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 trod on some nastiness in the yard, and going into the cook-house found the slave girls round a very small and inefficient fire, trying to cook the evening meal. She blew them up for not having a proper fire; they said the wood was wet, and would not burn. She said they lied, and she would see to them later, and she went into the chamber she used for a sleeping apartment, and trod on something more on the floor in the dark; those good-for-nothing hussies of slaves had not lit her palm-oil lamp, and mentally forming the opinion that they had been out flirting during her absence, and resolving to teach them well the iniquity of such conduct, she sat down on her bed into a lot of messy stuff of a clammy, damp nature. Now this fairly roused her, for she is a notable housewife, who keeps her house and slaves in exceedingly good order. So dismissing from her mind the commercial consideration she had intended to gloat over when she came into her room, she called Ingremina and others in a tone that brought those young ladies on the spot. She asked them how they dared forget to light her lamp; they said they had not, but the lamp in the room must have gone out like the other lamps had, after burning dim and spluttering, They further said they had not been out, but had been sitting round the fire trying to make it burn properly. She duly whacked and pulled the ears of all within reach. I say within reach for she is not very active, weighing, I am sure, upwards of eighteen stone. Then she went back into her room and got out her beautiful English paraffin lamp, which she keeps in a box, and taking it into the cook-house, picked up a bit of wood from the hissing, spluttering fire, and lit it. When she picked up the wood she noticed that it was covered with the same sticky abomination she had met before that evening, and it smelt of the same faint smell she had noticed as soon as she had reached her house, and by now the whole air seemed oppressive with it.

As soon as the lamp was alight she saw what the stuff was, namely, blood. Blood was everywhere, the rest of the sticks in the fire had it on them, it sizzled at the burning ends, and ran off the other in rills, There were pools of it about her clean, sandy yard. Her own room was reeking, the bed, the stools, the floor; it trickled down the door-post; coagu-


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great defect in the minor morals of society in the present day, appears to me to be a want of moral courage; and as this is chiefly felt under the encroachments of worldly-mindedness, I propose to class the two subjects together, anomalous as they may at first sight appear, in one chapter.

A want of moral courage is most frequently recognised in a fear of acting in, or even of advocating a good cause, where blame would attach to the individual who should venture to do so. The different parties in religion, politics, and almost everything else, which separate individuals, and oppose each other, in the present times, operate as a constant check upon the exercise of moral courage, because we can with difficulty act or speak without offending one set of prejudices or another.

We must not, however, call that courage which is simply an absence of fear, owing to an absence of knowledge. We sometimes find a thoughtless and inexperienced rider willing to mount the most dangerous horse, and young travellers rushing headlong into peril, without being aware of the risk to which they are exposed. But this arises out of a very different exercise of the mental faculties from what is required—first, to see the danger, then to calculate the probability of escape, and after having decided that the motive is sufficient to justify the risk, to face the peril whatever it may be. Such is the character of true courage, though it frequently operates habitually, where there is little time for making calculations of this nature.

This particular exercise of courage, however, relates chiefly to personal danger, and even as such is well worthy the attention of mothers in the training of their children; but that to which I would more especially call their attention, relates more to the dread of blame, the annoyance of opposition, or the apprehension of suffering in our worldly interests. And here, as well as in the former case, we must endeavor to arrive at clear views of the subject in all its

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Beeswaxcandle (talk) 23:10, 18 November 2023 (UTC)

running headers
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 * alright Joannaszulcm (talk) 16:13, 19 November 2023 (UTC)

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Please do not mark pages as "No Text" if they have text on them. --EncycloPetey (talk) 20:17, 9 December 2023 (UTC)

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 lated on the lintel. She herself was smeared with it from the things she had come in contact with in the dark, and the slaves seemed to have been sitting in pools of it. The things she picked up off the table and shelf left rims of it behind them; there was more in the skillets, and the oil in the open palm-oil lamps had a film of it floating on the oil. Investigation showed that the whole of the rest of her house was in a similar mess. The good lady gave a complete catalogue of the house-hold furniture and its condition, which I need not give here. The slave girls when the light came were terrified at what they saw, and she called in the aristocracy of the village, and asked them their opinion on the blood palaver. They said they could make nothing of it at first, but subsequently formed the opinion that it meant something was going to happen, and suggested with the kind, helpful cheerfulness of relatives and friends, that they should not wonder if it were a prophecy of her own death. This view irritated the already tried lady, and she sent them about their business, and started the slaves on house-cleaning. The blood cleaned up all right when you were about it, but kept on turning up in other places, and in the one you had just cleaned as soon as you left off and went elsewhere; and the morning came and found things in much the same state until "before sun-time," say about 10 o'clock, when it faded away.

I cautiously tried to get my stately, touchy dowager duchess to explain how it was that there was such a lot of blood, and how it was it got into the house. She just said "it had to go somewhere," and refused to give rational explanations as Chambers's Journal does after telling a good ghost story. I found afterwards that it was quite decided it was a case of "blood come before," and at Okÿon, Miss Slessor told me, in regard to the similar case there, that this was the opinion held regarding the phenomenon. It is always held uncanny in Africa if a person dies without shedding blood. You see, the blood is the life, and if you see it come out, you know the going of the thing, as it were. If you do not, it is mysterious. At Okÿon, a few days after the blood appeared, a nephew of the person whose house it came into was killed while felling a tree in the forest; a bough struck


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 him and broke his neck, without shedding a drop of blood, and this bore out the theory, for the blood having "to go somewhere" came before. In the Bantu case I did not hear of such a supporting incident happening.

Certain African ideas about blood puzzle me. I was told by a Batanga friend, a resident white trader, that a short time previously a man was convicted of theft by the natives of a village close to him. The hands and feet of the criminal were tied together, and he was flung into the river. He got himself free, and swam to the other bank, and went for bush. He was recaptured, and a stone tied to his neck, and in again he was thrown. The second time he got free and ashore, and was recaptured, and the chief then, most regretfully, ordered that he was to be knocked on the head before being thrown in for a third time. This time palaver set, but the chief knew that he would die himself, by spitting the blood he had spilt, from his own lungs, before the year was out. I inquired about the chief when I passed this place, more than eighteen months after, and learnt from a native that the chief was dead, and that he had died in this way. The objection thus was not to shedding blood in a general way, but to the shedding in the course of judicial execution. There may be some idea of this kind underlying the ingenious and awful ways the negroes have of killing thieves, by tying them to stakes in the rivers, or down on to paths for the driver ants to kill and eat, but this is only conjecture; I have not had a chance yet to work this subject up; and getting reliable information about underlying ideas is very difficult in Africa. The natives will say "Yes" to any mortal thing, if they think you want them to; and the variety of their languages is another great hindrance. Were it not for the prevalence of Kru English or trade English, investigation would be almost impossible; but, fortunately, this quaint language is prevalent, and the natives of different tribes communicate with each other in it, and so round a fire, in the evening, if you listen to the gossip, you can pick up all sorts of strange information, and gain strange and often awful lights on your absent white friends’ characters, and your present companions’ religion. For example, the other day I had a set of porters composed of four


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 This Ebony Cabinet was sent to the Great Duke by the Duke of Bavaria, and its valued at fourscore thousand Crownes: I believe, if it were to be sold, it would not yield forty thousand Crownes; but its handsome, sayth Seneca, for those that receive courtesies, to value them high. Here are also some Pictures of great value, as the Adam and Eve of the hand of Alberto Dureo, an original Piece, valued at 1500 Crownes. An original Venus of Titian, that in the Poggio Imperiale here (of which below) looking but like a good coppy of this. Here are also several Persian Chairs, and other good Originals of prime hands.

In the 4th Cabinet, called Il Tribuno we saw more riches then in all the others. This Tribuno is a great Room built round with a Cupola, whose vault is painted with a deep sanguin red, set full with the shells of Mother of Pearl. The walls of this Room are hung with green silk, and loaden with excellent Pictures of the prime Masters of the World, Titian, Raphael, Andrea del Sarto, Vinci,


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 Bassa boys, two Wei Weis, one Dualla, and two Yorubas. None of their languages fitted, so they talked trade English, and pretty lively talk same of it was, but of that anon.

I cannot close this brief notice of native ideas without mentioning the secret societies; but to go fully into this branch of the subject would require volumes, for every tribe has its secret society. The Poorah of Sierra Leone, the Oru of Lagos, the Egbo of Calabar, the Yasi of the Igahwa the Ukuku of the M’pongwe, the Ikun of the Bakele, and the Lukuku of the Bachilangi, Baluba, are some of the most powerful secret societies on the West African Coast.

These secret societies are not essentially religious, their action is mainly judicial, and their particularly presiding spirit is not a god or devil in our sense of the word. The ritual differs for each in its detail, but there are broad lines of agreement between them. There are societies both for men and for women, but no mixed societies for both sexes. Those that I have mentioned above are all male, and women are utterly forbidden to participate in the rites or become acquainted with their secrets, for one of the chief duties of these societies is to keep the women in order; and besides this reason it is undoubtedly held that women are bad for certain forms of ju-ju, even when these forms are not directly connected, as far as I can find out, with the secret society. For example, the other day a chief up the Mungo River deliberately destroyed his ju-ju by showing it to his women. It was a great ju-ju, but expensive to keep up, requiring sacrifices of slaves and goats, so what with trade being bad, fall in the price of oil and ivory and so on, he felt he could not afford that ju-ju, and so destroyed its power, so as to prevent its harming him when he neglected it. Probably the destructive action of women is not only the idea of their inferiority—for had inferiority been the point, that chief would have laid his ju-ju with dogs, or pigs—but arises from the undoubted fact that women are notably deficient in real reverence for authority, as is demonstrated by the way they continually treat that of their husbands.

The general rule with these secret societies is to admit the young free people at an age of about eight to ten years, the


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= sources =

Name 	Charles Duke Atkins Birth Year 	1876 Death Year 	1964 Source
 * Who Was Who in America. A component volume of Who's Who in American History. Volume 4, 1961-1968. Chicago: Marquis Who's Who, 1968. (WhAm 4)

SSDI
Name 	Charles Duke Atkins Gender 	Male Birth Date 	20 Sep 1876 Birth Place 	Hazardville, Connecticut Father Isaac Atkins Mother 	Jane Carter SSN 	105362229 Notes 	May 1962: Name listed as CHARLES DUKE ATKINS

burial
Charles Duke Atkins Birth   9 Sep 1876 Death   6 May 1964 (aged 87)    Connecticut, USA Burial   New Hazardville Cemetery    Hazardville, Hartford County, Connecticut, USA Memorial ID   115657463
 * findagrave

death
Name 	Charles D Atkins Gender 	Male Age 	87 Birth Date 	abt 1877 Residence Place 	Garden City, Nassau, New York, USA Death Date 	6 May 1964 Death Place 	New York, USA Certificate Number 	38214
 * New York State Department of Health; Albany, Ny, Usa; New York State Death Index

WWI
Name 	Charles Duke Atkins Race 	White Birth Date 	20 Sep 1876 Residence Date 	1917-1918 Street Address 	413 Parkside Ave Residence Place 	Brooklyn, Kings, New York, USA Draft Board 	65 Physical Build 	Medium Height 	Tall Hair Color 	Brown Eye Color 	Blue Spouse Gretchen M. Atkins
 * United States, Selective Service System. World War I Selective Service System Draft Registration Cards, 1917-1918. Washington, D.C.: National Archives and Records Administration. M1509, 4,582 rolls. Imaged from Family History Library microfilm. > Registration State: New York; Registration County: Kings

obituary
Name 	Charles D Atkins Gender 	Male Death Age 	87 Birth Place 	Hazardville Conn Residence Place 	Garden City Death Place 	Huntington Atkins Obituary Date 	8 May 1964 Obituary Place 	Melville, New York, USA Newspaper Title 	Newsday (Suffolk Edition)
 * Newsday (Suffolk Edition); Publication Date: 8 May 1964; Publication Place: Melville, New York, USA; URL: https://www.newspapers.com/image/717930086/?article=c05c1fa1-d309-478b-9d6b-fe7208d92a95&focus=0.0650553,0.47605455,0.4188645,0.6510269&xid=3355

census
Name 	Charles D Atkins Age in 1910 	32 Birthplace 	Connecticut Home in 1910 	Philadelphia Ward 46, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, USA Sheet Number 	11a Street 	Kingsessing Avenue House Number 	4817 Race 	White Gender 	Male Relation to Head of House 	Head Marital Status 	Married Spouse's Name 	Gretchen Atkins Father's Birthplace 	England Mother's Birthplace 	England Native Tongue 	English Occupation 	Secretary Industry 	University Interior Employer, Employee or Other 	Wage Earner Home Owned or Rented 	Rent Farm or House 	House Able to read 	Y Able to Write 	Y Enumeration District Number 	1190 Years Married 	5 Out of Work 	N Number of Weeks Out of Work 	0 Enumerated Year 	1910 Neighbors Household Members (Name) 	Age 	Relationship Charles D Atkins 	32 	Head Gretchen Atkins 29  Wife Marjorie Atkins 4  Daughter Gordon Atkins 2  Son
 * 1910 USA

Name 	Chas D Atkins Gender 	Male Race 	White Age in 1930 	53 Birthplace 	Connecticut Marital Status 	Married Relation to Head of House 	Head Home in 1930 	Brooklyn, Kings, New York, USA Map of Home Street Address 	Caton Ave. Ward of City 	A. D. 21 Block 	F House Number 	1522 Dwelling Number 	34 Family Number 	34 Home Owned or Rented 	Owned Home Value 	25000 Radio Set 	Yes Lives on Farm 	No Age at First Marriage 	28 Attended School 	No Able to Read and Write 	Yes Father's Birthplace 	England Mother's Birthplace 	England Language Spoken 	English Able to Speak English 	Yes Occupation 	Director Industry 	30 Lafbayett Class of Worker 	Wage or salary worker Employment 	Yes Household Members (Name) 	Age 	Relationship Chas D Atkins 	53 	Head Gretchen T Atkins  50   Wife Marjorie Atkins 24  Daughter Gordon Atkins 22  Son Anna Ekeland 25   Maid
 * 1930 USA

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 boys entering the male, the girls the female society. Both societies are rigidly kept apart. A man who attempts to penetrate the female mysteries would be as surely killed as a woman who might attempt to investigate the male mysteries; still I came, in 1893, across an amusing case which demonstrates the inextinguishable thirst for knowledge, so long as that knowledge is forbidden, which characterises our sex, Alas! had only this Forschungschwärmerei filled us for other classes of knowledge, we might have been the discoverers of the electric telegraph, and a thing or so more of that order.

It was in the district just south of Big Batanga. The male society had been very hard on the ladies for some time, and one day one star-like intellect among the latter told her next-door neighbour, in strict confidence, that she did not believe Ikun was a spirit at all, but only old So-and-so dressed up in leaves. This rank heresy spread rapidly, in strict confidence, among the ladies at large, and they used to assemble together in the house of the foundress of the theory, secretly of course, because husbands down there are hasty with the cutlass and the kassengo, and they talked the matter over. Somehow or other, this came to the ears of the men. Whether the ladies got too emancipated and winked when Ikun was mentioned, or asked how Mr. So-and-so was this morning, in a pointed way, after an Ikun manifestation, I do not know; some people told me this was so, but others, who, I fear, were right, considering the acknowledged slowness of men in putting two and two together, and the treachery of women towards each other, said that a woman had told a man that she had heard some of the other women were going on in this heretical way. Anyhow, the men knew, and were much alarmed; scepticism had spread by now to such an extent that nothing short of burning or drowning all the women could stamp it out and reintroduce the proper sense of awe into the female side of society, and after a good deal of consideration the men saw, for men are undoubtedly more gifted in foresight than our sex, that it was no particular use reintroducing this awe if there was no female half of society to be impressed by it. It was a brain-spraining problem for the men all round, for it is clear society cannot be kept together


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 without some superhuman aid to help to keep the feminine portion of it within bounds.

Grave councils were held, and it was decided that the woman at whose house these treasonable meetings were held should be sent away early one morning on a trading mission to the nearest factory, a job she readily undertook; and while the other women were away in the plantation or at the spring, certain men entered her house secretly and dug a big chamber out in the floor of the hut, and one of them, dressed as Ikun, and provided with refreshments for the day, got into this chamber, and the whole affair was covered over carefully and the floor re-sanded. That afternoon there was a big manifestation of Ikun. He came in the most terrible form, his howls were awful, and he finally went dancing away into the bush as the night came down. The ladies had just taken the common-sense precaution of removing all goats, sheep, fowls, &c., into enclosed premises, for, like all his kind, he seizes and holds any property he may come across in the street, but there was evidently no emotional thrill in the female mind regarding him, and when the leading lady returned home in the evening the other ladies strolled into their leaders hut to hear about what new cotton prints, beads, and things Mr. had got at his factory by the last steamer from Europe, and interesting kindred subjects bearing on Mr.. When they had threshed these matters out, the conversation turned on to religion, and what fools those men had been making of themselves all the afternoon with their Ikun. No sooner was his name uttered than a venomous howl, terminating in squeals of rage and impatience, came from the ground beneath them. They stared at each other for one second, and then, feeling that something was tearing its way up through the floor, they left for the interior of Africa with one accord. Ikun gave chase as soon as he got free, but what with being half-stifled and a bit cramped in the legs, and much encumbered with his vegetable decorations, the ladies got clear away and no arrests were made—but society was saved. Scepticism became in the twinkling of an eye a thing of the past; and, although no names were taken, the men observed that certain ladies were particularly anxious, and


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 regardless of expense, in buying immunity from Ikun, and they fancied that these ladies were probably in that hut on that particular evening, but they took no further action against them, save making Ikun particularly expensive. There ought to be a moral to an improving tale of this order, I know, but the only one I can think of just now is that it takes a priest to get round a woman; and I always feel inclined to jump on to the table myself when I think of those poor dear creatures sitting on the floor and feeling that awful thing clapper-clawing its way up right under them.

Ikun has the peculiar habit of coming in from the sea in a canoe. The heads of his society always see him first, and go out to meet him in their canoes, and bring him in his Jack-in-the-Green dress ashore; meanwhile all the women dash about driving into enclosures ducks, chickens, children, sheep, and goats, and then conceal themselves. He is the only member of his class I have ever heard of that comes in from the sea; they usually come out of the bush like Egbo and Yasi, and his dress is bush anyhow. There is another peculiarity of Ikun, which is that he has a peculiar way of taking payment for a thing which all his fellow secret societies and spirits also supply, namely, the power of becoming rich.

For example, a man desires this power, so he goes to some one known to possess Ikun, and inquires of him if he will let him have a certain quantity of his power, say, enough to ensure his becoming a thousand-pound-a-yearer. The man who possesses the power says that for this quantity of the power the applicant must pay the lives of fifty of his blood, relations. All these lives the man must take himself, from time to time, secretly, as occasion offers; and the spirits of the murdered go to Ikun in the under-world and work for him as slaves, and as they go down, so every under-taking of the murderer turns out profitably, and he gradually grows richer and richer.

It is a dangerous practice in this world, because when your neighbours notice how your relatives are going off, and how you are getting on, they are apt to say you are making Ikun; whereupon they descend on you and kill you, and collar your hard-earned wealth, and have a dance in the evening; but I


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 am assured that if you succeed in killing off your relations, unnoticed, up to the proper amount, there is no eternal unpleasantness awaiting you personally as there would be in Europe if you made a deal with the devil. Whether this arises from a lack of moral perception of the iniquity of this sort of thing in the African, or from the difficulty of imagining—with only the African's allowance of imagination—a greater hell than existence in a West African village under native law, I must leave to psychologists.

Tattooing on the West Coast is comparatively rare, and I think I may say never used with decorative intent only. The skin decorations are either paint or cicatrices—in the former case the pattern is not kept always the same by the individual. A peculiar form of it you find in the Rivers, where a pattern is painted on the skin, and then when the paint is dry, a wash is applied which makes the unpainted skin rise up in between the painted pattern. The cicatrices are sometimes tribal marks, but sometimes decorative. They are made by cutting


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 8 (4) That it was not the tyranny of the Russian governments, nor the supposed discontent of the masses which caused them to fall, but their weakness, growing incompetence and the sinister machinations of Jews and international doctrinaires, which finally culminated in their collapse under the appalling strain of the War. In other words, it fell, not because it was autocratic, an autocracy at least implies an autocrat with a will and a purpose, but because it had long ceased to be autocratic, and was merely weak, incompetent, and lacking in policy, will and purpose.

We now approach the question: What are the opposing forces in the struggle? To suppose that the barbarous terms "Bolshevism" and "anti-Bolshevism" do any more than supply two very misleading labels which explain nothing, is to show a signal lack of power to appreciate the situation and to probe beneath the surface scum of verbal obscurantism. Before the long foreseen, utter, and inevitable collapse of the White Anti-Bolshevik Armies, the Red Army representing Bolshevism, and the White Army under Kolchak, Denikin, and Yudenitch, were composed, for the most part, entirely of the same material, that is to say the Russian element in both armies was identical. The rank and file on both sides were Russians of the same class, with the same sympathies, and the same interests. They were ignorant and illiterate Russian peasants, whose only clear and all-compelling motive was to get enough food and clothing to keep them from death by starvation and cold. The very


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 Rh same men were fighting alternately first on one side, then on the other. When Kolchak or Denikin advanced, their recruits were drawn almost entirely from Red prisoners; and whole divisions and corps went over to them when they got the chance. When the Whites retreated or had their communications threatened by traitors and Bolshevik emissaries in their rear, these same troops passed over again to the Reds.

So much for the rank and file, Red or White, it was all the same. Even the officers on both sides were to a great extent officers of the old Tzarist Armies. The Soviet Government learned (better than the other side) that to fight you must have an efficient army, and an efficient army needs trained officers and an iron discipline. Gradually the Red Armies became more efficient.

The methods by which they had secured the services of the old officer class, or rather the proportion that had survived massacre and execution, was simple but effective. Their wives and womenfolk are held hostages, at the first sign of infidelity, the extraordinary commission consigns these women to torture and death. The Communist Party—so-called "Convinced Communists"—is splendidly organized, in fact the only party in the country which is organized. Although an infinitessimal fraction of the population, they have spies everywhere. The commissaries, mainly Jews, have perfected an organization by which the "convinced" communists are secretly distributed amongst the staffs and rank and file of the Army, and throughout the Soviet governmental and administrative machinery, on a plan analagous to secret masonic organizations. Every officer and every


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Published

 * Illinois Verse (1926) by Anna Shattuck Palmer

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 10 official is carefully watched. As long as they serve their Soviet masters the "employee's" condition is good, in fact in many ways his position is better than on the White side, for besides sufficient food and comfort for his family, officers are given absolute power over the soldiery; flogging and shooting are the only punishments. They realize, too, the hopeless and heart-breaking conditions under which their former brother-officers on the White side tried to lead an army under impossible conditions. The Whites, of course, were far too "democratic" to be either disciplined or efficient. Far too much a pot-pourri of incompatible and irreconcilable elements vainly trying to find a compromise, united only by a common hostility to another régime which does at any rate know what it wants, to be either thorough or purposeful.

How can an army in the field fight an enemy, “when their division commander is arrested within an hour of the time fixed for their offensive, and his chief of staff has to be shot for being a Bolshevist intelligence officer? How can an offensive be carried out when a general who has given written assurances of his loyalty, and has undertaken certain important co-operation, makes an attack on the forces of his commander-in-chief instead?" How can a commander-in-chief expect to maintain discipline when he fails to suppress the open sale to civilians of military stores at his own headquarters by his own officers? Yet all these incidents took place in Yudenitch's Army before it collapsed.


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 Rh Is it any argument in favour of the Bolshevik régime that their White opponents are corrupt and incompetent, owing, in part, to the conditions forced upon them by the Allies (who throughout have encouraged only a negative and vacillating policy, viz.: anti-monarchial and anti-Bolshevik), and in part to the presence and influence of alien intriguers on the White side? Yet General Gough and many other superficial thinkers in England appear to imagine it is.

Is it surprising that discipline cannot be maintained in an army composed of warring elements, where the few loyal officers are exposed to the sabotage and conspiracy of alien intriguers and traitors? A system of sabotage which began with the first organization of the Volunteer Army in Siberia where a few loyal officers rallied round the Czecho-Slovaks. The same Czecho-Slovaks who eventually stabbed Kolchak in the back and secured his defeat; finally surrendering him to the Bolsheviks for execution. Is it surprising that Kolchak found it next to impossible to administer occupied territory when his political counsellors could unite on no policy beyond a willingness to defer all questions of policy and principle to the decision of a Constituent Assembly which is to be convoked after the destruction of the Soviet administration, and decline to accept even the temporary makeshift which might bind them to a definite principle?

Above all is it surprising that the White administration could have no policy, and the White Army could have no discipline, when one remembers the history of its growth. The part in it for instance, played by one, Savinkoff, who after a little difference with his next-of-kin the Bolsheviks and his failure to find employment with Denikin, joined


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 12 his fellows of the Social Revolutionary Party—in Ufa—to form a Directorate, consisting exclusively of Social Revolutionaries or Mensheviks, whose first steps were to institute soldiers' committees, commissaries, election of officers by their men, etc. All the methods in fact, which a year before had transformed 7½ million Russian troops into one band of deserters and mauraders.

Admiral Kolchak, it is true, temporarily scotched the plan to destroy his Army from behind his back, by arresting the directorate. They were, however, subsequently released, and dispersed, vowing vengeance on Kolchak, some of them, at any rate one of their number, Tchernoff, returning to Moscow and his friends the Bolsheviks.

Their activities were next directed against the "Russian Political Conference" in Paris, in the beginning of 1919. Here again Savinkoff took a prominent part with the other "heaven-sent" protagonists of the Kerensky revolution—the first, the glorious and thoroughly "democratic" revolution.

Mde. Breshko Brehkovskaya boomed the movement in America, and Dr. Sosskiss, Kerensky's Secretary became its high priest in London. The first object, of course, was to secure the downfall of the "wicked" counter-revolutionary Kolchak. A strenuous propaganda campaign was started to discredit him by labelling him "reactionary" and "autocratic," which, of course, are the stock social-revolutionary synonyms for efficiency when applied to their enemies. Kolchak was on no account to be helped unless he took the "democratic"


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 Rh oath of allegiance, i.e., he was to re-adopt the Social-Revolutionary experiments which successfully ruined the Russian Army in 1917. Unless these conditions were enforced Allied help must immediately be withdrawn. Meanwhile another branch of the same gang sprang up in Siberia. Unfortunately their efforts were now more fruitful. "Counter-Revolutionary" (i.e., experienced and capable) officers were replaced by "democratic" geniuses of the 1917 type. After much struggle, the principle of commissaries, committees and elected officers, was enforced, and the retreat which began in October and November, 1919, the loss of Omsk—the beginning of the end—was the immediate and inevitable sequel. The story of the Yudenitch failure is very similar, for the same hand was at work there; plotting in the rear of the Army and controlling supplies.

Their names, of course, with one or two exceptions, convey little to the English public, and some of them may shelter under the protective laws of this hospitable country. In any case the names of the members of the Social-Revolutionary party which devoted their especial attention to the Baltic are well-known. With the proximate success of General Yudenitch, Petrograd—the city of the dead, and the "Northern Commune's days were numbered." To prevent this at all cost was the work of our "friends" of the Revolutionary left. They hampered the Government and the Ministries, and they controlled large finances.

The sudden collapse of Yudenitch before the very gates of Petrograd, testifies to the thoroughness of their work.


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 14 The equally sudden decision to withdraw all British Troops from Archangel owing to the pressure of their friends and their dupes in England drew the curtain on the drama and its logical finale.

There are still people, especially in England, who ask in mild surprise how it is that the Whites everywhere collapsed so completely and effectually; when the forces at work within the White movement are examined in the light of the afore-mentioned circumstances it need occasion very little surprise. The reflection however that the Allied Governments did so much to assist the machinations of those whose avowed object was to work "for the advent of a Social-Revolutionary government and to maintain the Bolsheviks in power until preparations of the Social-Revolutionary party were completed, and, at all costs, to prevent the march on Petrograd," this reflection may indeed be a mortifying one to those who had little idea of what was going on behind the scenes.

The White Armies were defeated, because they were inefficient, they were inefficient because political traitors were allowed to conspire to ensure their inefficiency. The administration of the occupied White territories also ensured the collapse of the movement for the same reasons. The Whites could unite on no policy because they had no common policy, because all their efforts were nullified by intrigue, conspiracy and "sabotage," and finally because no movement representing a heterogeneous jumble of contradictory and incompatible elements


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 Rh can ever defeat another movement which at any rate knows its own mind and allows of no compromise.

A definite positive movement alone can defeat another definite movement. Even the Russian peasants understand this better than the Allied statesmen and the politicians. When Denikin was making his rapid advance on Moscow the enthusiasm of the peasants of the liberated territories was unbounded. They marched out in procession to greet their deliverers, bearing at their head their Holy Eikons and the portrait of the Tzar. Imagine their perplexed chagrin when the astute political officers in Denikin's retinue told them to bury their baubles, carefully explaining that their "little quarrel with the Bolshies" had nothing to do with the Tzar, in fact they really agreed with them about the Tzar; they had not yet had time to make up their minds as to exactly what it was they did want to subtsitute for the Bolshevik Show. Anyhow they would see when they got to Moscow, and everyone must trust them because they were thoroughly "democratic." No one could dispute that, because they said so themselves. Are you surprised that the peasants went away sadly shaking their heads and saying, "We thought you had come to save us from the Bolsheviks, if you don't want Bolsheviks obviously you must have a Tzar, but now we see you are only another brand of Bolshevik after all?"

The so-called "policy" of the "Whites" and "anti-Bolsheviks" was very characteristically set forth in a series of articles by Mr. Paul Dukes in the Times, in October and November, 1919.

Mr. Dukes explained very clearly and explicitly that


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 16 the Whites were "anti"-Tzarist and "anti"-Bolshevist. The Russian people he thought "may not have learned what they want," he, at any rate, would "attach no importance to the oft-expressed wish of the peasantry to have a Tzar back." It is not, of course, to be expected that anyone who has no more definite ideas than that he is "thoroughly democratic" would attach any importance to any positive aspirations! The peasantry, he says, have certainly learned that they do not want "Bolshevism," so this is the "positive policy" which, he claims, all Russian parties except extreme monarchists and Bolsheviks wish for instead: they are contained in the following seven "original aims" of the "Centre Party."

(1) Complete transference of the land to the peasantry. (This was one of the first cries the Bolsheviks thought of.)

(2) Separation of Church and State. (The Bolsheviks likewise did this long ago.)

(3) Acceptance of the main principles of Bolshevist development of education. (Even an "anti"-party might have thought of something more original!)

(4) Acceptance of the main principles of Bolshevist marriage law. (An equally candid confession!)

(5) Restoration to workmen of effective measure of control in factories. (Same comment as No. 1.)

(6) Reform of laws of justice on a popular basis. (Obviously much easier than to promise efficiency and equity, and it needs no definition!)

(7) Convocation at earliest moment of a national assembly. (A grand excuse for having no policy or principles of their own!)


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 Rh

We have seen that outwardly there was little difference between the Red Armies, and the White Armies, the material on both sides consisted mainly of Russian peasants whose only real concern was peace and food. They got none of the former and little enough of the latter. On both sides there was also a considerable foreign element. In the Red Army were Chinese, Letts and dago mercenaries of every description. In the White Armies were Czecho-Slovaks, and alien ex-prisoners of war. The Red Armies have a sprinkling of German military experts on their staffs, and the Whites had a sprinkling of Allied officers. Why then are these Armies, so nearly alike in personnel, nationality and interests, fighting each other?

The answer is supplied when an examination reveals what Bolshevism really is.

Like all other terms denoting a definite historical movement associated with an "ideology" more or less particular to it, the term Bolshevism has been used to express, not only the bare fact of its existence, but in addition all the odium, and also, let it not be forgotten, the rapturous approval, of its partisans and opponents. But mere abuse and mere effusive praise does not help to explain, in the least, what a thing is—its characteristics, properties, origin, relations and consequences.

However inadequately, an attempt will here be made to analyse it as scientifically and briefly as possible. In dealing with it in the broadest possible way it will be found necessary to deal with it under two aspects—common to all scientific classification—the generic and the specific. That is to say we must now recognise that "Bolshevism"


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 18 is not simply a sporadic growth which suddenly makes its appearance as the result of one nation's economic and military collapse, but that it is a movement with a very long history and which in its development bears the closest association to, and the identical symptoms of, movement in other countries and at other periods of the world's history. Our account must therefore involve two sets of ideas: one deals with the particular, the other with the type; the former with its symptoms, i.e., what it is ostensibly—its apologetics, its "idealogy," its growth; its locality, historical antecedents, and particular and immediate causes and effects. And the latter with its diagnosis; it treats it psychologically and comparatively; with its motives, its affective (i.e., emotional) power, and the general causes of its condition: these being peculiar to no country and no time.

Everyone by now knows that the origin of the term "Bolshevik" was merely the accidental fact that at the Brussels-London Conference of the Left Social Democratic Party in 1903, the extreme left wing had a majority (Bolshinstvo). As a party they now officially style themselves "The Communist Party (of the Bolsheviks.")

The origin and growth of the Revolutionary movement in Russia has already been briefly sketched out, and attention has been called to the fact that it had its rise in Russia with the introduction of industrialism in the nineteenth century, and the importation, from the highly comercialised countries of Western Europe, of the Socialistic and Communistic doctrines which a highly mammonised industrial system inevitably breeds—as


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 Rh surely as a foul body breeds lice. We had also to insist on the essentially different type of civilisation presented by an almost exclusively agricultural country like Russia, and, as a consequence, the patriarchal nature of its government, and the comparative absence of middle classes, bourgeoisie and proletariat (industrial operatives); all these imported classes forming an insignificant fraction of the total population. It can now be understood why the patriarchal government of the Tzars took care to exclude and vigorously control Jews, who, as a class, are normally found in greatest numbers among the bankers, middlemen, profiteers and usurers.

Generations of persecution and repression developed in the ghettos a race whose powers of adaptation under such treatment must necessarily have preserved many of the meanest (the most adaptable) as well as a few of the noblest elements (the most resistant to a mean environment) amongst them. Constantly plundered and robbed of their goods, they have learned to handle the power that lies in bonds and exchangeable tokens of wealth. When deprived of the concrete goods of this world they have set store by the abstract or the ideal. The Jewish race has produced great financiers and merchants, but also great scientists, great philosophers and great prophets. When a Jew believes in an ideal he will give himself up to it more whole-heartedly, perhaps, than any Gentile. When he rebels against the inhospitable country of his birth, he rebels passionately with a slow, persistent fire, and waits for his revenge; but when he can identify himself and his power with the country which sheltered


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 20 him, he becomes one of those rare powers of consolidation which was brought to so fine a pitch in the person of Benjamin Disraeli.

It would be futile to suggest that all Bolsheviks are Jews, or that it is merely a Jew movement. I am only trying to show why, as a matter of fact, Revolutionaries are so largely Jews in Russia. The full significance of the part played by the Jews in Bolshevism must be postponed for a while; meanwhile it is sufficient to point out that:

(1) Russia had particular attractions for the "usurer" instinct of the Jews as a class, because of the greater thriftlessness helplessness of the illiterate peasantry, and the absence of middle-class rivals.

(2) The not unnatural resentment of Jews in Russia at their repression, and exclusion from so profitable and favourable a field for their particular type of genius. Their suppression resulted in the formation of the most formidable of the revolutionary parties in modern Russia the so-called "Jewish Bund."

(3) The equally natural solicitude of a paternal government, its primary duty, to save its masses from exploitation at the hands of a foreign element in its midst. The "pogroms" which even now continue, in spite of the protection of a Jew bureaucracy, being sufficient proof of the Russian peasant's hatred of the Jew—deplorable in their effects and in themselves though pogroms are.

At this point it may not be out of place to make a very brief digression by pointing out that it was in England, the home of the Jew, that the Tzar's Government was always systematically vilified, and for years made out as the blackest home of tyranny and oppression in the


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 Rh world. Atlhough there were English writers like Mr. Stephen Graham who, years ago, went out to Russia to live there because he considered it the freest country in Europe. It was, of course, the least commercialised, while England, one of the most commercialised countries—and the greatest lovers and entertainers of Jews—in the world, in consequence, sees no merit in a simple agricultural existence. Neither is it surprising in view of her cult of unlimited industrialism, and its consequences—an ever-expanding industrial and urban population—free commercial exploitation by all and sundry middlemen, usurers, Jews; and the translations of all values into money-values, by which alone can be realized that ideal of personal equality, dead-levelness and compulsory mediocrity in which she glories under the name of Liberalism and Democracy. Can England with her tradition of 300 years of Jew-loving free-mammonism, democratic-shopkeeping, Puritanism, and obsessional urban-industrial expansion, in any case understand a healthier ideal of rural simplicity and paternal government, which, in spite of the obvious short-comings of his successor, was the ideal of Alexander III?

We all know that the central idea of the Bolshevik "ideology" is internationalism and communism. Agricultural Russia was selected as the scene of an experiment in economic and social theory which had its birth-place in industrial Germany. The psychology of the Russian would favour the attempt, for unlike the Teuton and the


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 22 Saxon, the Slav attempts to realize his ideas in action. But these international forces did not emerge till after the overthrow of the first Revolution. It is important that we should clearly realize the three-cornered nature of the struggle. The first Revolution saw the bourgeois-socialists and the commercial interests overthrowing the war-weakened and disorganized government of officials and native aristocracy which stood in the way of the full commercialization and capitalization of the whole country. It must not be thought that at this stage the internationalists and communists took no part. They had long been maturing their plans and they were content to keep out of sight to start with; at the same time aiding by every means in their power the initial phase of the first Revolution, which must inevitably precede the introduction of their own régime. The commercialists and bourgeois-socialists of the Kerensky régime were used as an indispensable weapon for the attainment of their ends. Lenin, as a Marxian socialist, had, for a great number of years, realized that Russia must first be commercialized before she could be destroyed, as all states must be destroyed in the interests of "internationalism." As far back as 1894, in spite of other differences, he agreed with the constitutional social-democrat (Cadet) Struve, on the "necessity, the inevitability, and the progressive function of Russian capitalism." It was only through the industrialization of Russia that she could be made ripe for his communistic schemes, or rather it was through the partial and incomplete industrialization of the country that she could be made vulnerable at all.

As Lenin represents the very small but energetic group of theoretical international-communists, and who is further


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 Rh distinguished by being one of the few who is actually a Russian (by birth, though not in sentiment), and also one of the ablest of them, it will be as well to relate his origin.

According to his biographer and great admirer, Zinoviev, (the Bolshevik Minister, a Jew, whose former name was Apfelbaum), Lenin, whose real name is Vladimer Iliitch Oulianov, was born in 1870 at Simbirsk, and was the son of a councillor of state, belonging to a family of hereditary nobility. His brother was executed for the attempted assassination of Alexander III. in 1887. Vladimer Lenin's whole life was spent in exile, organizing revolutionary schemes.

He has always had a perfectly clear and consistent idea as to the means to be adopted to attain his ends, and the end itself. The end was, of course, the dictatorship of Lenin, and a subservient executive, over the masses from whom all possible rival leaders had been removed. Trotsky, his right-hand man and chief lieutenant (also a Jew) has said of him, "To him the rule of social democracy means martial law, the rule of Lenin over social democracy. He has taken upon himself the rôle of the incorruptible Robespierre." The idea is, of course, the very essence of communism, which necessarily implies a dead level equality of the masses without individual possessions, or ambitions, in complete subjection to the will of a despot. In primitive communities this can, of course, be realized. It was this ideal which was never distant from the mind of Karl Marx. In his "Capital" (p. 351) he thus describes the primitive organization of Indian village communities. "Side by side with the masses thus occupied with one and the same work, we


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155


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All these unions are constructed on the same principle.

The nucleus of the union is the factory committee. All factory committees of a given district (or uyesd) form a branch of the union: all branches in the territory of a province or definite county form a provincial (gubernia) department and all factory committees, branches and departments are the organs of the corresponding All-Russian trade union. The union is centralised: fifty per cent. of the contribution goes to the funds of the central committee of the union (from the first of May of this year the membership contribution will be 2 per cent. of their wages).

The connection between the industrial unions and their organs and the co-ordination of their work is established by transverse organs of the trade union movement. In small localities, secretariats, uniting all the workers and employees; in uyesds, bureaux of the trade unions are set up on the basis of representation from the branches; in provinces, councils of trade unions based on the representation of provincial departments, and in the centre the All-Russia Council of Trade Unions the executive of which is elected by the All-Russia Congress and the members from the national trade unions in the proportion of one for every fifty thousand members.

The concentration and growth of the trade union movement will be seen by the following figures, presented at the congresses by trade union councils, departments and branches:

It will be seen from this small table that the number of organised workers rose unceasingly (the difference in the figures between the data supplied by the councils and by the branches is explained by the fact that several categories do not enter into the trade union councils) and that the number of national organisations have increased very little. More than that, according to the decision of the third congress, a regrouping and fusion will take place as a result of which all the organised workers in Russia will be grouped into twenty-three centralised unions each of which will have its department in every province and branch in every district.

Such a small number of unions having such a large number of organised workers became possible because auxiliary workers joined the unions of the main industry and only in connection with commissariats and state institutions did we depart from our principle of "one undertaking, one union." By undertaking is meant a complete administrative, technical and economic entity.


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In order to understand the Russian trade union movement it is necessary to bear in mind: (1) that there are no yellow unions in Russia, (2) that there are no unions standing outside of the general trade union centre. All unions in Russia enter into the All-Russia Central Trade Union Council and only those organisations who are in the All-Russia centre have the right to call themselves a trade or industrial union, (3) there are no separate unions for intellectuals, doctors, engineers, etc., all enter the respective trade union, mechanical engineers in the metal workers' union, engineers working in textile factories into the textile workers' union. All these categories of labour may, if it is so desired, form scientific and technical associations, but these associations do not enjoy the rights and privileges of a union, and, (4) there are no craft guilds in Russia.

The creation of such wide industrial unions each ot which embraces hundreds of categories of mental and physical workers certainly met with some opposition with the craft traditions and particularly owing to the pride and narrowmindedness of the intellectuals—engineers, doctors and artists. But many fetishes and traditions were consumed in the fire of the revolution among which are those of the guild and narrow corporation.

The trade union includes masses of workers and employees without distinction of their political and religious convictions. The trade unions are not party organisations, but in no case are they "neutral" or non-political: a trade union which behaves equally to a socialist or to a bourgeois party, who would advocate voting for bourgeois candidates at elections, as has often happened in England and America, has never existed in Russia. The labour unions have always been socialistic. The social democratic party was always the midwife at the birth of a trade union. The party stood at its cradle and reared it and therefore there can be with us no question of any liberal labour unions; the trade unions in Russia never had to choose between liberalism and socialism—such a problem never confronted us —but between opportunistic socialism and revolutionary socialism, i.e., between menshevism and bolshevism.

The choice, as we saw above, was made even before the October revolution; the Russian trade unions united their fate with that of the October revolution, with the Soviet government: this meant that the Russian trade union movement as a wh9le marched under the banner and acted according to the directions of the Russian communist party. This seems to be rather contradictory: a non-party trade union movement which nevertheless acts under the directions of a definite


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 political party. But really there is no contradiction, for non-party does not mean non-political and to the extent that a trade union participates in a political struggle—and it cannot do anything else but participate—it must march under the banner and accept the platform of some political party, and as the political struggle is a class struggle, and the trade unions embracing millions of the proletariat cannot remain outside of the class struggle, particularly in the period of social revolution and the direct struggle of the working class for power—the Russian trade unions not only took part in the political struggle, but repeatedly declared their solidarity with that party which more than any expressed the interests of the working class—the bolshevik party.

Neither the congresses nor conferences demanded, of course, that the trade unions should accept the programme of the Russian communist party, but they worked out a definite programme of revolutionary action which every union as a member of the social family was obliged to carry out if it desired to remain within the trade union movement. Non-party organisation does not mean indefiniteness, still less indifference to passing events. For that reason the second congress in one of its resolutions declares: "uniting workers and employees in unions independently of their political or religious convictions, the Russian trade union movement while standing on the ground of international class struggle resolutely condemns the idea of 'neutrality' and considers it is a necessary condition for every union joining an All-Russian organisation to 'recognise the revolutionary class struggle for the realisation of socialism by means of the dictatorship of the proletariat.'"

The second Congress formally confirmed what was already a fact that in the period of acute class struggle there cannot but be organic connection between the trade unions and the dictatorship of the proletariat whose main support they are. This decision was attached to the rules of trade union discipline which are the normal obligations for all the unions. The first item in these rules states: "Organising and attracting the labour masses in the work of socialist construction the trade union. … has for its aim the realisation of socialism by means of the dictatorship of the proletariat." The intellectual hegemony of the programme and the tactics of the Russian communist party could not be more clearly expressed.

We saw that the first two congresses adopted the point of view of the Bolsheviks, but the organised connection between the trade unions and the communist party made it particularly self-evident at the third trade union congress. The third congress began with the recognition of the hegemony of the Russian communist party and in its first resolution asserted that "the trade unions as a whole, standing on the platform of the realisation of communism through the dictatorship of the proletariat, are indivertibly guided in their activity in the proletarian revolution by the Russian Communist Party."


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Peterson's Magazine

 * , January–December 1842.
 * , January–December 1843.
 * , January–December 1844.
 * , January–December 1845.
 * , January–December 1846.
 * , January–December 1847.
 * , January–December 1848.
 * , January–December 1849.
 * , January–December 1850.
 * , January-June 1851.
 * , First pages, Vol. XX, 1851.
 * , July-December 1851.
 * , January-June 1852.
 * , July-December 1852.
 * , January-June 1853.
 * , July-December 1853.
 * , January-June 1854.
 * , July-December 1854.
 * , Table of Contents, Vol. XXVII.
 * , January-June 1855.
 * , July-December 1855.
 * , January-June 1856.
 * , July-December 1856.
 * , January-June 1857.
 * , July-December 1857.
 * , January-June 1858.
 * , July-December 1858.
 * , January-June 1859.
 * , July-December 1859.
 * , January-June 1860.
 * , July-December 1860.
 * , January-June 1861.
 * , July-December 1861.
 * , January-June 1862.
 * , July-December 1862.
 * , January-June 1863.
 * , July-December 1863.
 * , January-June 1864.
 * , July-December 1864.
 * , January-June 1865.
 * , July-December 1865.
 * , January-June 1866.
 * , July-December 1866.
 * , January-June 1867.
 * , July-December 1867.
 * , January-June 1868.
 * , July-December 1868.
 * , January-June 1869.
 * , July-December 1869.

title: Peterson's Magazine


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 Rh Programme of the Russian Communist Party (Bolshevists), Adopted at the VIIIth conference of the Party, Moscow, 18–23rd March, 1919, English Translation Published by the Executive Committee of the Communist International.)

The same thought has been recently expressed by Trotzky as follows (see Soviet Russia, April 2, 1921):

The military part of this program is in abeyance because of the failure of attempted Bolshevist revolutions in neighboring countries such as Hungary, Bavaria, etc., and also because of the economic and military weakness of the Soviets, but the Soviet régime has not overlooked a single opportunity to assault a weakened neighbor, as we see from the attack on Poland August, 1920, and the recent conquest of Georgia and neighboring territories. The very oath of the Red Army shows it is regarded as a force for "liberating" the world proletariat. The following clauses of the oath are quoted from the report of the Russian delegation of the British Labor Party:

Before the working classes of Russia and the whole world, I undertake to carry this name with honour, to follow the military calling with conscience and to pre-


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144 serve from damage and robbery the national and military possessions as the hair of my head.

I undertake to abstain from and to deter any act liable to dishonour the name of citizens of the Soviet Republic; moreover to direct all my deeds and thoughts to the Great Aim of Liberation of all Workers.

The effort of the Soviet "Government" through its Third Internationale to foment revolutions throughout the world continues. Its first aim is revolution now. Where this is impracticable the aim becomes to build up a revolutionary movement prepared to attempt a revolution within a very few years. The immediate purpose, in that case, is to undermine all governments, destroy all non-Bolshevist labor organizations, and to make converts who may be relied upon not only to give the Russian Soviet Government moral support but to obey all the revolutionary orders it issues. While the world revolution policy has failed to create revolutions, it has succeeded in very large measure in all these secondary objects. It has therefore been a great success from the Bolshevist standpoint, and this is the view of all the Bolshevist leaders.

In making trade agreements and other treaties the Bolshevist diplomats find it suits their purpose to make a wholesale denial of the entire world revolution policy, and they have made these denials very frequently from the beginning. A few weeks before the Second Congress of the Third Internationale, where the policy of world revolution was brought into its most complete form, Kalinin, President of the Central Executive Committee of the Soviets, issued a statement to Poland in which he claimed that the Russian Communists "never attempted


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 Rh and are not going to attempt to bring in Communism in foreign countries." Within ninety days of this statement the Bolshevist authorities made repeated declarations of their purpose to set up a Soviet government in Poland by force of arms. And when Trotzky, as War Lord, was in Bialystock, in northeastern Poland, he even assumed that Sovietism would rapidly spread from Poland to the entire world. "Bolshevism," he said, "was more powerful than ever and would soon spread to other countries." "In a year, he continued, "all Europe will be bolshevist."

When we see how totally false was the statement of the President of the Soviets we may begin to realize the complete worthlessness of other statements of the Bolshevist diplomats and, in fact, of all their public declarations issued for foreign consumption. The Communist Government of Russia has now entered into solemn agreement with Great Britain not to carry on revolutionary propaganda in British territory. Any such agreement, along with all other promises of the Soviets, was denounced by Secretary Colby as wholly worthless in view of their faithless record and their revolutionary operations through the Third Internationale. Secretary Colby said (in his note of August 10, 1920):

The responsible leaders of the regime have frequently and openly boasted that they are willing to sign agreements and undertakings with foreign powers while not having the slightest intention of observing such undertakings or carrying out such agreements.

Moreover, it is within the knowledge of the Government of the United States that the Bolshevist Govern-


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 146 ment is itself subject to the control of a political faction with extensive international ramifications through the Third Internationale, and that this body, which is heavily subsidized by the Bolshevist Government from the public revenues of Russia, has for its openly avowed aim the promotion of Bolshevist revolutions throughout the world. The leaders of the Bolsheviki have boasted that their promises of non-interference with other nations would in nowise bind the agents of this body.

The preamble to the Soviet constitution declares that one of the main objects in forming a Soviet government is to use it "for the victory of socialism in all lands." In the preamble of the constitution of the Communist Internationale we find the following:

At its Second Congress, July, 1920, this Internationale expressed itself even more strongly:

Among the "slogans" of the dominating Russian Communist Party presented at that gathering were these:


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 Rh

The most important action taken at this congress was the formulation of the "twenty-one points." The sending of these points as an ultimatum to all the socialist parties of Europe had the following results:

First, the powerful Independent Socialist Party in Germany was split and the majority faction entered the Third Internationale, accepting the domination of Moscow and all the twenty-one points.

Second, the same result occurred in the congress of the French Socialist Party in December, 1920.

Third, a powerful element in the Italian Socialist Party took the same action in the middle of February, the remainder of the party also adhering to the Third Internationale but demanding a certain measure of autonomy. Similar results occurred in other European countries. A powerful group of socialist and labor organizations, refusing to repudiate or condemn the Communist Internationale, also decided not to enter into it at the present moment but to attempt to form a new international organization in which the communist parties are to be an important part.

Thus the effort of the communists to control the socialist parties of Europe has made considerable progress within the last year, though failing to capture the movement as a whole and failing also to convert the


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 148 majority of labor unionists, with the possible exception of Italy.

The revolutionary communist movement directed from Moscow is, then, a formidable force on the continent of Europe. Let us now recall that among the most important of the twenty-one revolutionary points accepted by all adhering organizations are the following:

When in the Martens case ex-Secretary of Labor, W. B. Wilson, decided that the Russian Communist Party was an organization that "advocates the overthrow by violence of the Government of the United States," the Administration had every possible documentary evidence to prove its case.

Naturally the belief of the Bolshevists in impending revolt fluctuates with their victories and defeats. But the utility to the Soviet Government of revolutionary agitation and revolutionary propaganda and violence in all countries continues regardless of such contingencies. We have noted Trotzky's optimism when his armies were in Poland. Again, when the armies of General Wrangel were overthrown in November, 1920, Lenin declared:


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 Rh

A month later, in an open letter to the Italian socialists quoted in Pravda, December 10, 1920, Lenin fearing that the revolutionary movement which began in the seizure of factories by the Italian metal workers might be checked by the refusal of foreign capitalists to furnish the indispensable coal and iron, gave this advice:

At the National Congress of the Soviets on December 23, the leading economic authority among the Commissaries, Rykoff, said (See Pravda, December 25):

We must note in these expressions that the Bolshevists find no contradiction between the movement for a trade agreement and the continued movement for world revolt. Indeed, Lenin has advocated arrangements with foreign capitalists from the very beginning of the Bolshevik regime, during the period of the revolutions in Hungary and Bavaria, as well as the wars of conquest against


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 150 the border states, and during all the revolutionary plots set on foot by the Third Internationale.

In a speech (quoted in Pravda, November 30, 1920) Lenin explains:

In the letter to the Italian communists already quoted Lenin advises them that in order to bring the country to revolution at the earliest possible moment—which he believes will be very soon in Italy—it is necessary to move first to the right and then to the left. The failure of the Italian revolutionary movement in October and of the German revolutionary movement in March led Lenin to propose one of his momentary zig zags or movements to the right. The date for the big revolutionary movements in Europe has been postponed for a year or two. As Trotzky is reported recently to have declared:

Touching upon the same subject at the International Communist Congress in July, 1920, Zinovieff truculently exclaimed:

"Well, what about it?" we shall say to every bourgeois: "Yes, perhaps we were wrong; not one year, but two or three will be necessary for all Europe to become Soviet. You still have a short period of grace before you will be destroyed. But if you have now become so modest that you rejoice at these few months of grace,


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Page:Papers of William Shakespeare Hall, 1861–1895.pdf/140

 NOV. 24.

Rode out to look at feed; & see if sheep required moving, found plenty of feed.

NOV. 25.

To Grant's for axe, & hearing Middleton was much worse; & did not expect to live, went to see him. "Note of Kestrel"

NOV. 26.

Sunday remained with Middleton as he was still very bad; & returned to Grant's late.

NOV. 27.

To station, & repairing yard, & .... off dry sheep; arranged affairs with men; & left at 8 pm. for Middleton's.

NOV. 28.

Home, & to Mt. Welcome with team & traps, blacks etc.

NOV. 29.

On board “Kestrel for passages, wool etc.

NOV. 30.

Returned to Mt. W -

DEC. 2.

Out to station, with Dr. Bompas

DEC. 3.

Returned to Mt. Welcome. Sunday.

DEC. 4 & 5.

Settling a/cs. From this time employed taking down wool, bringing up stores


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 Rh or a few years, then we, in any case, congratulate you on your unusual modesty."

It is the belief, however, of Zinovieff and of all the Bolshevist leaders that even if revolutions are not materializing very rapidly or as speedily as expected that the revolutionary movement which is so valuable to the communists in other particulars is continuing to spread and that because of it they can rely more and more upon support and aid in one form or another from the entire labor movement of Europe. In other words, they believe that their propaganda is bearing more and more—fruit and there is much to support their view. In an article in the Petrograd Pravda, November 7, 1920, Zinovieff wrote:

The Bolshevist leaders realize and confess that the strength of their movement in Russia is very largely


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 152 due to the support they have obtained from certain elements of labor outside of Russia. For in addition to the European revolutionary parties and factions already referred to other more or less neutral labor bodies have undoubtedly given them very valuable moral and defensive support.

All the successes of Soviet policy, to whatever extraneous causes they may be due, are attributed by the Bolshevists to the merit of their foreign propaganda and the invincibility of their international movement. This may be seen from a speech delivered by Lenin at a convention of the Communist Party in Moscow (Krasnaya Gazetta, November 23, 1920):

At the Communist Congress earlier in the year Lenin had said (see Soviet Russia, August 23, 1920):

We not only won over to our side the workers of all countries, but also succeeded in winning the bourgeoisie


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RV 403 (CANTO III.])


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Author talk:Samuel Loveman

Samuel E. Loveman -- the use of the middle initial E. is not seen in birth or death records, and appears once in 1910 census, and in 1909 directory, so is more likely to have been a vanity addition. — billinghurst  sDrewth  02:26, 19 November 2023 (UTC)

Name 	Samuel Loveman Birth Year 	1887 Death Year 	1976 Source
 * Biography Index. A cumulative index to biographical material in books and magazines. Volume 10: September, 1973-August, 1976. New York: H.W. Wilson Co., 1977. (BioIn 10)

title: Author talk:Samuel Loveman


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 Rh of the small countries, for the imperialists oppress not only the workers of their countries but also the bourgeoisie of the small nations. You know how we won over the wavering middle class within the advanced countries.

This absolute disintegration of our adversaries who were sure of their power, shows that they are but a handful of capitalist beasts at odds among themselves and absolutely powerless to fight us.

Here the Bolshevist chief discloses the secret of such "success" as he has been able to attain throughout the world: his propaganda has succeeded in deceiving not only a large number of workingmen but also considerable elements of the middle classes.

Taking up some remarks of Lenin's at the Tenth Congress of the Socialist Russian Party in March, 1921, the Bolshevist press of America, assisted by pro-Bolshevist "liberal" publications, by the yellow press, and by commercially directed newspapers blinded by short-sighted greed, all joined together to claim that he had abandoned world revolution together with communism and all the other foundations of Bolshevism. What Lenin actually said was: "Were we to suppose that presently we would get help in the form of a firmly established proletarian revolution, we would be lunatics," this speech being made in answer to a very small group of ultra-extremists who opposed trade agreements, not realizing that they were entirely consistent with the policy of world revolution. Lenin's words are very carefully chosen. He does not say that help from a proletarian revolution is not to be expected; he says only that early help from "a firmly established" proletarian revolution cannot be counted upon. In other


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Rh the zoologist, may there be buried, till future revolutions may raise them in their turn above the waters, to afford materials for the study of whatever race of intelligent beings may then have succeeded us. These considerations must lead us to the conclusion, that our knowledge of the whole series of the former inhabitants of the earth is necessarily most imperfect and fragmentary,—as much so as our knowledge of the present organic world would be, were we forced to make our collections and observations only in spots equally limited in area and in number with those actually laid open for the collection of fossils. Now, the hypothesis of Professor Forbes is essentially one that assumes to a great extent the completeness of our knowledge of the whole series of organic beings which have existed on the earth. This appears to be a fatal objection to it, independently of all other considerations. It may be said that the same objections exist against every theory on such a subject, but this is not necessarily the case. The hypothesis put forward in this paper depends in no degree upon the completeness of our knowledge of the former condition of the organic world, but takes what facts we have as fragments of a vast whole, and deduces from them something of the nature and proportions of that whole which we can never know in detail. It is founded upon isolated groups of facts, recognizes their isolation, and endeavours to deduce from them the nature of the intervening portions.

Another important series of facts, quite in accordance with, and even necessary deductions from, the law now developed, are those of rudimentary organs. That these really do exist, and in most cases have no special function in the animal æconomy, is admitted by the first authorities in comparative anatomy. The minute limbs hidden beneath the skin in many of the snake-like lizards, the anal hooks of the boa constrictor, the complete series of jointed finger-bones in the paddle of the Manatus and whale, are a few of the most familiar instances. In botany a similar class of facts has been long recognized. Abortive stamens, rudimentary floral envelopes and undeveloped carpels, are of the most frequent occurrence. To every thoughtful naturalist the question must arise, What are these for? What have they to do with the great laws of creation? Do they not teach us something of the system of Nature? If each species has been created independently, and without any necessary relations with pre-existing species, what do these rudiments, these apparent imperfections mean? There must be a cause for them; they must be the necessary results of some great natural law. Now, if, as it has been endeavoured to be shown, the great law which has regulated the peopling of the earth with animal and vegetable life is, that every change shall be gradual; that no new


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Author:John Mennes

Works

 * Wits Recreations selected from the finest Fancies of Moderne Muses (1640)
 * Musarum Deliciæ, or the Muses' Recreation (1655)
 * Wit Restor'd. In severall Select Poems, not formerly publish't. (1658)

title: Author:John Mennes


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Rh sight of him, but attached eyes of recognition then to Lord Theign's, whom he remained an instant longer communicatively smiling at. After which, as you might have gathered, he all confidently plunged, taking up the talk where the others had left it. "I should say, Lord Theign if you'll allow me, in regard to what you appear to have been discussing, that it depends a good deal on just that question—of what your Moretto, at any rate, may be presumed or proved to 'be.' Let me thank you," he cheerfully went on, "for your kind leave to go over your treasures."

The personage he so addressed was, as we know, nothing if not generally affable; yet if that was just then apparent it was through a shade of coolness for the slightly heated familiarity of so plain, or at least so free, a young man in eye-glasses, now for the first time definitely apprehended. "Oh, I've scarcely 'treasures'—but I've some things of interest."

Hugh, however, entering the opulent circle, as it were, clearly took account of no breath of a chill. "I think possible, my lord, that you've a great treasure—if you've really so high a rarity as a splendid Mantovano."


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96 "A 'Mantovano'?" You wouldn't have been sure that his lordship didn't pronounce the word for the first time in his life.

"There have been supposed to be only seven real examples about the world; so that if by an extraordinary chance you find yourself the possessor of a magnificent eighth"

But Lord John had already broken in. "Why, there you are, Mr. Bender!"

"Oh, Mr. Bender, with whom I've made acquaintance," Hugh returned, "was there as it began to work in me"

"That your Moretto, Lord Theign"—Mr. Bender took their informant up—"isn't, after all, a Moretto at all." And he continued amusedly to Hugh: "It began to work in you, sir, like very strong drink!"

"Do I understand you to suggest," Lord Theign asked of the startling young man, "that my precious picture isn't genuine?"

Well, Hugh knew exactly what he suggested. "As a picture, Lord Theign, as a great portrait, one of the most genuine things in Europe. But it strikes me as probable that from far back—for reasons!—there has been a wrong attribution; that the work has been, in other


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Rh words, traditionally, obstinately miscalled. It has passed for a Moretto, and at first I quite took it for one; but I suddenly, as I looked and looked and saw and saw, began to doubt, and now I know why I doubted."

Lord Theign had during this speech kept his eyes on the ground; but he raised them to Mr. Crimble's almost palpitating presence for the remark: "I'm bound to say that I hope you've some very good grounds!"

"I've three or four, Lord Theign; they seem to me of the best—as yet. They made me wonder and wonder—and then light splendidly broke."

His lordship didn't stint his attention. "Reflected, you mean, from other Mantovanos—that I don't know?"

"I mean from those I know myself," said Hugh; "and I mean from fine analogies with one in particular."

"Analogies that in all these years, these centuries, have so remarkably not been noticed?"

"Well," Hugh competently explained, "they're a sort of thing the very sense of, the value and meaning of, are a highly modern—in fact a quite recent growth."


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98 Lord John at this professed with cordiality that he at least quite understood. "Oh, we know a lot more about our pictures and things than ever our ancestors did!"

"Well, I guess it's enough for me," Mr. Bender contributed, "that your ancestors knew enough to get 'em!"

"Ah, that doesn't go so far," cried Hugh, "unless we ourselves know enough to keep 'em!"

The words appeared to quicken in a manner Lord Theign's view of the speaker. "Were your ancestors, Mr. Crimble, great collectors?"

Arrested, it might be, in his general assurance, Hugh wondered and smiled. "Mine—collectors? Oh, I'm afraid I haven't any—to speak of. Only it has seemed to me for a long time," he added, "that on that head we should all feel together."

Lord Theign looked for a moment as if these were rather large presumptions; then he put them in their place a little curtly. "It's one thing to keep our possessions for ourselves—it's another to keep them for other people."

"Well," Hugh good-humouredly returned, "I'm perhaps not so absolutely sure of myself,


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Rh if you press me, as that I shan't be glad of a higher and wiser opinion—I mean than my own. It would be awfully interesting, if you'll allow me to say so, to have the judgment of one or two of the great men."

"You're not yourself, Mr. Crimble, one of the great men?" his host asked with tempered irony.

"Well, I guess he's going to be, anyhow," Mr. Bender cordially struck in; "and this remarkable exhibition of intelligence may just let him loose on the world, mayn't it?"

"Thank you, Mr. Bender!"—and Hugh obviously tried to look neither elated nor snubbed. "I've too much still to learn, but I'm learning every day, and I shall have learnt immensely this afternoon."

"Pretty well at my expense, however," Lord Theign laughed, "if you demolish a name we've held for generations so dear."

"You may have held the name dear, my lord," his young critic answered; "but my whole point is that, if I'm right, you've held the picture itself cheap."

"Because a Mantovano," said Lord John, "is so much greater a value?"


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100 Hugh met his eyes a moment. "Are you talking of values pecuniary?"

"What values are not pecuniary?"

Hugh might, during his hesitation, have been imagined to stand off a little from the question. "Well, some things have in a higher degree that one, and some have the associational or the factitious, and some the clear artistic."

"And some," Mr. Bender opined, "have them all—in the highest degree. But what you mean," he went on, "is that a Mantovano would come higher under the hammer than a Moretto?"

"Why, sir," the young man returned, "there aren't any, as I've just stated, to 'come.' I account—or I easily can—for every one of the very small number."

"Then do you consider that you account for this one?"

"I believe I shall if you'll give me time."

"Oh, time!" Mr. Bender impatiently sighed. "But we'll give you all we've got—only I guess it isn't much." And he appeared freely to invite their companions to join in this estimate. They listened to him, however, they watched


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Rh him, for the moment, but in silence, and with the next he had gone on: "How much higher—if your idea is correct about it—would Lord Theign's picture come?"

Hugh turned to that nobleman. "Does Mr. Bender mean come to him, my lord?"

Lord Theign looked again hard at Hugh, and then harder than he had done yet at his other invader. "I don't know what Mr. Bender means!" With which he turned off.

"Well, I guess I mean that it would come higher to me than to anyone! But how much higher?" the American continued to Hugh.

"How much higher to you?"

"Oh, I can size that. How much higher as a Mantovano?"

Unmistakably—for us at least—our young man was gaining time; he had the instinct of circumspection and delay. "To any one?"

"To any one."

"Than as a Moretto?" Hugh continued.

It even acted on Lord John's nerves. "That's what we're talking about—really!"

But Hugh still took his ease; as if, with his eyes first on Bender and then on Lord Theign, whose back was practically presented, he were