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Treaty on the Creation of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics

The Treaty of Unions

The Russian Socialist Federal Soviet Republic (R.S.F.S.R.), the Ukrainian Socialist Soviet Republic (U.S.S.R.), the White Russian Socialist Soviet Republic (W.R.S.S.R.), and the Transcaucasian Socialist Federal Soviet Republics (Georgia, Azerbaijan and Armenia), hereby conclude a treaty for their union into a single united State, the Union of Socialist Soviet Republics, on the following basis:—

1. The competence of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, exercised by its supreme organs, shall include:
 * (I) Representation of the Union in international relations.
 * (II) Alteration of the frontiers of the Union.
 * (III) Conclusion of treaties for the acceptance of new republics into the Union.
 * (IV) Declaration of war and conclusion of peace.
 * (V) Floating of foreign State loans.
 * (VI) Ratification of international treaties.
 * (VII) Establishment of regulations for internal and external trade.
 * (VIII) Establishment of the general plan, and regulation, of the national economy of the Union, and the conclusion of concessionary agreements.
 * (IX) Regulation of transport and posts and telegraphs.
 * (X) Organization of armed forces of the Union.
 * (XI) Ratification of the Union State Budget; establishment of currency and credit systems, and of taxation systems for the Union, the Republics, and the localities.
 * (XII) Establishment of the general principles of land distribution and exploitation, and of the exploitation of the mineral wealth, forests, and waterways throughout the whole territory of the Union.
 * (XIII) Union legislation on migration and settlement.
 * (XIV) Establishment of the principles of court structure and procedure, and also civil and criminal legislation for the Union.
 * (XV) Fundamental labor legislation.
 * (XVI) Establishment of general principles of national education.
 * (XVII) Adoption of general measures of national health protection.
 * (XVIII) Establishment of systems of weights and measures.
 * (XIX) Organization of Union statistics.
 * (XX) General legislation as to the civil rights of foreigners.
 * (XXI) General amnesty regulations.
 * (XXII) Veto of any decisions of Soviet Congresses, Central Executive Committees, and Councils of People's Commissaries of the republics of the Union, which infringe the Treaty of Union.

The Union Congress of Soviets

2. The supreme authority of the Union shall be the Congress of Soviets of the Union, and, between congresses, the Union Central Executive Committee.

3. The Union Congress of Soviets shall be composed of representatives of the town Soviets in the proportion of one delegate for every 25,000 electors, and of representatives of the provincial Congresses of Soviets on the basis of one delegate for every 125,000 inhabitants.

4. The delegates to the Union Congress of Soviets shall be elected at the provincial Congresses of Soviets.

5. Ordinary Union Soviet Congresses shall be summoned by the Union Central Executive Committee once a year; extraordinary Congresses shall be summoned by the Union Central Executive Committee either upon its own initiative or on the demand of at least two of the constituent republics.

The Union Central Executive Committee

6. The Union Congress of Soviets elects the Central Executive Committee, consisting of representatives of the united republics, in proportion to the population of each, to the total number of 371 members.

7. Ordinary sessions of the Union Central Executive Committee shall be held three times a year; extraordinary sessions shall be summoned by resolution of the Presidium of the Union Central Executive Committee or upon the demand of the Union Council of People's Commissaries or of the Central Executive Committee of one of the constituent republics.

8. The Union Congresses of Soviets and sessions of the Central Executive Committee shall meet in the capitals of the constituent republics in turn, in an order to be established by the Presidium of the Union Central Executive Committee.

9. The Union Central Executive Committee shaft elect a Presidium, which shall be the supreme authority in the Union in the intervals between the sessions of the Union Central Executive Committee.

10. The Presidium of the Union Central Executive Committee shall consist of 19 members, four of whom, one for each of the republics, shall be appointed by the Union Central Executive Committee as its chairmen.

The Union Council of People's Commissaries

11. The Executive organ of the Union Central Executive Committee shall be the Union Council of People's Commissaries, consisting of:—
 * The Chairman of the Union Council of People's Commissaries.
 * The Vice-Chairmen of the Union Council of People's Commissaries.
 * The People's Commissary for Foreign Affairs.
 * The People's Commissary for War (and Marine).
 * The People's Commissary for Foreign Trade.
 * The People's Commissary for Transport.
 * The People's Commissary for Posts and Telegraphs.
 * The People's Commissary for Workers' and Peasants' Inspection.
 * The People's Commissary for Labor.
 * The People's Commissary for Food.
 * The People's Commissary for Finance.
 * The Chairman of the Supreme Economic Council.

General Provisions

12. For the purposes of ratifying revolutionary legislation on the territory of the Union, and for co-ordinating the activities of the united republics in the struggle against counter-revolution, there shall be established in the Union Central Executive Committee a Supreme Court, with the functions of a supreme body for court control, and in the Council of People's Commissaries a section of the State Political Department, the chairman of which shall participate in the Union Council of People's Commissaries in an advisory capacity.

13. The decrees and orders of the Union Council of People's Commissaries shall be binding upon all the united republics and shall be carried out throughout the territory of the Union.

14. The decrees and orders of the Union Central Executive Committee and Council of People's Commissaries shall be printed in the languages of the united republics (Russian, Ukrainian, White Russian, Georgian, Armenian and Turkish).

15. The Central Executive Committee of the united republics may lodge protests against the decrees and orders of the Union Council of People's Commissaries with the Presidium of the Union Central Executive Committee, but must not suspend their execution.

16. The decrees and orders of the Union Council of People's Commissaries may be set aside only by the Union Central Executive Committee and its Presidium. The acts of the Councils of People's Commissaries of the individual republics may be set aside by the Union Central Executive Committee, its Presidium, and the Union Council of People's Commissaries.

17. The execution of Orders issued by the People's Commissaries of the Union may be suspended by the Central Executive Committees of the united republics, or their presidia, only when they do not correspond with the decisions of the Union Council of People's Commissaries or Central Executive Committee. In such cases the Central Executive Committee of the united republic, or its Presidium, shall immediately inform the Union Council of People's Commissaries and the appropriate Union People's Commissary.

18. The Council of People's Commissaries of each of the united republics shall consist of:
 * The Chairman.
 * The Vice-Chairman.
 * The Chairman of the Supreme Economic Council.
 * The People's Commissary for Agriculture.
 * The People's Commissary for Food.
 * The People's Commissary for Finance.
 * The People's Commissary for Labor.
 * The People's Commissary for Home Affairs.
 * The People's Commissary for Justice.
 * The People's Commissary for Workers' and Peasants Inspection.
 * The People's Commissary for Education.
 * The People's Commissary for Health.
 * The People's Commissary for Social Welfare.
 * The People's Commissary for Nationalities.

and in a consultative capacity, the representatives of the Union Commissaries for Foreign Affairs, War, Foreign Trade, Transport, and Post and Telegraphs.

19. The Supreme Economic Council and the People's Commissaries for Food, Finance, Labor, and Workers' and Peasants' Inspection of the united republics shall be immediately subordinated to the Central Executive Committee and the Councils of People's Commissaries of the united republics, but shall be guided by the instructions of the appropriate Union People's Commissaries.

20. The republics entering into the Union shall have their own budgets, which shall form an integral part of the general Union budget, and shall be approved by the Union Central Executive Committee. The revenue and expenditure sides of the budgets of the republics shall be drawn up by the Union Central Executive Committee. The list of revenues, and the amount of each, forming part of the budgets of the united republics, shall be determined by the Union Central Executive Committee.

21. A uniform civilian status shall apply to all citizens of the united republics.

22. The Union shall have its own flag, coat of arms and State seal.

23. The capital of the Union shall be Moscow.

24. The united republics shall modify their constitutions as required by the present treaty.

25. The Union Congress of Soviets is the only competent body for the ratification of, alteration or addition to, the Treaty of Union.

26. Each of the united republics retains its full liberty to leave the Union if it so desires.

Moscow, December 30, 1922.


text: My Dear Cornelia/Book 1

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: My Dear Cornelia/Book 1


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 supposed by Mabuchi to be one of the gods of wind, but Hirata explains it to be one of the hashidate of which mention has already been made. In the Koshi-Den he makes Yaso-maga-tsu-hi and Kamu-nawo-bi to be simply alternative names of Oho-maga-tsu-hi and Oho-nawo-bi. The birth of the first was intended as a mark that Izanagi had purified his body from the pollution which he had brought back with him from Yomi, and he sprang from Izanagi’s strong resolve to get rid of those pollutions. Hence this god utterly detests defilement of whatever kind, and becomes violent in his conduct whenever any unclean thing is done. His name is derived from the calamities (maga) which he causes. Motoöri’s view that this god was actually produced from the filth of Yomi, and is therefore an evil god, is wrong. Apart from the wrath which he manifests on certain occasions, he is disposed to do good, as is evidenced by his having planted the whole of Japan with trees, the seeds of which he brought down from heaven. Nawobi no kami was similarly produced by the earnest desire of Izanagi to remedy the evils which might be produced by the zeal of Mage-tsu-hi no kami. Both gods and human beings have in them the spirit of these two gods, wherefore they are angry with whatever is foul and wicked, and are tempted to act violently. It is Nawobi no kami’s spirit which moderates their wrath, and disposes them to mercy.

Hirata endeavours to prove that awo-una-bara means the whole earth, and that the phrase “multitudinous salt-water” is only added for the sake of emphasis. He derives umi (of which una is only another form) from umu, to beget, to bear, and interprets unabara to mean the ‘just born plain.’ Awo is green, applied either in the sense of young, or because the earth seemed to be of a green colour when viewed by the celestial gods from above. It will be remembered that Izanagi and Izanami dipped the spear into awo-una-bara, and separated the dry land from the sea, so that if Hirata’s etymology were correct the name would be no longer applicable when Tsukuyomi was invested with his kingdom. The safest opinion is that

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text: My Dear Cornelia/Book 2/Chapter 2

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 awo-una-bara means simply the ‘blue waste of sea,’ and that the ancient inhabitants of Japan amongst whom these different legends sprang up, never thought of trying to make them consistent with each other. Hirata’s theory seems to have been invented to prove that Susanowo was first made ruler over the earth, but preferred to go to his mother in the moon, thus leaving the earth vacant for Ninigi no mikoto, who being in a certain sense the joint offspring of Susanowo and the sun-goddess, united in his person all the rights of Izanagi and Izanami. The rest of the Tama no Mi-hashira is occupied by the legends relating to Oho-kuni-nushi’s first occupation of Japan and the descent of Ninigi no mikoto, which have already been briefly summarized in a former part of this paper. The separation of the moon from the earth, which is figured by him in his tenth and last diagram, is supposed to have taken place after the visit of Oho-kuni-nushi to the lower world. Hatori agrees with him on this point, but supposes Oho-kuni-nushi to have gone to the moon after his surrender of the Empire to Ninigi no mikoto, whereas Hirata maintains that he rules over the Hidden World, which is on the earth.

In the year 1813 Hirata wrote the Niugaku Mondô, a short work on the elements of the ancient way, intended for beginners. It is au excellent introduction to his other works on Shintô, and may be recommended to those who do not care to gain more than a general view of his opinions. At the end of the volume is an useful bibliographical list of all his acknowledged works, compiled by some of his disciples. Two years later he completed the Amatsu norito kô, a commentary on a norito which is not contained in the Yengi-shiki, but which, if genuine, supplies a lacuna in the Ohobarai no kotoba, and serves to clear up a point therein which had considerably puzzled all preceding commentators. During this period he was busily working at the Koshi-Den, which he did not live to complete. Besides this, he completed a new edition of Hatori’s Sandaikô, an account of a curious stone found by him in Kadzusa, which he christened

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, and the Koshichô Kaidaiki; began a new edition of the Jimmei shiki, or list of Shintô temples and gods given in the Yengi shiki, drafted the Morokoshi Taiko-Den, a work on the ancient traditions of China, of which only the text and about one-fourth of the commentary have yet appeared, began the Indo Zôshi, which is said to have been intended for a complete treatise on Buddhism, and printed a short life of Sugawara Michizané under the title of Temman-gû Go-denki. In the year 1819 he completed the draft of his work on the Jindai no moji, or so-called native Japanese alphabet of the pre-historic age. This consists of two volumes entitled Jinji Hifumi Den and one entitled Giji Hen. The first contain some thirteen or fourteen tables of square and cursive characters; the latter is a collection of a number of specimens of widely different appearance, all of which are asserted to be native Japanese characters, but concerning whose genuineness Hirata does not venture to pronounce an opinion. The first thing that will strike any one who examines the square characters given in volume I. is their unmistakable identity with the Corean alphabet, the sole difference being that the Corean letters are combined so as to form the forty-seven syllables used in spelling Japanese words. The cursive forms, however, bear scarcely the remotest resemblance to the square, and it is difficult to suppose that they have a common origin. Having devoted several pages of volume I. of the Kaidaiki to the discussion of the evidence for the existence of an indigenous method of writing in pre-historic times, and having decided the question in the affirmative, Hirata does not think it worth while to entertain the suspicion that these so-called Jindai no moji have been copied from the Corean alphabet, but on the contrary maintains that the Coreans made their alphabet out of the Jindai no moji, and arbitrarily invented a number of additional signs to meet their own wants. He supposes that the jindai no moji must have been carried to Corea after its conquest by Jingô-kôgô (200 A.D.), and have been preserved there in some

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 mysterious manner, until in the beginning of the 15th century they were utilized to form an alphabet, for which the Sanscrit alphabet was taken as a model. From a Corean work written in the Chinese language, quoted by Itô Nagatane in the Sankan Kiriaku, the Corean alphabet appears to have been invented by a King of Corea who began to reign in 1419. But, if a Japanese alphabet ever existed, it had been entirely forgotten by the Japanese centuries before this date, and it is difficult to suppose that it should have been preserved by the Coreans in such a manner that they were still able after so long an interval, to assign what Hirata acknowledges to be very nearly the correct pronunciation to each letter. An alternative supposition of course, is that those of the so-called jindai no moji which are identical with combinations of the Corean letters were copied from that alphabet in comparatively modern times, and if we could obtain a sight of the original manuscripts said to be preserved at various Shintô temples in Japan, of which Hirata himself only had seen copies, it is probable that such conclusions might be drawn as to the age of the material on which they are written, as would serve to determine their value as authentic documents. Apart from these considerations it would hardly seem probable, arguing à priori, that the jindai no moji, which must have been alphabetic, should only he preserved in a syllabic form, as is the case with the specimens we speak of, or that the Japanese, if they had ever possessed such a treasure as an alphabet capable of expressing all the sounds of their language, should have abandoned it for the cumbrous method of ideographic writing which they afterwards learnt from the Chinese. The question is of some importance, for if it were decided in favour of Hirata’s views, we should be compelled to allow a greater degree of credibility to the earlier historical records of Japan than there seems at present reason to attribute to them.

Hitherto the teaching of Hirata has not appeared to differ much in principle from that of his predecessors, whose object was to preserve from oblivion the ancient

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 monuments of Japanese literature and history, and to disprove the accusation that before the introduction of Chinese philosophy the Japanese were a nation of savages without any rule of conduct. But we shall see that the real goal to which his efforts were directed was the establishment of a religion on a Shintô basis, before which both Buddhism and Confucianism should disappear. It is this endeavour which has caused him to be regarded in a certain as sense the founder of a new school, although on a close examination of his system it would no doubt be found that he was actually indebted to the Chinese philosophy for the moral code which he attempted to derive from Shintô, and that the latter possesses only those characteristics of a religion which belong to theological dogma.

The Tama-dasuki has already been mentioned as one of the works which Hirata wrote in the year 1811. It appears to have been originally composed in a very colloquial style, but in 1824 he completely rewrote the first nine volumes, and gave to them a shape more worthy of the subject. It is a commentary on certain prayers which he had drawn up for the use of his pupils and contains, half buried in a mass of irrelevant matter, his views of Shintô as a religion and the biographies of Kada, Mabnchi and MotoriMotoöri [sic] which have been utilized in the foregoing part of this paper. The first five volumes were printed in 1829, the next four some time after his death, and the tenth, which contains his teaching as to the worship of ancestors and his life by his adopted son Kanetane, was published in 1874.

As Hirata observes, the celebration of rites in honour of the gods was considered in ancient times to be the chief function of the Mikados. When Ninigi no mikoto descended from heaven his divine progenitors taught him how he was to rule the country, and their teaching consisted in this: ‘Everything in the world depends on the spirit of the gods of heaven and earth, and therefore the worship of the gods is a matter of primary importance. The gods who do harm are to be appeased, so that they may not punish those who have offended them,

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 and all the gods are to be worshipped, so that they may be induced to increase their favours. To compel obedience from human beings, and to love them was all the sovereign had to do, and there was no necessity for teaching them vain doctrines such as are preached in other countries. Hence the art of Government is called Matsurigoto, which literally means “worshipping?” Accordingly the early sovereigns worshipped the gods in person, and prayed that their people might enjoy a sufficiency of food, clothing and shelter from the elements, and twice a year, in the 6th and 12th months, they celebrated the festival of the “General Purification ,”, [sic] by which the whole nation was purged of calamities, offences and pollutions.’

‘Although in later ages many foreign customs were adopted we find that the religious rites of Shintô always occupied the first place in the books wherein are recorded the rules and ceremonies of the court. For instance, the first book of the ten which are called Riô no Gige is occupied with the rules of the Department of Religion (Jingi Riô). Of the fifty volumes of the Yengi Shiki the first ten are devoted to Shintô matters. The norito (liturgies) contained in the 8th volume are not the private prayers of the Mikado, but are those used at the festivals which he celebrated on behalf of the whole people. The 9th and 10th volumes contain the names of 3132 gods in 2861 temples at which the Court worshipped (either personally or by special envoys). In the Shokugenshô (1341) of Takabataké Chikafusa the constitution of the Department of Religion is described even before that of the Council of State. In the reign of Kôtoku (645-654) in answer to an inquiry as to how the people were to be ruled, all the ministers of the

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 Mikado replied to him, “First serve the gods, and afterwards deliberate on matters of Government.” But the successors of this Mikado neglected the worship of the gods for that of Buddha, and the consequence was the decline of their authority. An effort to reform, the practice of the Court was made by the emperor Juntoku (b. 1197, d. 1242), who in his Kimpi Mishô says, “The rule of the FobiddenForbidden [sic] Precinct is that the worship of the gods comes first, and other matters afterwards. At morning and evening the wise resolve to do honour to the gods is carried out with diligence. Even in the slightest matters the Jingû (of isé) and the Naishi-dokoro are not to be placed after the emperor. According as all things arrive at maturity, they shall be offered up first (to the gods); but things presented by Buddhist monks and nuns, and from all persons who are under an interdict, these shall not be presented.” As it is the duty of subjects to imitate the practice of the incarnate god (arahito-gami) who is their sovereign, the necessity of worshipping his ancestors and the gods from whom they spring, is to be enjoined upon all every man.’

‘As the number of the gods who possess different functions is so great, it will be convenient to worship by name only the most important and to include the rest in a general petition. Those whose daily affairs are so multitudinous that they have not time to go through the whole of the following morning prayers, may content themselves with adoring the residence of the Emperor, the domestic kami-dana, the spirits of their ancestors,

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text: User:SnowyCinema/P/Fighting Back

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 Rh diality, “one word more. Are you in need of money?”

“Yes,” I said.

“I thought so. But you will find that you need it less and less as you go on. Meantime, good-bye, and best wishes for your mission.”

Such was, such is, in fact, the mission with which I am accredited. I regard it as by far the most important mission with which I have been accredited by the Wilhelmstrasse. Yet I am compelled to admit that up to the present it has proved unsuccessful. My attempts to carry it out have been baffled. There is something perhaps in the atmosphere of this republic which obstructs the working of high diplomacy. For over five months now I have been waiting and willing to dine with the American Cabinet. They have not invited me. For four weeks I sat each night waiting in the J. hotel in Washington with my suit on ready to be asked. They did not come near me.

Nor have I yet received an invitation from the British Embassy inviting me to an informal lunch or to midnight supper with the Ambassador. Everybody who knows anything of the inside working of the international spy system will realize that without these invitations one can do nothing. Nor has the President of the United States given any sign. I have sent

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 Rh word to him, in cipher, that I am ready to dine with him on any day that may be convenient to both of us. He has made no move in the matter.

Under these circumstances an intrigue with any of the leaders of fashionable society has proved impossible. My attempts to approach them have been misunderstood—in fact, have led to my being invited to leave the J. hotel. The fact that I was compelled to leave it, owing to reasons that I cannot reveal, without paying my account, has occasioned unnecessary and dangerous comment. I connect it, in fact, with the singular attitude adopted by the B. hotel on my arrival in New York, to which I have already referred.

I have therefore been compelled to fall back on revelations and disclosures. Here again I find the American atmosphere singularly uncongenial. I have offered to reveal to the Secretary of State the entire family history of Ferdinand of Bulgaria for fifty dollars. He says it is not worth it. I have offered to the British Embassy the inside story of the Abdication of Constantine for five dollars. They say they know, it and knew it before it happened. I have offered, for little more than a nominal sum, to blacken the character of every reigning family in Germany. I am told that it is not necessary.

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 Rh Meantime, as it is impossible to return to Central Europe, I expect to open either a fruit store or a peanut stand very shortly in this great metropolis. I imagine that many of my former colleagues will soon be doing the same!

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23. 3. 96

THE COMMISSION OF THE EUROPEAN COMMUNITIES,

Having regard to the Treaty establishing the European Community,

Having regard to Council Regulation (EC) No 3379/94 of 22 December 1994 opening and administering certain Community tariff quotas in 1995 for certain agricultural products and for beer, as amended by Regulation (EC) No 2857/95 , and in particular Article 5 (1) thereof,

Having regard to Council Regulation (EC) No 3093/95 of 22 December 1995 laying down the rates of duty to be applied by the Community resulting from negotiations under GATT Article XXIV:6 consequent upon the accession of Austria, Finland and Sweden to the European Union, and in particular Article 5 thereof,

Whereas Commission Regulation (EC) No 1203/95 opening and providing for the administration of tariff quotas for high-quality fresh, chilled and frozen beef and for frozen buffalo meat for the period 1 July 1995 to June 1996 lays down the detailed rules for preferential imports of high quality beef in the 1 995/96 quota year, whereas Annex III of Regulation (EC) No 3093/95 provides for supplementary import quantities of high quality beef from Australia and New Zealand;

Whereas Council Regulation (EC) No 2857/95 provided for an autonomous import quota of 200 tonnes of high quality beef for the period from 1 July to 31 December 1995; whereas due to the late adoption and publication of that Regulation detailed rules for application could not be laid down in time before the end of the year; whereas, under those circumstances, the quantity concerned should be admitted for import in the first six months of 1996;

Whereas the measures provided for in this Regulation are in accordance with the opinion of the Management Committee for Beef and Veal,

HAS ADOPTED THIS REGULATION:

Regulation (EC) No 1203/95 is amended as follows:

This Regulation shall enter into force on the third day following its publication in the Official Journal of the European Communities.

It shall apply from 1 January 1996.

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happened quite recently—I think it must have been on April the second of 1917—that I was making the long pilgrimage on a day-train from the remote place where I dwell to the city of New York. And as we drew near the city, and day darkened into night, I had fallen to reading from a quaint old copy of Washington Irving’s immortal sketches of Father Knickerbocker and of the little town where once he dwelt.

I had picked up the book I know not where. Very old it apparently was and made in England. For there was pasted across the fly-leaf of it an extract from some ancient magazine or journal of a century ago, giving what was evidently a description of the New York of that day.

From reading the book I turned—my head still filled with the vision of Father Knickerbocker and Sleepy Hollow and Tarrytown—to examine the extract. I read it in a sort of half-doze, for the dark had fallen outside, and

title: Page:Frenzied Fiction.djvu/28


text:
Page:EUR 1996-500.pdf/2

No. I. 75/14 This Regulation shall be binding in its entirety and directly applicable in all Member States.

Done at Brussels, 22 March 1996.

title: Page:EUR 1996-500.pdf/2


text: Frenzied Fiction/My Revelations as a Spy


text: Page:Hyaku Nin Isshu in English.pdf/17

title: Page:Hyaku Nin Isshu in English.pdf/17


text:
Page:Lippincotts Monthly Magazine-39.djvu/121

Rh ears, because, you know, where we had lived—where I was in the habit of waking up—the streets were very quiet. Then, besides, it seemed so strange, and somehow so terrible, too, that the city should be just the same as ever,—that people should come and go about their business just the same as ever, — and yet that everything I cared for should have changed so much. It made me realize how indifferent the world is to us, how little it matters to the world what we do or suffer. I heard the great, loud laugh of a man, down on the sidewalk. It seemed very strange to me that any one should have the heart to laugh.

Well, I lay there in this way for—it must have been hours after my waking up. Then, at last, without knowing why, I got out of bed. I had no purpose in getting up. Only, I was tired of lying there and thinking, and so I got up for the sake of change. As I was dressing, I asked myself, "How much did I tell Merotti last night?" I could not remember very clearly; but I hoped, and half remembered, that I had not told him anything. I asked myself, too, "Now where shall I go? What shall I do?" I had no money. But I said to myself, "I will borrow a little money from Merotti, and hire a room to sleep in, and then What did Eugene say I should be doing now, but for him? I'll do that. I'll buy a few flowers, and earn my living in the old way."

After I was dressed, I went down-stairs and into the public room. The room was empty. The clock was striking twelve o'clock,—noon. I could see Merotti, through the folding-doors, far back in the kitchen. When he saw me, he came forward.

"Well," he said, with his good-natured smile, "you are better, eh?"

"Yes," I said, "better."

"You were half frozen when you came here last night," said he.

"Yes, I was very cold."

"Where did you come from?"

"From far up town."

"We haven't seen you for an age. What are you doing nowadays? Still selling flowers?"

"Yes,—still selling flowers," I said. That was not true—yet. But it would be true very soon.

"Not married yet, I suppose?"

Then he did not know of my marriage! "No," I said, "not married." This was true. I was not married any longer. It was the same as if I had not been married.

"And that friend of yours—Mr.—what's his name?—Leffingwell,—have you seen him lately?" asked Merotti.


text: Commission Regulation (EC) No 500/96 of 22 March 1996


text: Page:Hyaku Nin Isshu in English.pdf/18

title: Page:Hyaku Nin Isshu in English.pdf/18


text: Category:National Task Force for the West Philippine Sea


text: Page:Hyaku Nin Isshu in English.pdf/19

title: Page:Hyaku Nin Isshu in English.pdf/19


text: Public Law 106-355

title: Public Law 106-355


text: Page:Hyaku Nin Isshu in English.pdf/20

title: Page:Hyaku Nin Isshu in English.pdf/20