F, the 5 highest are now, D 32, A 32, G 32, G 32, E 30, added together = 158 + 5 = 31, which is the third-trial quota. D's surplus vote must now be set free, and E's name following on the voting paper, is given to E, A's to B, C's to B, G's to E, which gives E one surplus vote,—supposing this vote when set free to belong to F, we have now, D 31, A 31, C 31, G 31, E 31; these five candidates are therefore elected, with a quota of 81.

In adopting this reduced quota a succession of trials is indispensable; for the reappropriation of the papers after settling the first-trial quota, may displace some of the candidates who were at first within the number to be elected, and bring up in their stead some of the candidates lower on the poll. Those originally higher will therefore be entitled to require that the same process shall be continued until the quota is fixed at its lowest point, and no further substitution can occur. There is really nothing complicated in this process. It only repeats several times what it was at first proposed to do once for all. The alteration of a few lines in the Electoral Law would sufficiently prescribe the course to be taken. A larger number, or perhaps the whole, of the voting papers would, when arranged, be required to be transmitted to the Registrars, and the declaration of the ultimate result would probably have to be deferred a day or two longer.

A very striking illustration of the effect of this mode of computation is found upon its application to the Danish problem, objected to the system of Mr. Andriæ (Appendix D, p. 302). It would in that case place B in a


text: Self-Education of the Workers

title: Self-Education of the Workers


text: Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1500-1714/Gifford, George (2)


text: Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1500-1714/Gifford, George (3)


text: Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1500-1714/Gifford, Henry (1)


text: Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1500-1714/Gifford, Henry (2)


text: Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1500-1714/Gifforde, Henry


text: Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1500-1714/Gifford, Henry (3)


text: Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1500-1714/Giffard, Henry


text: Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1500-1714/Gifford, Henry (4)


text: Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1500-1714/Gifford, Hugh


text: Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1500-1714/Gifford, Humfry


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Rh position equal to A and C, by bringing more contingent votes into operation, without the dangerous consequence of giving greatly increased weight to mere numbers. Thus:—

First trial:—Votes polled $600⁄3$ = 200

First appropriation,—A, 200; B, 99; C, 200; E, 101.

Second trial,—A, 200+C, 200+E, 101=$501⁄3$=167. B, 99

200−167=33.

Second appropriation,—A, 167; C, 167; B, 99+33+33=165. E, 101.

Third trial,—A, 167+C, 167+B, 165=$499⁄3$=166$1⁄3$. E, 101.

Third appropriation,—A, 166$1⁄3$+C, 166$1⁄3$+B, 166$1⁄3$. E, 101.

The result is, that A, C, and B, are elected by an equal quota of votes. It will be seen, however, that this has been effected at the expense of increasing the minority having no influence on the election, from 99 (as it stood in the example in Appendix D) to 101.

The earliest suggestions which are found, for the adoption of personal representation in this colony, are contained in the Sydney Morning Herald, of the 26th November and 4th December, 1861, on the proposal to make the Upper House of the Colonial Parliament elective, instead of nominative, as theretofore. Early in the session of 1862 a Bill was brought into the Legislative Council, adapting the principle to the election of the Upper House. This Bill was, on the 18th June, 1862, referred to a Select Committee, of which Mr. Wentworth was chairman. The Committee made its Report on the 21st of August, 1862. The following passages relate to this system:—

“As respects the mode of voting, your Committee have given much consideration to the plan now commonly known as that of Mr. Hare, and which has lately attracted considerable notice among leading political writers in Europe.


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308 It has been urged on the attention of your Committee, not only by the intrinsic merits of the scheme, but from the circnmstance that it admits of being applied to the formation of a Colonial Legislative Council in a much simpler form than it presents in the original scheme of the author, as intended for application to the British House of Commons. The mere fact of its tending to increase the distinctness of character between the two Houses has been felt to be a strong recommendation. Your Committee are not disposed to shrink from its adoption merely because it is new and experimental.

“The leading feature of the plan is the representation of all the electors, in the proportion of the numbers of their respective parties and sections, instead of the representation merely of the majorities prevailing in each local electorate, while leaving the defeated minorities wholly without representation. Under the usual system, if one interest or prejudice be prevalent in a majority of the electors in twenty constituencies, twenty members may be elected to represent those majorities, although the minorities may collectively amount to a number not far short of the successful majorities. A difference of one vote in each electorate might determine the election, and twenty votes might thus determine the fate of twenty elections, leaving thousands of electors, forming the minorities, without a single representative. This is doubtless an extreme supposition; but the merits of any system may be fairly illustrated by showing to what it tends when carried to its utmost length.

“The system of Mr. Hare provides a remedy; but while it renders this injustice to minorities impossible, it equally maintains all the just rights of majorities. It establishes a true representation of the whole society, with its various interests and opinions represented in due proportion; and the manner in which this is effected is, when fully explained and understood, extremely simple. Supposing the number of voters to be 30,000, and the number of members to be thirty, each 1000 voters (called a quota) is considered entitled to be represented by one member. Instead of a local electorate, inhabited by 1000 electors of divided opinion, and comprising a minority, which, if out-voted in that particular electorate, is left wholly without representation in the legislature, each member's constituency will consist of 1000 electors, coinciding in their choice of a representative, irrespective of their places of residence. For this purpose, the whole colony will form a single electorate, the electoral districts of the Assembly being adopted solely for the purpose of more conveniently making up the roll and polling the votes, but not for the purpose of restricting the votes of the electors to any special local candidates. This term “single electorate” will, however, be apt to lead to a serious misapprehension, unless care be taken to observe that under Mr. Hare's system the effect of a consolidation of many electorates into one is quite the reverse of that which would result under the present system of voting. Under the present system, it would merely give the aggregate majority the power of


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Page:Mongolia, the Tangut country, and the solitudes of northern Tibet vol 2 (1876).djvu/242

218 use ramrods to get the empty cartridge cases out of the Snider rifle. With the Berdan this never occurred, but its locks were injured by the cold and dust, and the cartridge often missed fire, only going off after a second blow of the hammer.

The climate of Northern Tibet during December and January is marked by the prevalence of severe frost, dearth of snow, and dust-storms.

Although in more southern latitudes than the warmest parts of Europe, we were often reminded here of the extreme north. At night the thermometer descended to −24° Fahr., occasionally when it was cloudy rising to 10° Fahr. However, as soon as the sun was high up in the heavens the mercury rapidly rose, and on four days stood above freezing point (or 32° Fahr.) at midday.

But little snow fell, and what there was in fine flakes, and as dry as dust; occasionally covering the surface an inch deep, but only for a short time, and vanishing with the next gale, when it became mixed up with the sand, and melted by the sun. It seldom happens during winter that these deserts are quite white, and even on the summits of high mountains the snow only lies in small patches on the northern slopes. The dust-storms which were so frequent invariably came from the west or north-west, and


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RV 64 (Rh) Seeds of Virtue will for a long time remain alive, even to a second Generation; ere the utmost Force of misapply'd Rewards and Punishments can bring them to the abject and compliant State of long-accustom'd Slaves.

tho a right Distribution of Justice in a Government be so essential a cause of Virtue, we must observe in this Case, that it is Example which chiefly influences Mankind, and forms the Character and Disposition of a People. For a virtuous Administration is in a manner necessarily accompany'd with Virtue in the Magistrate. Otherwise it cou'd be of little effect, and of no long duration. But where it is sincere and well establish'd, there Virtue and the Laws must necessarily be respected and belov'd. So that as to Punishments and Rewards, their Efficacy is not so much from the Fear or Expectation which they raise, as from a natural Esteem of Virtue, and Detestation of Villany which is awaken'd and excited by these publick Expressions of the Approbation and Hatred of Mankind in each Case. For in the publick Executions of the greatest Villains, we see generally that the Infamy and Odiousness of their Crime, and the Shame of it before Mankind, contribute more to their Misery than all besides; and that it is not the immediate Pain,


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RV 65 (Rh) or Death it-self, which raises so much Horror either in the Sufferers or Spectators, as that ignominious kind of Death which is inflicted for publick Crimes, and Violations of Justice and Humanity.

as the Case of Reward and Punishment stands thus in the Publick, so, in the same manner as to private Familys. For Slaves and mercenary Servants, restrain'd and made orderly by Punishment, and the Severity of their Master, are not on this account made good or honest. Yet the same Master of the Family using proper Rewards and gentle Punishments towards his Children, teaches them goodness, and by this help instructs them in a Virtue, which afterwards they practise upon other grounds, and without thinking of a Penalty or Bribe. And this is what we call a Liberal Education and a Liberal Service: the contrary Service and Obedience, whether towards God or Man, being illiberal, and unworthy of any Honour or Commendation.

the Case of Religion, however, it must be consider'd, that if by the Hope of Reward be understood the Love and Desire of virtuous Enjoyment, or of the very Practice and Exercise of Virtue in another Life; the Expectation or Hope of this kind is so far from being Rh


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 72

the foregoing Section, it has been found convenient to use the word Moghulistan for the region occupied by the descendants of the Mongols, subsequent to the time of Chaghatai Khan, though it has been necessary, when speaking of the people or their language from a racial point of view, to employ, occasionally, the terms Mongol and Mongolian rather than Moghul. The distinction may not be a very satisfactory one, and need not be carried farther than is absolutely needed to differentiate between the earlier racial attributes, and the later national, or political, aspects of the land and people. It is not easy, however, to distinguish, nominally, between the Mongols of Mongolia proper, before they spread to the westward under Chingiz Khan, and the same people when, at a later date, having separated from the land of their ancestors, they had come to close quarters with the Musulman inhabitants of the western states of Central Asia. These neighbours mispronounced the name of the new-comers' original nation and, afterwards becoming their historians, handed it down to posterity under what appears to be an altered form. Fortunately it was not greatly changed by either Persian or Turki writers, yet the slight modification they made has led, in modern times, to doubts whether the terms Mongol and Moghul were intended


text: Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1500-1714/Gifford, John (1)


text: Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1500-1714/Gifford, John (2)


text: Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1500-1714/Gifford, John (3)


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 Rh for the same word, and whether they denoted one people or two. We may be satisfied that the two forms, as also the Mo-al of some of the earlier transliterators from the Chinese, are intended for one and the same.

With the name of the land it was somewhat different. The Mongols themselves have perhaps never had a general name for the whole of the countries inhabited by their tribes—that is, for the region known to Europeans as 'Mongolia' in its most extended sense. At the time of Chingiz Khan, probably whatever country was vaguely regarded by Turki and Persian writers as being in the original occupation of the Mongols, or Moghuls, was called simply Moghulistan; but later, when a specific region, bordering on some of the most advanced and thickly peopled countries of the Turks and Tájiks, became the home of Mongol tribesmen, who made their presence felt in a manner none too agreeable, they absorbed the attention of their neighbours and came to be spoken of as the Moghuls in a special sense, and their land as Moghulistan. The rest of the race fell out of sight: their territory was far away and probably seldom heard of, while taking into consideration the loose ideas prevalent among Asiatics on such subjects, it is not in the least unlikely that the smaller, but better known, region, should have acquired for itself the name which, by strict right, should have been applied to the whole.

That the original population of this smaller region was composed of various nations, previous to its becoming the home of Mongol tribesmen, we have seen already. Abul Gházi tells us that it was inhabited by many tribes—some that were of Mongol race and others that were not—and D'Ohsson and Howorth amply demonstrate the same thing. It contained Uighurs, who were a tribe of Turki descent; Kara Khitai, whose origin was chiefly Manchu (and therefore of a Tungusic root), though probably much mixed with Mongol blood; also Naimans and Karluks, and perhaps some original Kirghiz, all of Turki ancestry; and, moreover, there were Kalmáks, who must be regarded as a branch of the Mongol race. But when, during


text: Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1500-1714/Giffard, John (1)


text: Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1500-1714/Gifford, John (4)


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Rh defeating the aggregate minority on a wider field, and of sending into the Council a preponderating number of members to represent one party to the exclusion of the other. The sub-division of electorates under the present system thus increases the chance of the occasional prevalence of a weaker party in one or more local electorates, but it affords a mere chance, uncertain and capricious, whereas Mr. Hare's system insures, without any subdivision whatever, the due and proportionate representation of each party. Thus, while the colony forms a single electorate as regards territory, each quota of electors, agreeing in the choice of a member, forms a separate electorate as regards persons.

“Each elector can thus ensure the return of at least one candidate, by associating himself with a sufficient number of fellow-electors, wheresoever resident, to form a quota. But if the vote of each were limited to the naming of the one candidate he prefers above all the others, it is evident that more than the quota would often concur in the choice of a popular candidate, and thus lead to the throwing away of the votes given in excess. To prevent this, each voter is entitled to name several candidates in the order of preference, so that if the vote be not required for the first, it may be used for the second, if not for the second, then for the third, and so on, to ensure its being made ultimately contributory to the election of some candidate of his choice. He cannot fail of his object so long as he does not fail to name on his list some one candidate in whose election he and the required proportion of other voters concur. Whether the first or last on his list be the recipient of his vote, his intentions are equally fulfilled. More so, indeed, if it be the last, for it can only descend to that candidate when all those higher on his list, and therefore of his earlier preference, have been already elected by other votes. Nor is this justice to individuals purchased at the expense of any injustice towards leading parties and majorities. Whatever number of quotas are comprised in the ranks of any party, they can so vote as to obtain a corresponding number of members, and thus maintain their legitimate proportion of influence in legislation. The ideal of representative government in the writings of statesmen has long been the representation of classes and interests in due proportion, so as to render the legislature a true epitome of the political opinions of society. Hitherto nothing but an approximation to this ideal has appeared possible. Mr. Hare's system, for the first time, proposes to make it a reality—[Ordered to be printed, 21 August, 1862; Sydney, J. Richards, Government Printer.]

The Committee amended, agreed to, and reported, the Bill. It was read a first time in the Legislative Council, and on the 4th September, 1862, on the order of the day for the second reading,


text: Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1500-1714/Giffard, John (2)


text: Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1500-1714/Gifford, John (5)


text:
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 to show her life at first hand before she shuts her up in the cloister.

. An opportunity for them both. Under the pretext of bidding farewell to the world, they contrive to cut a few capers.

. A sort of combination benefit and farewell.

. I'd better leave you for a moment; I must speak to the ladies. They are beginning to whisper. If I don't look out they will say next that I run after the men. Just a moment, Campos…

. Don't you mind what they say.

. Do you know how this is likely to end? That girl will get my name into the papers.

. Did you go very far?

. Oh, there was such a crowd, we couldn't make any progress at all!

. For the present we gave up all hope.

. It certainly did look hopeless to me.

. There are very few strangers in town this year.

. The men here are so backward! All they think of is bulls. Look at Polito, look at Manuel. Why, they can't even get up courage to take the first step!

. Do you know, I could have had them both?

. That is easy to say.

. [To ] When do you enter the convent?

. Mother is anxious for me to see the world first. I don't intend to be a saint through ignorance, as says Santa . I want to know life. As it was written of Saint Francis: "Among sinners he seemed to be one."

. How familiar you are with the lives of the saints!


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310 said that on account of the share he had taken in preparing the amended Bill, and his identification with one of the chief principles of the measure, he had yielded to the desire of several members of the committee to bring forward the measure. His ambition was limited to securing the result he desired; and if that result—the passing of a safe and wise measure—could be obtained by the silent expression of his secret will, he would gladly relinquish to others the prominent share in the steps taken to accomplish it. He had been uniformly a supporter of the elective principle, and had advocated it ten years ago in this Chamber. He had, however, felt its difficulties; and perhaps the delay which had taken place had not been without its advantages. He believed that the enunciation, in the mean time, of Mr. Hare s system, had thrown a new light on the subject, and had rendered it possible to do now what it was impossible to do then. When that system was first brought to his attention it struck on his mind exactly as it struck on the mind of John Stuart Mill; and he was not ashamed to identify his own feelings and ideas with those of that great man. He (Mr. Holden) could have written and thought and felt exactly in the words in which he (Mr. Mill) said (referring to Mr. Hare's system of representation) that “it solved the difficulty of representation, and by so doing raised up the cloud which hung over the future of representative government, and therefore of civilization.” For he felt that the civilization of mankind was identified with the success of true, wise, well-constituted representative government, and that that species of government never had existed yet on the face of the earth. But he trusted that it would, and might, and should exist; and he trusted that the first specimen of it might be exhibited in this country. And the only fear he had about it was, that it might not be so effectual as it would otherwise be (supposing that this Bill should pass), because of the system being confined to one House of Legislature, and not being extended to the other. The hon. member then stated that his measure, though alleged to be in a spirit of conservatism, was yet truly in accordance with liberal principles, and showed that his views of the necessity, function, and qualification of a Senate, were those expressed by the founders of the American Republic—by Madison and Hamilton, in the Federalist; by Calhoun, by Sir James Mackintosh, and also by Lord John Russell. The want of a proper negative power in the constitution of a country compelled the Legislative power, when established on too wide a basis, to concentrate itself by degrees into a single Executive. This occurred as an inevitable consequence if the struggle for place and power between the two parties of the State was more and more developed, until at length all power was virtually concentrated in political leaders—ruling as absolutely as any aristocracy. The evil was augmented instead of lessened, as the community advanced in prosperity. By rendering the representation more equitable as regarded the interests of opposing parties, it was made more possible to have imiversal suffirage without the dangers which might be apprehended to arise there&om, and the division of power secured by such a division of power, promoted a harmoni-


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. Oh, I know them backward! But you ought to see me dance sevillanas.

. Don Baldomero, Don Basilio, listen to me. I call you all to witness. Josefina promises us solemnly that she will do everything in her power to prevent her husband from consenting to the performance of this objectionable play.

. Bravo! Bravo!

. I will do my best. But Santiago, perhaps, may have something to say.

. Then appeal to his conscience. That should be our last resort. Vice cannot be suffered to prevail in Moraleda.

. We cannot fail if we stand together.

. [To ] A conspiracy.

. So I see.

. And what do you say as secretary? Shall we have "Obscurantismo"? How about the Governor?

. He awaits instructions from Madrid.

. But man, a government that pretends to be liberal!

. There might be trouble; you know these people.

. Some actors were just here from the company.

. With their manager. He seemed to know you.

. To know me?

. Yes. He is from Madrid.

. You must have been pretty intimate, for he is relying upon your influence.

. Do you remember his name?

. No, but he is lunching in the café—in the window. Do you see the lady's hat? You can see him…

. I'll take a look when I get a chance. I can't imagine. A manager from Madrid?…

Teodoro [To ] Now for the surprise.


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. Look innocent.

. Yes. I say. Polito… no, it's a secret…

. Agreed! Then it is all arranged.

. What a surprise this will be for His Reverence!

. It is a triumph! Bravo, Josefina! You are a woman of courage.

. The true Christian woman!

. Our Joan of Arc!

. [Discovering ] Ah! Manolo!

. Paco!

. [Jumping up] Your brother?

. Embrace me!

. [Holding him back and endeavoring to force him down] No, no! Wait! They might see us. Later… You don't know who these people are.

Curtain


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Rh ous action between co-existing interests which would not be likely otherwise to take place, or to continue uninterrupted. Speaking of the mode of voting adopted in this Bill, Mr. Mill, in his work on Representative Government, said, “Of all modes in which a national representation can possibly be constituted, this one affords the best security for the intellectual qualifications desirable in the representatives. At present, by imiversal admission, it is becoming more and more difficult for any one who has only talents and character to gain admission into the House of Commons. The only persons who can get elected are those who possess local influence, or make their way by lavish expenditure, and who, on the invitation of three or four tradesmen or attorneys, are sent down by one of the two great parties from their London clubs as men whose votes the party can depend on under all circumstances. On Mr. Hare's system, those who did not like the local candidates would have the power to fill up their voting papers by a selection from all the persons of national reputation on the list of candidates, with whose general political principles they were in sympathy. Almost every person, therefore, who had made himself in any way honourably distinguished, though devoid of local influence, and having sworn allegiance to no political party, would have a fail chance of making up the quota; and with this encouragement such persons might be expected to offer themselves hitherto undreamt of. Hundreds of able men of independent thought, who would have no chance whatever of being chosen by the majority of any existing constituency, have by their writings or their exertions in some field of public usefulness made themselves known and approved by a few persons in almost every district of the kingdom; and if every vote that should be given for them in every place should be counted for their election, they might be able to complete the number of the quota. In no other way which i seems possible to suggest would Parliament be so certain of containing the very elite of the country. Not solely through the votes of minorities would this system of election raise the intellectual standard of the House of Commons. Majorities would be compelled to look out for members of a much higher calibre. When the individuals composing the majorities would no longer be reduced to Hobson's choice, of either voting for the person brought forward by their local leaders, or not voting at all; when the nominee of the leaders would have to encounter the competition not solely of the candidate of the minority, but of all the men of established reputation in the country who were willing to serve; it would be impossible any longer to foist upon the electors the first person who presents himself with the catch-words of the party in his mouth, and three or four thousand pounds in his pocket The majority would insist upon having a candidate worthy of their choice, or they would carry their votes somewhere else, and the minority would prevail. The slavery of the majority to the least estimable portion of their number would be at an end. Had a plan like Mr. Hare's by good fortune suggested itself to the enlightened and patriotic founders of the American Republic, the Federal and State Assemblies would have contained many of those dis-


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 emerge into the world if she lives; should she die, her happiness is secured.

"You shall from time to time hear of me, but you will never see me more. I have darkened all your prospects of felicity; I have returned the tenderest attachment with ingratitude. I am now no more. You have my full and entire consent to marry again under more fortunate auspices, for I again repeat that I am dead to you, solemnly devoted to a solitary life. May you live and be happy. Let not my dear boy detest the memory of his mother, he is young, and may believe I am dead; I wish not to be remembered. Return to the army, let glory be your mistress; she will amuse your mind, and lead you in the road to happiness, by teaching you to forget Claudina. Heavens bless you, and my dear, dear boy, for ever. I have written to the Count; the letter is of little consequence. May my name never more pass your lips. Hasten from hence; confide in the faithful Ernest; forgive and forget the unworthy Claudina."


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 74 the time of the Mongol ascendency, large numbers of that people settled in the country and became, from a military point of view, the dominant race, it is scarcely surprising that the western foreigners should have given the whole of the region the name of Moghulistan, just as they had previously, when the Kara Khitai were supreme there, called the same territory Kara Khitai. It was the name that the Mongols themselves affected and were (at that time, at any rate) proud of, while it was also that with which their fame and their most cherished traditions were associated. Their mode of procedure, and the result they unconsciously attained, are paralleled in European history by the instance of the Franks in Gaul. During the third century, the Franks were still a loose confederacy of Germanic tribes living beyond the right bank of the Rhine. By degrees, under the Merovingians, they began to invade the country on the left bank. As the Roman power declined, their own increased till, in the fifth century, they had extended it over the whole of northern Gaul. Here they adapted themselves to the conditions of their new territory, and gradually spread over the entire surface of what is now France, Their numbers were so small that they were overlaid by the large Gallic population, yet the new-comers succeeded eventually in imposing their name on the larger nation, and originated the names of France and French, which entirely displaced those of the ancient inhabitants.

But Moghulistan was not the only name the new land of the Mongols acquired, for in many books of the fourteenth and


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 Ferdinand perused this letter with all the marks of the wildest astonishment. "What fatal mystery lurks beneath the expressions in this paper!" cried he, "Of what crimes has she been guilty, but her attachment to me, and wherefore does she accuse herself of ingratitude? Marry again! Oh! Claudina, you little know my heart. There is, there must be some secret with which I am unacquainted, every line in her letter discovers it, why else call me injured? Oh! Ernest, declare this secret, whatever it is, the knowledge cannot make me so miserable as this dreadful uncertainty, this painful imagination."

"From me, Sir," answered Ernest, "you can learn nothing, for I have nothing to reveal; reconcile your mind to this event, which must be for the advantage of both.—Nothing on earth shall make me betray my trust, nor, whilst I live, discover the place of her abode. Should I die, when you are from me, I will take care you shall then, through a particular channel, still hear from,


text: Category:Quatorzain

title: Category:Quatorzain


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 or of her, if you desire it; but I hope time will have its usual effects to restore your tranquillity, and forget the object that now causes your distress."

"Impossible!" exclaimed Ferdinand,—"impossible that I should ever forget my wife, the mother of my children, the choice of my heart! O, why, wherefore am I marked out to be the veriest wretch that crawls the earth, cut off from every endearing tie, and from some fatal unknown cause interdicted from enjoying the only blessing my misfortunes had left me!"

"My dear master," answered the old man, tears in his eyes, "recollect you have still one tie, one blessing, your son; to the dispensations of Providence it is our duty to submit, it avails nothing to inquire into the causes of things beyond our comprehension.

"Had she died, I trust, I should have borne my sorrows like a man; but this strange, incomprehensible mystery. My child too! a blessing! O, Ernest, may he not live to wring a father's heart with grief, to retaliate


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 And God saw that it was good.

And the evening and morning were the fourth day.

God also said: Let the waters bring forth the creeping creature having life, and the fowl that may fly over the earth under the firmament of heaven.

And God created the great whales, and every living and moving creature, which the waters brought forth, according to their kinds, and every winged fowl according to its kind. And God saw that it was good.

And he blessed them saying: Increase and multiply, and fill the waters of the sea: and let the birds be multiplied upon the earth.

And the evening and morning were the fifth day.

And God said: Let the earth bring forth the living creature in its kind, cattle, and creeping things, and beasts of the earth according to their kinds: and it was so done.

And God made the beasts of the earth according to their kinds, and cattle, and every thing that creepeth on the earth after its kind. And God saw that it was good.

And he said: Let us make man to our image, and likeness: and let him have dominion over the fishes of the sea, and the fowls of the air, and the beasts, and the whole earth, and every creeping creature that moveth upon the earth.

And God created man to his own image: to the image of God he created him, male and female he created them.

And God blessed them, saying: Increase and multiply, and fill the earth, and subdue it, and rule over the fishes of the sea, and the fowls of the air, and all living creatures that move upon the earth.

And God said: Behold I have given you every herb bearing seed upon the earth, and all trees that have in themselves seed of their own kind, to be your meat:

And to all beasts of the earth, and to every fowl of the air, and to all that move upon the earth, and wherein there is life, that they may have to feed upon. And it was so done.


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 upon me! He may, and I deserve it should be so, but, he may make me wretched, he may shorten my days by disobedience and affliction; but never, never shall he experience a father's curse, nor struggle under a malediction registered in Heaven, and never to be expunged!" "Do not indulge that idea, Sir, Heaven hears not, confirms not, man's rash imprecations, uttered in a moment of frenzy; their confirmation must depend upon circumstances; Heaven heeds not the curses of disappointed ambition."

"I have no longer any business here," cried Ferdinand, starting from a reverie, and hardly attending to the words of Ernest;—"nor will I return to the army, I care not what becomes of me, but I will see my brother."—He flew out of the room to Rhodophil's apartment, which entering without ceremony, he found him gazing on a letter that he held in his hand, fixed like a statue. The entrance of Ferdinand startled him; he rose, crushed the paper into his pocket,—"Well, Sir!" was all he could say.—"O,


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312 tinguished men, and democracy would have been spared its greatest reproach, and one of its most formidable evils. When the Democracy is supreme there is no One or Few strong enough for dissentient opinions, and injured or menaced interests to lean upon. The great difficulty of democratic government has hitherto seemed to be, how to provide in a democratic society, what circumstances have provided hitherto in all the societies whidi have maintained themselves ahead of others—a social support—a point d'appui, for individual resistance to the tendencies of the ruling power; a protection, a rallying point for opinions and interests which the ascendant public opinion views with disfavour. For want of such a point d'appui, the older societies and all but a few of the modern ones, either fell into dissolution or became stationary (which, means slow deterioration), through the exclusive predominance of a part only of the conditions of social and mental well-being. The only quarter in which to look for a supplement or completing corrective to the instincts of a democratic majority is the instructed minority, but in the ordinary mode of constituting democracy this minority has no organ; Mr. Hare's system provides one. The representatives who would be returned to Parliament by the aggregate of minorities would afford that organ in its greatest perfection. A separate organization of the instructed classes, even if practicable, would be invidious, and could only escape from being offensive by being totally without influence. But if the elite of these classes formed part of the Parliament by the same title as any other of its members, by representing the same number of citizens, the same numerical fraction of the national will, their presence could give tunbrage to nobody, while they would be in the position of highest vantage both for making their opinions and counsels heard on all important subjects, and for taking an active part in public business. Their abilities would probably draw to them more than their numerical share of the actual administration of government, as the Athenians did not confide responsible public functions to Cleon or Hyperbolus (the employment of Cleon at Pylus and Amphipolis was purely exceptional) but Niceas and Theramenes and Alcibiades were in constant employment, both at home and abroad, though known to sympathise more with oligarchy than with democracy. The instructed minority would in the actual voting count only for their numbers, but as a moral power they would count for much more in virtue of their knowledge and of the influence it would give them over the rest An arrangement better adapted to keep popular opinion within reason and justice, and to guard it from the various deteriorating influences which assail the weak side of democracy, could scarcely by human ingenuity be devised. A democratic people would in this way be provided with what in any other way it would almost certainly miss—leaders of a grade of intellect and character better than itself. Modem democracy would have its occasional Pericles, and its habitual group of superior and guiding minds. With all this array of reasons of the most fundamental character on the affirmative side of the question, what is there on the negative? Nothing that will sustain examination when people can once be induced to


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 Wheeler, Francis, gent. ., matric. 25 July, 1655, B.A. 9 Feb., 1657-8; M.A. from. 10 Nov., 1660; rector of Willey, Salop, 1680, archdeacon of Salop in Hereford, 1684; his will dated 8 Feb., 1682-3, proved 12 Feb., 1686-7. See Foster's Index Eccl.  Whe(e)ler, (Sir) George, s. Charles, of Charing, Kent, pleb. ., matric. 31 Jan., 1667-8, aged 17; created M.A. 26 March, 1683, D.D. by diploma 18 May, 1702; knighted 1 Sept., 1682, student of Middle Temple 1671, canon of Durham 1684, vicar of Basingstoke, Hants, 1685, rector of Winston 1706, and of Houghton-le-Spring, (both) co. Durham, 1710, until his death 18 Feb., 1723-4, aged 74; buried in Durham cathedral; brother of Charles 1672, and father of Thomas 1706. See Ath. iv. 570; Fasti, ii. 388; Gutch MS. 319; Foster's Inns of Court Reg.; & Rawl. iii. 416.  Whe(e)ler, Gilbert, B.C.L. 18 Feb., 1527-8.  Wheeler, Gilbert, of co. Worcester, gent. , matric. 22 Feb., 1593-4, aged 21.  Wheeler, Henry, s. Nicholas, of London, gent. ., matric. 4 Nov., 1631, aged 17; student of Middle Temple 1633. See Foster's Inns of Court Reg.  []

Whe(e)ler, John, of co. Worcester, gent. ., matric. 18 Jan., 1604-5, aged 16.  Wheeler, John, of co. Worcester, gent. ., matric. 11 May, 1615, aged 17.  Wheeler, John, of 1628. See.

Wheeler, John, s. Edw., of Droitwich, co. Worcester, gent. ., matric. 5 Aug., 1668, aged 16; rector of Droitwich St. Andrew 1682-91; another of these names of Astwood, co. Worcester, admitted to Inner Temple 1674 and 1676, buried in Temple church 28 Jan., 1689-90. See Foster's Inns of Court Reg. & Foster's Index Eccl.

Wheeler, John, s. Joh., of King's Cleere, Hants, pleb. , matric. 14 March, 1672-3, aged 18.
 []

Wheeler, John, s. Robert, of Offenham, co. Worcester, gent. ., matric. 28 Nov., 1673, aged 16; bar.-at-law, Middle Temple, 1683, buried in Temple church 19 Jan., 1696-7. See Foster's Judges and Barristers.

Wheeler, John, s. Humphr., of Stanton Harcourt, Oxon, paup. ., matric. 14 July, 1682, aged 17, B.A. 1686; perhaps vicar of North Moreton, Berks, 1690, and father of Devereux and John 1706.

Wheeler, John, s. Edmund, of Minster Lovell, Oxon, gent. , matric. 12 June, 1702, aged 18, student 1702, B.A. 1706, M.A. 1709, B.Med. 1712, D.Med. 1718. See Al. West. 239.

Wheeler, John, s. John, of North Morton, Berks, cler. , matric. 9 Nov., 1706, aged 16, B.A. 9 March, 1710-11; brother of Devereux.
 [
 Wheeler, Jonas, of .; dean of Christ Church, Dublin, and chaplain to James I., bishop of Ossory 1613, until his death 19 April, 1640, aged 79. See Ath. ii. 890; & Cotton's ''Fasti Ecc. Hib''. ii. 278.
 ]

[]
Wheeler, Jonas, gent. ., matric. 18 Nov., 1650, clerk 1649-56, B.A. 6 March, 1651-2, M.A. 17 June, 1654, chaplain 1662-5. See Bloxam, ii. 69.

Wheeler, Jonathan, s. J., of Ringwood, Hants, pleb. ., matric. 10 Dec., 1699, aged 18.

Wheeler, Luke, B.A. from. 19 July (or Oct.), 1612; rector of Hopton Wafers, Salop, 1616, as Lucas. See Foster's Index Eccl.

Wheeler, Maurice, s. Maur., of St. Giles, Dorset, pleb. , matric. 1 April, 1664, aged 16, B.A. 1667; chaplain or minor canon, M.A. 1670; rector of St. Ebbes, Oxford, master of the collegiate school in Gloucester; rector of Sibbertoft 1680-4, of Wappenham 1712-15, and of Thorpe Mandeville, (all) Northants, 1720, canon of Lincoln 1708; buried at Wappenham 7 or 9 Oct., 1727. See Ath. iv. 785; Fasti, ii. 319; & Foster's Index Eccl.

Wheeler, Richard, of London, gent. ., matric. 16 June, 1610, aged 19, B.A. 16 Dec., 1611; student of Middle Temple 1610, as son and heir of Edmund, of London, gent. See Foster's Inns of Court Reg.
 []

Whe(e)ler, Thomas, of Bucks, pleb. ., matric. entry under date 3 Dec., 1575, aged 19.

Wheeler, Thomas, of co. Worcester, pleb. ., matric. 20 Nov., 1618, aged 18.

Wheeler, Thomas, s. Ric., of Ludlow, Salop, gent. ., matric. 27 March, 1697, aged 17, B.A. 1703; student of Inner Temple 1699. See Foster's Inns of Court Reg.

Whe(e)ler, Thomas, 2s. Geor., of London, equitis. ., matric. 10 Oct., 1706, aged 16, B.A. 1709.

Wheeler, William, B.A. from. 2 July, 1639, M.A. 5 May, 1642.
 []

Wheller, John, s. Philip, of Potterne, Wilts, pleb. , matric. 12 Dec., 1628, aged 21, B.A. 20 Oct., 1631, M.A. 11 June, 1634.

Whelpdall, Andrew, s. William, of Penrith, Cumberland, pleb. ., matric. 16 Dec., 1643, aged 15, B.A. 1 Feb., 1647-8, M.A. 10 July, 1651, fellow 1651; vicar of Newnham 1658, rector of Dogmersfield, (both) Hants, 1671. See Burrows, 545; & Foster's Index Eccl.

Whelpdalle, John, s. William, of Penrith, Cumberland, gent. ., matric. 9 Nov., 1632, aged 19; student of Gray's Inn 1633-4. See Foster's Gray's Inn Reg.

Whelpdale, Thomas, s. William, of Penrith, Cumberland, pleb. ., matric. 8 May, 1640, aged 15, B.A. 28 Nov., 1644; rector of King's Newton, co. Warwick, 1647. See Foster's Index Ecclesiasticus.

Whelpdale, William, of Cumberland, pleb. ., matric. entry 10 Dec., 1591, aged 14; B.A. from 27 Oct., 1595; M.A. from. 4 July, 1598.
 []
Wherley, Francis B.A. from. 3 June, 1630.

Whetcombe. See also

Whetcombe, Benjamin, gent. ., matric. 13 Dec., 1658.

Whetcombe, James, s. James, of Margarretting, Essex, gent. ., matric. 26 June, 1644, aged 16, scholar 1647.

Whetcombe, John (Whetcum or Wheatecumbe), B.A. 17 Feb., 1538-9, M.A. 1543, fellow. 1542; rector of Stockleigh English, Devon, 1549, as Whitcombe. See Boase, 36.
 []
Whetcombe, John, fellow. 1565, B.A. 31 Jan., 1565-6, M.A. 30 June, 1570; vicar of Bristol St. Philip 1576, and rector of Swanage, Dorset, 1577, as Whitcomb; rector of Biddenden 1579, and of Sandhurst, (both) Kent, 1583, as Whetcombe. See Foster's Index Eccl.

Whetcombe, John of Dorset, gent. ., matric. — Oct., 1597, aged 17, B.A. 11 July, 1599; fellow. 1602-10, M.A. 17 Dec., 1602, B.D. 27 March, 1610, (incorporated at Cambridge 1610), D.D. 30 June, 1612; rector of Maiden Newton 1609-36, and of Frome Vauchurch, (both) Dorset, 1620-35; buried 30 May, 1640. See Boase, 55; & Foster's Index Eccl.
 [ 1609 ]


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 Whetcombe, John of Kent, gent. , matric. 14 May, 1602, aged 18.

Whetcombe, Peter of Essex, gent. ., matric. 16 June, 1610, aged 18.

Whetcombe, Robert s. Robert, of Sherborne, Dorset, gent. ., matric. 2 Dec., 1631, aged 18, B.A. 4 Nov., 1634.

Whetcombe, Samuel of  in or 1572.

Whetcomb, Simon s. Robert, of Sherborne, Dorset, pleb. ., matric. 17 July, 1640, aged 15; rector of Charlton Mackrell, Somerset, 1645, as Whitcombe. See Foster's Index Eccl. []

Whetcomb, William from. 13 Feb., 1583-4, fellow. 1585, M.A. 5 May, 1589; will at Oxford proved 29 Sept., 1611.

Whetham, Daniel s. Joseph, of Chadlington (Oxon?), arm. ., matric. entry 17 March, 1664-5, aged 14; brother of James and Thomas.

Whetham, James s. Joseph, of Chadlington (Oxon?), arm. ., matric. 24 March, 1663-4, aged 15; student of Middle Temple 1670; brother of Daniel and Thomas. See Foster's Inns of Court Reg.

Whetham, Nathaniel of ., gent., matric. 19 Feb., 1648-9 (as Whitam), scholar 1649, by the parliamentary visitors, B.A. from. 18 March, 1650-1; bar.-at-law, Inner Temple, 1665, as son and heir of (Colonel) Nathaniel, (governor) of Portsmouth. See Foster's Judges and Barristers & Burrows, 498.

Whetham, Thomas s. Jos., of Chadlington (Oxon?), gent. ., matric. 6 March, 1679-80, aged 16, B.A. 1683, M.A. 1686, B. and D.D. 1698; rector of Whitney, co. Hereford, 1692, of Cranham, and of North Ockendon, (both) Essex, 1697; brother of Daniel and James. See Foster's Index Eccl.

Whethamstede, Thomas (Whettamstede) Benedictine, sup. June, 1533. []

Whetstones. See also Whitstones.

Whetstones, James s. Richard, of Oxford (city), tailor. ., matric. 20 Oct., 1626, aged 16, B.A. 28 Jan., 1629-30, M.A. 30 Oct., 1632, incorporated at Cambridge 1640.

Whichcott, Robert B.A. from ., Cambridge, 1648-9; incorporated 29 Nov., 1650; fellow and M.A. from. 18 June, 1651, incorporated at Cambridge 1652; student of Gray's Inn 1651, as 2s. Hamond, late of Dunston, co. Lincoln, kt., deceased. See Foster's Inns of Court Reg. & Burrows, 508.

Whicheloe, Francis s. R., of Wallingford, Berks, p.p. ., matric. 11 March, 1669-70, aged 18. []

Whiccar, Adrian B.A. from. 7 Feb., 1577-8, fellow 1579-89, M.A. 19 Feb., 1582-3 (son of John, of Gittisham, Devon), rector of Kirtlington, Oxon; died 1616; brother of the next. See Boase, 48.

Whicker, Robert student of  in and before 1564; vicar of Chalgrove, Oxon, 1585-1609, brother of Adrian. See O.H.S. i. 263.

Whicker, Thomas of Devon, pleb. , matric. 23 Nov., 1581, aged 18; of Garsington, Oxon (son of John, of Culliford, Devon); father of the next-named.

Whicker, Thomas of Oxon, cler. fil. , matric. 12 June, 1618, aged 17; B.A. from 16 May, 1621; M.A. from  17 June, 1624.

Whiddon, Francis created M.A. from. 12 April, 1622 (s. Francis, of Whiddon, in Chagford, Devon); rector of Morton Hampstead, Devon, 1624, until his death 5 Jan., 1656, author of The Golden Topaz; father of the next. See Foster's Index Eccl. & Fasti, i. 409. []

Whiddon, Francis cler. fil. ., matric. 2 April, 1652, B.A. 6 Feb., 1654-5, M.A. 12 June, 1657; (s. Francis), rector of Moreton Hampstead, ejected from Totnes 1662. See Calamy, ii. 91.

Whiddon, John of Devon, arm. ., matric. 2 May, 1589, aged 18; student of Inner Temple 1591 (as s. Edward, of Chagford, Devon, gent.), and perhaps knighted 23 July, 1603. See Foster's Inns of Court Reg.

Whiddon, Nicholas (Whyddon) of Devon, eq. aur. fil. , matric. entry under date 1568, B.A. 15 Feb., 1571-2, M.A. 8 July, 1575; rector of North Bovey, Devon, 1575. See Foster's Index Ecclesiasticus.

Whiddon, Oliver B.A. 4 Feb., 1560-1, M.A. 8 May, 1563, fellow. Oct. and Nov., 1573; canon of Exeter 1567, archdeacon of Totnes 1568, rector of North Bovey 1562, of Combinteignhead 1572, and of Haccombe, (all) Devon, 1575, and of Yoxall, co. Stafford; his will proved 10 Dec., 1580. See Ath. i. 483; Fasti, i. 162; & Boase, 46.

Whiddon, Oliver of Devon, gent. ., matric. 10 Nov., 1589, aged 15; perhaps student of Lincoln's Inn 1602. See Foster's Inns of Court Reg. []

Whiddon, Rowland s. Oliver, of Chagford, Devon, arm. ., matric. 21 June, 1633, aged 16.

Whiddon, William (Wyddon) of Devon, eq. aur. fil. ., matric. 17 Dec., 1619, aged 17; student of Middle Temple 1622 (as son and heir of John, of Crayford, Devon, kt.). See Foster's Inns of Court Reg.

Whincop, Samuel B.A. from, 1610-11; and M.A. from ., Cambridge, 1614, incorporated 15 July, 1617, B.D. 1621, D.D. per Literas Regias 1631; rector of Pointingdon, Somerset, 1622, and vicar of Cheshunt, Herts, 1624. See Foster's Graduati Cantab.

Whincopp, Thomas fellow ., Cambridge, B.A. 1667-8, M.A. 1671 (incorporated 11 July, 1676), B.D. 1679, D.D. 1684; rector of St. Mary Abchurch, London, 1681; licenced (V.G.) 3 Feb., 1693-4, to marry Judith Hastings, of St. Paul, Shadwell. See Foster's Index Eccl.

Whinnell, John (Whynnell) s. Thomas, of Askerswell, Dorset, minister. ., matric. 6 Dec., 1620, aged 16, B.A. 9 Feb., 1625-6; perhaps beneficed in Devon and Cornwall, and father of Philip Wynell, see post. []

Whinnell, John (Whynnell) cler. fil. , matric. 17 March, 1653-4.

Whinnell, Thomas of Somerset, pleb. , matric. 12 April, 1583, aged 21; rector of Askerswell, Dorset, 1594; father of John and of the next-named. See Foster's Index Eccl.

Whinnell, Thomas (Whynnell) s. Thomas, of Askerswell, Dorset, minister. ., matric. 6 Dec., 1622, aged 22, B.A. 9 Feb., 1625-6; through some mean employments became rector of Craneham near the city of Gloucester. See Ath. iii. 53.

Whip, William s. Sim., of Burnley, co. Lancaster, p.p. ., matric. 24 April, 1696, aged 18, B.A. 8 Feb., 1699-1700; M.A. from 1705; vicar of Leighton Buzzard, Beds, 1712. See Foster's Index Eccl.

WhippeY, George of Somerset, pleb. ., matric. 8 Feb., 1599-1600, aged 23. []

Whishaw, Hugh s. Hug., of Middlewich, Cheshire, pleb. ., matric. 26 March, 1697, aged 17, B.A. 1700; vicar of Madeley 1723, and of Diddlebury, (both) Salop, 1726, rector of Dinton, co. Lincoln, 1731. See Foster's Index Eccl. [ 1610 ]


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 my brother! O, Rhodophil! Claudina's gone, fled, I know not whither."

This address occasioned an alteration in the looks of the other, from a haughty fierceness, they softened into an appearance of compassion and curiosity. "Is it possible (asked he) that she has not acquainted you with her motives for withdrawing, nor where she intends to reside?"

"Neither (replied he;) she bids me adieu for ever, will never see me more, and desires me to forget her as unworthy of my affection; for Heaven's sake tell me if you can divine the cause of this cruel, unaccountable conduct."

"Indeed I cannot (answered Rhodophil.) Some weeks ago she was low spirited and melancholy, then she had fits one night, but in two or three days got better, and seemed more tranquil; it is certain her disposition has been very unequal, the cause of which I could never rightly comprehend."

"Good God! (exclaimed the other) it is very strange, her letter seems to imply as if


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 she had behaved imprudently, yet surely it is impossible."

"Something certainly lay heavy upon her mind (said the Count;) women are inexplicable beings; she may have deceived you; I do not say she has, because I know nothing; but some cause there must be, and all that I can advise you is, to forget her."

"How easy to advise where the heart is not interested! To forget is a hard lesson, memory given to us for a blessing, but too often proves the source of the bitterest sorrow; and my hopes of happiness are clouded for ever. One only request I have now to make."

"What is it?" asked Rhodophil, with some emotion. "As the unfortunate Claudina has entirely secluded herself, tell me, has she the means for her support?" The other hesitated a moment, then taking the paper from his pocket, which he had been gazing on, he gave it into his hands, that will satisfy you," said he. These were the contents:


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Rh bestow any real examination upon a new thing. Those, indeed, if any such there be, who under pretence of equal justice aim only at substituting the class ascendancy of the poor for that of the rich, will, of course, be unfavourable to a scheme which places both on a level.” The hon. member addressed himself to the question of the suffrage for the Council roll. He had been asked why they did not adopt the ballot? He had been anxious for something of the kind in first drafting his Bill; but it might be said in reply that Mr. Hare's system was itself so superior that it would not conform to the ballot, to secret voting in its essence; but still there was so much of the ballot that there could be no violence, no influence used at the time of voting, which the ballot sought to avoid. He moved that the Bill be read a second time.

Mr. seconded the motion; and after some observations by Mr. Mitchell, Mr. Merewether, Mr. Brown Russell, and the Attorney-General, the debate was adjourned.

The above report, omitting the argument on the other portions of the Bill, is taken from the Sydney Morning Herald for Thursday the 4th September, 1862. The report of the discussion on the next day has not come to hand, which is the more to be regretted, as the Bill appears to have been opposed by one member, Captain Ward, who would seem from the subsequent report to have addressed himself especially to this method of election, and to have contended, 1, that it would not be a guarantee for the representation of majorities and minorities in just and equal proportion, putting forward in support of that argument, substantially the problem suggested in Denmark, in which E with 101 third votes is elected, while B, with 299 second and 200 third votes, fails (See Appendix D, p. 302); 2, that mere single voting would be a better method without the contingent vote; and 3, that the loss of votes, owing to a large number of electors polling for the favourite candidates, might be obviated by publication of the state of the poll from time to time.

Wednesday, 17th September, 1862. The debate was resumed by Mr. . He did not admit that popular election of an Upper Chamber was better than a selection by the ministers of the Crown, with proper restrictions, to prevent a creation of members to carry particular measures. If the Lower House was the people's Chamber, the Upper should be the


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 Rh fifteenth centuries, we find both country and people alluded to under the name of Jatah—a name that, in translating, has been made to assume several unnecessary forms. Thus Pétis de la Croix, who put the Zafar-Náma into French, as far back as the end of the seventeenth century, transliterated the word Geta, and many subsequent authors followed his example. From the name mis-spelled in this way, much speculation arose among European writers, some of whom were able to derive from it the designation of the Jats of India, and others to recognise the Getæ, or Masagetæ, of classical authors. It is fair to say that most modern Orientalists have hesitated to accept these speculative conjectures, though the meaning and origin of the name have been hidden from them. Mirza Haidar now (and he is the first to do so) clears the matter up by informing his readers, parenthetically, in a number of places, that Moghulistan and Jatah were one and the same country. In the passages from the Zafar-Náma, which he cites in the First Part of his history, he interpolates this definition repeatedly, while in the closing chapter of that Part, he adds the further explanation that the Chaghatais called the Moghuls Jatah, on account of their enmity towards them, and by way of depreciation. Thus it was merely a nickname—a term of contempt or reproach—and when, with this clue, the word is sought in a Mongol dictionary, it is found to mean a 'worthless person,' a 'ne'er-do-well,' or 'rascal.' It has therefore no racial significance, but like such names as Kazák, Kalmák, etc., was probably applied to the Moghuls by their more cultivated neighbours, on account of their barbarous manners, lawless character, and unsettled habits generally. This being the sense, it need not be used except in translating from the texts; explained once for all, the Jatahs who have haunted the works of historians and commentators for two


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"When this reaches you, I shall have bid the world adieu for ever; my much injured husband never will incur the wrath of Heaven for his attachment to a worthless woman after this day—I shall see him no more.

"The settlement you made on me is in the hands of Ernest; half of that sum I shall send for quarterly, but no clue will be found by that means to trace me; I have taken my measures too securely for any possibility of a discovery: The other half of that settlement I have made over in trust to Ernest for the education of my son. May he never hear that he has a mother existing! Two persons only know the place of my retreat, they know all! They are sworn to secrecy, and never will be bribed to betray their trust; if provoked they may say too much.

"May Heaven comfort, bless, and preserve Ferdinand and my child! I would extend my blessings, but they may prove curses;


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314 Chamber of statesmen, composed of public men who had passed through great political offices and employments. Addressing himself to the election clauses, &c, he could not refrain from referring to the manner in which his hon. friend Mr. Butler had misunderstood both Mr. Hare and Mr. Mill on this subject The hon. member had complained that the committee had mutilated Hare's scheme by rejecting manhood suffrage. But Mr. Hare's scheme had nothing to do with manhood suffrage; it was, in fact, devised for England, where, happily, manhood suffrage did not exist. But Mr. Hare's scheme was nothing more than a mode of voting applicable alike to any constituency. He had weighed the Bill under a deep sense of their responsibility to the future, and he supported it not as a perfect measure, but as one which it would be wise in them to pass, and as one which they might pass without prejudice to the future policy of the country.

After discussion on other parts of the Bill,—

Mr. replied.—The first objection of Captain Ward arose from a misapprehension of the principle and object of the contingent votes. Their entry on the voting paper was apt to be misunderstood as a departure from the system of single voting, whereas it was merely an expedient to prevent the single vote from being thrown away on a candidate who did not require it. It merely indicated for whom the elector would desire to give his vote, if on his coming to the poll he were told, “Mr. A., for whom you intend to vote, is already elected by a full quota, and you are therefore at liberty to aid in the election of another.” It was not a second vote, and should be regarded as if it were non-existent or written in invisible ink, until effect was given to it in consequence of the primary vote not being required. Then it has all the effect of a primary vote. Such being the case, it was evident that no candidate whose name was second on any voting paper has any claim whatever to consideration on this account if the first-named candidate received the vote as a part of his quota. It was a mere indication that the elector would have voted for him if he had not used his vote for another in preference. A vote given by an elector to B, because his greater favourite A did not require it was as good a vote as the vote of another elector, who esteemed B as superior to A. Kow if these two considerations were borne in mind, all the objections raised by his hon. friend Captain Ward to the method of allotting contingent votes, on the ground of supposed injustice to candidates, fell to the ground. It was wholly the concern of the voter, and if he had secured the privilege of rendering his vote—his one vote—effectual for some one candidate of his choice, no other candidate was entitled to complain. Surely nothing could be more ridiculous than that a candidate should complain of it as a hardship that he is not allowed to derive any advantage from the votes of electors whose votes had returned another, because they would have voted for him if they had not voted for that other person. But although no candidate had any greater right than another to influence


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 from a wretch like me all good wishes may be reversed; yet Heaven will distinguish between the innocent and the guilty; the 'awful voice' convinced me of that truth, and bids me fly from the world for ever! May the warning be extended to others guilty as myself. ."

"Strange mystery!" cried Ferdinand; those two persons that know all! What is that dreadful all? O, how torturing is this doubt! Ernest is one (he has confessed it) that enjoys her confidence; but he has declared no force on earth shall induce him to betray her. Who the other is I know not; but no doubt she was well advised in her choice of confidants. Her own words pronounce her 'guilty,' but of what? What guilt can she have committed? Where had she the opportunity?"

"It is in vain to puzzle ourselves with conjectures," answered Rhodophil; "time only can develop the mystery, and we must endeavour to be content until that period


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 arrives; some unexpected incident may bring all things to light. You see she will not be without a support, which I shall regularly pay. As for your son Charles, I take upon me the care of his fortune, and will send him to a school at my own expense; the moiety of his mother's settlement shall be paid to Ernest, and be left to accumulate for his expenses hereafter.

"This has been a melancholy visit to you, my dear Ferdinand; but I entreat you to endeavour, if possible, to overcome this shock, to think of Claudina as dead, and as one whom you ought not, from her own confession, to lament."

With a deep sigh Ferdinand replied, "I will endeavour; but the more I think, the more the mystery increases, and the more wretched I am. I thank you for my poor Charles; the little Claudina, I trust, her mother will not neglect. Within three days I shall leave you."

"How! (cried the Count) in three days? Surely my brother will not desert me: Let


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 us comfort each other, resign your commission, partake an equal share with me, and let me have the satisfaction of contributing to your returning peace. We will take a tour into Hungary; I have an estate there I have never seen. You will be amused. Pray oblige me."

"I thank you most sincerely (answered Ferdinand;) but my resolution is taken, and I intend to ramble, I neither know nor care where, chance shall be my guide."

"That is a ridiculous, romantic idea (said the Count;) you may encounter a thousand accidents by such a scheme, with scarce a possibility of being amused without a companion, or any plan in view." Ferdinand made but a slight answer, yet sufficient to convey his determination, and the entrance of company drove him from the room.

Ernest only was admitted into his confidence, and with him he consulted about the disposal of his son Charles. As there was an excellent academy at Baden, they thought it best he should be there, because Ernest


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Rh the selection of the voting papers which were to he taken as the surplus beyond any candidate's quota, general policy required some rules, and these have been applied. The first rule was to select those on which the greatest number of contingent votes were entered. The reason of this was obvious. The greater the number of names entered, the less likely was the vote to be lost in the dection. After this rule had been applied, Mr. Hare had introduced a great number of complicated rules, which he had rejected for the sake of greater simplicity. All that appeared necessary to him was, to provide some rule which should preclude any selection of papers by the registrar, through personal or political motives. A political motive could, indeed, hardly apply, because the question would not be (as now, in ordinary elections) between candidates of different parties, but those of a second choice of two electors of the same party, which of two voters for A should have a second choice, because A did not require both votes. An equality of chance was the only impartial course to be adopted, and the most convenient mode of accomplishing this seemed to be the taking the votes in the order in which they happened to stand on the roll; and, notwithstanding it was characterised by the hon. and learned Attomey-General as absurd and ridiculous, he would venture to abide by it until some wiser and better plan were suggested; when that were done, he was perfectly ready to consider and adopt it. The hon. member (Captain Ward) said that under this system A might be returned and B rejected by a course which had no greater merit than the system of tossing up. This was a very narrow and fallacious view of the case. The system was a matter altogether distinct from the tossing up. True, it might be that in the working of the system, as in that of any other, a state of facts might result in which there might be a tie, or two or more parties might have equal claim to that which all could not by the nature of the case obtain. A resort to some plan equivalent to tossing up was in such case the only way out of the difficulty. But the hon. member (Captain Ward) had not been content with criticising the system of Mr. Hare. He has declared his preference for another. The system of single voting without quotas and without contingent voting appears to him preferable. It will, he says, protect minorities better. Possibly it might do so; but in what manner and at what expense of confusion and injustice towards majorities it might be worth while first to consider. Taking his friend Capitain Ward's illustrations in order, he would answer his objections teriaiim. In his first example, he complained that if 1, 2, 3 were taken to make A's quota, A and C would be returned, whereas if 4, 5, and 6 be taken, A and B would be returned. He (Mr. Holden) denied that this was any objection, unless either B had some claim superior to A, or A superior to B. This not being shown, some form of decision by lot was the just and proper course. If instead of an election by contingent voting the votes had been taken by 1, 2, and 3 going to the poll first, and 4, 5, and 6—knowing how they had voted—going to the poll afterwards, and voting for the candidates of their respective second choice, in consequence


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 would have him under his eye.—"My years are great (said the good old man) between sixty and seventy, and my days may be few, but whilst I live, never will I remit my attention to him. I have a nephew, a young man of integrity, who is the third master in that very academy: I can depend upon his care there, and here I will watch over his interests. I am certain the Count will not discharge me now."

"Why now, more than before?" asked Ferdinand.

"Because, because (said he, a little confused, conscious that he had said too much) he does justice to my fidelity, and is certain of my attachment to his family." Satisfied with this answer, the other consulted with him on his projected ramble, and as Ernest found him determined, he made no efforts to oppose him in a pursuit that he thought would amuse him for a time, and, like all other novelties, soon subside; and what made him the more readily come into it was, that an account arrived of a truce being agreed upon


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 between the Emperor and his opponent, and that the troops were ordered into winter quarters, consequently there was no necessity for resigning his commission, as he might have leave of absence for a few months.

Rhodophil appeared to regret his design, yet nevertheless furnished him with a handsome sum for his expenses, and requested he would draw freely upon him whenever it was necessary. Charles was informed his mother was gone a journey (and after a time Ernest was to acquaint him that she was dead.)—The same information was circulated in the family, though not as readily believed, for every one concluded she was run away from her husband unknown to them all: But Charles, who was only three years old, gave easy credit to any thing he was told, and in his new situation, where Mr. Dunloff, the nephew of Ernest, paid him the attention of a father, and he had a variety of young companions (a thing quite new to him) he soon ceased to lament the loss of his real parents, and was delighted with the change of residence.


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316 of such knowledge, the candidate whose election was defeated by his not reoeiying the vote of 1, 2, or 3 would have no ground of complaint, because he would have received it had they voted last in order. With regard to the second example, in which a greater claim was maintained on behalf of the excluded candidate, on account of his having more primary votes, the fallacy of the objection was equal, though of another kind. It was forgotten that when the contingent votes were used, they had the same force as primary votes. The fact that an elector would have voted for A, if A had wanted his vote, did not render his vote for B less valid, if it were not used for A. Thus, the return of C, in example two, by contingent votes in excess of B's primary votes, is quite legitimate. It was not because the vote was called contingent when placed on the voting paper that it was contingent or inferior when used. It has then become absolute, and of equal power with the primary vote. It was the actual vote of one elector. The third example turned upon the converse fallacy. Here contingent votes were taken into account which had never taken effect The objection assumed that B was entitled to reckon, as influencing his claim to consideration, contingent votes on voting papers actually used for a preceding candidate. These were only votes which would have been given for B, but have not been given in fact They should be, therefore, considered as non-existent for the purpose of the computation, and the objection would then utterly vanish. This system of single voting, without the protection of Hare's adjuncts, was that proposed in the Bill of the Forster Ministry; but as it was never fully discussed, public attention was not attracted to the objections to which it was open, although they at that time very clearly presented themselves to his mind, and he was thereby more prepared to welcome Mr. Hare's discovery as an escape from them. And his friend Captain Ward hinted that some better plan than Mr. Hare's contingent voting might answer all the purpose of this cumbrous system,—this better plan being, as he understood, a public statement of the number of votes already polled for candidates. If his honourable friend had said at once that he proposed to supersede the necessity of a cumbrous system by a system of voting through the electric telegraph, he could hardly have more astonished him. If he would show in what manner his suggestion could be practically carried out, he was willing to relinquish the field to him. The only merit he claimed for Hare's system was that of doing in the most practicable way which has hitherto been propoimded. But what did the publication proposed involve? First, that by some miracle of intuition all the polling-officers in the colony were to be aware of the instant at which any candidate had acquired a sufficient number of votes in the aggregate to effect his return. Secondly, that the polling be then simultaneously stopped, and the fact published, the machinery of election being suspended until all the electors are duly apprised. When, on this being effected, the election recommenced, it could only go on until another candidate were elected, when the polling would again stop, and the same proceedings would be


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CHAP. X.

was impatient to be gone from the Castle, and within ten days after Claudina had disappeared he saw his son fixed, heard from Ernest that his mother and the little Claudina were well, and having taken leave of his brother, who requested to hear often from him, one fine morning, equipped only with a change or two of linen, which he contrived to put in his pockets, a stout stick, and a small pair of pocket pistols, he set off on his intended pedestrian tour.—Ernest accompanied him to the entrance of the forest, and when Ferdinand embraced


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 the good old man, tears rolled down his aged cheeks: "May Heaven preserve you, my dearest master, when there is only a choice of evils, we must endeavour to bear with that which appears the lightest; I therefore trust you to Providence rather than to the wicked and malignant. Take care of yourself, and depend upon my love and fidelity." His increasing emotions precluded farther words on either side. Ferdinand wrung his hand affectionately, and unable to repress his own tears, they, as if by mutual consent, turned and walked hastily from each other, the one to the Castle, the other pursued his way through the forest.

He walked leisurely on for some hours without feeling fatigue, for his mind was wholly occupied with revolving on all the extraordinary occurrences that had happened since the death of the late Count, and although he had never given credit to the improbable stories of ghosts, or believed in the old legends handed down to posterity by the slaves of fear and monkish superstition; yet


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 there was such a conviction in his mind, that he could not be deceived in the voice which three times had startled him; and the last time was not only heard by Claudina, but appeared from her own letters to have struck her with a sense of conscious guilt, (though of what nature he could not divine) that it was impossible there could be any misapprehension, where there was no fear, or expectation of terror. All was strange and inexplicable, and he found himself involved in a labyrinth of perplexity, without any clue to guide him through it.

He at length came to a side of the forest which had a very steep hill, or rather mountain, rising from a narrow valley, which was watered by a small stream that seemed to meander slowly round the sides of the hill beyond the view; here Ferdinand stopped, and for the first moment recollected that he was tired and faint for want of refreshment, which, though a very natural occurrence, he had never apprehended; and Ferdinand concluded, without inquiring, that he would


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 take the right-hand side of the forest, where two or three little hamlets lay dispersed, and would afford him some accommodation.—He viewed the mountain with a wearied eye, beyond the little valley the forest was very thick, nor did he know its termination; the other side he was acquainted with, but here he was entirely at a loss: Whilst he deliberated, he seated himself on a piece of the rock, where he had rested but a few moments before he heard the tinkling of a bell, and presently several sheep came to the opposite side of the rivulet; they stopped, looking at him, as if afraid of a stranger:—"Poor, simple animals! (exclaimed he) fear not a wretched, powerless man! Alas! thy very looks claim pity, so void of guile, hard and callous must that heart be grown, whose profession leads him to put the murderous knife to a throat so unoffending!"

He had scarcely finished those words, when he saw a young shepherdess descending from the mountain to attend the watering of her flocks. He marked her as she came nearer;


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 plain and humble was her attire, simple and unfashioned her air; a good height, and a clear brown skin, with a ruddy complexion, were all her attractions. "Behold the child of nature! (thought he;) innocence of heart, simplicity of manners!" She came down to her sheep, the small rivulet only parted them. He saluted her. She returned a rustic bow, looking earnestly on him: "I have lost my way, shepherdess, and am faint and tired."

"Go round the hill (said she, pointing with her finger) there is a little bridge, cross it, follow the path way, it will bring you up to our cottage, my father is there, and you may rest yourself."

"And you (said he) where do you dwell?"

"There also (answered she.) When I have watered and housed my sheep, I shall come there too."

Ferdinand did not hesitate; he walked slowly to the bridge, and with difficulty began to climb the winding ascent. After much fatigue he reached a kind of platform in the


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 middle of the hill, where he saw a small cottage, a deep hanging brow of the mountain seemed suspended over it, and appeared as if every moment it would fall, and crush the humble dwelling into dust. He shuddered as he beheld it; but advancing to the cottage, saw a venerable looking man sitting to enjoy the breezes that played over the hills.

The old man viewed him with evident surprise; Ferdinand related the direction he had obtained from the shepherdess, and appeared so very much spent with toil, that the shepherd desired he would walk in, gave him his own stool as being the best, brought him some milk, and a cake, he said, of his Maria's baking. Never was repast more delicious than this milk, when almost choked with thirst; Ferdinand drank the wholesome beverage, looked at the simple shepherd, and his humble dwelling clean and comfortable, though unadorned, with delight. "My good father (said he) I thank your hospitality, you have revived my fainting spirits."


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Rh repeated until the electors were tired of travelling backwards and forwards to the poll. If it were practicable to prevent votes being thrown away at elections by any such publication as his hon. friend suggested, it would surely have been long ago introduced in connection with the existing system. It was no part of the avowed policy of the electoral law that votes should be thrown away. It had only been tolerated, as an evil supposed to be unavoidable, until Mr. Hare's invention had, for the first time, supplied a remedy.

The second reading was carried by a majority of 11 to 4. It was passed by the Legislative Council, and read a first time in the Legislative Assembly. In that House, on the 13th November, 1862, on the order of the day for the second reading,—

Mr., after addressing himself to the other questions, said he had heard no one who had risen to speak attempt to defend the principle of one electorate only, and the only question was, would it be at all tolerable even under Hare's system ?—though it was scarcely to be dreamt of that that should be adopted here. He believed it to be too complicated for any person to understand it; so much so, that he did not think there were ten members in this House and the other who thoroughly understood it. [An hon. member: “It is very simple.”] Possibly it might be; but they had the declaration of the Master of the Mint, who was no mean authority in mathematical matters, that it was directly the reverse. For himself he would confess that he had not understood much of it when it was first introduced into the Bill, but afterwards the explanations of the hon. gentleman who had proposed it had so mystified him, that he now knew less of it than before.

Mr., after adverting to the franchise and other subjects, added, the principle, however, most important in this Bill, whatever franchise might be adopted, was the principle known as Hare*s system—a system of election by quotas. There had been great prejudices against this system, and it had been frequently observed by hon. members that they could not understand the practical working of it. He would explain to the House in a few minutes that there was no mystery in connection with the practical application of this principle. Hare's system was the only one by which representation according to numbers could possibly be secured. Under that system a man carried his rights with him, and could exercise his power of voting in whatever part of the colony he might be at the time of an election. If the Upper House be composed of members returned for large districts, it would, after all, be a mere reflex of the majority of the community; and consequently, out of a community of 100,000 people, it might so happen that 49,000 were not represented at all. But such a state of things could not