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 self in a studious solitude to the pursuit of letters, which he followed for thirty-four years, with anguish of spirit and dogged persistence.

Flaubert probably loved glory as much as any man; but he desired to receive it only on his own terms. He profoundly appeals to writers endowed with "the artistic conscience" as "the martyr of literary style." In morals something of a libertine, in matters of art he exhibited the intolerance of weakness in others and the remorseless self-examination and self-torment commonly attributed to the Puritan. His friend Maxime Du Camp, who tried to bring him out and teach him the arts of popularity, he rebuffed with deliberate insult. He developed an aversion to any interruption of his work, and such tension and excitability of nerves that he shunned a day's outing or a chat with an old companion, lest it distract him for a month afterward. His mistress he seems to have estranged by an illconcealed preference to her of his exacting Muse. To illustrate his "monkish" consecration to his craft we cannot do better than reproduce a passage, quoted by Pater, from his letters to Madame Colet:

"I must scold you for one thing, which shocks, scandalises me, the small concern, namely, you show for art just now. As regards glory be it so—there I approve. But for art!—the one thing in life that is good and real—can you compare with it an earthly love?—prefer the adoration of a relative beauty to the cultus of the true beauty? Well! I tell you the truth. That is the one thing good in me: the

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 one thing I have, to me estimable. For yourself, you blend with the beautiful a heap of alien things, the useful, the agreeable, what not?

"The only way not to be unhappy is to shut yourself up in art, and count everything else as nothing. Pride takes the place of all besides when it is established on a large basis. Work! God wills it. That, it seems to me, is clear.

"I am reading over again the Æneid, certain verses of which I repeat to myself to satiety. There are phrases there which stay in one's head, by which I find myself beset, as with musical airs which are forever returning, and cause you pain, you love them so much. I observe that I no longer laugh much, and am no longer depressed. I am ripe, you talk of my serenity, and envy me. It may well surprise you. Sick, irritated, the prey a thousand times a day of cruel pain, I continue my labour like a true workingman, who, with sleeves turned up, in the sweat of his brow, beats away at his anvil, never troubling himself whether it rains, or blows, for hail or thunder. I was not like that formerly."

The half-dozen works which Flaubert beat out on his "anvil," with an average expenditure of half a dozen years to each, were composed on a theory of which the prime distinguishing feature was the great doctrine of "impersonality." George Sand's fluent improvisations ordinarily originated, as we have noted, in an impulse of her lyrical idealism; she began with an aspiration of her heart, to execute which, she invented characters and plots, so that she is always on the inside of her story. According to Flaubert's theory, the novel should originate in a desire to present a certain segment of

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 observed life. The author is to take and rigorously maintain a position outside his work. The organ with which he collects his materials is not his heart but his eyes, supplemented by the other senses. Life, so far as the scientific observer can be sure of it, and so far as the artist can control it for representation, is a picture or series of pictures, a dramatic scene or a concatenation of dramatic scenes. Let the novelist first, therefore, with scrupulous fidelity and with minute regard for the possible significance of every observable detail, fill his notebooks, amass his materials, master his subject. After Flaubert, a first-rate sociological investigator is three-fourths of a novelist. The rest of the task is to arrange and set forth these facts so that they shall tell the truth about life impressively, in scene and dramatic spectacle, the meaning of which shall be implicit in the plot and shall reach the reader's consciousness through his senses.

Critics have spent much time in discussing the conflict of "romantic" and "realistic" tendencies in Flaubert's works. And it is obviously easy, so far as subject-matter is concerned, to group his books in two divisions: on the one hand The Temptation of St. Anthony, Salammbô, and two of the Trois Contes; on the other hand, Madame Bovary, L'Education Sentimentale, and the incomplete Bouvard and Pécuchet. We may call the tales in the first group romantic, because the subject-matter is remote in time and place, and because in them Flaubert indulges his passion for splendor

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 for oriental scenery, for barbaric characters, the pomp of savage war and more savage religion, events strange, terrible, atrocious. We may call the stories in the other group realistic, because the subject-matter is contemporary life in Paris and the provinces, and because in them Flaubert indulges his hatred for mediocrity—for the humdrum existence of the country doctor, the apothecary, the insipid clerk, the vapid, sentimental woman, and the charlatans of science. But as a matter of fact, all his books are essentially constructed on the same theory: all are just as "realistic" as Flaubert could make them.

Henry James called Madame Bovary a brilliantly successful application of Flaubert's theory; he pronounced L'Education Sentimentale "elaborately and massively dreary"; and he briefly dismissed Salammbô as an accomplished work of erudition. Salammbô is indeed a work of erudition; years were spent in getting up its archæological details. But Madame Bovary is also a work of erudition, and Bouvard and Pécuchet is a work of enormous erudition; a thousand volumes were read for the notes of the first volume and Flaubert is said to have killed himself by the labor of his unfinished investigations. There is no important distinction to be made between the method or the thoroughness with which he collected his facts in the one case or the other; and the story of the war of the mercenaries against the Carthaginians is evolved with the same alternation of picture and dramatic spectacle and the same

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 hard merciless externality that distinguish the evolution of Emma Bovary's history.

We may go still farther than that towards wiping out the distinction between Flaubert's "romantic" and his "realistic" works; and, by the same stroke, what is illusory in the pretensions of the realists, namely, their aspiration to an "impersonal art." If we were seeking to prove that an author can put nothing but himself into his art, we should ask for no more impressive illustrations than precisely, Madame Bovary and Salammbô. These two masterpieces disclose to reflection, no less patently than the works of George Sand, their purpose and their meaning. And that purpose and meaning are not a whit less personal to Flaubert than the purpose and meaning of Indiana, let us say, are personal to George Sand. The "meaning" of Madame Bovary and Salammbô is, broadly speaking, Flaubert's sense of the significance—or, rather, of the insignificance—of human life; and the "purpose" of the books is to express it. The most lyrical of idealists can do no more to reveal herself.

The demonstration afforded by a comparison of Salammbô and Madame Bovary is particularly striking because the subject-matters are superficially so unlike. But take any characteristic series of pictures or incidents from Salammbô: take the passing of the children through the fire to Moloch, or the description of the leprous Hanno, or the physical surrender of the priestess to her country's enemy, or the following picture of the crucified lion:

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And now take any characteristic series of pictures or incidents from Madame Bovary: take Bovary's bungling and gruesome operations on the club-footed ostler's leg, with the entire village clustering agape; take the picture of the eyeless, idiotic beggar on the road to Rouen; or the scene in which Emma offers herself for three thousand francs to Rodolphe; or the following bit, only a bit, from the detailed account of the heroine's last hour, after the arsenical poisoning:

"Emma's head was turned towards her right shoulder, the corner of her mouth, which was open, seemed like a black hole at the lower part of her

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 face; her two thumbs were bent into the palms of her hands; a kind of white dust besprinkled her lashes, and her eyes were beginning to disappear in the viscous pallor that looks like a thin web, as if spiders had spun it over. The sheet sunk in from her breast to her knees, and then rose at the tips of her toes, and it seemed to Charles that infinite masses, an enormous load, were weighing upon her.

"The church clock struck two. They could hear the loud murmur of the river flowing in the darkness at the foot of the terrace. Monsieur Bournisien from time to time blew his nose noisily and Homais' pen was scratching over the paper."

In these two detached pictures—the one from a so-called "romantic," the other from a so-called "realistic," book—one readily observes the likeness in the subjects, which are of a ghastly repulsiveness; the same minuteness of observation—e.g., the lion's hind legs "slightly drawn up," the woman's thumbs "bent into the palms of her hands"; the same careful notation of effect on the several senses; the same rhetorical heightening—e.g., the "stalactites at the end of his tail," the web in the woman's eyes, "as if spiders had spun it over"; and finally, that celebrated detachment, that air as of a medical examiner, recording the results of an autopsy. What can we know of such an author? All, or nearly all, that he knew of himself, provided we will searchingly ask ourselves what sort of mind is steadily attracted to the painting of such pictures, to the representation of such incidents, and what sort of mind expresses a lifetime of brooding on

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 the significance of life in two such books as Madame Bovary and Salammbô.

At its first appearance, Madame Bovary was prosecuted, though unsuccessfully, as offensive to public morals. In derision of this famous prosecution, Henry James with studious jauntiness, asserts that in the heat of his first admiration he thought what an excellent moral tract it would make. "It may be very seriously maintained," he continues, "that M. Flaubert's masterpiece is the pearl of 'Sunday reading. As a work of fiction and recreation the book lacks, in his opinion, one quite indispensable quality: it lacks charm. Well, there are momentary flashes of beauty and grace, dazzling bits of color, haunting melancholy cadences in every chapter of Flaubert; but a charming book he never wrote. A total impression of charm he never gave—he never could give; because his total impression of life was not charming but atrocious. It is perhaps an accident, as has been suggested, that one can so readily employ Madame Bovary to illustrate that text on the "wages of sin." Emma, to be sure, goes down the easy alluring path to disgrace and ruin. But that is only an incident in the wider meaning of Flaubert's fiction, a meaning more amply expressed in Salammbô, where not one foolish woman alone but thousands on thousands of men, women, and children, mingled with charging elephants and vipers, flounder and fight in indescribable welters of blood and filth, and go down to rot in a common pit. If I read Flaubert's meaning

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 right, all human history is there; you may show it by painting on broad canvas a Carthaginian battle scene or by photographing the details of a modern bedroom: a brief brightness, night, and the odor of carrion, a crucified lion, a dying woman, the jeering of ribald mercenaries, the cackle of M. Homais. It is all one. If Flaubert deserved prosecution, it was not for making vice attractive, but for expressing with invasive energy that personal and desperately pessimistic conception of life by which he was almost overwhelmed.

That a bad physical regimen, bad habits of work in excessive quantities, and the solitude of his existence were contributory to Flaubert's melancholy, his exacerbated egotism, and his pessimism is sufficiently obvious in the letters. This Norman giant with his aching head buried all day long in his arms, groping in anguish for a phrase, has naturally a kindly disposition towards various individuals of his species—is even capable of great generosity; but as he admits with a truth and pathos, deeply appealing to the maternal sympathies of his correspondent, he has no talent for living. He has never been able, like richer and more resourceful souls, to reconcile being an author with being a man. He has made his choice; he has renounced the cheerful sanities of the world:

"I pass entire weeks without exchanging a word with a human being; and at the end of the week it is not possible for me to recall a single day nor any event whatsoever. I see my mother and my

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 niece on Sundays, and that is all. My only company consists of a band of rats in the garret, which make an infernal racket above my head, when the water does not roar or the wind blow. The nights are black as ink, and a silence surrounds me comparable to that of the desert. Sensitiveness is increased immeasurably in such a setting. I have palpitations of the heart for nothing.

"All that results from our charming profession. That is what it means to torment the soul and the body. But perhaps this torment is our proper lot here below."

To George Sand, who wrote as naturally as she breathed and almost as easily, seclusion and torment were by no means the necessary conditions of literary activity. Enormously productive, with a hundred books to his half a dozen, she has never dedicated and consecrated herself to her profession but has lived heartily and a bit recklessly from day to day, spending herself in many directions freely, gaily, extravagantly. Now that she has definitely said farewell to her youth, she finds that she is twenty years younger; and now that she is, in a sense, dissipating her personality and living in the lives of others, she finds that she is happier than ever before. "It can't be imperative to work so painfully"—such is the burden of her earlier counsels to Flaubert; "spare yourself a little, take some exercise, relax the tendons of your mind, indulge a little the physical man. Live a little as I do; and you will take your fatigues and illnesses and occasional dolours and dumps as incidents of the day's work

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 and not magnify them into the mountainous overshadowing calamities from which you deduce your philosophy of the universal misery." No advice could have been more wholesome or more timely. And with what pictures of her own busy felicity she reënforces her advice! I shall produce three of them here in order to emphasize that precious thing which George Sand loved to impart, and which she had the gift of imparting, namely, joy, the spontaneous joyousness of her own nature. The first passage is from a letter of June 14, 1867:

The second passage is of June 21:

"I love everything that makes up a milieu, the rolling of the carriages and the noise of the workmen in Paris, the cries of a thousand birds in the country, the movement of the ships on the waters.

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 I love also absolute, profound silence, and, in short, I love everything that is around me, no matter where I am."

The last passage gives a glimpse of the seventeenth of January, 1869, a typical day in Nohant:

Flaubert did "exercise" a little—once or twice—in compliance with the injunctions of his "dear master"; but he rather resented the implication that his pessimism was personal, that it had any particular connection with his peculiar temperament or habits. He wished to think of himself as a stoic, quite indifferent about his "carcase." His briefer black moods he might acknowledge had transitory causes. But his general and abiding conceptions of

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 humanity were the result of dispassionate reflections. "You think," he cries in half sportive pique, "that because I pass my life trying to make harmonious phrases, in avoiding assonances, that I too have not my little judgments on the things of this world? Alas! Yes! and moreover I shall burst, enraged at not expressing them." And later: "Yes, I am susceptible to disinterested angers, and I love you all the more for loving me for that. Stupidity and injustice make me roar—and I howl in my corner against a lot of things 'that do not concern me'." "On the day that I am no longer in a rage, I shall fall flat as the marionette from which one withdraws the support of the stick."

So far as Flaubert's pessimism has an intellectual basis, it rests upon his researches in human history. For Salammbô and The Temptation of St. Anthony he ransacked ancient literature, devoured religions and mythologies, and saturated himself in the works of the Church Fathers. In order to get up the background of his L'Education Sentimentale he studied the Revolution of 1848 and its roots in the Revolution of 1789. He found, shall we say? what he was looking for—inexhaustible proofs of the cruelty and stupidity of men. After "gulping" down the six volumes of Buchez and Roux, he declares: "The clearest thing I got out of them is an immense disgust for the French. . . . Not a liberal idea which has not been unpopular, not a just thing that has not caused scandal, not a great man who has not been mobbed or knifed. 'The

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 history of the human mind is the history of human folly,' as says M. Voltaire. . . . Neo-Catholicism on the one hand, and Socialism on the other, have stultified France." In another letter of the same period and similar provocation: "However much you fatten human cattle, giving them straw as high as their bellies, and even gilding their stable, they will remain brutes, no matter what one says. All the advance that one can hope for, is to make the brute a little less wicked. But as for elevating the ideas of the mass, giving it a larger and therefore a less human conception of God, I have my doubts."

In addition to the charges of violence and cruelty, which he brought against all antiquity as well as against modern times, much in the fashion of Swift or the older Mark Twain, Flaubert nursed four grave causes of indignation, made four major charges of folly, against modern "Christian" civilization. In religion, we have substituted for Justice the doctrine of Grace. In our sociological considerations, we act no longer with discrimination but upon a principle of universal sympathy. In the field of art and literature, we have abandoned criticism and research for the Beautiful, in favor of universal puffery. In politics we have nullified intelligence and renounced leadership, to embrace universal suffrage, which is the last disgrace of the human spirit.

It must be acknowledged that Flaubert's arraignment of modern society possesses the characteristics

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 commended by the late Barrett Wendell: it is marked in a high degree by "unity, mass and coherence." It must be admitted also that George Sand possessed in a high degree the Pauline virtue of being "not easily provoked," or she never could have endured so patiently, so sweetly, Flaubert's reiterated and increasingly ferocious assaults upon her own master passion, her ruling principle. George Sand was one whose entire life signally attested the power of a "saving grace," resident in the creative and recuperative energies of nature, resident in the magical, the miracle-working, powers of the human heart, the powers of love and sympathy. She was a modern spiritual adventurer who had escaped unscathed from all the anathemas of the old theology; and she abounded, like St. Francis, in her sense of the new dispensation and in her benedictive exuberance towards all the creatures of God, including not merely sun, moon, and stars and her sister the lamb but also her brother the wolf. On this principle she loves Flaubert!—and archly asserts her arch-heresy in his teeth. He complains that her fundamental defect is that she doesn't know how to "hate." She replies, with a point that seems never really to have pierced his thick casing of masculine egotism:

"Artists are spoiled children and the best are great egotists. You say that I love them too well; like them as I like the woods and the fields, everything, everyone that I know a little and that I study continually. I make my life in the midst of all that,

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 and as I like my life, I like all that nourishes it and renews it. They do me a lot of ill turns which I see, but which I no longer feel. I know that there are thorns in the hedges, but that does not prevent me from putting out my hands and finding flowers there. If all are not beautiful, all are interesting. The day you took me to the Abbey of Saint Georges I found the Scrofularia borealis, a very rare plant in France. I was enchanted; there was much in the, neighborhood where I gathered it. Such is life!

"And if one does not take life like that, one cannot take it in any way, and then how can one endure it? I find it amusing and interesting, and since I accept everything, I am so much happier and more enthusiastic when I meet the beautiful and the good. If I did not have a great knowledge of the species, I should not have quickly understood you, or known you or loved you."

Two years later the principles and tempers of both these philosophers were put to their severest trial. In 1870, George Sand had opportunity to apply her doctrine of universal acceptance to the Prussians in Paris. Flaubert had opportunity to welcome scientific organization in the Prussian occupation of his own home at Croisset. The first reaction of both was a quite simple consternation and rage, in which Flaubert cries, "The hopeless barbarism of humanity fills me with a black melancholy," and George Sand, for the moment assenting, rejoins: "Men are ferocious and conceited brutes." As the war thickens around him and the wakened militancy of his compatriots presses him hard, Flaubert be-

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 comes more and more depressed; he forbodes general collapse of civilization—before the century passes, a conflict of races, "in which several millions of men kill one another in one engagement." With the curiously vengeful satisfaction which mortals take in their own misery when it offers occasion to cry "I told you so," he exclaims: "Behold, then, the natural man. Make theories now! Boast the progress, the enlightenment and the good sense of the masses, and the gentleness of the French people! I assure you that anyone here who ventured to preach peace would get himself murdered."

George Sand in her fields at Nohant—not "above" but a little aside from the conflict—turns instinctively to her peasant, doggedly, placidly, sticking at his plow; turns to her peasant with a kind of intuition that he is a symbol of faith, that he holds the keys to a consolation, which the rest of us blindly grope for: "He is imbecile, people say; no, he is a child in prosperity, a man in disaster, more of a man than we who complain; he says nothing, and while people are killing, he is sowing, repairing continually on one side what they are destroying on the other." Flaubert, who thinks that he has no "illusions" about peasants or the "average man," brings forward his own specific of a quite different nature: "Do you think that if France, instead of being governed on the whole by the crowd, were in the power of the mandarins, we should be where we are now? If, instead of having wished to enlighten the lower classes, we had busied

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 ourselves with instructing the higher, we should not have seen M. de Kératry proposing the pillage of the duchy of Baden."

In the great war of our own time with the same foes, our professional advocates of "preparedness," our cheerful chemists, our scientific "intellectuals"—all our materialistic thinkers, hard-shell and soft-shell,—took the position of Flaubert, just presented; reproached us bitterly for our slack, sentimental pacifism; and urged us with all speed to emulate the scientific spirit of our enemy. There is nothing more instructive in this correspondence than to observe how this last fond illusion falls away from Flaubert under the impact of an experience which demonstrated to his tortured senses the truth of the old Rabelaisian utterance, that "science without conscience is the ruin of the soul."

"What use, pray," he cries in the last disillusion, "is science, since this people abounding in scholars commits abominations worthy of the Huns and worse than theirs, because they are systematic, cold-blooded, voluntary, and have for an excuse, neither passion nor hunger?" And a few months later, he is still in mad anguish of desolation:

"I had some illusions! What barbarity! What a slump! I am wrathful at my contemporaries for having given me the feelings of a brute of the twelfth century! I'm stifling in gall! These officers who break mirrors with white gloves on, who know Sanskrit, and who fling themselves on the champagne; who steal your watch and then send you their visiting card, this war for money, these civil-

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 ized savages give me more horror than cannibals. And all the world is going to imitate them, is going to be a soldier! Russia has now four millions of them. All Europe will wear a uniform. If we take our revenge, it will be ferocious in the last degree; and, mark my word, we are going to think only of that, of avenging ourselves on Germany."

Under the imminence of the siege of Paris, Flaubert had drilled men, with an of the savage fighting spirit of his ancestors, of which he was more than half ashamed. But at heart he is more dismayed, more demoralized, more thoroughly prostrated than George Sand. He has not fortitude actually to face the degree of depravity which he has always imputed to the human race, the baseness with which his imagination has long been easily and cynically familiar. As if his pessimism had been only a literary pigment, a resource of the studio, he shudders to find Paris painted in his own ebony colors, and his own purely "artistic" hatred of the bourgeois, translated into a principle of action, expressing itself in the horrors of the Commune, with half the population trying to strangle the other half. Hatred, after all, contempt and hatred, are not quite the most felicitous watchwords for the use of human society. Like one whose cruel jest has been taken more seriously than he had intended and has been turned upon his own head, Flaubert considers flight: "I cherish the following dream: of going to live in the sun in a tranquil country." As a substitute for a physical retreat, he buries himself in a study of Buddhism, and so gradually returns

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 to the pride of his intellectual isolation. As the tumult in his senses subsides, he even ventures to offer to George Sand the anodyne of his old philosophical despair: "Why are you so sad? Humanity offers nothing new. Its irremediable misery has filled me with sadness ever since my youth. And in addition I now have no disillusions. I believe that the crowd, the common herd, will always be hateful. The only important thing is a little group of minds, always the same—which passes the torch from one to another."

There we must leave Flaubert, the thinker. He never passes beyond the point in his vision of reconstruction: a "legitimate aristocracy" established in contempt of the average man—with the Academy of Sciences displacing the Pope.

George Sand, amid these devastating external events, is beginning to feel the insidious siege of years. She can no longer rally her spiritual forces with the "bright speed" that she had in old days. The fountain of her faith, which has never yet failed of renewal, fills more slowly. For weeks she broods in silence, fearing to augment her friend's dismay with more of her own, fearing to resume a debate in which her cause may be better than her arguments and in which depression of her physical energy may diminish her power to put up a spirited defence before the really indomitable "last ditch" of her position. When Flaubert himself makes a momentary gesture towards the white flag, and talks of retreat, she seizes the opportunity for a short

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 scornful sally. "Go to live in the sun in a tranquil country! Where? What country is going to be tranquil in this struggle of barbarity against civilization, a struggle which is going to be universal?" A month later she gives him fair warning that she has no intention of acknowledging final defeat: "For me, the ignoble experiment that Paris is attempting or is undergoing, proves nothing against the laws of the eternal progression of men and things, and, if I have gained any principles in my mind, good or bad, they are neither shattered nor changed by it. For a long time I have accepted patience as one accepts the sort of weather there is, the length of winter, old age, lack of success in all its forms." But Flaubert, thinking that he has detected in her public utterances a decisive change of front, privately urges her in a finely figurative passage of a letter which denounces modern republicanism, universal suffrage, compulsory education, and the press—Flaubert urges her to come out openly in renunciation of her faith in humanity and her popular progressivistic doctrines. I must quote a few lines of his attempt at seduction:

"Ah, dear good master, if you could only hate! That is what you lack, hate. In spite of your great Sphinx eyes, you have seen the world through a golden color. That comes from the sun in your heart; but so many shadows have risen that now you are not recognizing things any more. Come now! Cry out! Thunder! Take your great lyre and touch the brazen string: the monsters will flee.

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 Bedew us with drops of the blood of wounded. Themis."

That summons roused the citadel, but not to surrender, not to betrayal. The eloquent daughter of the people caught up her great lyre—in the public Réponse à un ami of October 3, 1871. But her fingers passed lightly over the "brazen string" to pluck again with old power the resonant golden notes. Her reply, with its direct retorts to Flaubert, is not perhaps a very closely reasoned argument. In making the extract I have altered somewhat the order of the sentences:

"And what, you want me to stop loving? You want me to say that I have been mistaken all my life, that humanity is contemptible, hateful, that it always has been and always will be so? . . . What, then, do you want me to do, so as to isolate myself from my kind, from my compatriots, from the great family in whose bosom my own family is only one ear of corn in the terrestrial field? . . . But it is impossible, and your steady reason puts up with the most unreasonable of Utopias. In what Eden, in what fantastic Eldorado will you hide your family, your little group of friends, your intimate happiness, so that the lacerations of the social state and the disasters of the country shall not reach them? . . . In vain you are prudent and withdraw, your refuge will be invaded in its turn, and in perishing with human civilization you will be no greater a philosopher for not having loved, than those who threw themselves into the flood to save

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 some débris of humanity. . . . The people, you say! The people is yourself and myself. It would be useless to deny it. There are not two races. . . . No, no, people do not isolate themselves; the ties of blood are not broken; people do not curse or scorn their kind. Humanity is not a vain word. Our life is composed of love, and not to love is to cease to live."

This is, if you please, an effusion of sentiment, a chant of faith. In a world more and more given to judging trees by their fruits, we should err if we dismissed this sentiment, this faith, too, lightly. Flaubert may have been a better disputant; he had a talent for writing. George Sand may have chosen her side with a truer instinct; she had a genius for living. This faith of hers sustained well the shocks of many long years, and this sentiment made life sweet.

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A preliminary injunction must be affirmed on appeal unless the district court (1) abused its discretion or (2) based its decision on an erroneous legal standard or on clearly erroneous findings of fact. United States v. Peninsula Communications, Inc., 287 F.3d 832, 839 (9th Cir.2002). We hold that the district court based its decision on an erroneous legal standard, so we reverse.

Copyright protection is available for “original works of authorship fixed in any tangible medium of expression, now known or later developed, from which they can be perceived, reproduced, or otherwise communicated, either directly or with the aid of a machine or device.” 17 U.S.C. § 102(a). Copyright protection does not, however, “extend to any idea, procedure, process, system, method of operation, concept, principle, or discovery….” 17 U.S.C. § 102(b).

Any copyrighted expression must be “original.” Feist Pubs., Inc. v. Rural Tel. Serv. Co., 499 U.S. 340, 345, 111 S.Ct. 1282, 113 L.Ed.2d 358 (1991). Although the amount of creative input by the author required to meet the originality standard is low, it is not negligible. See Feist, 499 U.S. at 362, 111 S.Ct. 1282. There must be something more than a “merely trivial” variation, something recognizably the artist’s own. Three Boys Music Corp. v. Bolton, 212 F.3d 477, 489 (9th Cir.2000).

The originality requirement mandates that objective “facts” and ideas are not copyrightable. Baker v. Selden, 101 U.S. (11 Otto) 99, 25 L.Ed. 841 (1879); Feist, 499 U.S. at 347, 111 S.Ct. 1282; Roth Greeting Cards v. United Card Co., 429 F.2d 1106, 1109–10 (9th Cir.1970). Similarly, expressions that are standard, stock, or common to a particular subject matter or medium are not protectable under copyright law. See v. Durang, 711 F.2d 141, 143 (9th Cir.1983).

It follows from these principles that no copyright protection may be afforded to the idea of producing a glass-in-glass jellyfish sculpture or to elements of expression that naturally follow from the idea of such a sculpture. See Aliotti v. R. Dakin & Co., 831 F.2d 898, 901 (9th Cir.1987) (“No copyright protection may be afforded to the idea of producing stuffed dinosaur toys or to elements of expression that necessarily follow from the idea of such dolls.”). Satava may not prevent others from copying aspects of his sculptures resulting from either jellyfish physiology or from their depiction in the glass-in-glass medium. See id. (“Appellants therefore may place no reliance upon any similarity in expression resulting from either the physiognomy of dinosaurs or from the nature of stuffed animals.”).

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 EDITOR'S PREFACE.

A SUFFICIENT reason for republishing an English translation of the wonderful book of Professor G. S. Ohm is the difficulty with which the only previous translation (that of Taylor's Scientific Memoirs) is procurable.

Besides this, however, the intrinsic value of the book is so great, that it should be read by all electricians who care for more than superficial knowledge.

It is most remarkable to note at this time, how completely Ohm has investigated the subject, and how far in advance of his age he was.

It is well said by Chrystal, in his great Encyclopædia Britannica article on Electricity, that "Ohm rendered a great service to the science of electricity by publishing his mathematical theory of the galvanic circuit." Before his time, the quantitative circumstances of the electric current had been indicated, in a vague way, by the use of the terms "intensity" and "quantity," to which no accurately defined meaning was attached. Ohm's service consisted in introducing and defining the

3


text: Points of View (Sherman)

title: Points of View (Sherman)


text: Points of View (Sherman)/Towards an American Type


text: Points of View (Sherman)/Forty and Upwards


text: Points of View (Sherman)/Unprintable

title: Points of View (Sherman)/Unprintable


text: Points of View (Sherman)/For the Higher Study of American Literature


text: Points of View (Sherman)/W. C. Brownell

title: Points of View (Sherman)/W. C. Brownell


text: Points of View (Sherman)/On Falling in Hate


text: Points of View (Sherman)/On Falling in Love


text: Points of View (Sherman)/American Style

title: Points of View (Sherman)/American Style


text: Points of View (Sherman)/An Apology for Essayists of the Press


text: Points of View (Sherman)/The Significance of Sinclair Lewis


text: Points of View (Sherman)/Where There Are No Rotarians


text: Points of View (Sherman)/Mr. Tarkington on the Midland Personality


text: Points of View (Sherman)/Oscar S. Straus


text: Points of View (Sherman)/Brander Matthews and the Mohawks


text: Points of View (Sherman)/A Note on Gertrude Stein


text: Points of View (Sherman)/Samuel Butler

title: Points of View (Sherman)/Samuel Butler


text: Points of View (Sherman)/The Disraelian Irony


text: Points of View (Sherman)/George Sand and Gustave Flaubert


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accurate notions - electromotive force, current strength, and resistance. He indicated the connection of these with experiment, and stated his famous law that the electromotive force divided by the resistance is equal to the strength of the current.

It is perhaps worth recalling, that Henry Cavendish, in his secret and solitary researches, made experiments in 1781, the results of which practically anticipated Ohm's considerations; but Cavendish having satisfied himself, did not apparently consider it worth while to take any one else into account.

In Maxwell's "Introduction to the Cavendish Papers," we find it stated that, "One of the most important investigations which Cavendish made was to find, as he expressed it, 'what power of the velocity the resistance is proportional to.'" (See Cavendish Researches, Arts. 574, 575, 629, 686.)

Cavendish means by "resistance" the whole force which resists the current, and by "velocity" the strength of the current through unit of area of the section of the conductor.

By four different series of experiments on the same solution in wide and in narrow tubes, Cavendish found that the resistance (in his sense) varied as the

1.08, 1.03, 0.976, and 1.00

power of the velocity.


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 Satava may not prevent others from depicting jellyfish with tendril-like tentacles or rounded bells, because many jellyfish possess those body parts. He may not prevent others from depicting jellyfish in bright colors, because many jellyfish are brightly colored. He may not prevent others from depicting jellyfish swimming vertically, because jellyfish swim vertically in nature and often are depicted swimming vertically. See id. at 901 n. 1 (noting that a Tyrannosaurus stuffed animal’s open mouth was not an element protected by copyright because Tyrannosaurus “was a carnivore and is commonly pictured with its mouth open”).

Satava may not prevent others from depicting jellyfish within a clear outer layer of glass, because clear glass is the most appropriate setting for an aquatic animal. See id. (noting that a Pterodactyl stuffed animal’s depiction as a mobile hanging from the ceiling was not protectable because Pterodactyl “was a winged creature and thus is appropriate for such treatment”). He may not prevent others from depicting jellyfish “almost filling the entire volume” of the outer glass shroud, because such proportion is standard in glass-in-glass sculpture. And he may not prevent others from tapering the shape of their shrouds, because that shape is standard in glass-in-glass sculpture.

Satava’s glass-in-glass jellyfish sculptures, though beautiful, combine several unprotectable ideas and standard elements. These elements are part of the public domain. They are the common property of all, and Satava may not use copyright law to seize them for his exclusive use.

It is true, of course, that a combination of unprotectable elements may qualify for copyright protection. Apple Computer, Inc. v. Microsoft Corp., 35 F.3d 1435, 1446 (9th Cir.1994); United States v. Hamilton, 583 F.2d 448, 451 (9th Cir.1978) (Kennedy, J.) (“[O]riginality may be found in taking the commonplace and making it into a new combination or arrangement.”). See also Metcalf, 294 F.3d at 1074 (“The particular sequence in which an author strings a significant number of unprotectable elements can itself be a protectable element. Each note in a scale, for example, is not protectable, but a pattern of notes in a tune may earn copyright protection.”). But it is not true that any combination of unprotectable elements automatically qualifies for copyright protection. Our case law suggests, and we hold today, that a combination of unprotectable elements is eligible for copyright protection only if those elements are numerous enough and their selection and arrangement original enough that their combination constitutes an original work of authorship. See Metcalf, 294 F.3d at 1074; Apple Computer, Inc., 35 F.3d at 1446. See also Feist, 499 U.S. at 358, 111 S.Ct. 1282 (“[T]he principal focus should be on whether the selection, coordination, and arrangement are sufficiently original to merit protection.”).

The combination of unprotectable elements in Satava’s sculpture falls short of this standard. The selection of the clear glass, oblong shroud, bright colors, proportion, vertical orientation, and stereotyped jellyfish form, considered together, lacks the quantum of originality needed to merit copyright protection. See Hamilton, 583 F.2d at 451 (“Trivial elements of compilation and arrangement, of course, are not

title: Page:Satava v. Lowry.pdf/7


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This is the same as saying that the resistance (in the modern sense) varies as the

0.08, 0.03, -0.024

power of the strength of the current in the first three sets of experiments, and in the fourth set, that it does not vary at all.

This result, obtained by Cavendish in January, 1781, is an anticipation of the law of electric resistance discovered independently by Ohm, and published in 1827. It was not until long after the latter date that the importance of Ohm's law was fully appreciated, and that the measurement of electric resistance became a recognized branch of research.

The exactness of the proportionality between the electromotive force and the current in the same conductor seems, however, to have been admitted, rather because nothing else could account for the consistency of the measurements of resistance obtained by different methods, than on the evidence of any direct experiments.

Some doubts having been suggested with respect to the mathematical accuracy of Ohm's law, the subject was taken up by the British Association in 1874, and the experiments of Professor Chrystal, by which the exactness of the law, as it relates to metallic conductors, was tested by currents of every degree of intensity, are contained in the report of the British Association for 1876.

The laws of the strength of currents in multiple


text: Bird-life; a guide to the study of our common birds


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solid globe we live upon is called the earth, though it contains in it a great variety of bodies, several whereof are not properly earth; which word, taken in a more limited sense, signifies such parts of this globe as are capable, being exposed to the air, to give rooting and nourishment to plants, so that they may stand and grow in it. With such earth as this the greatest part of the surface of this globe is covered; and it is as it were the store-house, from whence all the living creatures of our world have originally their provisions; for from thence all the plants have their sustenance, and some few animals, and from these all the other animals.

Of earth, taken in this sense, there are several sorts, v. g. common mould, or garden earth, clay of several kinds, sandy soils.

Besides these, there is medicinal earth; as that which is called terra lemnia, bolus armena, and divers others.

After the several earths, we may consider the parts of the surface of this globe which are barren; and such, for the most, are sand, gravel, chalk, and rocks, which produce nothing, where they have no earth mixed amongst them. Barren sands are of divers kinds, and consist of several little irregular stones without any earth; and of such there are great deserts to be seen in several parts of the world.

Besides these, which are most remarkable on the surface of the earth, there are found deeper, in this globe, many other bodies, which, because we discover by digging into the bowels of the earth, are called by one common name, fossils; under which are comprehended metals, minerals, or half metals, stones of divers


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of the water that falls down from the clouds runs away upon the surface of the earth into channels, which convey it to the sea; and part of it is imbibed in the spungy shell of the earth, from whence sinking lower by degrees, it falls down into subterranean channels, and so under ground passes into the sea; or else, meeting with beds of rock or clay, it is hindered from sinking lower, and so breaks out in springs, which are most commonly in the sides or at the bottom of hilly ground.

Springs make little rivulets; those united make brooks; and those coming together make rivers, which empty themselves into the sea.

The sea is a great collection of waters in the deep valleys of the earth. If the earth were all plain, and had not those deep hollows, the earth would be all covered with water; because the water, being lighter than the earth, would be above the earth, as the air is above the water.

The most remarkable thing in the sea is that motion of the water called tides. It is a rising and falling of the water of the sea. The cause of this is the attraction of the moon, whereby the part of the water in the great ocean, which is nearest the moon, being most strongly attracted, is raised higher than the rest; and the part opposite to it on the contrary side, being least attracted, is also higher than the rest. And these two opposite rises of the surface of the water in the great ocean, following the motion of the moon from east to west, and striking against the large coasts of the continents that lie in its way, from thence rebounds back again, and so makes floods and ebbs in narrow seas, and rivers remote from the great ocean. Herein we also see the reason of the times of the tides, and why they so constantly follow the course of the moon.


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and divided circuits are accurately stated by Cavendish in Arts. 417, 597, 598.

I have found also that Cavendish communicated to the Royal Society in 1775, "An account of some attempts to imitate the effects of the Torpedo by electricity," in which he delivers the following remarkable statement:—

“When a jar is electrified, and any number of different circuits are made between its positive and negative side, some electricity will necessarily pass along each; but a greater quantity will necessarily pass along those in which it meets with less resistance than those in which it meets with more;" and also "Some electricians indeed seem to have supposed that the electric fluid passes only along the shortest and readiest circuit; but, beside that, such a supposition would be contrary to what is observed in all other fluids—it does not agree with experience."

The above is not referred to as any depreciation of the work of Ohm, but simply as an interesting point in connection therewith.

Ohm's work stands alone, and, reading it at the present time, one is filled with wonder at his prescience, respect for his patience and prophetic soul, and admiration at the immensity and variety of ground covered by his little book, which is indeed his best monument.

It is my experience that many quote Ohm's law, and talk of Ohm's law, who know little or nothing of Ohm himself, or of his book; and it seems


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to me that a large proportion of these, will welcome the opportunity to read, in their own language, what Ohm himself has to say about his own law, which so long has practically been sealed up, and has been accessible only at second hand.

With the hope that this opportunity will be utilized fully, and that this classic may become a familiar friend, the " Mathematical Consideration of the Galvanic Circuit" is once more launched.

T. D. L.

MELROSE, MASS., 1891.


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 mists call precipitation; to which it answers in all its parts.

The air may be looked on as a clear and pellucid menstruum, in which the insensible particles of dissolved matter float up and down, without being discerned, or troubling the pellucidity of the air; when on a sudden, as if it were by a precipitation, they gather into the very small but visible misty drops that make clouds.

This may be observed sometimes in a very clear sky; when, there not appearing any cloud, or any thing opake, in the whole horizon, one may see on a sudden clouds gather, and all the hemisphere overcast; which cannot be from the rising of the new aqueous vapours at that time, but from the precipitation of the moisture, that in invisible particles floated in the air, into very small but very visible drops, which by a like cause being united into greater drops, they become too heavy to be sustained in the air, and so fall down in rain.

Hail seems to be the drops of rain frozen in their falling.

Snow is the small particles of water frozen before they unite into drops.

The regular figures, which branch out in flakes of snow, seem to show that there are some particles of salt mixed with the water, which makes them unite in certain angles.

The rainbow is reckoned one of the most remarkable meteors, though really it be no meteor at all; but the reflection of the sunbeams from the smallest drops of a cloud or mist, which are placed in a certain angle made by the concurrence of two lines, one drawn from the sun, and the other from the eye to these little drops in the cloud, which reflect the sunbeams; so that two people, looking upon a rainbow at the same time, do not see exactly the same rainbow.


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 The most remarkable of them are, first, the particles of water raised into the atmosphere, chiefly by the heat of the sun, out of the sea and other waters, and the surface of the earth; from whence it falls in dew, rain, hail, and snow.

Out of the vapours rising from moisture the clouds are principally made.

Clouds do not consist wholly of watery parts; for, besides the aqueous vapours that are raised into the air, there are also sulphureous and saline particles that are raised up, and in the clouds mixed with the aqueous particles, the effects whereof are sometimes very sensible; as particularly in lightning and thunder, when the sulphureous and nitrous particles firing break out with that violence of light and noise, which is observable in thunder, and very much resembles gunpowder.

That there are nitrous particles raised into the air is evident from the nourishment which rain gives to vegetables more than any other water; and also by the collection of nitre or salt-petre in heaps of earth, out of which it has been extracted, if they be exposed to the air, so as to be kept from rain; not to mention other efforts, wherein the nitrous spirit in the air shows itself.

Clouds are the greatest and most considerable of all the meteors, as furnishing matter and plenty to the earth. They consist of very small drops of water, and are elevated a good distance above the surface of the earth; for a cloud is nothing but a mist flying high in the air, as a mist is nothing but a cloud here below.

How vapours are raised into the air in invisible steams by the heat of the sun out of the sea, and moist parts of the earth, is easily understood; and there is a visible instance of it in ordinary distillations. But how these steams are collected into drops, which bring back the water again, is not so easy to determine.

To those that will carefully observe, perhaps it will appear probable, that it is by that which the chy-


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'''FIGURE 11. Trends in sales of consumer goods (U/OU)'''

were promised a greater opportunity to choose their own activities and to form organizations outside the jurisdiction of the government and party. The Husak regime, while also acknowledging the need to attract the support of youth, has abrogated most of these reforms and consequently has had little success in securing the cooperation of youth.

The regime has been particularly concerned about the marked increase in crime since 1968 and is taking a tougher approach to the problem. Underlining this concern is a shift in the ideological approach to the problem. Dismissing the traditional dogma that a socialist society is by definition devoid of "imperfections" that could lead to crime, the regime now quotes the more realistic Marxist philosophy that the transitional stage between capitalism and socialism contains many of the "birthmarks" of capitalism from which "antisocialist behavior" stems. While much attention is being given to encouraging more public cooperation in regard to illegal activities, the regime is espousing Lenin's theory that punitive measures based on the certainty of punishment more than its severity are the best deterrent to crime. In particular, officials have been critical of the traditional practice of suspending sentences for first offenders.

The measures to toughen law enforcement procedures have included a thorough realignment of the judicial system. The wholesale removal of "liberal" judges in 1970 resulted in a nearly complete turnover in the top judicial organs, including the Supreme Court. A revised judicial law provides for summary dismissal of judges. New legislation has also been enacted widening the definitions of criminal activities and authorizing the courts to impose harsher sentences. Economic offenses such as black-marketing and smuggling have come under heavy attack. In late 1970 the Czech and Slovak Republics were divested of much of their responsibility for law enforcement and those powers restored to the federal Ministry of the Interior, which had gone into eclipse under Dubcek. According to Czechoslovak statistics, the result has been an increase in the number of convictions in criminal court cases; in both 1970 and 1971, for example, about 95% of all such cases resulted in convictions.

Alcoholism is a serious social problem. The consumption of alcohol has increased at an alarming rate since the early 1960's. According to the Czechoslovak press, the number of persons prosecuted for crimes committed under the influence of alcohol had risen to 39,888 by 1971. In 1970, 22% of the juveniles who committed criminal offenses did so while under the influence of alcohol. Moreover, the

12

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 Everything that I have asked from your Excellency herein is in the name of my lord the emperor. Your Excellency has doubted my authority, because I did not present letters from my lord the emperor. They are in the possession of father Fray Juan Cobos and give me ample authority to negotiate with your Excellency in regard to everything required to establish peace and amity. I will wait until I reach my emperor's presence and I will then send the agreements written by his own hands, and signed with my name, as a proof of my veracity.

We, the undersigned religious, state that the ambassador did sign this memorial; and I, Fray Gonzalo Garcia, certify that everything contained herein was dictated to me to be written for your Excellency in the Spanish language by his order; and I as interpreter had it written by one of the religious who here sign our names. Dated in this city of Manila, the twenty-seventh of April, one thousand five hundred and ninety-three.

Last year, one thousand five hundred and ninety-two, Conbacondon, the emperor of the realm of Xapon, commanded me to come to these islands to negotiate for peace and amity with your Excellency and the Spaniards residing here, your Excellency having agreed to it as the representative here of his Majesty King Don Philipe. In order to carry out


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 my emperor's orders I went as far as the province of Sanchuma, to a seaport, whence I was to sail; but while making preparations for my departure, I was attacked by sickness. Then, in order not to lose the opportunity or to disobey said orders on account of my illness, I decided to send in my place my vassal Gaspar, whom I greatly esteem, believing that he would execute the commission well, as he is a man experienced in all matters pertaining to these Islands, having been in them before; and in consequence I sent him, giving him the letter from the emperor my lord. He came and delivered it; but, as there was no interpreter, it was not understood, and he was discredited because of the little authority he had, as he was not an ambassador. For that reason your Excellency decided to send father Fray Juan Cobos and Captain Lope de Llano, who were to visit the kingdom of Xapon and ascertain the truth concerning the embassy which my said subject brought. When Fray Juan Cobos arrived in Satisma he wrote two letters, one to the emperor, my lord, and another to me as the person to whom the embassy sent to these islands had been entrusted. The said two letters were tied together, and I received them in the town of Mengoya, where the court of my lord the emperor is established. For the sake of courtesy, I did not separate mine, but took both and delivered them to the emperor my lord, who read his and gave me mine—ordering a captain


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 and myself, one by land and the other by sea, to go to meet father Fray Juan Cobos. We departed at once, I going by sea; and I met him at Geto, a place between Firando and Mangasatte, where I received him with great pleasure, and brought him to the court where my lord the emperor then was. Upon being notified of his arrival, the emperor ordered one of his nobles to give him hospitality in his own home, so that Father Juan Cobos could rest there until a house could be adorned with gold, to shelter him with more pomp, because he was the envoy of so great a governor and because he is a father, and known to be a learned man, and that all his royal city might see how grand a reception was accorded to him. Twenty-five days afterward, when everything was ready to receive him, I sent six hundred of the principal men, nobles and gentry, to convey him to the emperor's presence, sending a beautifully decorated litter, on which the father was carried on their shoulders. Everyone was amazed to see such a reception, the like of which had never before been accorded to any other ambassador, although many had come to my lord the emperor, some to offer obedience, others to negotiate peace treaties. It was because the emperor knew that the Spaniards are a warlike nation, valiant and honored above all other people, that he gave them such a reception; and so it was known over all the court.

My lord the emperor was inside the fortress, and when father Fray Juan Cobos reached the palace he was bidden to enter the audience-chamber where the emperor was waiting for him, and where he re-


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 ceived him with the greatest honor and show of affection ever shown to any man, seating him next to himself. Father Fray Juan Cobos presented him with the letter, which upon being read, showed how doubts had arisen regarding the embassy sent by the emperor the year before. My lord the emperor called me, and asked me why I had not fulfilled his orders—to which I replied that I had gone to do so, but that, while at the seaport, I had been taken sick; and in order not to miss sending his embassy, I had entrusted it to one of my vassals, a Christian. Then my lord the emperor ordered me to go with father Fray Juan Cobos to visit your Excellency in his name, and to deliver my letters and try to establish lasting relations of friendship and amity; and finally sent me away, after having given me full instructions as to what I was to say and do. To father Fray Juan Cobos my lord the emperor gave a sword of great worth and value, as a token of friendship, for your Excellency; and a letter, wherein it was written that we were to be friends and brothers.

Father Fray Juan Cobos and I departed for the port, but on arriving there he would not embark on my vessel. So we set sail, he on his vessel and I on mine. Upon leaving I told father Fray Juan Cobos that it would be better to wait for the tide, and until the moon came out; but he answered: "Your people do not know or understand the sea." I am a pilot, and, seeing that the high tide was against us, I waited until the moon arose; but the father would not wait, and so left, and I have never since seen him. The advice I gave him before leaving was so that the emperor my lord might not ask me why I had not advised him, and so that the father himself might not


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Rh Knowledge, having ascertained the visible universe to be illusory instantly realise the Supreme Spirit as the sole existent independent essence. While they that devote themselves to Yoga meditation take time to acquire the same knowledge, for it is by practice alone that these latter divest themselves of the consciousness of duality. Hence the wise attain to salvation first. Then again if the person devoted to yoga findeth not sufficient time in one life to attain to success, being led astray by the attractions of the world, in his next life he is benefited by the progress he hath already made, for regretfully he devoteth himself to the pursuit of success. But the man of Knowledge ever beholdeth the indestructible Unity, and therefore, though immersed in worldly enjoyments, never affecteth them at heart. Therefore there is nothing to impede his salvation. He, however, who faileth to attain to Knowledge, should yet devote himself to piety as dependent on action (sacrifices, &c.) But he that devoteth himself to such piety, moved thereto by desire of salvation, can never achieve success. His sacrifices bear no fruit and partake of the nature of cruelty. Piety as dependent on action that proceedeth not from the desire of gain, is, in the case of such men, yoga itself.'

"Ashtaka said, O king, thou lookest like a youth; thou art handsome and decked with a celestial garland. Thy splendour is great! Whence dost thou come and where dost thou go? Whose messenger art thou? Art thou going into the Earth?'

"Yayati said, 'Fallen from heaven upon the loss of all my religious merit, I am destined to enter the Earth-hell. Indeed, I shall go there after I have finished my discourse with ye! Even now the deities of the ten points of the Universe command me to hasten thither. And, O king, I have obtained it as a boon from Indra that though fall I must upon the Earth yet I should fall amidst the wise and the virtuous. Ye are all wise and virtuous that are assembled here!'

"Ashtaka said, 'Thou art acquainted with everything. I ask thee, O king, are there any regions for myself to enjoy in heaven or in the firmament? If there be, then, thou shalt not fall though falling!' 35


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274 "Yayati answered, 'O king, there are many regions for thee to enjoy in heaven as there are kine and horses in the earth with the animals in the wilderness and the hills!'

"Ashtaka then said, 'If there are worlds for me to enjoy, as fruits of my religious merits, in heaven, O king, I give them all unto thee! Therefore, though falling, thou shalt not fall. O take thou soon all these, wherever they be, in heaven or in the firmament! Let thy sorrows cease!'

"Yayati answered, 'O thou best of kings, a Brahma-knowing Brahmana alone can take in gift, but not one like ourselves! And, O monarch, I myself have given away to Brahmanas as one should. Let no man not a Brahmana and let not the wife of a learned Brahmana ever live in infamy by accepting gifts! On Earth I have ever desired to perform virtuous acts! Having never done so before, how shall I now accept a gift?'

"Pratarddana who was amongst them asked, 'O thou of the handsomest form, I am Pratarddana by name. I ask thee, are there any worlds for me to enjoy as fruits of my religious merits, in heaven or in the firmament? Answer me, thou art acquainted with everything!'

"Yayati said, 'O king, numberless worlds full of felicity, effulgent like the solar surface, and where woe can never be, await thee. It thou dwellest in each but for seven days, they would not yet be exhausted.'

"Pratarddana then said, 'These then I give unto thee! Therefore though falling thou must not fall! Let the worlds that are mine be thine! Whether they be in the firmament or in heaven, O soon take them! Let thy woes cease!'

"Yayati answered, 'O monarch, no king of equal energy should ever desire to receive in gift the religious merits of another king acquired by yoga austerities. And no king who is afflicted with calamity by the fates should, if wise, yet act in a censurable way. A king keeping his eye ever fixed on virtue should walk in the path of virtue and increase his fame thereby. A person of virtue like myself and knowing what are his duties should not act so meanly as thou directest. When others desirous of acquiring religious merit do not


text: Bird-life; a guide to the study of our common birds/Title pages


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Rh accept gifts; how can I do what they do not?' On the conclusion of this speech, that best of kings Yayati was then addressed by Vasumana in the following words."

Thus ends the ninety-second Section in the Sambhava of the Adi Parva.

( Sambhava Parva continued. )

"Vasumana said, 'I am Vasumana, the son of Osadawsa. I would ask thee, O king, whether there are any worlds for me to enjoy, as fruits of my religious merits, in heaven or in the firmament. Thou art, O high-souled one, acquainted with all holy regions!'

Yayati answered, 'There are as many regions for thee to enjoy in heaven as the number of places in the firmament, the Earth, and the ten points of the universe, [sic]illumined by the Sun.'

"Vasumana then said, 'I give them to thee. Let those regions that are for me be thine. Therefore, though falling, thou shalt not fall. If to accept them in gift be improper for thee, then, O monarch, buy them with a straw.'

"Yayati answered, 'I do not remember, ever having bought and sold anything unfairly. This has never been done by other kings. How shall I do it therefore?'

"Vasumana said, 'If to buy them, O king, be regarded by thee as improper, then take them in gift from me. For myself I answer that I will never go to those regions that are for me. Let them therefore be thine!'

"Shivi then addressed the king thus:—'I am, O king, Shivi by name, the son of Ushinara. O father, are there in the firmament or in heaven, any worlds for me to enjoy? Thou knowest every region that one may enjoy as the fruit of his religious merit!'

"Yayati then said, 'Thou hast never, by speech or in mind disregarded the honest and the virtuous that applied to thee. There are infinite worlds for thee to enjoy in heaven, all blazing like lightning,' Shivi, then said, 'If thou regardest their


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276 purchase as improper, I give them to ye. Take them all, O king! I shall never take them,—those regions where the wise never feel the least disquiet.'

"Yayati then answered, 'O Shivi, thou hast, indeed, obtained for thyself, possessed as thou art of the prowess of Indra, infinite worlds! But I do not desire to enjoy regions given to me by others. Therefore, I accept not thy gift.'

"Ashtaka then said, 'O king, each of us have expressed our desire to give thee the worlds that each of us have acquired by our religious merit. Thou acceptest not them. But leaving them for thee, we shall descend unto the Earth-hell.'

"Yayati answered, 'Ye all are truth-loving and wise: give me that which I deserve. I shall not be able to do that which I have never done before.'

"Ashtaka then said, 'Whose are those five golden cars that we see? Do men that repair to regions of everlasting bliss ride on them?'

"Yayati answered, 'Those five golden cars displayed in glory and blazing as fire, would, indeed, carry ye to the regions of bliss.'

"Ashtaka said, 'O king, ride those cars thyself, and repair to heaven. We can wait. We will follow thee in time.'

"Yayati then said, we can now all go together. Indeed, all of us have conquered heaven. Behold, the glorious path to heaven becomes visible!

Vaisampayana continued, "Then all those excellent monarchs riding on those cars set out for heaven, for gaining admittance into it, illuminating the whole firmament by the glory of their virtues.

"And AahtakaAshtaka [sic], again breaking silence, asked, 'I had always thought that Indra was my especial friend, and that I of all the others, should first obtain admittance into heaven. But how is it that Usinara's son Shivi, hath already left us behind."

"Yayati answered, 'This Usinara's son had given all he possessed for attaining to the region of Brahma. Therefore is he foremost among ye. Besides, Shivi's liberality, asceticism, truth, virtue, modesty, good-fortune, forgiveness, amiability,


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Page:Operation Crossroads 1946.pdf/46

 Between tests, Saidor operated from Bikini Lagoon with drone boat control and photographic unit personnel on board. Except on ABLE and BAKER days, Orca was stationed at Bikini as a terminal and service unit for transport seaplanes. The ship maintained seaplane runways and furnished overhaul servicing required for all planes on turn-around service (Reference C.9.206, p. V-B-10).

Task Group 1.7 (Destroyer Surface Patrol Group)

TG 1.7 performed the following tasks during CROSSROADS:

 * Furnished radsafe patrols

 * Anchored one ship at Bikini Atoll lagoon entrance, except when it was evacuated, and supplied arrival information to incoming vessels

 * Advised the Senior Officer Present Afloat (SOPA) about each arrival and departure from Bikini Lagoon

 * Deployed two destroyers to act as approach markers for the bombing aircraft in test ABLE.

TG 1.7 was composed of only one task unit, TU 1.7.1 (Destroyer Squadron Unit) and contained the following ships.

 * Destroyer Division 71
 * USS Barton (DD-722) (Flagship)
 * USS Laffey (DD-724)
 * USS Lowry (DD-770)
 * USS O'Brien (DD-725)
 * USS Walke (DD-723)

 * Destroyer Division 72
 * USS Allen M. Sumner (DD-692)
 * USS Ingraham (DD-694)
 * USS Moale (DD-693)
 * USS Robert K. Huntington (DD-781)

Task Group 1.8 (Service Group)

This task group had the following responsibilities:

 * Base facilities and services including repair, fuel, water, mail service (USS LST-861); general supply, provisions, hospital, and recreation (USS LST-388)

 * Island commander functions for land areas of Bikini Atoll, such as policing recreational areas, conducting shore patrol, and controlling boat traffic at landings

 * Boat services

 * Medical and hospital services

 * Quarters and laboratory facilities on USS Fulton (AS-11) for the Oceanographic Wave Measurement Group

 * Surveys in accordance with the Oceanographic Survey Plan

 * Construction in accordance with Logistic Plan

41

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Page:The Galvanic Circuit Investigated Mathematically.pdf/16

 AUTHOR'S PREFACE.

I HEREWITH present to the public a theory of galvanic electricity, as a special part of electrical science in general, and shall successively, as time, inclination, and means permit, arrange more such portions together into a whole, if this first essay shall in some degree repay the sacrifices it has cost me. The circumstances in which I have hitherto been placed have not been adapted either to encourage me in the pursuit of novelties, or to enable me to become acquainted with works relating to the same department of literature throughout its whole extent. I have therefore chosen for my first attempt a portion in which I have the least to apprehend competition.

May the well-disposed reader receive the performance with the same love for the object as that with which it is sent forth!

THE AUTHOR.

BERLIN, May 1, 1827.

9


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Page:The Galvanic Circuit Investigated Mathematically.pdf/18

 THE GALVANIC CIRCUIT INVESTIGATED

MATHEMATICALLY.

INTRODUCTORY.

THE design of this Memoir is to deduce strictly from a few principles, obtained chiefly by experiment, the rationale of those electrical phenomena which are produced by the mutual contact of two or more bodies, and which have been termed galvanic; its aim is attained if by means of it the variety of facts be presented as unity to the mind. To begin with the most simple investigations, I have confined myself at the outset to those cases where the electricity developed propagates itself in one dimension only.

They form, as it were, a scaffolding to a greater structure, and contain precisely that portion, the more accurate knowledge of which may be gained from the elements

11


text: Bird-life; a guide to the study of our common birds/TOC


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Page:The Galvanic Circuit Investigated Mathematically.pdf/8

 THE GALVANIC

CIRCUIT INVESTIGATED

MATHEMATICALLY

BY

DR. G. S. OHM

BERLIN, 1827

TRANSLATED BY WILLIAM FRANCIS

STUDENT IN PHILOSOPHY IN THE UNIVERSITY OF BERLIN

WITH A PREFACE BY THE EDITOR

THOMAS D. LOCKWOOD, M.I.E.E.

AND

VICE PRESIDENT OF THE AM. INST. OF ELECTRICAL

ENGINEERS

NEW YORK

D. VAN NOSTRAND COMPANY

28 MURRAY AND 27 WARREN STREETS

1891


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of natural philosophy, and which also by reason of its greater accessibility may be given in a more strict form. To achieve this especial purpose, and at the same time as an introduction to the subject itself, I give as a forerunner of the compressed mathematical investigation, a more free, but not on that account a less connected, general view of the process and its results.

Memoir based on Three Laws.—Three laws, of which the first expresses the mode of distribution of the electricity within one and the same body; the second, the mode of dispersion of the electricity in the surrounding atmosphere; and the third, the mode of appearance of the electricity at the place of contact of two heterogeneous bodies, forms the basis of the entire Memoir, and at the same time contains everything that does not lay claim to being completely established.

The two latter are purely experimental laws; but the first from its nature is, in part at least, theoretical.

With regard to this first law, I have started from the supposition that the com-


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munication of the electricity from one particle takes place directly only to the one next to it, so that no immediate transition from that particle to any other situate at a greater distance occurs. The magnitude of the transition between two adjacent particles under otherwise exactly similar circumstances, I have assumed as being proportional to the difference of their temperatures.

With respect to the dispersion of electricity in the atmosphere, I have retained the law deduced from experiments by Coulomb, according to which, the loss of electricity, in a body surrounded by air, in a given time, is in proportion to the force of the electricity, and to a co-efficient dependent on the nature of the atmosphere.

A simple comparison of the circumstances under which Coulomb performed his experiments, with those at present known respecting the propagation of electricity, showed, however, that in galvanic phenomena, the influence of the atmosphere may generally be disregarded. In Coulomb's experiments, for instance, the


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electricity driven to the surface of the body was engaged in its entire expanse in the process of dispersion in the atmosphere; while in the galvanic circuit, the electricity almost constantly passes through the interior of the bodies, and consequently but a very small part can enter into mutual action with the air; so that the dispersion can comparatively be only very inconsiderable. This consequence, deduced from the nature of the circumstances, is confirmed by experiments; in it lies the reason why the second law seldom comes into consideration.

The mode in which electricity makes its appearance at the place of contact of two different bodies, or the electrical tension of these bodies, I have thus expressed: when dissimilar bodies touch one another, they constantly maintain at the point of contact the same difference of potential.¹

With the help of these three fundamental positions, the conditions to which the propagation of electricity in bodies of any

¹ Ohm's word was "Spannung."—Electroscopic Force.

ED.


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kind and form is subjected may be stated. The form and treatment of the differential equations thus obtained are so similar to those given for the propagation of heat by Fourier and Poisson, that even if there existed no other reasons, we might with perfect justice draw the conclusion that there exists an intimate connection between these natural phenomena; and this similarity increases as we continue to pursue the subject.

["Ohm, misled by the analogy between electricity and heat, entertained an opinion that a body when raised to a high potential becomes electrified throughout its substance, as if electricity were compressed into it, and was thus by means of an erroneous opinion led to employ the equations of Fourier to express the true laws of conduction of electricity through a long wire, long before the real reason of the appropriateness of these equations had been suspected."—Electricity and Magnetism.

MAXWELL. 1881. Vol. i. p. 422.]


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Author:Thomas Allston Brown

Works

 * History of the American Stage (1870)

title: Author:Thomas Allston Brown


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Page:Romance of the Three Kingdoms - tr. Brewitt-Taylor - Volume 1.djvu/386

 Liu P'ei said, "All experience proves that to set aside the elder for the younger is to take the way of confusion. If you fear the power of the Ts'ai faction, then gradually reduce its power and influence, but do not let doting affection lead you into making the younger your heir."

Piao agreed. But the Lady Ts'ai had had a suspicion why her lord had summoned Liu P'ei and what was the subject of discussion, so she had determined to listen secretly. She was behind the screen when the matter was talked over and she conceived deep resentment against Liu P'ei for what he had said. On his side he felt that his advice had fallen upon deaf ears and he arose and walked across the room. As he did so he noticed that he was getting heavy and stiff and a furtive tear stole down his cheek as he thought of the past. When he returned and sat down his host noticed the traces of weeping and asked the cause of his sorrow.

"In the past I was always in the saddle and I was slender and lithe. Now it is so long since I rode that I am getting stout and the days and months are slipping by, wasted; I shall have old age on me in no time and I have accomplished nothing. So I am sad."

"I have heard a story that when you were at Hsucheng at the season of green plums you and Ts'ao Ts'ao were discussing heroes. You mentioned this name and that to him as men of parts and he rejected every one of them. Finally he said that you and he were the only two men of real worth in the whole country. If he with all his power and authority did not dare to place himself in front of you, I do not think you need grieve about having accomplished nothing."

At this flattering speech Liu P'ei pretended that the wine was getting the better of him and in a half maudlin manner he replied, "If I only had a starting point then I would not trouble about any one in a worldful of fools."

His host said no more and the guest, feeling that he had slipped up in speech, rose as if drunk, took leave and staggered out saying he must return to his lodging to recover.

The episode has been celebrated in a poem:—

Though Liu Piao kept silence when he heard the words of Yüan-tê, yet he felt the more uneasy. After the departure of his guest he retired into the inner quarters where he met his wife. The Lady Ts'ai said, "I happened to be behind the


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Talk:The Chimes

Scanned version
There is a scanned copy of a 1913 version at Index:Chimes (Dickens 1913).pdf -- Beardo (talk) 06:15, 23 December 2023 (UTC)

title: Talk:The Chimes


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Page:Romance of the Three Kingdoms - tr. Brewitt-Taylor - Volume 1.djvu/387

 screen just now and so heard the words of Liu P'ei. They betray scant regard for other people and mean that he would take your country if he could. If you do not remove him it will go ill with you."

Her husband made no reply, but only shook his head. Then the Lady Ts'ai took counsel with her kinsman Ts'ai Mao, who said, "Let me go to the guest-house and slay him forthwith, and we can report what we have done."

His sister consented and he went out, and that night told off a party of soldiers to do the foul deed.

Now Yüan-tê sat in his lodging by the light of a single candle till about the third watch, when he prepared to retire to bed. He was startled by a knock at his door and in came I Chi, who had heard of the plot against his new master and had come in the darkness to warn him. He related the details of the plot and urged speedy departure.

"I have not said farewell to my host; how can I go away?" said Liu P'ei.

"If you go to bid him farewell you will fall a victim to the Ts'ai faction," said I Chi.

So Yüan-tê said a hasty good-bye to his friend, called up his escort and they all mounted and rode away by the light of the stars toward Hsinyeh. Soon after they had left the soldiers arrived at the guest-house, but their intended victim was already well on his way.

Naturally the failure of the plot chagrined the treacherous Ts'ai Mao, but he took the occasion to scribble some calumnious verses on one of the partitions. Then he went to see Liu Piao to whom he said, "Liu P'ei has treacherous intentions, as can be seen from some lines written on the wall. And his hurried departure is suspicious."

Liu Piao felt doubtful, but he went to the guest-house and there on the wall he read this poem:

Greatly angered by what he read, Liu Piao drew his sword and swore to slay the writer. But before he had gone many paces his anger had already died down and he said to himself, "I have seen much of the man, but have never known him write verses. This is the handiwork of some one who wishes to sow discord between us."

So saying he turned back and with the point of his sword scraped away the poem. Then, putting up his sword, he mounted and rode home. By and bye Ts'ai Mao reminded him that the soldiers were awaiting orders and asked whether they could go to Hsinyeh and arrest Liu P'ei.

"There is no hurry," he replied.


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 Ts'ai Mao saw his brother-in-law's hesitation and again sought his sister. She said, "Soon there is to be the great gathering at Hsiangyang and we can arrange something for that day."

Next day Ts'ai Mao petitioned the Prefect, saying, "I pray you, Sir, to attend the Full Harvest Festival at Hsiangyang; it would be an encouragement to the people."

"I have been feeling my old trouble lately; I certainly cannot go," replied he, "but my two sons can go to represent me and receive the guests."

"They are full young," replied Mao, "They may make some mistakes."

"Then go to Hsinyeh and request Liu P'ei to receive the guests," said Piao.

Nothing could have pleased Ts'ai Mao more, for this would bring Liu P'ei within reach of his plot. Without loss of time he sent to Yüan-tê requesting him to go to preside at the Festival.

It has been said that Yüan-tê made the best of his way home to Hsinyeh. He felt that he had offended by that slip in speech, but determined to keep silence about it and attempt no explanation.

So he discussed it with nobody. Then came the message asking him to preside at the Festival, and he needed counsel.

Sun Ch'ien said, "You have seemed worried and preoccupied lately and I think something untoward happened at Chingchou. You should consider well before you accept this invitation."

Thereupon Yüan-tê told his confidants the whole story.

Kuan Yü said, "You yourself think your speech offended the Prefect, but he said nothing to show displeasure. You need pay no attention to the babble of outsiders. Hsiangyang is quite near and, if you do not go, Liu Chinchou will begin to suspect something really is wrong."

"You speak well," said Yüan-tê.

Said Chang Fei, "Banquets are no good; gatherings are no better; it is best not to go."

"Let me take three hundred horse and foot as escort; there will be no trouble then," said Chao Yün.

"That is the best course," said Yüan-tê.

They soon set out for the gathering place and Ts'ai Mao met them at the boundary and was most affable and courteous. Soon arrived the Prefect's sons at the head of a great company of officers, civil and military. Their appearance put Yüan-tê more at ease. He was conducted to the guest-house and Chao Yün posted his men so as to guard it completely, while he himself, armed, remained close to his chief.

Liu Ch'i said to Yüan-tê, “My father is feeling unwell and could not come, wherefore he begs you, Uncle Liu, to preside at the various ceremonies and conduct the inspections."


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 "Really I am unfit for such responsibilities," said Yüan-tê, "But my brother's command must be obeyed."

Next day it was reported that the officials from the forty-one departments of the nine districts had all arrived.

Then Ts'ai Mao said to K'uai Yüeh, "This Liu P'ei is the villain of the age and if left alive will certainly work harm to us. He must be got rid of now."

"I fear you would forfeit everybody's favour if you harmed him," replied K'uai.

"I have already secretly spoken in these terms to Prefect Liu," said Ts'ai, “and I have his word here."

"So it may be regarded as settled; then we can prepare."

Ts'ai Mao said, "One of my brothers is posted on the road to the Hsien Hills from the east gate and the others are on the north and south roads. No guard is needed on the west as the T'an Torrent is quite safeguard enough. Even with legions he could not get over that."

K'uai replied, "I notice that Chao Yün never leaves him. I feel sure he expects some attack."

"I have placed five hundred men in ambush in the city."

"We will tell Wên P'ing and Wang Wei to invite all the military officers to a banquet at one of the pavilions outside the city, and Chao Yün will be among them. Then will be our opportunity."

Ts'ai Mao thought this a good device for getting Chao Yün out of the way.

Now oxen and horses had been slaughtered and a grand banquet prepared. Yüan-tê rode to the residence on the horse of ill omen and when he arrived the steed was led into the back part of the enclosure and tethered there. Soon the guests arrived and Yüan-tê took his place as master of the feast, with the two sons of the Prefect, one on each side. The guests were all arranged in order of rank. Chao Yün stood near his lord sword in hand as a faithful henchman should do.

Then Wên and Wang came to invite Chao Yün to the banquet they had prepared for the military officers. But he declined. However, Yüan-tê told him to go, and, after some demur, he went. Then Ts'ai Mao perfected his final arrangements, placing his men surrounding the place like a ring of iron. The three hundred guards that formed the escort of Yüan-tê were sent away to the guest-house.

All were ready and awaiting the signal. At the third course, I Chi took a goblet of wine in his hands and approached Yüan-tê, at the same time giving him a meaning look. Then in a low voice he said, "Make an excuse to get away."

Yüan-tê understood and presently rose as if stiff with long sitting and went outside. There he found I Chi, who had gone


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Page:The Philippine Islands, 1493-1803 (Volume 09).pdf/35

 have reason to complain against me. I gave him two of my kinsmen to accompany him, since he would not sail on my vessel. Before he left, I asked the father to give me a letter for your Excellency, because the ocean was not safe; and I asked also for some one who would come with me to these islands, and who could tell who I was, and state the reasons why I came. He gave me Antonio, a Christian Sangley. The said Antonio asked the father for a letter to your Excellency, and he gave it to him; and so we separated, in the manner above described.

I, Faranda Quiemon, ambassador of the emperor of the realms of Xapon, state that the people of the said realms are heathen, but have already begun to accept the gospel law, and wish to become Christians; and if this desire and belief has not spread more, it is because of the lack of ministers and priests. I know that my emperor desires me to bring back some fathers, provided they are of the order of St. Francis, because this is an order and habit new to him; and our Lord Jesus Christ and he will be well pleased that I should do them this service. If your Excellency will order this to be done, you will confer a favor upon the said emperor and myself.

I beg your Excellency to favor me by commanding that ten fathers of the above-mentioned Franciscan order be sent to accompany me from this city to Xapon for the said object—the said ten fathers to be Fray Pedro Baptista, Fray Vicente Vermeo, Fray Blas de la Madre de Dios, Fray Juan Pobre, Fray Diego Portero, Father Gonzalez, Fray Francisco Parilla, Fray Joseph, Fray Francisco Ribero, and Fray Andres (an unsettled priest). Besides the fact that we shall all take as a favor the service done our


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 Cambrian fashion, an honor which, to their great surprise, she always declined. Among these, Harry Ap-Heather, whose father rented an extensive sheepwalk, and had a thousand she-lambs wandering in the mountains, was the most strenuous in his suit, and the most pathetic in his lamentations for her cruelty.

Miss Susannah often wandered among the mountains alone, even to some distance from the farm-house. Sometimes she descended into the bottom of the dingles, to the black rocky beds of the torrents, and dreamed away hours at the feet of the cataracts. One spot in particular, from which she had at first shrunk with terror, became by degrees her favorite haunt. A path turning and returning at acute angles, led down a steep wood-covered slope to the edge of a chasm, where a pool, or resting-place of a torrent, lay far below. A cataract fell in a single sheet into


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 the pool; the pool boiled and bubbled at the base of the fall, but through the greater part of its extent, lay calm, deep, and black, as if the cataract had plunged through it to an unimaginable depth, without disturbing its eternal repose. At the opposite extremity of the pool, the rocks almost met at their summits, the trees of the opposite banks intermingled their leaves, and another cataract plunged from the pool into a chasm, on which the sunbeams never gleamed. High above, on both sides, the steep woody slopes of the dingle soared into the sky; and from a fissure in the rock, on which the little path terminated, a single gnarled and twisted oak stretched itself over the pool, forming a fork with its boughs at a short distance from the rock. Miss Susannah often sat on the rock, with her feet resting on this tree: in time, she made her seat on the tree itself, with her


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 feet hanging over the abyss; and at length, she accustomed herself to lie along upon its trunk, with her side on the mossy bole of the fork, and an arm round one of the branches. From this position a portion of the sky and the woods was reflected in the pool, which, from its bank, was but a mass of darkness. The first time she reclined in this manner, her heart beat audibly; in time, she lay down as calmly as on the mountain heather; the perception of the sublime was probably heightened by an intermingled sense of danger; and perhaps that indifference to life, which early disappointment forces upon sensitive minds, was necessary to the first experiment. There was, in the novelty and strangeness of the position, an excitement which never wholly passed away, but which became gradually subordinate to the influence, at once tranquillising and elevating, of the


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 mingled eternity of motion, sound, and solitude.

One sultry noon, she descended into this retreat with a mind more than usually disturbed by reflections on the past. She lay in her favorite position, sometimes gazing on the cataract; looking sometimes up the steep sylvan acclivities, into the narrow space of the cloudless ether; sometimes down into the abyss of the pool, and the deep bright-blue reflections that opened another immensity below her. The distressing recollections of the morning, the world and all its littlenesses, faded from her thoughts like a dream; but her wounded and wearied spirit drank in too deeply the tranquillising power of the place, and she dropped asleep upon the tree like a ship-boy on the mast.

At this moment Mr. Chainmail emerged into daylight, on a projection of the opposite


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 rock, having struck down through the woods in search of unsophisticated scenery. The scene he discovered filled him with delight: he seated himself on the rock, and fell into one of his romantic reveries; when suddenly the semblance of a black hat and feather caught his eye among the foliage of the projecting oak. He started up, shifted his position, and got a glimpse of a blue gown. It was his lady of the lake, his enchantress of the ruined castle, divided from him by a barrier, which, at a few yards below, he could almost overleap, yet unapproachable but by a circuit perhaps of many hours. He watched with intense anxiety. To listen if she breathed was out of the question: the noses of a dean and chapter would have been soundless in the roar of the torrent. From her extreme stillness, she appeared to sleep: yet what creature, not desperate, would go


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User talk:Smbullet

Beeswaxcandle (talk) 07:01, 23 December 2023 (UTC)

title: User talk:Smbullet


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 wilfully to sleep in such a place? Was she asleep then? Nay, was she alive? She was as motionless as death. Had she been murdered, thrown from above, and caught in the tree? She lay too regularly, and too composedly for such a supposition. She was asleep then, and, in all probability, her waking would be fatal. He shifted his position. Below the pool two beetle-browed rocks nearly overarched the chasm, leaving just such a space at the summit as was within the possibility of a leap; the torrent roared below in a fearful gulph. He paused some time on the brink, measuring the practicability and the danger, and casting every now and then an anxious glance to his sleeping beauty. In one of these glances he saw a slight movement of the blue gown, and, in a moment after, the black hat and feather dropped into