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 The left wing must depart radically from such a primitive policy, which is totally unfitted for modern American industry. When we get into an organizing campaign in a given locality or industry, we must do so on the basis of a careful analysis of the whole situation. And we must make a determined effort for the utmost mobilization of our forces for the struggle. We must actually lead in the organization work.

Moreover, when the left wing undertakes an organization campaign it must be made as broad and sweeping as possible. Our aim must be for the organization of the whole industry, and all our strategy must go in that direction. Craftism and localism are totally out of place and must be fought. In most cases, as at the present time in the railroad industry, we will, by analysis, ascertain the opportune time for the organization of the masses and we will work for the necessary nation-wide campaigns.

But where we are caught napping, so to speak, by sudden local strike movements of workers in national industries, we must immediately undertake to spread these movements out on a national scale. The trustified state of American industries prevents a successful fight being made on a local scale except in the most favorable and unusual circumstances.

It must be our special endeavor in all these campaigns to win over and develop the youth, who are the bridge to and uniting force between the masses of foreign-born workers and the American workers.

We must also accompany our organization work with a militant educational propaganda. We must yearn to raise not only the economic demands of the workers, but also learn to fire the workers with the spirit of revolutionary enthusiasm. Strikes offer ideal opportunities to point out to the workers the full political consequences of the class struggle and to awaken their class spirit and consciousness. One of the failures of conservative trade unionism is it almost total lack of idealism. It fails to arouse the fighting spirit of the workers, which can only be done by militant propaganda.

Successful trade union organizers must be masters of strike strategy. One thing they must know it how to deal a blow at


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Rh But I shiver still with cold. I pull up my hempen bedclothes, Wear what few sleeveless clothes I have, But cold and bitter is the night! As for those poorer than myself, Their parents must be cold and hungry, Their wives and children beg and cry. Then, how do you struggle through life?

Wide as they call the heaven and earth, For me they have shrunk quite small; Bright though they call the sun and moon, They never shine for me. Is it the same with all men, Or for me alone? By rare chance I was born a man And no meaner than my fellows, But, wearing unwadded sleeveless clothes In tatters, like weeds waving in the sea, Hanging from my shoulders, And under the sunken roof, Within the leaning walls, Here I lie on straw Spread on bare earth, With my parents at my pillow, My wife and children at my feet, All huddled in grief and tears. No fire sends up smoke At the cooking-place, And in the cauldron A spider spins its web. With not a grain to cook, We moan like the night thrush. Then, “to cut,” as the saying is, “The ends of what is already too short,” The village headman comes,

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/


text: The Emancipation of South America/Chapter 3


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 the employers opportunely. The left wing must learn to hit the employers when they are least able to stand it, and to deliver the attack with a maximum force. The employers are wide awake to this danger and follow the counter policy of trying to force the workers into premature struggles.

This was the policy of the steel trust in the 1918–19 campaign. Gary tried to compel the steel workers to strike in certain localities before the national organization had been completed, by discharging thousands of them. His aim was to demoralize the movement before it got well started. We bitterly resisted this tactic, forcing the attacked points to stand fast under the severest pressure until we could mobilize the rest of the steel workers to support them. Thus we gained most precious time in which to organize. Nevertheless, Gary did succeed in precipitating the strike before we were fully prepared for it.

On the basis of a careful analysis of the state of the industry and of the condition of the workers' forces, the left wing must learn when to strike and when to organize. Nothing is more disastrous than ill-timed strikes and organization campaigns, which needlessly victimize the workers and break their spirit.

Left wing organizers must learn every phase of the art of mobilizing effectively the masses in struggles against the employers. They must know how to dramatize their strikes and to make them spur the class instincts not only of the workers involved, but of the whole working class. They must understand how to mobilize public sentiment behind their cause, and especially to enlist the support of the trade union movement. They must be experts in the collection and distribution of relief. They must understand the technique of mass picketing and the application of the boycott. They must at all times display unfaltering personal courage.

They must know how to build their trade unions among the inexperienced workers during the strike, and how to take advantage of such big struggles as that in Passaic by organizing the masses in surrounding industries and localities who are inspired by the struggle. In short, they must be practical strike leaders


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 in order to be effective organizers, and to do this they must take an active part in all the struggles of the workers.

The question of organizing the unorganized becomes daily more pressing. The T. U. E. L. and the left wing generally, have a central part to play in the great developing movement for organization. This part we can play effectively if we will bear in mind the few general principles of organization elaborated above, namely, that the left wing must lead in and do the burden of the organization work, that we must avoid isolation from the organized masses and be prepared to utilize every form of proletarian organization in the "closed" industries to further the establishment of unions.

We must study carefully the state of the industry and the condition of the employers' and the workers' forces, base our organization campaigns upon the economic demands of the workers and at all times keep the fight focussed on these demands, plan our organization campaigns carefully and thoroughly mobilize all our forces to put them into execution, extend our scope of activity over the greatest possible extent of workers, strike the blow at the opportune time, demoralize the enemy, rouse public sentiment with our maneuvers, develop the utmost fighting spirit in our own ranks by our invigorating propaganda, and follow up our victories to the limit by organizing all the workers shaken into action by our big strikes and struggles.

The left wing must take the lead in the organization of the unorganized millions. This is an historic necessity of the situation. We must not falter or fail at our task. It is a time for intelligent, courageous, militant action.


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48 With rod in hand, to our sleeping place, Growling for his dues. Must it be so hopeless— The way of this world?

Nothing but pain and shame in this world of men, But I cannot fly away, Wanting the wings of a bird. Yamanoue Okura

Suffering from old age and prolonged illness, and thinking of his children

So long as lasts the span of life, We wish for peace and comfort With no evil and no mourning, But life is hard and painful. As the common saying has it, Bitter salt is poured into the smarting wound, Or the burdened horse is packed with an upper load, Illness shakes my old body with pain. All day long I breathe in grief And sigh throughout the night. For long years my illness lingers, I grieve and groan month after month, And though I would rather die, I cannot, and leave my children Noisy like the flies of May. Whenever I watch them My heart burns within. And tossed this way and that, I weep aloud.


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Rh

I find no solace in my heart; Like the bird flying behind the clouds I weep aloud.

Helpless and in pain, I would run out and vanish, But the thought of my children holds me.

No children to wear them in wealthy homes, They are thrown away as waste, Those silks and quilted clothes!

With no sackcloth for my children to wear, Must I thus grieve, For ever at a loss!

Though vanishing like a bubble, I live, praying that my life be long Like a rope of a thousand fathoms.

Humble as I am, Like an armband of coarse twill, How I crave a thousand years of life! Yamanoue Okura

An elegy on the death of Furuhi

What worth to me the seven treasures, So prized and desired by all the world? Furuhi, born of us two, Our love, our dear white pearl, With dawn, with the morning star, Frolicked about the bed with us, standing or sitting;


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50 When dusk came with the evening star, He pulled our hands, urged us to bed, “Leave me not, father and mother, Let me sleep between you, Like saki-kusa, the three-stalked plant.” So spoke that lovely mouth. Then we trusted, as one trusts in a great ship, That he would grow up as time passed by, And we should watch him, both in weal and woe. But, as of a sudden sweeps the storm, Illness caught our son. Helpless and in grief, I braced my sleeves with white cord, Grasped my shining mirror, And gazing up into the sky I appealed to the gods of heaven; Dropping my forehead to the ground Madly I prayed to the gods of earth: “It is yours to decide his fate, To cure him or to let him die.” Nothing availed my prayers, He languished day by day, His voice failed each morning, His mortal life ebbed out. Wildly I leapt and kicked the floor, Cried, stared up, stared down, And beat my breast in grief. But the child from my arms has flown; So goes the world. …

So young he will not know the way; Here is a fee for you, O courier from the Nether World, Bear him on your back.


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In the production of steel American capitalism has shown its ugliest brutality. This industry epitomizes the depths of degradation to which workers can be forced under the rule of the employing clans.

"The United States has the largest, richest and most conveniently located deposits of iron ore, copper, lead and zinc in the world, and coal for their reduction." Besides, "A comparison of English and American governmental statistics shows that the average American wage earner produces from two to three times more output in money value than the English wage-earner, and uses from two to three times more horse power."

According to a study of the three shift system in the production of steel made by the International Labor Office of the League of Nations the United States is the only great steel producing country in the world where the 12-Hour Working Day prevails. Not only Europe, but even Canada, South Africa, Japan and India run most of their steel mills on a three-shift basis. The great Tata mills in India have adopted the Eight-Hour Day. Only in China where there is little steel produced do we find the two-shift system.

And the sub-committee of the Federated American Engineering Societies, whom Harding called "our foremost organization of American industrial skill," after an intensive study has found that: "The principle of the 12-hour shift is a survival of the time when it was the custom to work men long hours, and when the mechanical side of the iron and steel industry was less perfectly developed, so that the periods of an enforced idleness of the mill and the men occurred much more frequently than at present."

In the diary of a furnace worker, Charles Rumferd Walker, who was a First Lieutenant in the American Army, we find this condition vividly described.

"Now in the old country, a man can have a bit of fun. Picnics, a little singin and drinkin', and the like. What can a man do here? We work eight hours in Scotland. They work eight hours in France, in Italy and Germany—all the steel mills work eight hours except in this bloody free country … I'll tell you there will come a time when Gary and all the other big fellers will have to work it themselves—no one else will."


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As early as 1912 the stockholders of the Steel Corporation voted against the 12-Hour Day in principle. One of the principal demands of the strikers in 1919 was the abolition of the two-shift system. So great has been the demand for the introduction of an Eight-Hour Day in steel mills that even Czar Gary has repeatedly promised to look into the matter.

On May 18, 1922, President Harding wined and entertained 40 or 50 of the leading steel barons at a White House Dinner. It was at this royal dinner that Gary, the Chief Executive of the United States Steel Corporation yielded to Harding, the Chief Executive of the United States Government, and appointed a committee of the American Iron and Steel Institute to investigate the practicability of running the whole industry on a three-shift basis.

As many expected, this Committee found it impracticable to introduce the Eight-Hour Day at present. This Committee was simply pursuing the same tactics and manoeuvres as has Gary for over a decade.

Testifying before the Senate Committee on Education and Labor, investigating the 1919 Steel Strike, Gary had the brazen effrontery to say that the Steel Corporation was "reducing these hours from year to year."

As a matter of fact the hours of labor in the steel industry have been increasing steadily. In 1910 the Blast Furnace men worked 78.7 hours per week and the Open Hearth Men 75.3 hours. In 1919 they worked 82.1 hours and 76.4 hours per week respectively on an average.

The United States Bureau of Labor Statistics has found that in 57 of the 79 occupations of the steel industry the weekly hours of labor increased from a few minutes up to 14 hours in 1919 as compared to 1914.

In a report of the U. S. Department of Labor, published May 24, 1922, we are given the latest facts and figures about the extent to which the steel workers are enslaved 12 hours.

Less than 25 per cent of the steel workers are allowed to work under 60 hours a week "altho in most industries 60 hours was regard- ed as the maximum working week" over a decade ago. About half of those waking 12 hours a day work seven days a week.

It has been pointed out in Bulletin No. 265, of the U. S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, that the per cent of men averaging 12 hours a day in the steel industry is over twice that of those in the chemical, nearly five times of those in the anthracite fields, eight times those in the rubber industry and almost 25 times those working 12 hours a day in the bituminous coal mines.


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User talk:Yeagvr

Executive Order 14092
I am very sorry that your recent edits to Executive Order 14092 were caught by the edit filter: it was an apparent mistake. The filter has been corrected and so now you can perform the edit, the problem should not occur again. I do apologize for the inconvenience. --Jan Kameníček (talk) 00:24, 8 October 2023 (UTC)

 * Hi, don’t worry, it can happen. Thanks for correcting it. —Yeagvr (talk) 00:39, 8 October 2023 (UTC)

title: User talk:Yeagvr


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Page:The Egyptian Heaven and Hell, v1.pdf/47

 The five lines of text which contain the address of the gods to Rā, and the answer of the god, read:--


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 she drank [of the beer and blood], and her heart rejoiced, and she became drunk, and she gave no further attention to men and women. Then said the Majesty of Rā to this goddess, "Come in peace, come in peace, O Amit,"$1$ and thereupon beautiful women came into being in the city of Amit (or, Amem). And the Majesty of Rā spake [concerning] this goddess, [saying], "Let there be made for her vessels of the beer which produceth sleep at every holy time and season of the year, and they shall be in number according to the number of my hand maidens;" and from that early time until now men have been wont to make on the occasions of the festival of Hathor vessels of the beer which make them to sleep in number according to the number of the handmaidens of Rā. And the Majesty of Rā spake unto this goddess, [saying], "I am smitten with the pain of the fire of sickness; whence cometh to me [this] pain?" And the Majesty of Rā said, "I live, but my heart hath become exceedingly weary$2$ with existence with them (i.e., with men); I have slain [some of] them, but there is a remnant of worthless ones, for the destruction which I wrought among them was not as great as my power." Then the gods who were in his following said unto him, "Be not overcome by thy inactivity, for thy might is in proportion to thy will." And the Majesty of this god said unto the Majesty of Nu, "My members are weak for (or, as


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 Even according to Gary's own testimony, before the Senate Committee, that 69,000 men are employed 12 hours a day, it would follow that the daily lives of over 350,000 men and women are affected by the 12-Hour Day. But Mr. Gary gave us a rather low estimate of 36 per cent of his employees working 12 hours a day. On the basis of a minimum of 50 per cent being subject to the 12-Hour Working Day, it would be far more accurate to say that over 500,000 men, women and children are suffering from all the iniquities and degradations inherent in this brutalizing working day.

What is the 12-Hour Day really like? What does it mean to the worker?

In his diary as a furnace worker, Lieut. Walker gives us the following picture: "It's hot—temparature, 150 or 160 when you throw your shovelful in—and lively work for back and legs. Everybody douches his face and hands with water to cool off, and sits down for 20 minutes. Making back-wall has affinities with stoking; only it's hotter while it lasts. The day is made up of jobs like these—shovelling manganese at tap-time, 'making bottom,' bringing up mud and colomite in wheelbarrows for fixing the spout—hauling fallen bricks out of the furnace.

"And none of the spells, it should be noticed, are 'your own time'! You strain for 12 hours. Nerves and will are the Company's; the whole shift—whether the muscles in your hands and feet move or are still. And the existence of the long day makes possible unrelieved labor, hard and hot, the whole turn of 14 hours, if there is need for it."

Similar pictures are given in the diaries written by American Carnegie Steel Workers. We submit the following comments extracted from these diaries by the Inter-Church Commission:

"The Carnegie steel worker works 87 hours out of 168 hours in the week. Of the remaining 81 he sleeps seven hours per day; total 49 hours. He eats in another 14; walks or travels in the street car four hours; dresses, shaves, tends furnace, undresses, etc., seven hours. His one reaction is—'What the Hell!'—the universal text accompanying the 12-hour day."

Job of the Third Helper: "The third helper fills large bags with coal to throw into the ladle at tap time; easy to burn your face off. Helps drill a 'bad' hole at tap time, work of the most exhausting kind, also must shovel dolomite into ladle of molten steel. This is the hottest job and certainly the most exposed to minor burns. Temperatures around 180 degrees, but it takes only four or five minutes. Nearly every tap-time leaves three or four burns on the neck, face, hands or legs. It is usually necessary to extinguish little fires in your clothing.


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 Altogether not so bad as heavier lifting parts of the furnace job which are more hateful, together with the monotonous exposures."

This is the way Gary translates his Christianity into every day lives of the workers. This is Gary's GOLDEN RULE for the Steel Workers.

Not all workers are able to stand Gary's RULE OF GOLD AND RUIN. Says the Federated American Engineering Societies report: "In some industry 12 hours work has been found too long for the men, and it was customary to have 'spell hands' to relieve them at intervals."

And Lieut. Walker further shows that: "Even the strongest of the Czecho-Slovaks, Serbs and Croates, who work in the American Steel Furnaces, cannot keep it up, (the 84 hour week) year, after year, without substantial physical injury."

Mr. Walker went on to say: "Another feature that impresses when you actually work under the system is the sleep you get is troubled, at best. You are compelled to go to bed one week by day, the next by night. By about Friday, I found my body getting itself adjusted to day sleep; but the change, of course, was due again Monday. The body will adjust itself to continued day-sleeping, I know: but apparently not to the weekly shifts, from day sleep to night sleep, customary in steel."

And in his address delivered May 17, 1912, at the annual banquet of the American Iron and Steel Institute, Dr. Thomas Darlington, then the secretary of the Welfare Committee of the Institute, said: "Taking the principal (steel) towns visited by the Institute excluding the large cities, the death rate averaged 19 per 1000—easily double of what it should be and at least one-third more than the rate of some cities of larger size." The death rate for the entire registration area was 14.1 per 1000.

For the same year B. S. Warren, Surgeon, and Edgar Sydensticker, of the U. S. Public Health Service, found the following death rates in typical steel towns: Johnstown, Pa., 16.9; Shenandoah, Pa., 18.9; McKee's Rocks, Pa., 16.9; Braddock, Pa., 23.2.

Their report, Public Health Bulletin No. 76, goes on to say that: "As it is generally recognized that mortality returns in localities of this type are more or less incomplete, it is safe to say that the rates cited are lower than more thorough and complete vital statistics would show."

In the year 1916–1917, while the U. S. Steel Corporation was making a net profit of $888,931,511, the workers paid in killed and wounded 80,427.

For the period 1913–1919, the steel workers earned, in total un-


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 "The Little Grey Dog"


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He was an ugly grey dog with long silken-soft ears and a bushy tail. He was born in a splendid stable that belonged to a rich man. This rich man lived on a large estate in which were fields and meadows. And in these fields grew sugarcane, in great quantities, great, round, smooth canes that contained the sweet sugar. On the sugar plantations worked hundreds of Negroes, men and women, and the Negroes belonged to the rich man who had bought them in the market as he would buy cattle, for this story happened 37


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 long ago, in those days when slavery existed in America. The rich man could do anything he wished with his slaves. If he was in a bad mood he would permit them to be whipped; if they dared to protest against this cruel treatment they were more cruelly punished—they were stripped naked, smeared with honey, and tied to a tree. The smell of the honey attracted the bees that came in large swarms, settled on the body of the slave, sucked the honey and stung the bound man till he collapsed with pain. Also, the master could sell his slave, did this frequently, without the least consideration, tearing mother from child, separating man and wife, sister and brother. The poor Negroes were completely helpless, they had to work all day long in the hot sun, received very poor food, lived in wretched huts, separated from the house of the rich man by a mighty river. Here lived the Negroes, crowded together; the children played about in front of these huts, played happily, because they did not yet know that they were slaves and that a hard, difficult life awaited them.

In one of the Negro huts arrived the little grey dog who had been born in the splendid stable, and this is how it happened.

38


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 The coachman promised to do this; indeed he pitied the lively little animal, but the master was strict and he did not dare to disobey the command. He called the little dog, who came running joyously, and started toward the river. As he came near the homes of the slaves, a little black boy ran out of one of the huts and cried, "O, the lovely little animal! Where are you taking it?" And he ran quite close to them and patted the dog, who mischievously jumped at him, barking.

"I must drown the dog," answered the coachman.

At that the eyes of the little boy filled with tears, he took the dog in his arms, held him close, and begged, "Don't do it, just see how darling he is!"

"I must do it, Benjamin. The master has commanded me. If I don't obey him he will punish me severely."

The little grey dog licked Benjamin's face, looked at him with his large eyes that seemed to implore him, "Save me, save me!"

"Give me the dog," pleaded Benjamin. "I will hide him well so that the master will not see him."

The coachman thought for a moment, then replied, "Good, you may hide him. But," he said warningly, "you must not betray the fact that I have given him to you. If the master should ever see him, you must say that you saved him from the river. Then he will give you a bad beating "

"That doesn't matter," cried Benjamin eagerly. "As long as the little dog is allowed to live."

The coachman laughed, removed the string from the neck of the dog, and Benjamin ran to the hut with him, patting him, kissing him, full of joy. At evening when Benjamin's parents came home, he showed them the dog, and the parents also were happy because they had to be away from home all day and always feared that the little boy might go to the river, fall in and be drowned. But now he 39


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Page:The International Socialist Review (1900-1918), Vol. 1, Issue 1.pdf/37

Rh tional parity of exchange, free coinage and meltage, and the recoinage of foreign coins into domestic coins, all matters to which Marx gave little attention, though they are of fundamental importance.

Let us see if this rule will work both ways. If a country requires only a certain amount of money to correspond with its commodities, then the converse must be true, viz., that with a stable price level a country requires only a certain amount of commodities to correspond with its money; that the money of a country will carry only so much merchandise and no more, and when the channel is full the surplus will overflow. Where will it overflow to? To foreign countries by way of exports. But considering the whole world as one commodity producing country, as in fact it is, for commodities are international, where would the overflow go to? Marx does not answer. He cannot answer because his famous stable price level would break down.

Marx complains of Ricardo that he gives the discussion of the money question an international tinge. (Critique, p. 184.) So did Marx give the labor question an international tinge. Science is international. When the money under consideration is made of an international metal subject to free coinage, recoinage and decoinage, no other method of consideration, except from the international standpoint, is worth anything.

To claim that gold has an intrinsic value, and that therefore only so much can circulate in a country as corresponds with the quantity of merchandise in that country is to confuse concrete labor value with social labor value, and implies that the social labor value of a product can never change. The concrete labor expended in producing a product is ascertained at the time of production of that particular product, and, of course, never changes for that particular article. But the social labor value of that particular article when it becomes a commodity and mingles with other like articles produced at different times and under different conditions, is subject to constant fluctuations. If it has an intrinsic value or value of its own, as Marx expresses it, such value is at any rate not fixed.

Now, gold differs from other articles in several particulars; first, it is not produced normally in indefinite quantities, but is discovered accidentally in uncertain and irregular, but always comparatively small quantities; second, it is indestructible, and there being a large stock on hand the annual output affects the total quantity but little, an dtheand the [sic] social labor value of the annual output, considered apart from the old stock on hand, is a matter of almost no consequence; third, it is an article endowed by law, through free coinage, with the peculiar and unique quality of universal salability, so to speak. This quality can be given only to a comparatively scarce article. To give it to an article capable of in-


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Page:Macaula yʼs minutes on education in India, written in the years 1835, 1836 and 1837 (IA dli.csl.7615).pdf/10

Rh continue to be the best sketches of the state of Vernacular Education that have been submitted to the public.

On the 24th March, 1835, Macaulay writes:—

“I agree with Mr. in thinking that Mr. Adam cannot at present be more usefully employed than in digesting such information on the subject of Native Education, as may be contained in reports formerly made.”—[Book E. page 99.]

Mr. Adam in his third Report, p. 2, when reviewing the progress of his enquiry, says, “My appointment by the Governor General in Council is dated 22nd January, 1835, placing me under the orders of the General Committee of Public Instruction, whose instructions I received dated 7th March. On the 8th of April, I obtained the authority of the Committee before proceeding into the interior of the country, to report the amount of information in existing publications and official documents on the subject of Native Education in Bengal, and such a report was accordingly submitted to the Committee on the 1st of July following, and afterwards printed by order of Government.” On this first Report of Mr. Adam, Macaulay writes as follows—

“Though Mr. Adam has been directed to correspond with the General Committee, I do not conceive that it was the intention of the Government of India to throw on our funds any part of the expense of his inquiries. The printing of any reports which he may make, the cost of collecting any works which may illustrate the state of the vernacular literature, are matters quite extrinsic to the purposes to which our funds are devoted. Of course the Government which has ordered him to report, will give the necessary orders about his report. We have only to transmit it to the Secretary in the General Department with our opinion of its merits. I have not time at present to inspect it. But I have no doubt from what I know of Mr. Adam, that it deserves the eulogy of the Secretary.”—[Book E. page 128.] 13th July, 1835.

Second Report of Mr. Adam—We are much indebted to Mr. Sutherland for his excellent abstract of Mr. Adam’s Report, which those gentlemen who have not time to go through the original will find very useful.

I am surprised to see that in the district (Rajshahi) to which the report refers, a great majority of the people are Mahomedans. Surely this is an exception to the general state of things in Bengal. If so, it would seem desirable that Mr. Adam should next explore some district in which the Hindoo population decidedly predominates. But on this question I submit my judgment to that of gentlemen who possess more local experience.


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 hand, there is no characteristic so typical or so worthy of humour as their disposition to linger over their meals. The conviviality of the Clerk of Copmanhurst or of Mr. Pleydell, and the thoroughly solid things they are described as eating, is one of the most perfect of Scott's poetic touches. In short, Mr. Stanley Weyman is filled with the conviction that the sole essence of romance is to move with insatiable rapidity from incident to incident. In the truer romance of Scott there is more of the sentiment of "Oh! still delay, thou art so fair"! more of a certain patriarchal enjoyment of things as they are—of the sword by the side and the wine-cup in the hand. Romance, indeed, does not consist by any means so much in experiencing adventures as in being ready for them. How little the actual boy cares for incidents in comparison to tools and weapons may be tested by the fact that the most popular story of adventure is concerned with a man who lived for years on a desert island with two guns and a sword, which he never had to use on an enemy.

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Rh The report is excellent, and does great credit to Mr. Adam. I approve of all Mr. Sutherland’s propositions except the last. Every grant of money ought, in my opinion, to be postponed, until we know precisely the amount of the sum at our disposal. If we cannot afford 50 Rs. a month for the school at Subathoo, we certainly cannot afford 100 Rupees a month for that at Bauleah.—[Book J. page 47.] 7th January, 1830.

''Mr. Adam’s second Report. Macaulay’s plan for promoting Vernacular Education''.—I have read with much interest Mr. minute on Mr. Adam’s valuable Report. I am a little inclined to doubt, however, whether we are at present ripe for any extensive practical measures which he recommends.

I do not see how we can either make the present teachers of elementary knowledge more competent, or supply their place as yet with fitter men. The evil is one which time only can remedy. Our schools are nurseries of School-masters for the next generation.

If we can raise up a class of educated Bengalees, they will naturally, and without any violent change, displace by degrees the present incompetent teachers. As to educating the School-masters who are already established, I quite agree with Mr. Shakespear in thinking that plan chimerical. As to sending others, at present we cannot do it if we would. I doubt whether we have the men, and I am sure that we have not the money.

What Mr. Shakespear recommends as to books I highly approve. But as to stipends I cannot agree with him. But I will not argue that question till some distinct proposition is made.

I would adopt Mr. Shakespear’s proposition about the Madrasa at Kusba Bagha. As to the endowments mentioned in the report, pages 43, 45, I do not think that it would be worth while to take any step respecting them. There is something so extravagantly absurd in hereditary professorships that we ought not to express any wish to have them revived. Of course if a man has a legal right to a professorship by inheritance, he ought to obtain it. But that is no business of ours. We can interfere only as a board of public instruction, and for purposes of public instruction, such professorships are evidently useless.

I am a little amused to observe that Mr. Adam who, in page 45, laments the discontinuance of four of these endowments and says that the revival of them would give “an important impulse to learning in the district," tells us in page 42 that two of these endowments are still continued. And what is “the impulse which they give to learning?" “The present holders" says he “are both mere grammarians, in no way dis-


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 Closely connected with this is one of the charges most commonly brought against Scott, particularly in his own day—the charge of a fanciful and monotonous insistence upon the details of armour and costume. The critic in the Edinburgh Review said indignantly that he could tolerate a somewhat detailed description of the apparel of Marmion, but when it came to an equally detailed account of the apparel of his pages and yeomen the mind could bear it no longer. The only thing to be said about that critic is that he had never been a little boy. He foolishly imagined that Scott valued the plume and dagger of Marmion for Marmion's sake. Not being himself romantic, he could not understand that Scott valued the plume because it was a plume, and the dagger because it was a dagger. Like a child, he loved weapons with a manual materialistic love, as one loves the softness of fur or the coolness of marble. One of the profound philosophical truths which are almost confined to infants is this love of things, not for their use or origin, but for their own inherent characteristics, the child's

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Rh tinguished among their brethren for talents and acquirements. It may be inferred that the endowments were made for the encouragement of learning only from the fact that the learned teachers are the incumbents.”

Here are six endowments of the same sort. Two are continued, and Mr. Adam acknowledges that they are mere jobs. But if the other four were revived, an immense impulse would be given to learning. I am forced to say that I do not very clearly see how Mr. Adam has arrived at this conclusion.

The important measures which Mr. Shakespear suggests at the close of his minute well deserve serious consideration. I am so much pressed for time at this moment, that I can only give my opinion very concisely. I look forward to a time when we may do all that Mr. Shakespear suggests and even more. But I greatly doubt whether at present, supposing all preliminary difficulties removed and a grant of 78,000 Rupees annum obtained from the Court of Directors in addition to our present funds, we could not employ that sum better than by setting up Thannah Schools. Several plans have occurred to me which perhaps persons acquainted with the country may at once pronounce absurd. It has occurred to me, though it is a little at variance with what I wrote a few pages before, that if we had the means of offering so small an addition as (2) two rupees a month to the present emoluments of a village School-master, in every case in which such a School-master should satisfy an examiner appointed by us of his fitness to teach elementary knowledge well and correctly as far as he went, we might induce three or four thousand village School-masters to take some pains to qualify themselves for their situation. I may be mistaken, but it seems to me that Thannah Schools such as Mr. Shakespear proposes would be no more than village Schools, that the School-masters would be no better than the village School-masters. It could not be expected I imagine that boys Would come any distance for such an education as the Thannah Schools would afford. In that case I would rather employ the money, if we could get it, in improving three or four thousand village Schools than in establishing six or seven hundred Thannah Schools.

At present, however, I think we might employ the money better than on either Village or Thannah Schools.

I shall be glad to see what gentlemen who know this country better than I do think on this question.—[Book J. page 127.] 28th September, 1836.

Study of the Mimansa and Sankhya Philosophers at Benares.—The only argument of the smallest force that, can be urged in favour of the encouragement given to the Oriental


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 love of the toughness of wood, the wetness of water, the magnificent soapiness of soap. So it was with Scott, who had so much of the child in him. Human beings were perhaps the principal characters in his stories, but they were certainly not the only characters. A battle-axe was a person of importance, a castle had a character and ways of its own. A church bell had a word to say in the matter. Like a true child, he almost ignored the distinction between the animate and inanimate. A two-handed sword might be carried only by a menial in a procession, but it was something important and immeasurably fascinating—it was a two-handed sword.

There is one quality which is supreme and continuous in Scott which is little appreciated at present. One of the values we have really lost in recent fiction is the value of eloquence. The modern literary artist is compounded of almost every man except the orator. Yet Shakespeare and Scott are certainly alike in this, that they could both, if literature had failed, have earned a living as professional demagogues. The

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Rh systems of science at our colleges, is this, that the people are wedded to those systems, and that by withdrawing our patronage from them, we should disgust our native subjects. Here is a study which nobody describes as useful in itself, “which every body acknowledges to be also unpopular” which has been abandoned by the native youth from mere disgust and weariness. And we, Englishmen, countrymen of Lord and, are to step in and to do our best be revive it. It is very little to our credit that the natives should have become sick of learning this useless mysticism before we have become sick of teaching it. I would at once decide on adopting the suggestions contained in the 6th and 7th paragraphs of Captain Thoresby's letter. The question as to the disposal of the savings, may lie over for the present.—[Book F. page 57.] 2nd February, 1835.

The first opinion of Lord Macaulay in the Book marked E. is dated the 7th February, 1835. A proposal was made by Mr. Sutherland, the Secretary, to give away a large number of the Committee’s oriental publications to the chief Sanscrit and Arabic scholars in Europe. Macaulay only five days before had remarked in his great minute,

“The Committee contrive to get rid of some portion of their vast stock of oriental literature by giving books away. But they cannot give so fast as they print” On the present occasion he simply states “I approve of the proposition.”—[Book E. page 82.]

Benares College.—As at present advised I conceive that a sum much smaller than that which Captain Thoresby received would suffice for his successor. That successor ought to take a direct part in the instruction of the English classes. I should be glad to know whether there is now at Benares any gentleman possessed of the requisite attainments to whom 300 or 400 rupees a month would be an object. I say this on the supposition that instruction of a higher kind in English science and literature is at present required in our Benares School. If not, I do not see why we should not save the whole salary. For to pay 750 a month or a fifth part of that sum monthly for a superintendence such as that which Captain Thoresby appears to have exercised over the Sanscrit College seems to me mere waste.—[Book C. page 150.] 26th February, 1835.

Allahabad School.—The School seems to be going on in a very satisfactory manner. The evident anxiety of the natives to obtain instruction in the English language must be highly gratifying to those who, like me, look on that language as the great instrument for civilizing and benefiting India. The


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 feudal heroes in the "Waverley Novels" retort upon each other with a passionate dignity, haughty and yet singularly human, which can hardly be paralleled in political eloquence except in "Julius Cæsar." With a certain fiery impartiality which stirs the blood, Scott distributes his noble orations equally among saints and villains. He may deny a villain every virtue or triumph, but he cannot endure to deny him a telling word; he will ruin a man, but he will not silence him. In truth, one of Scott's most splendid traits is his difficulty, or rather incapacity, for despising any of his characters. He did not scorn the most revolting miscreant as the realist of to-day commonly scorns his own hero. Though his soul may be in rags, every man of Scott can speak like a king.

This quality, as I have said, is sadly to seek in the fiction of the passing hour. The realist would, of course, repudiate the bare idea of putting a bold and brilliant tongue in every man's head, but even where the moment of the story naturally demands eloquence the eloquence seems frozen in the tap. Take any

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Rh number of English students at Allahabad has doubled in seven months.

The merits of Mr. Cooke seem to be great, and as house-rent has risen at Allahabad, in consequence I suppose of the political importance which the place has lately acquired, I think that the addition of 30 rupees a month may fairly be made.—[Book F. page 54.] 26th March, 1835.

Use of Sub-Committees.—These propositions are important in themselves and very important as they may affect the opinion which the Government may entertain of our management. They ought to be fully considered. And this cannot be done so well as by a Sub-Committee. I propose that Mr, Shakespeare, Mr. Smith and Mr. Colvin be requested to examine Mr. Sutherland’s propositions and report on them. I hope this proposition will not be disagreeable to the gentlemen whom I have named.—[Book E. page 120.] 19th June, 1835.

Furruckabad Madrussa.—The whole project has evidently been a thorough take in. To give the 8,000 rupees which are now asked for would be, in my opinion, only to throw good money after bad.

I must say that the Committee ought not to have given 12,000 rupees away without making such stipulations as would have absolutely secured to us the reversionary control. It is quite clear that this large grant of public money, large I call it when compared with the whole sum employed for purposes of education, has been spent in enabling a cunning old Mussulman to acquire a high character for piety and munificence among his brethren at the cost of the state. The only use to which, as far as I can see, this institution can now be put is this, that it may serve as a warning to us in our future dealings with these liberal founders and endowers of colleges.—[Book F. page 77.] 29th May, 1835.

Furruckabad Madrussa.—If the case be as Mr. Smith states it, and certainly he seems to make it out very clearly, it is most extraordinary and most highly reprehensible conduct on the part of the local Committee to call on us to pay 8,000 rupees for what is already lawfully our own. I agree with Mr. Smith in thinking that we should at once assert and enforce our right, and that we should pay nothing more till that right is completely established.—[Book F. page 83.] 20th June, 1835.

Agra, College.—I do not very clearly understand on what point we can call on Government for a special reply. There is not, I conceive the smallest difficulty in applying to the particular case of the Agra College the general principles laid down by the Governor General in Council. I presume that


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Rh For Head Master I would propose Mr. Woollaston. He is desirous to quit his present situation. He is quite useless there. He has qualifications which would make him very useful elsewhere. Agra is the very place for him. I have already expressed my decided opinion that the English class in the Sanscrit College ought to be abolished. We can never have a better opportunity than this. It is only by taking this course that it will be in our power to assist the Agra College. We have not the means, I fear, of allowing 400 Rs. a month to that institution without making a reduction in some other quarter. By abolishing the English class in the Sanscrit College, we gain a good master; we gain money to pay him with; we give an excellent system of education to Agra; we deprive Calcutta of an institution, which appears, from all the evidence before us, to be not only useless, but mischievous.

I do not think it necessary to go, on every occasion, into the question whether we ought, besides furnishing the students with instruction, to pay them for receiving that instruction. If the sense of the Committee is, that the orders of Government on that point ought to be reconsidered, let us address Government on the subject.

If such a proposition should be made, I will state at length the reasons which lead me decidedly to approve of the Government orders. Until such a proposition is made, I think it sufficient to say that, if the general rule be bad, it ought to be altered, and that, if it be good, no reason is assigned for thinking that Agra ought to be made an exception more than Patna, Dacca, Allahabad, Meerut or Benares.—[Book E. page 157.] 7th November, 1835.

Agra College.—Mr. Sutherland's draft is altogether at variance with the determination to which I understand the Committee to have come. He says that we cannot appropriate any portion of our general fund in support of the Agra College. What I proposed, and what I understand the Committee to have resolved, is that the services of Mr. Woollaston shall be transferred to Agra, that the English class in the Sanscrit College shall be done away, and that the sum which we save by getting rid of an useless institution here, shall be employed to assist the Agra College. If this be done, there will be not the smallest difficulty in carrying the whole of my plan into immediate effect. A reference to Government will, I suppose, be necessary. I would suggest that it should be instantly made; and that, till an answer is received, we should make no communication to the Agra Committee.—[Book E. page 171.]

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Rh land has drafted a letter to Government recommending that the English class in the Sanscrit College should be abolished, and that we should be at liberty to apply the sum which will then fall in to general purposes.

This is quite proper. But the plan which I proposed respecting Agra proceeds wholly on the supposition that Government will accede to this request. I still think therefore that, till the answer of Government arrives, a communication to the local Committee at Agra would be premature; and that a communication like that proposed, in which we hold out no hope whatever of any pecuniary assistance, would be objectionable.—[Book E. page 173.] 25th November, 1835.

Agra College.—The plan which I proposed was framed on the supposition that the income of the Agra College amounted to 1800 Rs. at which Mr. Sutherland estimated it in his former minute (page 152). However, even in the supposition that the income amounts only to 1682 Rs. it will soon be in our power to carry the whole plan into effect; and there is nothing to prevent us from beginning our operations immediately. I approve of the letter which Mr. Sutherland has drafted; and I hope that Mr. Woollaston will set off immediately. 30th December, 1836.

Travelling expenses.—I hardly know what to say to this application. Mr. Woollaston ought not to be either a loser or a gainer by his journey. His salary will run during the whole time that he is going up; and I can scarcely think that he will want more than that sum for travelling charges. At all events 1200 Rs. seems a very large grant. I wish that gentlemen better acquainted than I am with the cost of travelling in this country, would give their opinions before I finally make up my mind as to my vote.

There can be no objection I think to the advance. January, 1836.

Increase to Mr. Nicholls’ Salary at Benares.—I should like to understand a little more distinctly the nature of Mr. Nicholls’ claim. He says that he took his situation “with an understanding distinctly expressed,” (not a very distinct expression on his part) that his salary was to be raised: and the members of the Local Committee speak of the “expectations which were held out to him.” Mr. Sutherland’s minute contains no trace of any such engagement, nor is it said whether the expectations were held out by us or by the Local Committee. If by the latter, it seems to me very important that the Local Committees should understand that they have no authority to give out pledges in our name.

The application may be a very proper one. But I should


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 work of fiction and turn to the scene where the young Socialist denounces the millionaire, and then compare the stilted sociological lecture given by that self-sacrificing bore with the surging joy of words in Rob Roy's declaration of himself, or Athelstane's defiance of De Bracy. That ancient sea of human passion upon which high words and great phrases are the resplendent foam is just now at a low ebb. We have even gone the length of congratulating ourselves because we can see the mud and the monsters at the bottom.

In politics there is not a single man whose position is due to eloquence in the first degree; its place is taken by repartees and rejoinders purely intellectual, like those of an omnibus conductor. In discussing questions like the farm-burning in South Africa no critic of the war uses his material as Burke or Grattan (perhaps exaggeratively) would have used it—the speaker is content with facts and expositions of facts. In another age he might have risen and hurled that great song in prose, perfect as prose and

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Rh like to be satisfied as to the preliminary question, whether we are free to take the expediency of compliance into consideration, or whether anything has passed which binds us.—[Book F. page 87.] 7th July, 1835.

''Sanscrit College, Benares. Law Pundits.''—I own that I do not very clearly see what we have to do with the law opinions which the Pundits may give to the Courts, and as to the proposition that we should, out of the education fund, pay them salaries which may raise them above the temptation of dealing corruptly in their capacity of law advisers, it seems to me most extravagant. It is not our business to look after the purity of the administration of justice. That is an object which the Government ought to provide for, and to provide for, if necessary, out of the general revenues of the state. We have nothing to do with these Pundits in any other capacity than as teachers. We must pay enough to have good teachers. If the Government wants their services in another capacity let the Government pay for their services. We have quite enough to do without undertaking the business of making the native law officers of the Company’s Courts honest.

I see no sufficient reason for altering the present arrangement. I agree with Mr. Sutherland in disapproving the proposed conclave of Pundits. They are the very people who want a visitor, and it would be poor policy to set them to visit themselves.—[Book F. page 90.] 7th July, 1835.

Benares Seminary.—I imagine that Mr. Nicholls mnst have organized his School on the Lancasterian plan. In no other way certainly can I conceive how one master and one assistant can teach so many boys (124 students).

I have for some time had it in contemplation to bring before the Committee, some propositions respecting the introduction of the system of mutual instruction into our Schools. Unless we adopt this principle, we shall never, I feel convinced, be able to supply the demands which the native population are making on us.

I wish that Mr. Sutherland would be so good as to ask Mr. Nicholls to explain to us in detail the arrangements which he has made. This mode of instruction, whether it be precisely the Lancasterian or not, must be well worth knowing, if it really produces so considerable an effect at so small a cost.—[Book F. page 128.] 6th October, 1835.

Mr. Nicholls seems to be going on very satisfactorily. But his letter and indeed every thing else that I see convinces me that the want of good English books is what at present chiefly keeps back our Schools. This deficiency, I trust, will very soon be supplied. [Book F. page 135.]. 13th November, 1835.


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Rh Benares Local Committee.—I cannot agree with Mr. Sutherland. The conduct of Colonel * * * has, by his own acknowledgment, been indiscreet and improper. He owns that he had brought these Bengalees into a scrape. He owns that he has talked without due caution on the subject of their dispute with Mr. Nicholls. When the fullest allowance is made for the unguarded style of private correspondence, I cannot think that his letters hold out any great hopes that his introduction into the Local Committee would render the proceedings of that body more discreet or more harmonious. Of Mr. Nicholls, he says that, though a good man, he is no orientalist. Now, we did not send Mr. Nicholls to Benares as an orientalist, and if Colonel * * * thinks that we did, he is evidently unacquainted with the whole system, on which we are proceeding. I may be mistaken, but from the tone of the Colonel’s letters, it appears to me that he dislikes the principles on which we now propose to give education to the people of India, and that therefore, however, excellent his intentions may be, he is not a fit person to be a member of a body which is bound to act on those principles.

I dislike also what he says about the necessity of putting military men on the Committee as a check on the Civilians. Hitherto we have never, to the best of my belief, been troubled by any such idle jealousies. I would appoint the fittest men without caring to what branch of the service they belonged, or whether they belonged to the service at all.

I think it highly probable that Mr. Nicholls may be to blame, because I have seldom known a quarrel in which both parties were not to blame. But I see no evidence that he is so, except the assertion of the two Bengalees who are interested and hostile parties, and who have certainly put themselves in the wrong by the very irregular and disrespectful course which, under the guidance of Colonel * * *, they pursued. Nor do I see any evidence which tends to prove that Mr. Nicholls leads the local Committee by the nose. The Local Committee appear to have acted with perfect propriety; and I cannot consent to treat them in the manner recommended by Mr. Sutherland. It is plain that if we appoint Colonel * * * to be a member of their body, we shall in effect pass a most severe censure on their proceedings. I therefore most strongly dissent from this proposition.

At the same time I admit that the Committee is too small, and it is desirable to make an addition to it. But as I do not see that the present members have deserved at our hands any but the most respectful treatment, as they appear to understand our views, and as they must be far better acquainted


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Rh than most of us can be with the society of Benares, I propose that we should request them to suggest the names of such persons as they conceive would be useful members. We shall of course exercise our own discretion as to what they may recommend.—[Book F. page 145,] 19th December, 1835.

Proposal to substitute English for Persian in the Bhaugulpore School for Hill Youths.—I think that we should be very much to blame if we were not to accept readily the very liberal offer of Captain Graham. The only doubt which I feel on the subject arises from his expressions respecting the Missionaries, expressions in themselves quite unobjectionable, but still such as suggest the necessity of caution.

I should propose that we should accede to Captain Graham’s proposal and thank him for his liberality, reminding him at the same time, with all delicacy, that direct religious instruction must not form a part of the plan of education at any of our Schools.—[Book F. page 43.] 26th February, 1835.

Bhaugulpore School for Hill people.—If the School cannot stand without our paying the students, it must fall. The orders of Government are express. We have not the power, and I have not the least inclination, to disobey them.

While the School exists, I should recommend that English should be substituted for Persian. I should hope that we might find that Major Graham’s prognostications are too gloomy.

I cannot find in Major Graham’s letters anything about the 20 Rs. a month referred to in Mr. Sutherland's minutes, I apprehend that there must be some mistake.—[Book F page 112.] 12th July, 1835.

Bhaugulpore School for Hill people.—I cannot understand what principle we can go back to Government without having made the trial which we were directed to make, and being only able to state the opinion of the local Committee, which we stated before. I am strongly opposed to the stipendiary system generally. If there are any political reasons for making an exception in the case of this School, the charge ought to be a political charge and not to come out of our small funds.

I am quite in favour of trying the experiment of amalgamating Mahomedans and Hindoos.—[Book F. page 142.]

Sasseram Madrussa.—Before we do anything more for this Seminary, I should like to know whether anything worth knowing be taught in it. We had better obtain full information as to its system and its efficiency before we decide.—[Book F. page 29.] 6th January, 1835.


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 yet rising into a chant, which Meg Merrilies hurled at Ellangowan, at the rulers of Britain: "Ride your ways, Laird of Ellangowan; ride your ways, Godfrey Bertram—this day have ye quenched seven smoking hearths. See if the fire in your ain parlour burns the blyther for that. Ye have riven the thack of seven cottar houses. Look if your ain roof-tree stands the faster for that. Ye may stable your stirks in the sheilings of Dern-cleugh. See that the hare does not couch on the hearthstane of Ellangowan. Ride your ways, Godfrey Bertram."

The reason is, of course, that these men are afraid of bombast and Scott was not. A man will not reach eloquence if he is afraid of bombast, just as a man will not jump a hedge if he is afraid of a ditch. As the object of all eloquence is to find the least common denominator of men's souls, to fall just within the natural comprehension, it cannot obviously have any chance with a literary ambition which aims at falling just outside it. It is quite right to invent subtle analyses and detached criticisms, but it is unreasonable

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Rh General Committee, Sasseram Madrussa.—I do not conceive that the resolution of Government prohibits the Committee from giving sums of money as prizes for conspicuous merit. I am strongly of opinion that pecuniary prizes should be given in the form of single sums, and not in the form of monthly stipends. It is not necessary, however, to go into that question at present.

The plan now under consideration, as far as I understand it, is not one which we ought to encourage by a grant of money. The place is not one of the first importance. It is not in a situation where we can reckon on European inspection and controul. The very inconvenient and precarious sort of superintendence proposed by Captain Thoresby would, I conceive, be of no use whatever. The scholarships are evidently of that kind which condemned more than fifty years ago, and which the late orders of Government positively forbid us to institute. The sum which we are called on to contribute, would suffice to establish a School on better principles, at a more important place, and under a more efficient controul. I therefore vote against the grant.—[Book H. page 6.] 24th March, 1885.

Demand for the refund of Nawab Fuzal Ali Khan’s benefaction of Rupees 1,70,000 to Delhi College.—Our duty is clear. We are to fulfil the injunctions of the late Nawab, and if the late Nawab has left no injunctions, we are to fulfil the injunctions of the Governor-General in Council.

The late Nawab does not appear, from any document that is before us to have made it a condition of his grant, that part of the grant should be applied to the support of students. Part of the grant has been so applied; but that was by order of the Government, and the Government has now revoked that order. If Mr. Sutherland can point out any evidence that the Nawab stipulated that part of the funds should be so employed, I shall give my assent, reluctantly indeed, to keeping the scholarships up. But I am not able to find any evidence to that effect. The letter from the Resident of Delhi to Mr. Sterling contains nothing of the kind. This being the case, I conceive that the general orders of Government must be carried into effect.—[Book H. page 58.] 8th June, 1835.

Nawab Fuzal Ali Khan’s benefaction to Delhi College.—The statement given by Mr. Sutherland is not complete. The Government want to know how much is expended on Arabic and Persian. Mr. Sutherland’s statement shews only what the teachers of Arabic and Persian receive, not what the learners receive. It is plain that they must receive at the very least 256 Rupees; which, added to the 285 Rupees paid to the teachers, makes the


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Rh whole sum paid in encouraging Arabic and Persian amount to 541 Rupees, within 25 Rupees of the Nawab’s fund. This is the lowest calculation. Probably, what is paid for the promotion of Mahomedan literature exceeds 566 Rupees.

Whatever the facts may be, we ought to have them before us, and to state them fully to Government.

Unless I knew more of Nemid Ali Khan, I should not feel inclined to admit him to any share in the management of any part of the institution except that which is supported by his relative’s donation.—[Book H. page 161.] 23rd November, 1835.

Further Memorandum.—Then we spend on Arabic and Persian 200 Rupees a month more than the amount of the Nawab’s fund.—[Book H. page 196.] 6th January, 1836.

Petition against the abolition of stipends.—I am quite willing that the Government should see these petitions. Indeed I should particularly wish the petition of the Pundits to be generally known for that document seems to me quite sufficient by itself to decide the question, which lately divided the Committee. It states in the strongest and clearest language that nobody will learn Sanscrit for the sake of knowing Sanscrit. “If no stipends be given to the students for their attendance, we shall soon be deserted by our pupils.”

But though I am quite willing that the Government should see this petition, I do not think that we ought to send it up. The Pundits can petition the Governor-General in Council directly. Indeed a paper so closely resembling this, that I am not sure that they are not the same, was laid before Council only a week ago. But when we transmit to the Government a petition addressed to ourselves, we seem to indicate that we think the prayer deserving of consideration. We invite the Government to reconsider its orders. I altogether object to taking any step which can be so construed.

The question relating to the Hindoo College had better be referred to the Sub-Committee which will, I hope, shortly be appointed for the purpose of superintending that institution.—[Book H. page 16.] 16th April, 1835.

Stipends in the Medical Class of the Sanscrit College.—I agree, and I would go still further. I own that, in my opinion, these unfortunate people are entitled, in reason and justice to be treated as the other holders of stipends have been, and any proposition for recommending their case to Government shall have my support.—[Book H. page 24.] 22nd April, 1835.

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Rh would be in the highest degree pernicious to spend any part of it in hiring boys to come and learn what they are not desirous to know. I am truly glad, though not at all surprised, to find that the rule established by Government has produced no unfavorable effect on the number of students at the Delhi College.—[Book J. page 1.] 27th October, 1835.

Baboo Ramlochun Ghose, gift of Rupees 1,000 to the Dacca School—Thank the Baboo by all means, but do not let us pledge ourselves to employ his money as he suggests. —[Book H. page 38.] 14th May, 1.835.

Dacca College.—I do not think the aspect of things at Dacca by any means discouraging, I should doubt, however, about the expediency of either building or buying a house. I should think that it would be the best course to hire premises for the present. If, as Mr. Lowis believes, and as there seems every reason to expect, scholars should come in fast, and the institution should thrive, we shall probably find before long that the school will, in a great measure, maintain itself. Then we may without imprudence build or buy a house. On this point, however, I feel by no means confident in my own judgment.

I do not quite understand what Mr. Sutherland means by his proposition about the study of Persian. I apprehend that the master whom we have sent to Dacca is not competent to teach that language. And I should certainly object to paying out of our funds any master for that purpose. Indeed under the orders of Government, we have no authority to pay such a master. But if the students at our School wish to learn Persian and are willing to pay a teacher of that language, or if the population of Dacca are disposed to subscribe for the purpose of supporting such a teacher, I have not the least objection to let him have the use of our School-house at all proper times, and every other facility and assistance which we can afford to him, without prejudice to what I consider as more important objects. But none of our students ought to be forced to study Persian as part of the regular course of his education.

Religious instruction is of course excluded.—[Book H. page 89.] 21st July, 1835.

Mr. Wilkinson’s request for a School at Sehore in Bhopal.—This application is one with which on many accounts I should be most happy to comply. But the expense would be great: and there is also a strong objection on principle to carrying our exertions at present beyond the frontier of the Company's territories. The district which we are requested to furnish with a School-master is not present a part of those


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Rh territories. Should it ever be annexed to them, the application will come before us on different grounds.

I think, first, that our funds, unless they were much larger than they now are, or than they are likely soon to be, may be much more advantageously employed in those parts of India in which the British dominion is fully established, than in those states which still retain a partial independence.

I think, secondly, that, if we adopt a different principle, and determine to send School-masters, and School-masters, be it observed, of the highest rate of salary, to places beyond the British frontier, there are places of far more importance than Sehore to which we ought first to attend.

On these grounds, though with regret, I think that we cannot accede to Mr. Wilkinson’s request concerning the School-master. His application for books is not sufficiently definite to enable me to judge whether we can, with propriety, grant it.—[Book H. page 71.] 4th July, 1835.

Gift to the Bhopal School of Rupees 300 for books.—Though I think that some of the objections which may be made to our supporting Schools out of the Company’s territories apply to our giving books to such Schools, I feel so strongly that we ought not, except in case of absolute necessity, to discourage so zealous and valuable a friend as Mr. Wilkinson that I shall not object to the proposition.—[Book H. page 93.] 29th July, 1835.

School at Ghazipore.—We shall have, I hope and trust, enough money to enable us to accede to the applications from Ghazipore. But I agree with Mr. Colvin that we had better postpone the returning of any positive answer till we have taken a general view of all the applications of the same kind, which have been made, and till an exact statement of our funds is before us.—[Book H. page 33.] 30th April, 1835.

School-masters.—If our funds are in the state described by Mr., I would much rather send four School-masters to four places now unprovided than supply the four head Masters with deputies.—[Book H. page 36.] 11th May, 1835.

Sub-committee for the selection of Masters.—The Sub-committee have, as I can vouch, discharged their duty with eminent industry and zeal, and quite in the spirit of their instructions, if not always according to the letter of them. I propose that their proceedings be approved and the contracts made by them ratified.—[Book H. page 56.] 8th June, 1835.

Remarks of the General Committee on the Madras Report.—The only passage in the proposed reply to which I object is, that in which we suggest the propriety of endowing a few


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120 "Look out! don't tell any one that I am here, or—you are a dead woman."

The girl promised, and ran up the stairs trembling from head to foot, and as white as a ghost. She told one of the girls what she had heard and seen, and that girl repeated it to another, so that very soon all the girls, with the exception of Alyonushka, knew of the robber, and at once prepared to leave.

"Where are you going?" asked Alyonushka in surprise. "I asked you to spend the day with me, and now you have not been here very long and you want to go away; you might wait for my father and mother's return."

But no, the girls said they were obliged to go. One said she had to fetch home the cows out of the fields; another said she had to get some wood, and so on, till at last they all went away, leaving Alyonushka to herself.

When the robber heard all the girls go, he came up into the room where Alyonushka sat.

"Good evening, my pretty girl!" he said.

"Good evening," replied the girl in surprise.

The man looked round him, but seeing nothing that he fancied, went into the back yard to look at some goods in the cellars there.

Alyonushka, guessing who he was and what it was he wanted, flew to the back door and locked it; leaving the window—which was very high from the ground—open, and putting out the light, she waited to see what would happen.

The robber, when he found the door locked, began


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Rh scholarships at Madras. Such an arrangement would, in my opinion, be inexpedient: but be this as it may, it would be hardly proper in us to recommend it to Government after the strong manner in which Government has expressed its feeling on the subject.—[Book H. page 63.] 13th June, 1835.

The case of the corrector of the Sanscrit Press.—I feel great commiseration for this poor man, and if there be any small place which is really necessary, I should be glad if he could be put into it. But I do not like to create a place for him. I would rather give him a small pension, for a pension dies of course with the holder. But the place may last as long as the College. It has always been my earnest wish that no person might suffer at all in his pecuniary interest in consequence of the late changes. And I am quite prepared to concur in any reasonable proposition in favour of this petitioner.—[Book H. page 69.] 29th June, 1835.

Petition of Moulvie Gholam Makdoom, the corrector of the Arabic Press for remuneration, owing to the abolition of his appointment.—A certificate by all means, but it does not appear to me that the situation of corrector of the Press is one which can be considered as creating any claim whatever to extra remuneration. This person was paid while he served the Committee. He had no life-interest in his employment. He might have been dismissed any morning with or without a reason. I do not see that I am bound to give him remuneration any more than, when I leave India, I shall be bound to give my cook or my coachman any compensation for the loss of their places, after having paid them wages for their services.—[Book H. page 123.] 12th September, 1835.

Limit of age, inexpedient.—The only point about which I entertain a doubt is the proposed limitation with respect to age. The onus probandi always lies on those who propose a restriction; and I do not clearly see any sufficient reason for the restriction now proposed. Suppose that a young man of sixteen or seventeen, wishes to enter at the Madrassa and to attend the lectures, I cannot conceive why he should not be permitted to do so.—[Book E. page 126.]—1st July, 1835.

A limit of age in English Schools inexpedient.—I do not very clearly see the reason for establishing a limit as to age. The phenomena are exactly the same which have always been found to exist when a new mode of education has been rising into fashion. No man of fifty now learns Greek with boys. But in the sixteenth century it was not at all unusual to see old Doctors of Divinity attending lectures side by side with young students. I should be sorry to deny to any native of any age the facilities which our schools might afford


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 divided surplus alone, $2,239,986,669,84 for Gary's corporation at the expense of 198,383 disabled, crippled and killed.

In the decade 1910–1919, according to Bulletin No. 298, of the U. S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, the steel workers suffered the following casualties: Killed, 3,255; permanently disabled, 9,549; temporarily disabled, 412,837. Thus there were a total of 425,686 workers disabled, crippled and killed in ten years while piling up billions of dollars individends and undivided surpluses.

It is especially interesting to note the correlation between the accident frequency rates and the length of working hours. U. S. Bureau of Labor Statistics Bulletin No. 289 shows that 29 per cent of the blast furnace men, 17 per cent of the open hearth men and 12 per cent of those employed in the Bessemer Mills were working 84 hours per week in 1920. The number of accidents is directly dependent on the length of the working hours and the common laborers who suffer most from the 12-Hour Working Day are those who pay the highest price in physical injuries. This truth is thus forcefully brought home by Mr. Lucian W. Chaney who directed this investigation:

"Common labor occupies in these mills the same position in respect to frequency of accidents that has been noted before. The frequency rate is 220.5 cases per 1,000,000 hours' exposure as against 57.6 cases for miscellaneous occupations. This unfortunate preeminence of the common laborer is found in each of the cause groups in which it was possible to isolate such workers."

At the hearings of the Senate Committee, a worker put this situation in the following light:

THE CHAIRMAN: "What mill are you in?"

MR. COLSON: "The bloom mill at the steel works at Donora, Pa., and so far as safety conditions up there are concerned, a man has no chance, because if he ever slips, his hands are greasy, and there is no rail, and there is no chance for your life, unless you jump out of the window and kill your self."

The effect of fatigue on the intelligence of the worker is most detrimental. In "Fatigue and Efficiency" Josephine Goldmark quotes the following from the Report of the N. Y. State Factory Inspector:

"Long hours of hard manual labor destroy the mental appetite in almost every instance. The man is unfitted for reading or study—he is physically tired and his intellect is inactive. The drain upon his


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Rh for studying the English language.—[Book 3rd November, 1835.

Separation of Hindus and Mussulmans.—I do not at all like the plan of separating the Hindus from the Mahomedans. But I think it a less evil than the complete exclusion of the Hindus of Moorshedabad from the advantages of a liberal education. I would attempt to educate the two races together. If that attempt fails, I would educate them separately. But I certainly would not suffer either class to monopolize the benefits of public instruction.—[Book E. page 137.] 7th August, 1835.

Application for aid to the School at Futtehpore.—I am always unwilling to discourage efforts so useful as those which Mr. Madden is making. I fear, however, that we cannot with propriety give any money; and I do not observe that he asks for books. It will be our best course, I think, to return a very complimentary answer, expressing our regret that at present we are not rich enough to assist him, and begging him to let us hear from time to time how his School is going on.—[Book H. page 87.] 20th July, 1835.

Aid to a private School at Hooghly.—We had better wait for the answer of the Government about the Hooghly College. If a really good institution can be founded there at which all classes may receive education, it would be idle to set up a smaller School in the neighbourhood.— [Book H. page 153.] 13th November, 1835.

Benares Seminary.—I observe that the Local Committee are desirous to abolish the Persian class which they agree in considering as useless for every purpose, except that of training practitioners for the Courts. I do not quite understand whether they conceive that they are competent to adopt this measure by their own authority, or whether they mean to apply to us for permission. If our sanction be necessary, I vote for giving them, full liberty to act, in this respect, as they may think most advisable.—[Book J. page 10.] 3rd November, 1835.

Meerut School House.—If Mr. Harris’s claims had been earlier brought to our notice, something might have been done. As things stand, I should like to have the opinion of the gentlemen who were so useful to us in the selection of the School-masters. I cannot quite agree with the Secretary about the rent of the Custom House. The Military Board are justified in getting all that they can from us. The Secretary to the Meerut Committee owns that we must pay what they ask, if they insist on it. In insisting on it under such circumstances they only do their duty; and what we should do in their place. I should


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Rh greatly doubt the success of such an application to Government.—[Book H. page 117.] 2nd September, 1835.

Meerut School House.—To ask the Government to let our Schools have houses for a rent lower than that which the Military Board demands, and which it is admitted that the Military Board can make the School pay, is to ask the Government for money. And what chance there is of success in such an application, any person who has paid attention to the late proceedings of Government, may easily judge.

The value of the house is not the question. It may be intrinsically worth very little. But if, on account of its situation or of the difficulty or procuring another building, it has at present an extraordinary price in the market, the Military Board do their duty in demanding that extraordinary price. If a mortality were to break out among the horses at Calcutta, any one of us whose horse might survive, would demand a price for him much higher than the original purchase money, in consequence of the state of the market.

I greatly doubt whether the Governor-General in Council would allow Mr. Sutherland’s illustration of an opposition coach to be quite correct. The Governor-General would probably say, “I am forced to give you a lac a year for purposes of education. In the present state of the finances, I will not give you an anna more. If I were free to decide, probably I should not give you so much. I will not suffer you by indirect means to obtain a larger share of the revenues of the state, than that which the law compels me to assign to you.”

I am against making the application, because I am not sure that it is proper, and because I am quite sure that it would be unavailing.— [Book H. page 120.] 11th September, 1835.

Meerut School House.—If Mr. Harris’s services are really wanted, I think that we might pay the 20 Rupees a month which are in dispute between the Military Board and the Local Committee at Meerut. It seems rather strange to me that the difference between 30 and 50 Rupees a month should be so much felt at so large an European station.— [Book H. page 127.] 6th October, 1835.

Patna School.—Mr. Trevelyan has received a letter from Mr. Clift, which I have requested him to send round with the papers which the Secretary has circulated. The difficulties appear to have been great. But the project is most encouraging. I observe that several gentlemen who have not been made members of the Local Committee appear to take an interest in the success of our plans. I should be glad if our Secretary would ascertain whether any of those gentlemen would like to be appointed.—[Book H. page 113.] 29th August, 1835.


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Rh to knock, but finding that this was useless, he cried out,—

"Open the door! open the door! or I shall kill you."

"All right!" laughed Alyonushka, "but I am not going to open the door for you; if you want to come in, climb in at the window."

As she said this, she took up a hatchet, and went to the window where, in a very short time, the robber's head appeared; she sprang at it, and with one good blow she cut it off.

"I suppose," thought she, "that in a short time, the other robbers, his companions, will turn up. What am I to do then?"

Suddenly a thought struck her, and she wrapped the robber's head in a handkerchief, and then brought in his dead body, which she cut up in little bits and put into small bags. She had hardly done this when the other robbers arrived at the window of the hut, but saw nothing, on account of its being so dark inside.

"Have you got anything, brother?" asked one of them to Alyonushka, thinking she was the robber.

"Yes," returned Alyonushka, in the robber's voice, "here are his bags of gold, a ham, and some butter." So saying, she threw the bags, with the cut portions of the robber, and his head out to his companions.

"Well, come on then!" they cried to the supposed robber.

"Not yet," replied Alyonushka. "Go home, brothers, while I look about me, maybe there is more gold about. Go ahead!"


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 vitality has been continuous and heavy, and he most needs sleep in order to recuperate. This continues indefinitely—each succeeding day being but a repetition of the former."

And in his diary, Lieut. Walker showed:

"That the complaint was not so much that there wasn't some bit of an evening before you, but that there was no untired time when you were good for anything—work or play. When you had sat about for perhaps an hour after supper, you recoverd enough to crave recreation. A movie was the very peak to which you could stir yourself. There were men who went further. I know a young Croat in Pittsburgh who attended night school after the 12-Hour Day. But he is the only one of all the steel-workers I met who attempted such heroism. And he had to stop after a few weeks."

Testifying before the Senate Committee, Father Kazinski very ably exposed the damaging effect of the two-shift system on the intellectual life of the worker. Said the Father:

"We have an Americanizing course project taking place, and they have been instructed to go and attend these night schools. They are not a very great success for the simple reason that the men are over-worked, working from ten to thirteen hours a day; and they do not feel like going to the schools and depriving their families of their own company and society even after these hours, these long hours. Sunday—they have none, for most of them go off to work."

Finally, the Inter-Church investigators, analyzing the report on workers' education made by A. H. Wyman of the Carnegie Steel Company of Pittsburgh at the 1919 session of the National Association of Corporation Schools have shown that:

"Nearly fifty per cent of the startingly small group of 341 enrolled out of the tens of thousands in the district dropped out for reasons connected with hours."

The ravages of the rapacious Steel Barons are not limited to the fathers and mothers. Profits take a terrific toll amongst the children of the steel workers. In the steel areas the infant mortality rate is appalling.

The noted surgeon, B. S. Warren, and government statistician, Sydenstricker, in Public Health Bulletin No. 76, have brought to light the following astounding situation:


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 "Mortality among the children is generally recognized as a very sensitive indicator of the health conditions of a community. The Federal Census Reports for the five years, 1909 to 1913, inclusive, showed that the deaths among children under five years of age averaged 27 per cent of all deaths in registration cities of the United States, and contrasted with considerably higher percentages for certain iron and steel manufacturing towns, where investigations have shown unhealthful conditions to exist and where low-paid wage-earners constitute a large part of the population. …

"Iron and Steel communities: Braddock, Pa., 51; Carnegie, Pa., 47; Homestead, Pa., 57; Johnstown, Pa., 40; Monessen, Pa., 67; South Bethlehem, Pa., 55; Steelton, Pa. 45; Loraine, Ohio, 45; Youngstown, Ohio, 39; Gary, Indiana, 48.

"Thus the percentage of all deaths of children under five years of age in these industrial communities during the period indicated was from 50 to 150 per cent above the average for all cities in the registration area.

"An even sharper contrast is shown when communities of this type are compared with residential communities composed largely of well-to-do families. For example, in Brookline, Mass., the deaths of children under 5 years of age for the period averaged 10 per cent of all deaths. In East Orange, N. J., the percentage was 17.1."

It is especially interesting to note that in the thorough field study made by the Children’s Bureau of the U. S. Department of Labor in Johnstown, Pa., the following condition was found to prevail according to Warren and Sydenstricker:

"In the distinctly unskilled workingmen's wards were rates found to range from 156 to 271, while in the other wards the rates ranged from 50 to 125…"

Let us now go to Gary where the investigations of Hughes made public in 1923 clinch our point that the greatest infant mortality rates are found amongst the families whose breadwinners are the worst under paid and most overworked. Bulletin No. 112 of the Children's Bureau shows that: "Among the 392 live born infants in the lowest earning group (under $1,050), 54 deaths under 1 year of age occurred, giving a mortality rate of 137.8; 90 out of the 708 babies in the mid-group (under $1,050–1,850), died under 12 month of age, making an infant mortality rate of 127.1; of the 179 in the highest income ($1,850 up) group 16 died in infancy, establishing a mortality rate of 89.4 for the group which was best favored financially. In these figures appears again the coincidence between low income and high infant mortality rate which has so persistently recurred in the studies made by the Childrens' Bureau."


text: Minutes on Education In India, Written in the Years 1835, 1836 and 1837/Unpublished Minutes


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In the report made public May 25, 1923, such profiteers in steel as Dinkey and Block and Gary and Grace said: "Whether or not, in the large majority of cases, twelve-hour men devote less time to their families than the employees working less hours is perhaps questionable."

It may be put down as a copy-book axiom that in the Barony of Steel starvation wages and unspeakable working hours are inseparable. Ruined homes, overworked mothers, wretched, unsanitary living conditions, a miserable, monotonous machine existence and mass murder of their children—these are the blessings visited on workers by Garyism and its Twelve-Hour Hell Shift System.

Said Lieutenant Charles Rumford Walker in describing his life as a furnace worker:

"The community of workers takes on a special character, where men live whose day is twelve-hours long. 'We havn't any Sundays,' the men said; and 'There isn't time enough at home.' This is the most far-reaching effect of 'hours' in steel, I think, and easily transcends the others.

"'What do you do when you leave the mill?' people ask. 'On my night week,' I answer, 'wash up, go home eat, and go to bed.' Anything that; happens in your home or city that week is blotted out, as if it occurred upon a different continent; for every hour of the twenty-four is accountable, in sleep, work, or food, for seven days; unless a man prefers, as he often does, to cheat his sleeptime and have his shoes tapped or take a drink with a friend."

"The Twelve-Hour Day, I believe, tends to discourage a man from marrying and settling into a regular home life. Men complained that they didn't see their wives, or get to know their children, since the schedule of hours shrunk matters at home to food, sleep, and the necessaries. 'My wife is always after me to leave this game,' Jock used to say, the first helper on Seven. Mathematically, it figures something like this: twelve hours work, an hour going to and from the mill, an hour for eating, eight hours of sleep—which leaves two hours for all the rest, shaving, mowing the lawn, and the 'civilizing influence of children.'

"I have no brief to offer for the Eight-Hour Day as a general panacea for evils in industry. I merely bear witness to the fact that the Twelve-Hour Day, as I observed it, tended either to destroy, or to make unreasonably difficult that normal recreating and participation in the doings of the family group, the church or the community, which we ordinarily suppose is reasonable and part of the American inheritance."


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122 When the robbers had left, she stood laughing to herself until her parents came home, and asked her what it was that amused her so.

Alyonushka told them the whole story, and how she had killed the robber herself, and how she had managed to cheat his companions. Many were the praises she received from all sides.

The whole village soon got to know of her brave deed, and thought her a wonderfully clever girl.

But to return to the robbers. When they got home that night, delighted with what they thought were bags of gold, they laughed, drank, sang and danced right merrily. At last one of them proposed to open the bags and count the gold; but what was their dismay and sorrow when they beheld their dead brother robber? A shrill cry of anger, as well as of grief, arose from the once merry lips, and filled the gloomy caves with howls, like those of wolves in want of prey.

"Ah!" cried one of them, "it must be that wicked girl, the peasant's daughter, who has done this vile deed, for she did not go to the wedding with her parents, but stayed at home to take care of the house."

"The wretch!" cried all the robbers together, "we will pay her out for this; come, let some of us go to-morrow morning, dress up like young princes, and ask the peasant for his daughter in marriage."

This was agreed to, with great applause.

When morning came, two or three of the robbers dressed themselves up in rich princely clothes, and rode off to the peasant, and asked him to give them


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Rh Alyonushka in marriage, and that he was welcome to choose one of them for her husband.

The peasant was delighted at the idea of such rich princes wanting to marry his daughter. But Alyonushka was by no means glad, for she knew by their voices that they were the robbers to whom she had thrown out the remains of their brother.

"Dear father," said she, "these are no princes, but the robbers, who came to steal your goods last night."

"Nonsense, girl!" cried her father angrily, "you can see by their dress that they are princes."

Still Alyonushka cried and begged her father not to give her away, but all in vain.

"If you don't marry now, and accept one of these good men," said her father, "we shall turn you out of the house."

Poor girl, what was she to do, but obey her father? So she chose one of them who was called the "Robber Fool," on account of his good-nature.

The wedding took place, and everything was as grand as it could possibly be, money seemed to be no object there.

After the wedding the robbers and the unfortunate Alyonushka rode off to the forest. No sooner were they out of sight of the villagers than they began plotting against Alyonushka.

"How shall we be revenged on her?" asked one.

"Oh! don't think of doing anything to her just yet," replied the Robber Fool; "let her live at least one day."

"All right," said the captain of the band.