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Rh follows: (2) "deploy to Thailand, South Vietnam, Laos and elsewhere the forces, sea, air and land, required to counter a North Vietnamese or Chicon response of the largest likely order"; (2) "initiate overt air reconnaissance activities as a means of dramatizing North Vietnamese involvement"; beginning with high-level flights and following with low-level missions; (3) "take limited air or ground action in Cambodia and Laos, including hot pursuit across the Cambodian border and limited operations across the Laos border"; (4) "blockade Haiphong, rich would "have dramatic political effect because it is a recognized military action that hits at the sovereignty of North Vietnam and suggests strongly that we may plan to go further"; (5) "establish a limited air defense capability around Saigon"; and' (6) conduct air strikes on key North Vietnamese LOC'S, infiltrator training camps, key industrial complexes, and POC's storage. It is important to note that the order of commitment perceived in early 1964 was considerably different from the order which most observers would assign to such actions at the time of this writing. The ground force deployments (Item 1) were primarily deterrent deployments to Thailand, on the model of those made during the 1961-62 Laotian crisis. Blockading (Item 4) was considered a low-commitment, low-risk action through most of 1964. Significantly, the last set of actions "in any number" was cited as implying "a U.S. commitment to go all the way if necessary." Thus, the group cautioned that before embarking on such steps the Administration should consider how far it would be willing to go in the event of possible reactions. For example, how long would we persist "in defiance of international pressures for a cease-fire and conference"? Or, how far would we go, either within the proposed concept or by escalating beyond it, in continuing military pressures if the DRV did not comply -- or if it decided to escalate?

Although warning of the need to be prepared "to follow through against Communist China if necessary," the study group estimated that neither China nor the Soviet Union would intervene militarily, other than to supply equipment. In view of these estimates and the study group's basic assumption of DR sensitivity to industrial losses, its assessments of the likely outcomes of the actions it discussed are significant. Asserting that pressures against North Vietnam were "no substitute for successful counterinsurgency in South Vietnen," the group listed the probable positive gains: (1) U.S. action could demonstrate U.S. power and determination, along with restraint, to Asia and the world at large; (2) U.s. action would lead to some reduction in Viet Cong morale; and (3) U.S. action if carefully planned and executed might improve our negotiating position over what it would otherwise be. (The group saw negotiation as "virtually inevitable.") However, it then countered with the following judgment:

""It is not likely that North Vietnam would (if it could) call off the war in the South even though U.S. actions would in time have serious economic and political impact. Overt action against North Vietnam would be unlikely to produce reduction in Viet Cong activity sufficiently to make victory on the ground possible in South Vietnam unless accompanied by new U.s. bolstering actions in South Vietnam and considerable improvement in the government there. The most to be expected would be reduction of North Vietnamese support of the Viet Cong for a while and, thus, the gaining of some time and opportunity by the government of South Vietnam to improve itself."" Rh


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Rh

D. McNamara Against Overt Pressures

When he returned from his visit to South Vietnam, Secretary McNamara recommended against either the United States or the G undertaking overt actions against North Vietnam "at this time." One compelling reason was General Khanh's expressed wish not to engage in overt operations until a firmer GVIl political base had been established, but there were others as well. Mr. McNamara regarded such actions as "extremely delicate. both from the military and political standpoints," because of specific problems. These were identified as: (1) the problem of justifying such actions; (2) the problem of "communist escalation"; and (3) the problem of pressures for premature negotiations. Moreover, he stated the judgment that the practical range of our overt options did not permit assured achievement of our practical objectives. In identifying these, he drew a distinction similar to that made by the interagency study group -- between the stated objective of eliminating Hanoi's control of the VC insurgency and the "practical" objectives of collapsing the morale and the self-assurance of the Viet Cong cadres...and bolstering the morale of the Khanh regime."

What Mr. McNamara did recommend for military actions outside South Vietnam reflected the contemporary concerns over Laos. Prior to his visit the increased NVA activity in eastern Isos had prompted several recommendations for military measures to thwart new communist territorial gains in that country and to interrupt the flow of men and materiel into South Vietnam along the Laotian infiltration routes. In particular, elements within the Department of Defense urged efforts to lift existing restrictions on cross-border pursuit of engaged forces into Laos, including accompaniment of GW air and ground forces by U.S. advisory personnel. They also sought authorization for both GVIl and U.S. aircraft to overfly Laos for reconnaissance purposes. The JCS urged low-level reconnaissance flights over Laos as advantageous both for collecting badly needed intelligence and for visibly displaying U.S. power. The State Department recommended deploying twelve F-100's to Thailand, with a view toward its potential deterrence and signalling Impacts on communist activities in isos. On his return from South Vietnam, two of the actions for which Secretary Vcilenara sought Presidential authority dealt with activities affecting Laos: (1) (Recommendation 11) "hot pursuit" and small-scale operations across the Laotian border by GVN ground forces "for the purpose of border control" and "continued high-level U.s. overflights" of the border; and (2) (Recommendation 12) preparations to be ready "to initiate the full range of Isotian and Cambodian border control actions" within 72 hours.

Actions recommended by the Secretary to provide measures aimed directly at North Vietnam (Recommendation 12) fell into two categories: (1) preparation for "retaliatory actions," defined to include "overt high and/or low level reconnaissance flights...over North Vietnam" as well as "tit-for-tat" bombing strikes and commando-type raids; and (2) planning and preparations "to be in a position on 30 days' notice to initiate the [sic] program of 'Graduated Overt Military Pressure' against North Vietnam The wording of the latter recommendation is notable because, at the time, there apparently was no planned overt "program" in existence; the discussion of overt pressures appended to the secretary's report was considerably less than even a recommendation for such a program. The concept of retaliatory actions was more explicitly defined, but here too, it was apparent Rh

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/


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Rh

that important Questions like, "Retaliation for what?" and "Under what circumstances?" had yet to be answered clearly. The scenario described in the report's appended "Illustrative Program" of retaliatory pressure seemed to mix elements appropriate for a continuous program of military actions against North Vietnam with those suitable as tit-for-tat response to specific provocations.

Each of the Secretary's recommendations was approved by President Johnson at a National Security Council meeting on 17 March, with the directive for all agencies "to proceed energetically" in executing them. Subsequent penning activities by different implementing agencies indicate that they did not share a common view of the policy implications and assumptions contained In these recommendations. Rh


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Index:A narrative of the life of Solomon Mack.djvu

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 been for a long time too busy, and latterly too much absorbed in politics.

"Parliament was opened, and the great Catholic question was brought forward, and the Duke's measures were disclosed, and all was slander, violence, party-spirit, and confusion. Oh, those six months, from the time of the King's speech to the end! Nobody could write, think, or speak on any subject but the Catholic question, and the Duke of Wellington, and Mr. Peel. I remember the day when the Intelligence Extraordinary came with Mr. Peel's speech in it, containing the terms on which the Catholics were to be let in! With what eagerness papa tore off the cover, and how we all gathered round him, and with what breathless anxiety we listened, as one by one they were disclosed, and explained, and argued upon so ably, and so well; and then when it was all out, how aunt said that she thought it was excellent, and that the Catholics could do no harm with such good security. I remember also the doubts as to whether it would pass the House of Lords, and the prophecies that it would not; and when the paper came which was to decide the question, the anxiety was almost dreadful with which we listened to the whole affair: the opening of the doors; the hush; the royal dukes in their robes, and the great duke in green sash and waistcoat; the rising of all the peeresses when he rose; the reading of his speech—papa saying that his words were like precious gold; and lastly, the majority of one to four (sic) in favour of the Bill. But this is a digression." &c. &c.


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 I, SOLOMON MACK, was born in Connecticut, in the town of Lime near the mouth of Connecticut River, September 26, 1735. My parents (Ebenezer and Hannah Mack,) Ebenezer Mack departed this life in 177. He went to the door to fetch in a back-log, and return- ed after a fore-stick and instantly droped down dead on the floor. You may see by this our lives are dependant on a sumpreme and independant God. Hannah Mack departed this life in 1706, with a long fit of sickness, me experienced the power of God from an early age, with all the good morals of life, and instructing the youth for about thirty years. She died rejoicing and wishing her last moments to come. Rejoicing me went home to meet her Father in the realms of eternal bliss.

My parents had a large property, and lived in good style; from various misfortunes, and the more complicated evils attendant on the depravity of the sons of men, my parents became poor, and when I was four years old, the family, then consisting of five children, were obliged to disperse and throw themselves upon the mercy of an unfeeling and evil world. I was bound out to a farmer in the neighborhood. As is too commonly the case, I was rather considered as a slave than a member of the family, and, instead of allowing me the privilege of common hospitality, and a claim to


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 that kind protection due to the helpless and indigent children, I was treated by my Master as his property and not as his fellow mortal; he taught me to work, and was very careful that I should have little or no rest. From labour he never taught me to read or spoke to me at all on the subject of religion. His whole attention was taken upon the pursuits of the good things of this world; wealth was his supreme object. I am afraid gold was his God, or rather he never conversed on any other subject, and I must say he lived without God in the world, and to all appearance God was not in his thoughts.

I lived with this man (whose name, for many reasons, I did not think proper to mention) until I was 21 years of age lacking 2 months, when a difficulty took place between me and my master, which terminated in our separation at that time. I, however,at his request returned and fulfiled the indenture; which in consequence of being frequently abused, I had found my indentures in my masters custody, and I burnt them. My mistress was afraid of my commencing a suit against them, she took me aside and told me I was such a fool we could not learn you. I was totally ignorant of Divine Revelation; or any thing appertaining to the christian religion. I was never taught even the principles of common morality,and fec tfelt [sic] no obligation with regard to society; and was born


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 as others, like the wild ass's colt. I met with many sore accidents during the years of my minority.

I had a terrible fever fore on my leg, which had well nigh proved fatal to my life, which it seems was occasioned by a scald that terminated in a severe fit of sickness. In these trials my master was very kind to me, he procured the best physicians & surgeons, and provided every thing necessary for my comfort, all which, as I suppose that he might again reap the benefit of my labour, for although it was thought for a time that I could not live; yet my master never spoke to me of death, judgment or eternity, nor did he ever to my recollection discover that he himself had any idea that he was made to die, or that he had here no continuing city, or ever thought of seeking one to come.

Soon after I left my master, I enlisted in the service of my country, under the command of, Capt. Henry, an was annexed to a regiment commanded by Col Whiting. I marched from Connecticut to Fort Edwards; there was a severe battle fought at the half way brook, in the year 1755.

I had been out a long scout, and I caught a bad cold and was taken sick, and remained so all the rest of the winter, and in the sprirg 1756, I was carried to Albany in a waggon, where I saw 5 men hung at one time. I remained sick the biggest part of the summer. I went


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 to Lime and purchased a farm — in the year 1757, I mustered two teams in the King's service for one season. I then went to Stillwater with the General's baggage One morning I went out to woke up as usual, and found there was three of my o enoxen [sic] missing, the officer was ao angry that he drew his sword to run me through; but immediately exclaimed, get thee out three of any you can find; which I accordingly did. Then I went on with the baggage and arrived at Fort Edward, then I returned back after my oxen; when I got about halfway I espied at about thirty rods distance, four Indians coming out of the woods with their tomma-hawks, scalping-knives and guns. I was alone, but about twenty rods behind me there was a man by the name of Webster. I saw no other way to save myself only to deceive them by stratagem — I exclaimed like this — ''Rush on! rush on" Brave Boys. we'll have the Devils! we'll have the Devils!'' — I had no other weapon only a staff; but I ran towards them and the other man appearing in fight, gave them a terrible fright, and I saw them no more, but I am bound to say the grass did not grow under my feet.

I hastened to Still water and found my oxen; the same night I returned back through the woods, alone; which was about seven miles, the next morning I was ready to go on my journey again. From thence I went to Lake


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 George. I followed teaming the remainder of the season, but by accident I was taken with the small pox at Albany. I entrusted a man to convey my teams to Litchfield, and gave him 15 dollar, for his services. But instead of doing as he agreed, he went twenty miles & sold one team, then went a short distance and left the other. But after I regained my health I went and bought them again and returned to Lime.

Soon after I enlisted under Major Spencer, in 1758, and went over the Lakes. There was a severe battle fought, Lord Howe was killed, his bowels were taken out and were buried, his body was embalmed and carried to England.

The next day we marched to the brest-works and were obliged to retreat with the loss of five hundred killed and as many more woundded; but I escaped very narrowly by a musket ball palling under my chin, perhaps within half an inch of my neck. In this rencountre I had no reflection only that I thought I had by my good luck escaped a narrow shot. The army returned back to Lake. George. A large scoulting party of the enemy came round by Skeenesborough, at the half-way brook, and cut off a large number of our men and teams. One thousand of our men set out to go to Skeenesborough after the enemy, five hundred of them were sent back, and just as we got to South Bay the enemy got out of our reach. —


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 the enemy went to Ticonderoga & got recruited, they then came after us, we scouted by Wood Creek. On the 13th day we got to Fort Ann. The centery came and told me that the enemy was all around us. Major Putnam led out the party, Maj. Rogers bro't up the rear; marched in an Indian path three quarters of a mile — the Indians lay in a half moon; Major Putnam went through their ranks; they fired upon us — Major Putnam was taken and tied to a tree, and an Indian would have killed him had it not been for a French Lieut, who rescued his life — the enemy rose like a cloud and fired a volley upon us, and my being in the front brought me into the rear — I turned little to the right — the tomahawks and bullets flying around my ears like hail stones, and as I was running, I saw a great wind fall little forward, which seemed impossible for me or any other man to mount, but over I went, and as I ran I looked little one side, where I saw a man wounded, (the Indians close to him) who immediately, with my help, got into the circle. Gershom Bowley had nine bullets shot thro' his clothes and remained unhurt. Ensign Worcester had nine wounds, scalped and tomahawked, who lived and got well.

The battle commenced in the morning and continued until 3 o'clock, when they left us. We gathered our dead and wounded up in a ring; there was half of our men killed and


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 wounded and taken, we sent to Fort Edward for relief to help carry our wounded, it being 80 in number, we made biers to carry them, many of whom died on the passage, the distance being 14 miles.

I was almost beat out, but I went to Albany after stores and returned to the army. — From thence I went home, it being in the fall, and tarried through the winter.

In the spring, 1754, I set out on another campaign. I went to Crown Point, and there I set up a fuller's shop which I kept two years, by means of a clerk I employed for that purpose, nor knowing myself how to write, or read, to any amount, what others had written, or printed. I lost my Clerk, and not being able properly to. adjust accounts, lost what had accumulated by hard industry for several years, all for the want of youthful education.

After leaving the army I accumulated, by industry, a handsome sum of silver and gold,, with it I purchased,in the town of Granville, sixteen hundred acres of land and paid for it on delivery of the deed, but besides I was to clear a small piece of land on each right and build a log house; but previous to this I married in the year 1761.

I then proceeded into the back country to clear me a farm, soon after I began to work in the woods, but unfortunately cut my leg and lay under the Doctors care the whole season,


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 which cost me a large fum and well nigh took my life. I underwent every thing but death, but thought nothing of the hand that inflicted the chastifement. My family arrived, and we were in the wilderness and could do no business. Previous to this, however, I freighted a vessel and went to New-York, where I sold my cargo extremely high and returning was over- taken by a gale of wind, my vessel was much damaged; but we made shift and got to Long-lsland, and there we left the vessel.

I arrived at home sometime in the winter, poor enough, the vessel did not arrive till the next spring. Afterwards I broke my wrist, with which I had a great deal of pain and expence; for a long time I was unable to do any labour. Though I still fought to make myself great and happy, in the way I was educated, the Lord would not suffer me to prosper. I was not yet discouraged. Soon after I went to Moudus and learnt of my brother-in-law how to make Salt Petre; though being a cripple I went to Oid Springfield and Long Meadows, to show them the art of making Salt Petre. I was sent for from town to town, my wages was one dollar per day; this was in our revolutionary war. I then enlisted into the American army. I soon mustered two teams and carried baggage to Skeenesborough, I afterwards enlisted into a company of artillery for a short Campaign; but on my return home


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 I was taken sick, as soon as I recovered I went to see my son; he was cutting trees, when unfortunately a tree fell on me and crushed me almost all to pieces; beat the breath out of my body, my son took me up for dead, I however soon recovered, but have not to this day recovered the use of my limbs, which was 34 years ago. I lay sixty days on my back and never moved or turned to one side or the other, the skin was worn off my backfrom one end to the other. I was then taken by six men in a sheet and moved, from time to time, for sixty or seventy days more; when I was able to walk by the help of crutches, I had a man to work in a saw-mill, it got out of order, I hobbled down to show him how to mend it, and by accident I fell on the water-wheel, and bruised me most horribly. I was indeed helpless, & in dreadful pain; confined month after month, unable to help myself, but at last I was restored to health; but being destitute of property, and without my natural strength to get my bread, with a young and dependent family whose daily wants were increasing, and none to administer relief. But strange to relate and unaccountable as it may appear to a thinking mind, I never once thought on the God of my salvation, or looked up to him for blessing or protection; I was stupid and thoughtless. —

Owing to my misfortune I could not attend to my contract at Granville, so I lost all


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 my land; however I regained my strength so I could walk a little and ride side-ways. Soon after this I was wounded by a limb falling from a tree upon my head, which again nearly deprived me of life. I was carried in wholly unable to help myself. I, however, recovered again; I can say like this, "the time of my depatrure was not yet come, and there was yet more trouble for me to pass through."

I afterwards was taken with a tit, when travelling, with an ax under my arm, on Winchester hills, the face of the land was covered with ice. I was senseless from one, until five P. M. when I came to myself I had my ax still under my arm, I was all covered with blood and much cut & bruised. When I came to my senses I could not tell where I had been, nor where I was going; but by good luck I went right and arrived at the first house, was under the Doctor's care all the winter. In the next place I fell seven large trees against another, and very imprudently went to cut away the prop; — when suddenly the whole fell together, and I in the midst of them, this time I remained unhurt; but thought nothing of the power chat protected me, (blind as ever.)

Soon after I, and my two sons went out a privateering, we ship't aboard a privateer of 114 tons, commanded by Capt. Havens, there was about eighty men on board, we


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 were chased by five British privateers; they drove us in upon Horse-neck, where we got some of our guns on shore; we brought them to bear upon the enemy, we exchanged a great many shots; they mattered our vessel and cut away our rigging. The next day our officers went up into town, and five repaired our vessel — then hauld off from the wharf — then cast anchor — every man on board went to their rest except myself in the month of March and very soon I espied two Row-gallies, two sloops two schooners; I rallied all hands on deck; they quick obeyed and we weighed anchor; then hauld by the side of the wharf but had only time to get two cannon out on the point of land, and two on the stearn of the vessel; this engagement began in the morning — the enemy gave us a broad side and where the bullets struck it had the appearance of a furrow made by a plough. Staddles in gun shot was all cut asunder; one of the Row-gallies went round the point of land to hem us in, and they had near ran aground, but with our finall arms we killed forty of the enemy. We sent our cabin boys up to a house near the shore with a wounded man. Just as the boys entered the door there came an eighteen pounder into the house, and the woman was frying cakes over the fire, Says the woman to the boys, take the cakes, and I will go down cellar. By our killing so many of the enemy they thought proper to


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 leave us, pleased enough at the light; for if we had been taken what would our punishment have been but I thought nothing of futurity, which if I had considered a moment and viewed a watery grave already made, it appears as if I must have thundered at the thought, my God must have given me some warnings of my danger, but if he did his calls I would not harken to. The devil had great hold on me and I served him well, but the Lord was with me yes, he has Supported me to this day through trials and fatigues, but now I feel to sing praises with the celestial bands above — How thankful my friends I am to join with christian friends now in my old age; but I must leave this subject.

Next we hoisted sail and made for New-London. After the war we freighted a vessel and went to Liverpool and sold our loading and shipt aboard Cart Foster's and went a fishing voyage, and so I went two voyage, and the third voyage I was in the cabin when I heard a rout on deck; I sprang up as quick as possible and there being a terrible hurricane as ever I saw in my life both masts was carried overboard and if they had not we must all have found watery graves; we ought to have been thankful and bids the Lord for it. Our capt. and all hand appeared to be greatly surprised but we was all spared through the tempest we ought to be thankful to our God for a few moments


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 for repentance; but we thought nothing of these things.

The hands all left her but myself and my son; we stuck fast by the hull, and that night we caught 25 large fish ; but by jury mads we worked her into Liverpool — we went on board another vessel and failed for Halifax; meanwhile capt. Foster repaired his schooner and proceeded to Halifax and there he found me; I bought his vessel an I by good fortune I was able to ply the whole purchase except eight pounds. I then took a freight and went to St. John's, and on our return to Halifax we were overtaken by a gale of wind and well nigh lost. all hands, vessel and cargo. We however made for Mount desert and obtained it; I was very uneasy about my property, but thought of nothing else. We repaired our vessel and returned to Halifax; this was the first of January, such a day I never saw before nor since; nothing but confusion; almost every sailor was in toxicated myself amongst the rest. After come to mysels I reflected a isle on such conduct; resolving to amend from such practices, but soon I forgot amidst the bustle of the world.

The next day I failed up the bay of Funday and wintered at Hawton there I made an agreerment to take thirty passangers on board (at eight dollars per head) and carried them to New London and brought them back again in


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 the spring; so I retutned to Halifax and took in a freight of dry goods, and again failed for Hawton; on our passage we struck on a reef and employed other small vessels to take her loading and carry it to Liverpool harbour and secure it; and then I informed the sundry owners of the circumstance; but I soon got my vessel off again, but it cost me one dollar an hour for each man. The cost being so much, I was obliged to fell her to defray the expences. Again I was left destitute of property.

I had by this time recovered my health, and was not willing to return empty. I immediately went to work and again obtained the same vessel by honest industry. My next business was to follow coasting, but late in the fall I landed at Salem and was taken very sick; I lay there some weeks when I recovered, and returned to my family after an absence of four years, In which time I had not heard from them. I had very little property and my family had been turned out of doors on account of placing confidence in those that I took to be my friends, but by unjust dealing they took hundreds of dollars of my property. When I went from home, I owed John Cordy at Lime, one hundred dollars, Nathaniel Peck of Lime owed me one hundred dollars; he gave me a note; I gave that note to John Cordy to pay that debt. Nathaniel Peck went to sea aid died. John Cordy administer upon Nathaniel


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 Peck's Estate. Mr. Cordy got just D.26,66 of his debt; Mr Cordy came up here and asked me if I would let his brother Samuel take the note, I gave him leave. I then drove two yoke of oxen to Samuel M. Cordy Surry. Those oxen with the D.26,66 paid the debt. John Cordy at Lime did not know it, and on his death bead he willed me half of the said debt (his widdow And son signed the will) likewise when I was at sea Samuel M. Cordy got all the writings and turned my family out of doors.

This I can prove by Abishia Tubbes, Esq. Kind reader, look at the Mature of mankind, what they will do for silver and gold, but after all this earth, hard labor and perplexity of mind, I had won nothing and the best of my days were pad and gone and had to begin entirely anew. I now thought ail was gone, and I did not care whether I lived or died, but however, I went to work and shifted from plan to plan till at length I moved to Tunbridge in Vermont, on my passage, I undertook driving cattle, but by accident, I fell and broke my wrist. I walked eight miles before I could get it set, by that time I had gained some property, altho I was all this time a cripple and afflicted with broken bones, and sore sicknesses, and some fits. To add to all the rest, I became bail for a number of people, and all that I was bondman for, and took all I had, I had to pay


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 every farthing, and it reduced me to poverty again in advanced age without the means of Hireing or any one to relieve our wants. Who is able or willing to bear or burden.

A few particulars which were forgotten. As I was passing through Woodstock, a number of troopers rode by in haste struck my side, my horse run and I immediately fell backwards and almost was killed, and I did not recover for a number of months. At another time I fell and broke my shoulder. At another time at Hawton, I was riding in the road a boy in making his obeisance, started my horse and I fell to the ground and was much bruised. At another time at Royalton, my hose fell and through the mercy of God my life was spared and not much hurt; at another time I fell in a fit at Tunbridge and was supported for the benefit of my foul and others; in the fall of the year 1810. in the 76th year of my age, I was taken with the Rheumatism and confined me all winter in the most extreme pain for most of the time, I under affliction and dispensation of providence, at length began to consider my ways and found myself destitute of knowledge to extreme to enquire, I thought on the best that in recorded in the 11th Chapter of Matthew and 28th to the 30th verses came to my mind. I asked my wife whether those words were in the Bible or not, she told me they were; that gave me a shock, & very uneasy I was not


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 knowing where they were. I began to search the bible, but often before this I had trials, but I would not hearken, I had practically said unto God, depart from me I desire not the knowledge of thy ways I had all my days set at naught his councils and words. I often slighted till an advanced age, but now I experienced personal deliverance, yet I had all these number of years been totally blind to the things that belonged to my peace. I had fears and put up prayers before God in this situation, I had incurred as I thought the denunciation, I will pour out my fury upon the heathen and upon the families that call not on my name.

My mind was imagining, but agitated. I imagined many things; it seemed to me that I saw a bright light in a dark night, when contemplating on my bed which I could not account for, but I thought I heard a voice calling to me again I thought I saw another light of the same kind, all which I considered as ominous of my own dissolution. I was in distress that sleep departed from my eyes and I literally watered my pillow with tears that I prayed eagerly that God would have mercy on me, that he would relieve me and open the eyes of my understanding and enable me to call on him as I ought. It bought passage of scripture to my mind, those particular Christ's lamentations over Jerusalem struck me very forcibly to think that often the Lord had


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 called; & I was stuborn & would not, therefore I left desolate, the whole force of the scripture seemed to be out against me as far as I could learn; my wife was my only instructor; I had never read the bible; nor had I any knowledge of it; could only reccollect some taught parts, such as I had heard and laid up for the purpose of ridiculing religious institutions and characters. I however had my intention; I beleive these things have turned to my advantage, but I hope and trust I found mercy; I do believe that God did appear for me and took me out of the horrible pit and mirey clay, and set my feet on the rock of Christ Jesus Blessed be the name of Jehovah that I have reason to hope that I have found him of whom the prophets did write and that he has told me all things that ever I did; has enabled me to cast my burthen'on the Lord, and to believe that he will sustain me, to whom be glory for ever and ever.

A few words upon the Universal principle — I have experienced it through the early part of my life, but I fay it was like building on sand. A certain learned man built seven years upon it, but upon his death bed he damned the principle, and made this reply, "I shall be damned to all eternity for this principal." He went out of the world smiting his fists almost in despair, and I having no learning thinking of him


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 who made me believe it would deceive me. I have tried and reached much after property, and several times obtained it, but by misfortunes, time after time I lost it- I at length got wholly discouraged of trying to lay up on earth, where moth and rust doth corrupt, and thieves break through and steal, which put me to thinking something of death and eternity till I thought myself almost a Christian, and was so religious that I once went to talk with a sick man on his death bed. But it the Lord had taken me away with such false hopes, I should have been miserable to all eternity (this is Universalists that I am speaking of) this will I not answer; deceived man and woman. Last fall was again almost a christian, but I found it would not answer to depend on such foundation. Those verses still run in my mind, Mathew, the 11th Chapter and 28th, 29th verses, come unto me all ye that labour and are hevy laden and I will give you rest; take my yoke upon you, and learn or me, for I am meek and lowly in heart, and ye shall find rest unto your fouls, for my yoke is easy and my burthen is light.

I was so stupid that I did not know whether these words were in the Bible or not; I asked my wife and she told me they were, and where they were, I then discovered how ignorant and stupid I had been even to a great age and I saw what offers mercy I had; but I slighted


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 them, it brought to my mind Christ's fayings in St. Mathew, 23d Chapt. and 37th verse, Jerusalem thou that killest the prophets and stonest them that are sent unto thee, how often would I have gathered the children together even as the hen gathereth her chickens under her wings and ye would not- Reader you may think I was in great distress; I could not sleep and took to reading, I was distressed to think hew I had abused the sabbath and had not taken warning from my wise. About midnight I saw a light about a foot from my face as bright as fire, the doors were all shut and no one stiring in the house, I thought by this that I had but a few moments to live, and O! what distress I was in; I prayed that the Lord would have mercy on my soul and deliver me from this horrible pit of sin. I thought myself that I had been such a vile wretch that the Lord would not have mercy on me, and I thought as I had slighted so many warnings from my companion, and so abused the sabbath; but I preceived my body and soul was in danger; oh! reader you may think I was in distress.

Another night soon after I saw another light as bright as the first, at a small distance from my face, and I thought I had but a few moments to live, and not deeping nights, and reading, all day I was in misery; well you any think I was in distress, soul and body. At another time, in the dead of the night I was called


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 by my christian name, I arise up to answer to my name. The doors all being shut and the house still, I thought the Lord called, and I had but a moment to live. Oh what a vile wretch I had been. I prayed to the Lord to have mercy on my soul. I called upon the Lord the greatest part of the winter, and towards spring it was reviving and light shined into my soul- I have often thought that the lights which I saw were to show me what a situation I was in, I had slighted his calls and invitations and warnings from my companion, and what a sandy foundation I was on. The calls, I believe, were for me to return to the Lord who would have mercy on me.

All the winter I was laid up with the rheumatism, so that my wife was obliged to help me to bed and up again, but in the spring the Lord appeared to be with me, but for my own satisfaction, I thought like this as I was setting one evening by the fire, I prayed to the Lord, if he was with me that I might know it by this token — that my pains might all be eased for that night; and blessed be the Lord, I was entirely free from pain that night, and I rejoiced in the God of my salvation, and found Christ's promises verified that what things soever ye ask in prayer, believing, ye shall receive, and found that Christ would fulfil all his promises, and not one jot or tittle would fail; and the Lord so shined light into my soul that every


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 thing appeared new and beautiful. Oh how I loved my neighbors ; hew I loved my enemies — I could pray for them ; every thing appeared delightful. The love of Christ is beautiful; there is more satisfaction to be taken in the enjoyment of Christ one day, than in half a century serving our master, the devil. You that have children under your care, that have no parents, when you put any thing upon them to do, confider them as your own, that when death overtakes you, you need not fear their apparitions appearing in your sight, for tyranny and misuiage of the fatherless and motherless. Time will come when we shall all be called for, sooner or later, when money cannot buy our breath one moment. Parents, a little caution how to train up your children in the fight of the Lord. Never bid them to do any thing that is out of their power, nor promise them only what you mean to fulfil; let good examples in word, deed and action. We aged parents have a Father to go to and to guide us if we will but obey and hearken to his calls. How often we hear, but do not obey him; but why? because we will say there is time enough yet, and I have something more to attend to of my worldly business. But how, am I bringing up my children in the fear of the Lord? I answer no, but in all manner of evils, sabbath breaking, lying, swearing, &c. giving them no counsels from the command of


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 our God. Bless the rising generation with his outpouring from corner to corner. I invite you to hearken to the calls that often presses into your minds, and put it not away for another day. I give you a weak advice, I am almost brought to the ground with fore accidents and greatly advanced in years. I always lived in fin, an enemy to God till in my seventy sixth year — then I began to hearken to these calls — made alive through the blessedness of Christ — reconciled to God. Oh! my friends, what views I had — the love I had to God and my fellow mortals, I cannot express.

The remainder of my days I mean to spend in my father's service chough a poor cripple, cannot get on or off my horse without help — I have a love to all rich and poor, kings and nobles, black and white cone all to Jesus my friends, come to Jesus and he will in no wife call you off; oh! come come, how sweet is the love to Jesus — how- beautiful is the love of God. This invitation is from my heart to hear, of your repenting and turning to my God. Take no pattern from me for I would not harken till I arrived to advanced age — swared from time to time; now I have a love for your souls; now listen to me, though like a child, but shun that path that I used to walk in — this is the prayer of.


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COMPOSED AND SELECTED ON DIFFERENT OCCASIONS.


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Composed by one of my sisters to the family, to remind them of Eternity when I am dead and gone; she aims to set forth the willingess of Christ to recieve sinners, and her desire for her children with their companions and grandchildren.


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2Q

Oh ! my God if it could be

I'd bring my children all to thee ;

In hafte I'd come make no delay, Until I'd borne them all away.

Oh ! 1 would bear them in my arms,

Where they might view thy bleeding arms*;

Saviour: I'd prefs them to thy breaft, Their fouls would find fweet reft.

My Children I will tell "you now^

The labour I have, had for youj My pillow is witnefs to my tear,

That I have fhed for my Children dear;

Oft times my heirt has been in pain, That your poor fouls might be born again, ,

That you might tafte redeeming love, And with your parents reign above.

My bufy thoughts my fpirits cheer I truft I have five babes in glory th^re,

With their golden harps God's praifes fmg,. Hoianna to their heavenly king.

Oh ! my glafs is almoft run,

'Twill foon be faid your mother's gone, Then I muft bid you all adieu,

With no more groans nor fighs for you. .

I am bound to canaan's land,

I've lifted in lmmanuel's band, Could I be fure to meet you there,

joy and peace 'twould give me here*.


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3°

When my eyes in death are clofed,

Remember thofe lines I have compofed:

Harbor no fighs within your breatt, Hope and truft my foul's at reft.

"When my corpse in my grave is laid, Search and fee if your peace is made,

Remember the warnings I've given to thee, Children prepare to follow me.

Now fare you well my children dear, In the hands of God I leave you here ;

In filence I mall call on thee, Bid you prepare to follow me.

€ompofed by my Ji/ier, en the death of a Grandchild^ in the twelfth year of his age.

CHILDREN, with you I feel to mourn; With you in your prefent grief, Cur child to us no more return, In Jefus feek relief.

I truft he's bowing before his throne,

Singing redeeming love, It it be fo prepare to go,. y Join with your fon above.

If he be to glory gone,

Happy is his employ, Hofanna there will be his fong

Through all eternity.

He's free'd from forrow grief and pain. Do no longer weep,


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3 l

Children you'll meet your fon again, When 'wake from his long deep-.

It was for fome wife end,

To us it is unknown, Why Jefus took your lovely fon,

Altho' he Was his own.

Methinks in filencc he does fpeak,

His voice is to us all, Bids us prepare our Judge to meet,

Be ready when he calls,

If your peace with God is made,

Happy will be the hour, We may meet our Judge, be not afraid

Of his extenfive power.

That blooming flower your lovely bud,

From us has took a flight, We trull he's nowpraifing his Cod,

There cloathed in raiment white.

Pity his parents dear,

Sanctity the rod, Jefus to thee bring them near,

Oh walh them in thy blood.

Jefus with thee I leave this cafe, With thy father now to plead,

Nor do I doubt thy father's grace, He is a friend in time»of need.

Oh I my God hear thy Son, When he intercedes with thee,,


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3^

He'll plead the merits of his own, Oh fet the mourners free.

Now fare you well my children dear, Cleanfe them O Lord from fin,

When to the throne of grace 1 go, I'll. remember them again*

True faith and' confidence in Chrijh

twi Y Friends I am haj^>y now, He's made my ftuborn heart to bow, And ling redeeming grace.
 * '*•* My fiviour I embrace,

Iicare.not for ail the riches that you pofleft Nor any of your glittering attire.

Now I am leaning on Jefus Bread, 1 have my heart's defire.

I view'd the heavenly manfions above,

My king he's on his throne, He ftooped to me with fmiles of love,',

He tells me I'm his own.

I view'd my faviour there,

At his Father's right hand he ftands, He told to me I was his heir,

And I belonged to his heavenly band.

It is through my Saviour's bloodL,

That I have grown fo bold, It's reconciled me to my God, ,

My joys they can't be told.

33


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"When I view'd the heavenly majnfions above.

My heart did give a leap, My foul was fwimming away in love,

(Still) for my fins I weep.

When my beft friends and I did weep, Our difcourfe together was love,

While I'm a l)ing at his feet, He tells me of the days above.

He (hows to me the croft,

Where he himfelf had died, I beheld his bleeding hands and feet,

I viewed his wounded fide.

My heart began to melt,

My eyes, they flowed with tears,

In my foul his dying love, I felt, And 'tis driven away my fears.

He took me out of the mirey pit*

And fat me on a rock, He told me how he had paid my debt,

And it has given my foul a fhock.

Faith, Charity and Htye.

Sometimes fhe's in the valley, And that I will not bear,

1 fired at her a ralley,

And drive her away from there.

And when flic's on the mountain, Soon I'll caft her down,


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34

For while (he's there ihe loves,

The their ihe's nearer to the crown.

At this the prifonef laid,

Alack a day and fad fae, My enemies faid me,

No help is here for me.

This I am determined

A requtfl to my king, Pli fend, He's able to relieve me,

And break my iron band.

At this fhe was rewarded,

And foon did (he proceed, Her requeft, it foon arrived,

And help ihe had with fpeed,

As foon as fhe beheld them,

She leaped for joy, Saying thefe men ihe knew (hey

J3uii *ere tircfe, 'iw r .«s faith and charily.

Of Polion faith, demanded,

The captive again, Showing him the warrant,

.Received from the king.

As charity, by faith he flood,.

To Polion he replied, This warrant is fealed with

Blood it cannot be denied.

Old Poliom foon retreated,

And unbelief did hide, Faith took the prifoners hands,.


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35 The hand and fearful ilep't afidc.

Faith took the captive by the hand, And led her fromPolion's ground.

Together- they rejoiced,

To Canaan they were bound.

As tivey were walking,

Their talk it was love, Aicribing all the honor,

To the powers above*

Together they united,

And fung the victory, Saying twa's our king Imanuel,

That fet this prifoner free.

Confidence in Cxi,

UNTO my God I made my moan] He granted my requeft, Jefus to me returned In him I feel to reft.

Thanks be to God my Saviour he,

I tafte his fwe ;tefl love, He bore my fius on Calvary,

Now pleads for me above.

Jefus to thee, I give my ofe, With thy Father now to plead,

Nor do 1 doubt thy Father's grace. He's a friend in time of need.

It is thy bleeding charms,


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36

That now inamor's me, Jcfus clafp me in thy arms, Oh ! keep me near to thee.

It's thy bleeding veins,

That makes me now fo bold,

Thy blood has purg'd away my flaint, New joy's to me unfolds.

With thee I feel to be,

In thy Father's family, In thy Father's family I have a fhare,

The thanks I give to thee.

Faith, Char it y 9 and-, Hope,

OLD unbelief he feized me, and dragged me along with him, His countenance was frowning on me, he loc ked grim, He told me I'd been treacherous and rebel'd a- gatnft my king, He would rake up all my character into the court he'd bring.

His witnefles were iummened while I ftood trembling by, Old Poli on was his lawyer he has this cafe to try, No friend had I around me to plead for my re- lief, My heart was fill'd with forrow and over* come with grief.


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37

Poor fearful made the firft fpeech though Gam- bling as he flood, Saying Iv'e of't told this prifoner his religi- on was not good, When I forefee her danger it made my heart to bleed, Often times I've couneled her never more proceed.

Soon old unbelief his ftory told which pleaf'd his lawyer well He's often tho't thy prifoner her portion was in hell,. Her lamps they were not trim'd in them ftie has no oil , I made her believe me was deceived by fa tan was begiled

Iv'e laid my burden at thy feet,

On thee Iv'ecaft my cares, Thy promifes to me was fweet,

When 1 was a pleading there.

No one can take this joy from me,

When Jefus by my fide, While I'm in his company,

My enemy's have tried.

Satan you do your beft,

Your warlike weapons try, So I'm leaning on Jem s baeaft

Your enmity 1 defy.

Saints with all your hearts rejoiced,


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3*

We are bound to Canaan's land, When we took our faviour for our choice, We lifted in his band.

XTpon Chrift and deliverance, Though earthly friends againft me turn,

Surely I'll not be grieved, I know where I can make my mourn.

I here fhall be received.

New trials begin to rife,

In hafte I'll run to hire, Wit ha broken heart and watery eyes,

I'll beg and plead him :

I'll tell him of my trials here,

How I'm rejected, And beg with patience, 1 might bear,

Trials when 1 am afflicted.

When I afk relief from friends below, With me they foon grow weay,

And charging me of what I know From my heart I am not guilty.

My friends above will be my Judges,

With him I am well pleaf'd ; In my breaft his promife ledg'd,

Surely I'm not deceived.

When to this friend I make my mourn,

With bitter lementation, He gives me balm for found

timed to my condition.


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39

He fhows to me his wounded fide,

Telling to me the glorious ftory, JIow for (inners he had died,

To bring their fouls to glory.

Or. the death of the widow Phebe Miller, compofed on her death bed,

]V/]Y life's a made, my days decline, ■ Thefe truth's divine, I feel them mine,
 * The Lord is life he'll raife my duft,

Im a going to dwell amongit the Juft, My peacefull grace will keep my day,

Until I meet you all at the lift day.

The time has been when I was loth to die, Death has now became my choice,

Death is a conquered enemy In God, my saviour, 1 ujoice,

Thofe gloomy doubts are gone from me, My faviour's bloo 1 has fet me free.

The pangs of death i$ all I dread, Dear Savior, take the fting away,

I'm not afraid for to be dead, And leave this lump of clay,

Oh ! may I rejoice on a dying bed, Free joy will take away this dread.

Farewell my children dear,

I know you all are near my heart,

The time is now a drawing near ; That you and I mult furely part,,


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4o

1 hope to meet you all above, Where we fhall fing redeeming love.

Brothers and fitters fare you well,

I'm now agoing to die, I feel fubmitted to God's will,

I truft my name is written on high, I truft my fins are all forgiven,

1 hope to rain with you in Ileav'n.

Be nigh to them in trials here,

This world is not their home, Fill their fouls with love and fear,

In themlet murmuring have no reel* ; Father and mother, they'll have none,

Be nigh to them when 1 am gone.

Lord give me patience here,

To wait untill my time is con f , Patiently my pains to bear*

Then may 1 go rejoicing home, Through the {hades of death be nig* to ate,

toy God, my trull is all thee. Come welcome death your warront s reio>

I'm prepar'd to die, Come welcome angels with fpeed come.

Convey my foul to God on high, Come welcome faviour vilit me,

Come fit my foul at liberty,

Back jl icier s* Return. \yJi\ deareft friend my lovely favWs


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4*

I want a vifit now from thee* I'm forry for my paft behaviour, jwant a vifit from thee.

I'm forry for my paft behaviour, That I fo oft have ftrayed from thee,

Let thy blood be appli'd,

Nothing elfe can ftain, cleanfe my fins.

Since for tinners thou haft died,

I'll pleed thy bleeding veins, 'Tis through ihy falvation I afk falvation,

Jefus I belkve thee to* be our door.

I hope and truft with expectation, To reign with thee forever more,

Do not fufferme to be deceived, My God my truft is all in thee.

If I have not in thee believed, O Lord make it known to me,,

Search my heart in every corner, Make me know how vile I be.

jefus to thee I'll give the honor. Jefus the thanks belong to thee.

Chrijliam Victory*

M '.

Drinking at thy fountain free,
 * Y God my Saviour here I be,

There is no lefs than when I began, Here is enough for every one.

D 2


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QUITE a mericile of my daughter in the own of Sunderland in the state of Massachusetts, the wife of Joseph Tuttle, she was sick about one year. At the expiration of her first sickness, the doctor had given her over, and the nurses removed her by the use of meets, to make her bed, for some days before her recovery.


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 For three days she eat only the yolk of one egg — she was an anatomy to appearance. Her friends were often weeping around her bed expecting every moment to be her last.

The day before her recovery, the doctor said it was as much impossible to raise her, as it would one from the dead. The night following me dreamed a dream; it was that a sort of wine would cure her, it was immediately brought to her, and me drank it. The next morning she awoke and called to her husband to get up and make a fire — he arose immediately, but thought she was out of her head; but soon he found to the contrary; quickly she arose upon end in the bed (said the Lord has helped both body and soul) and dressed herself. She then asked for the Psalm book and turned to the 30th psalm. 2d part (readers look for yourselves) and again she mentioned the 116th first part. Soon after the same morning she went to the house of her father-in-law, (which was about ten rods) and back again on her feet her eyes and countenance appeared lively and bright as ever it was in her past life. It was on Thursday following, she went to meeting, which was a mile and a half. On the first singing she offered them the 116th psalm first part. The minister preached an excellent sermon but her exhortation was said to exceed the minister's sermon and on the last singing she turned to the 116th psalm 2d part. After meeting re-


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 turned home and after she regained her strength she went about her usual labour, which she moderately followed one or two years, when she was taken down again she grew uneasy and went to her fathers in Gillum in New-Hampshire, and there staid some months; at the same time I had another daughter sick with the consumption and died. My other daughter grew uneasy and I carried her back again, where she paid part of one summer and she was disconted. and I went after her and got her to Montague to landlord S, I took her out of the carriage and set her in a chair and she instantly died. I immediately got a coffin made and then carried her home.

My friends when you read this journal remember your unfortunate friend Solomon Mack, who worried and toiled until an old age, to try to lay up treasures in this world, but the Lord would not suffer she to have it, but now I trust I have treasures laid up that no man can take away, but by the goodness of God through the blood of a bleeding Saviour.

Although I am a poor cripple-unable to walk much, or even to mount or dismount my horse I hope to serve my God by his assistance to divine acceptance, that I may at last leap for joy to see his face and hold him fall in my embrace.


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In the year 1755, I enlisted under Capt. Harris and went to Fort Edwards ; there was a large army come from South Bay (now called Skeensborough) upon a scouting party of our men, at Half. way Brook : there was a scouting party of the enemy attacked our men, and Kenricks horie was shot under him and he was killed ; when they heard the guns, Gen Lyman and Col. Johnson had not a log put up. The enemy fought seven miles and killed them all the way ; when they got there the breast-work was finished, This battle lasted all day ; many were killed on both sides ; the remainder of the enemy went back to half-way brook (being seven miles) and refreshed themselves upon, their spoil. Then a party of New Hampshire troops come upon them and killed a great number of them.

I was married in the year 1759, instead of 21 — same page, instead of 1754 — 1759. Then I went to Crown Point and kept a Suttler's shop 27 years. In the year 1757, a large army


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 came from Quebec, and took Fort William Henry. The French guarded the prisoners fourteen miles. The blood thirsty Indians kept breaking in upon the guard and killing them all the way.


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 This must have been written when she was between thirteen and fourteen.

It will be interesting to some of my readers to know what was the character of her purely imaginative writing at this period. While her description of any real occurrence is, as we have seen, homely, graphic, and forcible, when she gives way to her powers of creation, her fancy and her language alike run riot, sometimes to the very borders of apparent delirium. Of this wild weird writing, a single example will suffice. It is a letter to the editor of one of the "Little Magazines."

",—It is well known that the Genii have declared that unless they perform certain arduous duties every year, of a mysterious nature, all the worlds in the firmament will be burnt up, and gathered together in one mighty globe, which will roll in solitary grandeur through the vast wilderness of space, inhabited only by the four high princes of the Genii, till time shall be succeeded by Eternity; and the impudence of this is only to be paralleled by another of their assertions, namely, "that by their magic might they can reduce the world to a desert, the purest waters to streams of livid poison, and the clearest lakes to stagnant waters, the pestilential vapours of which shall slay all living creatures, except the blood-thirsty beast of the forest, and the ravenous bird of the rock. But that in the midst of this desolation the palace of the Chief Geni shall rise sparkling in the wilderness, and the horrible howl of their war-cry shall spread over the land at


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text: JSC News Release Log 1990/90-028

title: JSC News Release Log 1990/90-028


text: JSC News Release Log 1990/90-029

title: JSC News Release Log 1990/90-029


text: JSC News Release Log 1990/90-030

title: JSC News Release Log 1990/90-030


text: JSC News Release Log 1990/90-031

title: JSC News Release Log 1990/90-031


text: JSC News Release Log 1990/90-032

title: JSC News Release Log 1990/90-032


text: JSC News Release Log 1990/90-033

title: JSC News Release Log 1990/90-033


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148 let us ride joyless home unto our land, now first do I feel all my sorrow.“

Down to the Rhine from Worms they rode without an escort. They were surely of the mind that they, the bold Nibelungs, could well defend them, should they be encountered in hostile wise. Leave they asked of none, but Gernot and Giselher were seen to go to Siegmund in loving wise. These brave and lusty knights convinced him that they mourned his loss. Courteously Prince Gernot spake: “God in heaven knoweth well that I be not to blame for Siegfried’s death, nor heard I ever that any was his foe. I mourn him justly.”

Giselher, the youth, gave them then safe-conduct. Sorrowly he led them from the land home to Netherland. How few kinsman were found joyous then!

How they now fared at Worms I cannot tell. All time men heard Kriemhild mourn, so that none might comfort her heart nor mind, save Giselher alone; loyal he was and good. Brunhild, the fair, sate in overweening pride. How Kriemhild wept, she recked not, nor did she ever show her love or troth. Lady Kriemhild wrought her in after days the bitterest woe of heart.


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the noble Kriemhild thus was widowed, the Margrave Eckewart with his vassals stayed with her in the land, and served her alway. He also often helped his mistress mourn his lord. At Worms, hard by the minster, they built for her a dwelling, broad and passing large, costly and great, where, with her maids, she since dwelt joyless. She liked for to go to church and did this willingly. Where her love lay buried, thither she went all time in mournful mood (how seldom she gave that over). She prayed the good God to have mercy on her soul. With great fidelity she bewept the knight full oft. Uta and her meiny comforted her all time, but so sorely wounded was her heart, that it booted naught, whatever comfort men did offer her. She had the greatest longing for her dear love, that ever wife did have for loving husband. One might see thereby her passing virtue; until her end she mourned, the while life lasted. In after days brave Siegfried’s wife avenged herself with might.

Thus she dwelt after her sorrow, after her husband’s death, and this is true, well three and one half years, that she spake no word to Gunther, nor did she see her foeman Hagen in all this time.

Then spake Hagen of Troneg: “If ye could compass it to make your sister friendly, then might come


text: JSC News Release Log 1990/90-034

title: JSC News Release Log 1990/90-034


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Page:Alumni Oxonienses (1500-1714) volume 1.djvu/251

 Bucknall, William, 1s. John, of London, eq. aur. ., subscribed 20 June, 1704, aged 15; his father of London, merchant, knighted at Whitehall 23 Feb., 1685-6. See Clutterbuck's Herts, i. 247.  Buckner, Thomas, (said to be son of Thomas Buckner, alderman, of London), demy. 1610-18, B.A. 15 Dec., 1614, M.A. 28 June, 1617, fellow 1618-31 (incorp. at Cambridge 1621), B.D. 7 July, 1627, D.D. 15 March, 1638-9, preb. of Winchester 1635, chaplain to Archbishop Abbot, rector of Merstham, Surrey, 1632, and of Chevening, Kent, 1633, until his death 21 Jan., 1644-5. See Bloxam, v. 41; O.H.S., xii. 332; & Fasti, i. 503.  Buckner, William, of London, gent. , matric. 13 Oct., 1621, aged 16; B.A. 21 Oct., 1623, M.A. 13 June, 1626, rector of Hertingfordbury, Herts, 1630, etc. See Foster's Index Ecclesiasticus.  Buckoke, Edward, s. Abiathar, of Wittenham, Berks, pleb. ., matric. 21 Oct., 1636, aged 19; created B.Med. 1 Nov., 1642, and created D.Med. 30 Oct., 1645, became physician to Prince Charles, afterwards practiced at York. See Fasti, ii. 89.  Buckoke, John (Buccoke); B.A. 29 May, 1536.  []

Buckoke, Norris, of Bucks, gent. ., matric. 11 June, 1619, aged 14; demy. 1622-6, B.A. 18 Feb., 1622-3, M.A. 27 June, 1626, vicar of Mitcham, Surrey, 1638. See Foster's Index Ecclesiasticus & Bloxam, v. 108.  Buckshell, John, s. J., of Beeding, Sussex, gent. ., matric. 7 April, 1709, aged 19.  Bucktrout, William; B.A. 22 March, 1577-8.

Budd, Christopher, of Hants, pleb. ., matric. 8 Feb., 1582-3, aged 21; scholar 1582, B.A. 29 April, 1587, M.A. 15 Jan., 1590-1, vicar of Adderbury, Oxon, 1596. See Foster's Index Ecclesiasticus.

Budd, Christopher, s. William, of Winchester, Hants, gent. , matric. 24 July, 1624, aged 17.
 []

Budd, David, D.C.L. 11 Dec., 1661 (Cat. Grads.), incorp. at Cambridge 1662 (as Daniel).

Budd, Edmond, s. Christopher, of Edgcott, Northants, p.p. ., matric. 2 Dec., 1668, aged 17; one of these names vicar of Burton Dassett, co. Warwick, 1690. See Foster's Index Ecclesiasticus.

Budd, James, gent. ., matric. 17 March, 1653-4; B.A. 10 Oct., 1657, M.A. 3 July, 1660, rector of West Horsley, Surrey, 1662. See Foster's Index Ecclesiasticus.

Budd, Robert (or Bird), B.A. Cambridge, incorp. 14 July, 1585.

Budd, Thomas, pleb. ., matric. 17 Jan., 1633-4, aged 18; B.A. 23 Jan., 1633-4, M.A. 7 July, 1636, vicar of Montacute, Somerset, 1639, sequestered to the vicarage of Kingsbury, Somerset, 1646. See ''Add. MS., 15,670; & Foster's Index Ecclesiasticus''.
 []

Budd, William, pleb. ., matric. 14 Nov., 1651; B.C.L. 4 June, 1656, rector of Alton Barnes, Wilts, 1660. See Foster's Index Ecclesiasticus.

Budden, John, (s. John of Canford), Dorset, pleb. ., matric. 14 Dec., 1582, aged 16; scholar of. 1583, B.A. 19 Oct., 1586; M.A. from 27 June, 1589; B. & D.C.L. from. 8 July, 1602, principal of New Inn Hall 1609-18, and of Broadgates Hall 1619-20, regius professor of civil law 1611, until his death 11 June, 1620, buried in the chancel of St. Aldate's Church, Oxford, admon. granted (at Oxford) 17 June, 1620. See Ath., ii. 282; & D.N.B.

Budden, John, of co. Southampton, gent. , matric. 1 March, 1604-5, aged 17; B.A. 31 May, 1608.

Bude, Stephen (or Budaeus), a Transylvanian; created M.A. 16 July, 1655. See Fasti, ii. 190.

Budgell, Eustace, s. Eustace, of Exeter, gent. , matric. 22 July, 1664, aged 18; student 1664, B.A. 1668, bar.-at-law, Inner Temple, 1673. See Foster's Judges and Barristers & Alumni West., 159.
 []

Budgell, Eu(stace), s. Gilbert, of Symondsbury, Dorset, doctoris. ., matric. 31 March, 1705, aged 18; 'X' of the 'Spectator,' a student of the Inner Temple 1705, threw himself into the Thames off London Bridge and was drowned in May, 1737. See Foster's Inns of Court Reg.; Rawlinson, v. 175 & 253; & D.N.B.

Budgell, Gilbert, s. Eustace, of Exeter, gent. ., matric. 22 March, 1666-7, aged 16; B.A. 1670, M.A. 1673, B. & D.D. 1693, vicar of Middleton or Long Parish, Hants, 1680, rector of Symondsbury, Dorset, 1684, and of Uplyme, Devon, 1690, father of Eustace 1705, and of Gilbert and William next named. See Foster's Index Ecclesiasticus & Fasti, ii. 335.

Budgell, Gilbert, s. G(ilbert), of Symondsbury, Dorset, doctoris. , matric. 17 Nov., 1707, aged 18; B.A. 1711, M.A. 1714, in orders.

#Budgell, William, s. Gilbert, of Symondsbury, Dorset, doctoris. ., matric. 22 March, 1710-11, aged 19; said to have died a fellow in 1723.

Budgen, John, s. James, of Dorking, Surrey, gent. ., matric. 11 July, 1693, aged 16; B.A. 1697, M.A. 18 Jan., 1699-1700, B.Med. 1702, D.Med. 1705, died s.p. in June, 1740, buried in Newdegate Church.
 []

Budgen, William, of Kent, pleb. ., matric. 19 Oct., 1582, aged 16; B.A. 7 May, 1586, M.A. 4 Feb., 1588-9, son of John, of Penshurst, Kent. See Berry's Surrey, 64.

Bue, William, subscribed 17 Dec., 1625, aged 20 (called in Mat. Reg.); 'servus Mri. Bradhill.'

Buerdsell, James, s. J., of Manchester, co. Lancaster, pleb. ., matric. 10 April, 1685, aged 15; B.A. 1688, fellow, M.A. 1692, died 2 Oct., 1700, aged 30, buried in Brasenose cloisters, admon. (at Oxford) granted 4 Oct. See Hearne, i. 98; Rawlinson, i. 427; & Gutch, i. 377.

Buerdsell, Thomas, of Cheshire, pleb. ., matric. 28 Jan., 1591-2, aged 18; B.A. 27 Feb., 1594-5, vicar of Martletwy, co. Pembroke, 1597. See Foster's Index Ecclesiasticus.

Buffkin, William, s. Ralph, of Loose, Kent, arm. ., matric. 4 June, 1641, aged 16; student of the Inner Temple 1641. See Foster's Inns of Court Reg.
 []

Buggin, John, s. J., of Shenstone, co. Worcester, paup. , matric. 11 March, 1680-1, aged 16; B.A. 1684.

Buggins, Peter, B.A. 29 March, 1569, M.A. 20 July, 1574.

Buggs, John, a Londoner born; created D.Med. Padua, incorp. 14 May, 1635. See Fasti, i. 479.

Buggs, Samuel, B.A. from ., Cambridge, 1610, incorp. as M.A. 8 July, 1614.

Bulbecke, Thomas, s. Thomas, of East Meon, Hants, pleb. ., matric. 25 Jan., 1627-8, aged 19; B.A. 13 March, 1627-8, M.A. 3 June, 1630, incorp. at Cambridge 1633, vicar of Happisburgh, Norfolk, 1640. See Foster's Index Ecclesiasticus.

Bulfell, Daniel, sacerd. fil. ., matric. 21 Nov., 1628, aged 20; B.A. 11 Feb., 1630-1 (as ).
 []

Bulgin, Elias, 'ser.' ., subscribed 7 Nov., 1655.

Bulgin, Elias, s., Elias, of Wincanton, Somerset, p.p., matric. 23 Nov., 1677, aged 17.

Bulgin, James, s. Elias, of Wincanton, Somerset, paup. ., matric. 8 March, 1688-9, aged 18; B.A. from 1692, vicar of Holcombe Rogus, Devon, 1693. See Foster's Index Ecclesiasticus.
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150 to these lands the gold of Nibelung. Of this might ye win great store, an’ the queen would be our friend.”

The king made answer: “Let us try. My brothers bide with her; we will beg them to bring it to pass that she be our friend, if perchance she might gladly see us win the hoard.”

“I trow not,” spake Hagen, “that it will ever hap.”

Then he bade Ortwin and the Margrave Gere go to court. When that was done, Gernot and Giselher, the youth, were also brought. They tried it with the Lady Kriemhild in friendly wise. Brave Gernot of Burgundy spake: “Lady, ye mourn too long for Siegfried’s death. The king will give you proof that he hath not slain him. We hear you mourn all time so greatly.”

She spake: “None chargeth him with this. ’Twas Hagen’s hand that struck him, where he could be wounded. When he learned this of me, how could I think that he did bear him hate? Else had I guarded against this full well,” spake the queen, “so that I had not betrayed his life; then would I, poor wife, leave off my weeping. I’ll never be a friend of him that did the deed.” Then Giselher, the full stately man, began implore.

When at last she spake: “I will greet the king,” men saw him stand before her with his nearest kin, but Hagen durst not come before her. Well he wot his guilt; ’twas he had caused her dole. When now she would forego her hate of Gunther, so that he might kiss her, it had befitted him better had she not been wronged by his advice; then might he have gone boldly unto Kriemhild. Nevermore was peace between kindred brought to pass with so many tears; her loss


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Rh still gave her woe. All, save the one man alone, she pardoned. None had slain him, had not Hagen done the deed.

Not long thereafter they brought it to pass that Lady Kriemhild gained the hoard from the Nibelung land and brought it to the Rhine. It was her marriage morning gift and was hers by right. Giselher and Gernot rode to fetch it. Kriemhild ordered eighty hundred men, that they should bring it from where it lay hid, where it was guarded by the knight Alberich and his nearest kin. When they saw those from the Rhine coming for the hoard, Alberich, the bold, spake to his friends: “Naught of the treasure dare we withhold from her, sith the noble queen averreth it to be her marriage morning gift. Yet should this never be done,” quoth Alberich, “but that with Siegfried we have foully lost the good Cloud Cloak, for fair Kriemhild’s love did wear it alway. Now, alas, it hath fared ill with Siegfried, that the hero bereft us of the Cloud Cloak and that all this land did have to serve him.”

Then went the warder to where he found the keys. Before the castle stood Kriemhild’s liegemen and a deal of her kinsfolk. Men bade carry the treasure hence to the sea, down to the boats; one bare it then upon the waves to the mountains on the Rhine. Now may ye hear marvels of the hoard, the which twelve huge wains, packed full, were just able to bear away from the hill in four days and nights and each must make the trip three times a day. There was naught else but gems and gold, and had men paid therewith the wage of all the world, not a mark less had it been in worth. Forsooth Hagen did not crave it so without


text: User:SnowyCinema/P/Jungle Joe

title: User:SnowyCinema/P/Jungle Joe


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hang it! quoth I, as I look'd towards the French coast—a man should know something of his own country too, before he goes abroad—and I never gave a peep into Rochester church, or took notice of the dock of Chatham, or visited St. Thomas at Canterbury, though they all three laid in my way

—But mine, indeed, is a particular case

So without arguing the matter further with Thomas o'Becket, or any one else—I skip'd into the boat, and in five minutes we got under sail and scudded away like the wind.


text: The Life and Opinions of Tristram Shandy, Gentleman/Volume 7/Chapter 1


text: The Life and Opinions of Tristram Shandy, Gentleman/Volume 7/Chapter 2


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 Pray captain, quoth I, as I was going down into the cabin, is a man never overtaken by Death in this passage?

Why, there is not time for a man to be sick in it, replied he—What a cursed lyar! for I am sick as a horse, quoth I, already—what a brain!—upside down!—hey dey! the cells are broke loose one into another, and the blood, and the lymph, and the nervous juices, with the fix'd and volatile salts, are all jumbled into one mass—good g—! every thing turns round in it like a thousand whirlpools—I'd give a shilling to know if I shan't write the clearer for it

Sick! sick! sick! sick!


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 —When shall we get to land? captain—they have hearts like stones—O I am deadly sick!—reach me that thing, boy—'tis the most discomfiting sickness—I wish I was at the bottom—Madam! how is it with you? Undone! undone! un O! undone! sir—What the first time?—No, 'tis the second, third, sixth, tenth time, sir,—hey-day—what a trampling over head!—hollo! cabin boy! what's the matter—

The wind chopp'd about! s'Death!—then I shall meet him full in the face.

What luck!—'tis chopp'd about again, master—O the devil chop it

Captain, quoth she, for heaven's sake, let us get ashore.


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152 good cause. The greatest prize of all was a wishing-rod of gold. He who knew its nature, might well be master over any man in all the world.

Many of Alberich’s kinsmen journeyed with Gernot hence. When they stored away the hoard in Gunther’s land and the queen took charge of everything, chambers and towers were filled therewith. Never did men hear tales told of such wondrous store of goods. And had it been a thousand times as much, if the Lord Siegfried were but alive again, Kriemhild would fain have stood empty-handed at his side. No more faithful wife did hero ever win. Now that she had the hoard, she brought many unknown warriors to the land. In truth the lady’s hand gave in such wise that men have never seen such bounty more. She used great courtesie; men owned this of the queen. To the rich and the poor she began to give so greatly that Hagen said, should she live yet a while, she would gain so many a man for her service that they would fare full ill.

Then spake King Gunther: “Her life and her goods be hers. How shall I hinder that she do with them as she will? Forsooth I hardly compassed it, that she became thus much my friend. Let us not reck to whom she deal out her silver and her gold.”

Spake Hagen to the king: “No doughty man should leave to any wife aught of the h0ard. With her gifts she’ll bring about the day when it well may rue the brave Burgundians sore.”

Then spake King Gunther: “I swore an oath, that nevermore would I do her harm, and will keep it further, for she is my sister.”


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Her Majesty the Queen Aunt wished to have a book published for distribution at the funeral of Momchao Danaiworanut, knight of the Chunlachomklao order, son of His Royal Highness Prince Chaturonratsami Krommaphra Chakkraphatdiphong, whom she had raised since his childhood and had supported until his demise on Thursday, 5 December 2455 BE, being the twelfth waning-moon day of the twelfth month of the Year of the Rat, Year 4. She ordered the Board of the Wachirayan Royal Library to select a work which should be published for this public charity. The Board was of a unanimous opinion that more and more people nowadays are interested in the study of antiquity, such as history, which is in line with the preference of Their Majesties Kings Chunlachomklao and Mongkutklao, but difficulties have arisen for studiers as documents for verification are hard to find due to the facts that most of the ancient chronicles and histories have not yet been published, those having been published are already out of print, and some of the available editions are somehow erroneous to the point of being unfit for use in verification and study. The need of good editions of ancient chronicles and histories is therefore common amongst studiers.

In fact, studying and searching for knowledge about ancient chronicles and histories is surely considered one of the important parts of education in every country. In this country of Siam,


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Rh Spake then Hagen: “Let me be the guilty one.”

Few of their oaths were kept. From the widow they took the mighty store and Hagen made him master of all the keys. This vexed her brother Gernot, when he heard the tale aright. Lord Giselher spake: “Hagen hath done my sister much of harm; I should prevent it. It would cost him his life, were he not my kin.”

Siegfried’s wife shed tears anew. Then spake the Lord Gernot: “Or ever we be imperiled by the gold, we should have it sunk entirely in the Rhine, that it belong to none.”

Full pitifully she went before her brother Giselher. She spake: “Dear brother, thou shouldst think of me and be the guardian of both my life and goods.”

Quoth he then to the lady: “That shall be done when we return again, for now we think to ride.”

The king and his kindred voided then the land, the very best among them that one might find. Only Hagen alone remained at home, through the hatred he bare to Kriemhild, and did so willingly. Before the king was come again, Hagen had taken the treasure quite and sunk it all at Loche, in the Rhine. He weened to use it, but that might not be. The lordings came again and with them many men. With her maids and ladies Kriemhild gan bewail her passing loss, for sore it grieved them. Gladly would Giselher have helped in all good faith. All spake alike: “He hath done wrong.”

Hagen avoided the princes’ wrath, until he gained their favor. They did him naught, but Kriemhild might never have borne him greater hate. Before Hagen of Troneg thus hid the treasure, they had sworn with


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 Not that I think anything great of a standard the like of that; for if they had set me in that door-frame at the age of twenty, it is like enough that I should have walked away with it on my shoulders, though I was not come to my full strength then; only I am speaking now of the average size of our neighbourhood, and the Doones were far beyond that. Moreover, they were taught to shoot with a heavy carabine so delicately and wisely, that even a boy could pass a ball through a rabbit's head at the distance of fourscore yards. Some people may think nought of this, being in practice with longer shots from the tongue than from the shoulder; nevertheless, to do as above is, to my ignorance, very good work, if you can be sure to do it. Not one word do I believe of Robin Hood splitting peeled wands at seven-score yards, and such like. Whoever wrote such stories knew not how slippery a peeled wand is, even if one could hit it, and how it gives to the onset. Now, let him stick one in the ground, and take his bow and arrow at it, ten yards away, or even five.

Now, after all this which I have written, and all the rest which a reader will see, being quicker of mind than I am (who leave more than half behind me, like a man sowing wheat, with his dinner laid in the ditch too near his dog), it is much but what you will understand the Doones far better than I did, or do even to this moment; and therefore none will doubt when I tell them that our good justitiaries feared to make an ado, or hold any public inquiry about my dear father's


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152 mighty oaths that it should lie concealed as long as any one of them might live. Later they could not give it to themselves or any other.

Kriemhild’s mind was heavy with fresh sorrow over her husband’s end, and because they had taken from her all her wealth. Her plaints ceased not in all her life, down to her latest day. After Siegfried’s death, and this is true, she dwelt with many a grief full thirteen years, that she could not forget the warrior’s death. She was true to him, as most folk owned.


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 death. They would all have had to ride home that night, and who could say what might betide them? Least said soonest mended, because less chance of breaking.

So we buried him quietly—all except my mother, indeed, for she could not keep silence—in the sloping little churchyard of Oare, as meek a place as need be, with the Lynn brook down below it. There is not much of company there for anybody's tombstone, because the parish spreads so far in woods and moors without dwelling-house. If we bury one man in three years, or even a woman or child, we talk about it for three months, and say it must be our turn next, and scarcely grow accustomed to it until another goes.

Annie was not allowed to come, because she cried so terribly; but she ran to the window, and saw it all, mooing there like a little calf, so frightened and so left alone. As for Eliza, she came with me, one on each side of mother, and not a tear was in her eyes, but sudden starts of wonder, and a new thing to be looked at, unwillingly, yet curiously. Poor little thing! she was very clever, the only one of our family—thank God for the same—but none the more for that guessed she what it is to lose a father.


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the rest of all that winter I remember very little, being only a young boy then, and missing my father most out of doors, as when it came to the birdcatching, or the tracking of hares in the snow, or the training of a sheep-dog. Oftentimes I looked at his gun, an ancient piece found in the sea, a little below Glenthorne, and of which he was mighty proud, although it was only a match-lock; and I thought of the times I had held the fuse, while he got his aim at a rabbit, and once even at a red deer rubbing among the hazels. But nothing came of my looking at it, so far as I remember, save foolish tears of my own perhaps, till John Fry took it down one day from the hooks where father's hand had laid it; and it hurt me to see how John handled it, as if he had no memory.

"Bad job for he as her had not got thiccy the naight as her coom acrass them Doones. Rackon Varmer Jan 'ood a-zhown them the wai to kingdom come, 'stead of gooin' herzell zo aisy. And a maight have been gooin'


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 the quarrel, 'till he at last, at the close of our merriment, recollected the duel he was going to fight, telling me who was to be his second, to remind him the following day of his killing business, lest his valiant adversary, Captain T, might wait in vain for him.

"Upon my soul," added he, heated with wine, "I wish he was here now, d—m me if I would not send him to Paradise, to rest in Abraham's bosom."

"Why, brother," exclaimed one of the visitors, "could you not have him summoned hither by Volkert?"

"That would indeed be excellent fun!" resumed my friend, "but you know Volkert dare not do it, we must of course let him alone; yet, if the rascal does not come the day after to-morrow, Volkert must be applied to, and, even if I should be obliged to ask the general's permission, he shall


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 conjure him hither, that I may pierce his cowardly soul."

An unanimous bravo rewarded this unripe joke of our jovial host, we separated, and I went home, lost in profound meditation. Having some reason to suspect that Baron T would let us wait in vain, his departure having been so abrupt, I thought this would prove a fair opportunity of putting Volkert's supernatural power to the test. At last I resolved to wait quietly the issue of that affair, and if T should give us the slip, to try whether I could be able to persuade Volkert to give us a sample of his skill.

Though I had unjustly doubted Baron T's courage, as it will appear in the sequel of my narrative, yet what we had suspected happened afterwards.

The day fixed for the duel came, but no Baron T appeared: We waited for him six hours, and still he did not come. Now I


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 hastened to Volkert without telling a syllable of my design to my friends: The mysterious man smiled as I entered the room, and appeared to have a little more confidence in my honesty than when I paid him my first visit. I broke the business to him without circumlocution, and he seemed not unwilling to chastise the foreign officer for his want of courage, yet he endeavoured to make me sensible of the disagreeable consequences which likely would arise, if the transaction should transpire. I summoned up all my little rhetoric, and refuted his objections, by assuring him, that my friends would give him their word of honor never to betray him, and thus screen him from every disagreeable consequence; and that, if an unforeseen accident should unhappily make the transaction known, our joint interference should save him from punishment.

These arguments, accompanied by golden encouragements, conquered at last all his remaining fear; he promised to serve me at any


text: Poems, Chiefly Lyrical/The Mystic

title: Poems, Chiefly Lyrical/The Mystic


text: Poems, Chiefly Lyrical/Hero to Leander

title: Poems, Chiefly Lyrical/Hero to Leander


text: Poems, Chiefly Lyrical/All things will die


text: Poems, Chiefly Lyrical/Nothing will die

title: Poems, Chiefly Lyrical/Nothing will die


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Page:Prachum Phongsawadan (01) 2457.djvu/11

 The six works selected by the Board of the Royal Library for publication as a single volume consist of, firstly, the Royal Chronicle of the North, secondly, the Royal Chronicle: Luang Prasoet's Version, thirdly, stories from the time of Sukhothai according to stelai, fourthly, the Khmer Chronicle, fifthly, the Chronicle of Bamars and Ramans, and sixthly, the Chronicle of Lan Chang. What each of these six works is about will be known in the following explanations.

As regards the Chronicle of the North, His Majesty King Phutthaloetla Naphalai, whist still holding the rank of Krom Phra Ratcha Wang Bowon Sathan Mongkhon, ordered Phra Wichianpricha (Noi) to collect accounts and compile them into it in the Year of the Rat, Year 9, 1169 LE, 2350 BE. The manuscript available in the Royal Library contains the following preamble:

""May it please Your Majesty, this servant of yours, Phra Wichianpricha Noi, chief of the Right Department of Royal Scholars, hereby presents a work, which he has undertaken with his low competence and wisdom, of composing a royal chronicle of the northern towns of Siam from the establishment of Satchanalai and Sawankhalok Towns by Ba Thammarat, who then reigned under the name of King Thammarachathirat and was successively succeeded until King Uthong, who established the kingdom of Glorious Ayutthaya, the ancient royal realm.""

This compilation called the Chronicle of the North is, in fact, composed of several accounts which have been in existence since the time of the Old Kingdom but which seem to have originally been remembered and recorded under various titles.


text: Poems, Chiefly Lyrical/The Poet's Mind

title: Poems, Chiefly Lyrical/The Poet's Mind


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Page:Alumni Oxonienses (1500-1714) volume 3.djvu/448

 Rogers, John, s. Joh., of Eynsham, Oxon, cler. ., matric. 7 Feb., 1693-4, aged 15; B.A. 1697, M.A. 13 March, 1700-1, fellow 1706-16, B.D. 1710, D.D. (by diploma) 7 July, 1721, rector of Wrington, Somerset, 1716, canon of Wells 1719, sub-dean 1721, chaplain in ordinary to George II. 1727 (when Prince of Wales 1726), vicar of St. Giles, Cripplegate, 1728, until his death 1 May, 1729, buried 13th at Eynsham; his father vicar of Eynsham 1665, brother of Robert 1701. See Rawl. i. 132, and xxi. 86; & Foster's Index Eccl.  Rogers, John, s. Thom., of Gloucester (city), pleb. , matric. 23 April, 1695, aged 17; B.A. 28 Feb., 1698-9, M.A. 1701.  Rogers, John, s. J(ohn), of Newcastle-upon-Tyne, arm. , matric. 7 Dec., 1702, aged 17; student of Middle Temple 1702. See Foster's Inns of Court Reg.  Rogers, John, s. Geor., of London, doctoris. ., matric. 14 March, 1703-4, aged 17; student of Gray's Inn 1704; brother of George 1692. See Foster's Gray's Inn Reg.  Rogers, John, s. John, of Atcham, Salop, pleb. , matric. 17 Feb., 1704-5, aged 17; B.A. 1709, M.A. 1711; perhaps vicar of Long Staunton, Salop, 1717-34. See Foster's Index Eccl.  Rogers, John, s. Rich., of Dowdeswell, co. Gloucester, gent. ., matric. 24 Oct., 1707, aged 17; B.A. 1711; the rector of Dowdeswell 1713-68 is said to have been the son of John, of Dowdeswell, in Metcalfe's Gloucestershire Visitation, 1682, p. 146. See also Antony 1706 and Robert 1685.  []

Rogers, John, s. "Rog. Rice," of Coyty, co. Glamorgan, pleb. ., matric. 17 Dec., 1711, aged 18; perhaps rector of Newton Nottage, co. Glamorgan, 1720. See Foster's Index Eccl.  Rogers, Jonathan, s. J., of Chippenham, Wilts, gent. , matric. 7 Nov., 1689, aged 16.

Rogers, Joshua, s. Rog., of Trelonge, co. Brecon, pleb. ., matric. 28 March, 1702, aged 18, B.A. 1705; M.A. from ., Cambridge, 1714, vicar of Llangevelach, co. Glamorgan, 1708. See Foster's Index Eccl.

Rogers, Levi, s. Edw., of Langley, co. Warwick, pleb. , matric. 26 Feb., 1663-4, aged 16.
 []

Rogers, Mathew, of Bristol, gent. , matric. 1 July, 1608, aged 18.

Rogers, Mathew, 1s. Mathew, of Alderley, co. Gloucester, arm. ., matric. 15 July, 1636, aged 16; student of Lincoln's Inn 1638; brother of Abel. See Foster's Inns of Court Reg.

Rogers, Nathan, gent. ., matric. 25 July, 1655; student of Gray's Inn 1655 (as son and heir of Wroth, of the city of Hereford, esq.); admitted to Merchant Taylors' school 1654; born in Lanveiglas, co. Monmouth, 30 May, 1639; M.P. Hereford 1659. See Robinson, i. 219; & Foster's Gray's Inn Reg.

Rogers, Nehemiah, s. Zechar, of Chappell, Essex, cler. ., matric. 4 Dec., 1674, aged 17, B.A. 1678; rector of Ashingdon, Essex, 1687. See Foster's Index Eccl.

Rogers, Nicholas, s. Joh., of Basingstoke, Hants, p.p. (subs. "cler."). ., matric. 3 May, 1695, aged 16; Lady North's Pauline exhibitioner 1694, B.A. 16 Feb., 1698-9; fellow. 1700, M.A. 1701, rector of Upton Nervet, 1721, and vicar of Shinfield, Berks, 1723. See St. Paul's S. R. 61; & Foster's Index Eccl.

Rogers, Owen, B.A. from. 2 March, 1621-2, vicar of Matherne 1623, of Dingestow 1629, and of Llantillio-Crosenny (all co. Monmouth), 1639. See Foster's Index Eccl.
 []

Rogers, Peter; B.A. from 1545, M.A. 1547, proctor 1551.

Rogers, Peter, s. Henry, of Sherbourne, co. Warwick, pleb. ., matric. 20 March, 1623-4, aged 18; B.A. from 26 Jan., 1626-7; bar.-at-law, Gray's Inn, 1655. See Foster's Judges and Barristers.

Rogers, Ralph, of Kent, gent. , matric. 5 June, 1584, aged 18.

Rogers, Richard, of Sutton Vallence, Kent, said to be B.A. Oxon, and M.A. Cambridge 1552, B.D. 1562, rector of Great Chart 1566, and rector of Midley, Kent, 1569, and canon of St. Paul's 1566-94, archdeacon of St. Asaph, bishop suffragan of Dover 1568; died in Canterbury 19 May, 1597. See Cooper, ii. 224; Thomas, 595, 625; Lansdowne MS. 982, f. 254; & Foster's Index Eccl.
 []

Rogers, Richard; B.A. 18 March, 1555-6, M.A. supd. 21 May, 1560; one of these names vicar of Wendon, Bucks, 1560, and another vicar of Great Dunmow, Essex, 1560, and rector of Great Canfield, 1564. See Foster's Index Eccl.

Rogers, Richard, of London, goldsmith; comptroller of the mint in the Tower of London; perhaps created M.A. 6 Sept., 1566. See Fasti, i. 177.

Rogers, Richard, of Somerset, gent. ., matric. 28 May, 1619, aged 19; B.A. from 8 July, 1619; student of Middle Temple 1619, as son and heir of Robert, of Bristol, gent. See Foster's Inns of Court Reg.

Rogers, Richard, s. George, of London, D.Med. ., matric. 22 Jan., 1635-6, aged 16; B.A. 24 Jan., 1638-9; brother of George 1636.

Rogers, Richard, s. Edward, of Edmonton, Middx., gent. ., matric. 18 July, 1636, aged 17; student of Lincoln's Inn 1637. See Foster's Inns of Court Reg.
 []

Rogers, Richard, s. William, of Lyppiat, co. Gloucester, pleb. ., matric. 16 March, 1663-4, aged 15; B.A. 1667, died 10 May, 1669, buried in the college chapel. See Gutch, i. 380.

Rogers, Richard, s. Joh., of Basingstoke, Hants, pleb. ., matric. 11 March, 1699-1706, aged 17; B.A. 1703; M.A. from. 1706, master of free school, Odiham, Hants, vicar of Potterspury, Northants, 1707-8, rector of Finchampstead, Berks, 1709, and of Dogmersfield, Hants, 1719, until his death 5 May, 1736. See Rawl. iv. 280; Baker's Northants, ii. 222; & Foster's Index Eccl.

Rogers, Richard, s. Joh., of Blandford, Dorset, pleb. ., matric. 22 March, 1710-11, aged 19; B.A. 1714; perhaps vicar of North Newnton, Wiltshire, 1720-2. See Foster's Index Eccl.

Rogers, Robert, student, B.A. supd. 1551, M.A. 12 July, 1551; as B.D. of 10 years' standing, supl. for D.D. 17 Dec., 1574, rector of Gawsworth, Cheshire, 1565, canon of Chester 1580; his will dated 17 June, 1580, proved 20 Jan., 1595-6. See Earwaker, ii. 588; & O.H.S. xii. 48.

Rogers, Robert, of co. Glamorgan, pleb. ., matric. entry under date 12 Dec., 1580, aged 17.
 []

Rogers, Robert, of Wilts, pleb. , matric. 12 Dec., 1600, aged 18; B.A. 2 May, 1604, M.A. 4 Feb., 1607-8, rector of Heddington, Wilts, 1605, and of White Staunton, Somerset, 1606, until his death in 1615; father of Henry 1627, and of Samuel 1638. See Foster's Index Eccl.

Rogers, Robert, s. Robert, of Guildford, Surrey, pleb. ., matric. 20 Jan., 1625-6, aged 20; B.A. 3 Feb., 1626-7; M.A. from 18 June, 1634.
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Author:George Henry Lane-Fox Pitt-Rivers

Works

 * Conscience and Fanaticism (1919)
 * The World Significance of the Russian Revolution (1920)
 * Clash of Cultures and the Contact of Races (1927)
 * Weeds in the Garden of Marriage (1931)
 * The Czech Conspiracy (1938)
 * The Riddle of the "Labarum" and the Origin of Christian Symbols (1966)