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Rh "Why, you are stupid, Savély," said his wife, looking at him compassionately. "When father was alive and living here, all sorts of people used to come to him to be cured of the ague: from the village, and the hamlets, and the Armenian settlement. They came almost every day, and no one called them devils. But if anyone once a year comes in bad weather to warm himself, you wonder at it, you silly, and take all sorts of notions into your head at once."

His wife's logic touched Savély. He stood with his bare feet wide apart, bent his head, and pondered. He was not firmly convinced yet of the truth of his suspicions, and his wife's genuine and unconcerned tone quite disconcerted him. Yet after a moment's thought he wagged his head and said:

"It's not as though they were old men or bandy-legged cripples; it's always young men who want to come for the night Why is that? And if they only wanted to warm themselves But they are up to mischief. No, woman; there's no creature in this world as cunning as your female sort! Of real brains you've not an ounce, less than a starling, but for devilish slyness—oo-oo-oo! The Queen of Heaven protect us! There is the postman's bell! When the storm was only beginning I knew all that was in your mind. That's your witchery, you spider!"

"Why do you keep on at me, you heathen?" His wife lost her patience at last. "Why do you keep sticking to it like pitch?"

"I stick to it because if anything—God forbid

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/


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, to take up the awful wailing: "The harvest is. past, the summer is ended, and I am not saved." They were both buried in one grave. The fear of God fell upon the whole community, for many said that I prayed to God to kill them, and that the warning I gave them was from God. Eternity alone will tell how many were brought to Christ in this meeting.

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text: Signs and Wonders God Wrought in the Ministry for Forty Years/Chapter 10


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V.]

Upon her raiment glittered full many a precious stone:

Her rosy blushing colour with lovely radiance shone,

Though any would deny it he could not but confess,

That on this earth he never had seen more loveliness.

Just as the moon in brightness excels the brightest stars,

And, suddenly outshining, athwart the clouds appears;

So seemed she now, comparéd with dames of fairest guise.

Then did our gallant hero feel his bold spirits rise.

One saw before her marching the chamberlains, in state,—

But the high-mettled warriors their order would not wait:

They thronged to where, in passing, the fair maid they could see.

The while Sir Siegfried suffered both joy and misery,

Sadly he thought within him: “How can it ever be?

It is mere foolish dreaming that I should marry thee!

Yet to be still a stranger!— then were I better dead!”

And, thinking so, his colour did change ’twixt white and red.

There stood the son of Siegmund; as winsome did he look

As 1f his form were limnéd upon a parchment-book,

By hand of cunning master; and all men said of him,

That there was no man like him, so fine and fair of limb.

They who the maid attended now strove to clear the track,

And keep the throng from pressing; and many a knight drew back.

And manly hearts beat quicker for joy, in many a breast,

As passed each high-born lady in splendid raiment drest.


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290 was not in love with him; she had said definite] that their attraction for each other was mere! sexual. Had she lied to him? Had she gon home in the middle of Prom week because sb thought she ought to save him from herself? H could n’t decide, and he felt that he had to knoy If Cynthia was unhappy and he was the cause 0 her unhappiness, he wanted, he assured himself, t “do the right thing,” and he had very vague nc tions indeed of what the right thing might be.

Finally he wrote to her. The letter took hir hours to write, but he flattered himself that it wa yery discreet; it implied nothing and demande nothing.

Dear Cynthia:

I had a talk with Norry Parker recently that has trouble me a great deal.

He said that you seemed both unwel

and unhappy, and he felt that I was in some way responsibl for your depression.

Of course, we both know how ir

genuous and romantic Norry is; he can find tragedy in cut finger. I recognize that fact, but what he told m has given me no end of worry just the same.

Won’t you please write to me just what is wrong—i anything really is and if I have anything to do with it. shall continue to worry until I get your letter.

Most sincerely,

Hugh.

Weeks went by and no answer came. Hugh


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Rh “I guessed it. You were obviously worried; you visited other fraternities; and you did n’t seem to enjoy the attention that you were getting. I ’ll tell you right now that you are worrying about nothing; the Nu Delts will bid you. They are just taking' you for granted; that’s all. You are a legacy, and you have accepted all their invitations to come around. If you had stayed away one night, there would have been a whole delegation rushing around the campus to hunt you up.”

Hugh relaxed. For the time being he believed Graham implicitly.

“Now,” Graham went on, “it’s the Nu Delts that I want to talk about. Oh, I’m not going to knock them,” he hastened to add as Hugh eyed him suspiciously. “I know that you have heard plenty of fraternities knocking each other, but I am sure that you have n’t heard any knocking in this house.”

“No I haven’t,” Hugh admitted.

“Well, you are n’t going to, either. The Nu Delts are much more important than we are. They are stronger locally, and they’ve got a very powerful national organization. But .I don’t think that you have a very clear notion about the Nu Delts or us or any other fraternity. I heard you talking about fraternities the other night, and, if you will forgive me for being awfully frank, you were talking a lot of nonsense.”


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text: Lenin's Speech at the First Session of the Second Congress of the Third International


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50

Then outspake gallant Gernot, the prince of Burgundy:

“To him, who such good service so late hath done to thee,

Thou Gunther, dearest brother, shouldst haste to do the same

In sight of all thy warriors: I say it without shame.

“If thou would’st bid Sir Siegfried unto my sister go,

That the fair maid may greet him, much good might come, I trow.

She, who ne’er greeted warrior, may by her greeting cheer;

And thus this goodly hero be bounden to us here.”

Then some of the host’s kinsmen went where the knight did stand

And thus spake to the warrior who came from Netherland:

“The king his leave hath granted that you to court should go,

His sister there shall greet you: they would you honour show.”

At this the knight’s mood changéd again from grave to gay;

And in his heart Love reignéd, and grief had fled away,—

For the fair Uté’s daughter at last his eyes would see!

Right soon she greeted Siegfried, with winning modesty.

When the high-couraged warrior she saw before her there,

Her cheeks were lit with crimson: then spake the maiden fair:

“Be welcome here, Sir Siegfried, thou good and noble knight.”

And when he heard her greeting his heart grew wondrous light.

He bent him low before her; she took him by the hand.

How lover-like the knight did by the fair maiden stand!

Each locked upon the other with many a tender glance,

This hero and his lady,— and yet they looked askance.


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V.]

Was that white hand, I wonder, in lover’s fashion press’d?

In sign of tender wooing? in sooth ’twas ne’er confess’d.

But scarce can I believe that such chance had been let go;

For she her kindness to him did very quickly show.

In the full bliss of summer, and in the fair Maytide,

Within his heart could never, again such joy abide

As now did fill his bosom; the while he there did stand,

And her whom he desiréd was holding hand in hand.

And many a warrior murmured: “Ah, if it only were

My lot to walk beside her, as I have seen him here,

Or at her side to lay me, what bliss would mine have been!”

Never served hero better, methinks, to win a queen.

Whate’er might be the country the strangers call’d their own,

None had an eye for any save for this pair alone.

And when they let her kiss him,— the goodly man and brave!—

In all this world he never a greater joy could have.

Then rose the King of Denmark, and suddenly did cry:

“To bring about this greeting how many wounded lie!

Too well have I observed it,— and all by Siegfried’s hand;

Forefend him, God, from coming again to Danish land!”

On one side and the other they bade the folk make way

For beauteous lady Kriemhild. Then saw one an array

Of valiant knights who churchward did bear her company.

Then could her goodly gallant no longer near her be;


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 38 The official confession that the Communist Party rules may be seen in the resolution proposed by that Party at the 1920 Congress of the Communist Internationale and accepted unanimously by that body. We quote only a few of the most important expressions from this very interesting document. The meaning is so clear that comments are not called for.

The Communist Party is a part of the working class, precisely its most advanced, most conscious, and therefore most revolutionary part. The Communist Party springs into being through a natural selection of the best, the most conscious, the most self-sacrificing, and far-seeing workmen. The Communist Party has no interests different from the interests of the working class. …

The Communist Party is that lever of political organization by means of which the most advanced part of the working class directs the mass of the proletariat and semi-proletariat along the right road.

As long as the governmental authority has not been conquered by the proletariat, as long as the proletariat has not established its rule once for all and has not guaranteed the working class from the possibility of a bourgeois restoration, so long will the Communist Party by right have in its organized ranks only the minority of the workmen. Up to the time of the seizure of governmental authority and during the period of transition the Communist Party may, in favorable circumstances, exercise undivided ideological and political influence upon all the proletarian and semi-proletarian strata of a population, but it can not bring them together in its ranks in an organized manner. Only after the proletarian dictatorship will have deprived the bourgeois of such powerful weapons of effective influence as the press, the school, the parliament, the


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52

For she went to the minster, with all her dames beside.

So fair a sight and queenly was she in all her pride,

That the high vows of many whilom forgot to rise;

And many a hero feasted his soul upon her eyes.

Hardly did Siegfried’s patience last till the mass was done.

Yet might he thank his fortune that he such grace had won,

That she to him inclinéd, whom in his heart he bore:

Therefore it was but fitting that he should love her more.

As she came from the minster, which he had left before,

The gallant thane was bidden to join the dame once more.

Then, first, began to thank him the winsome maid, that he

Beyond all other warriors had fought so gloriously.

“Now God reward you, Siegfried,” thus spake the child so fair,

“Right well have you deservéd that all the warriors here

Do love and serve you truly, as they themselves avow.”

Right tenderly began he to look on Kriemhild now.

“For ever will I serve you!” declared the warrior,

“Henceforth my head I'll never lay down to rest before

Your least wish be accomplished, if life be granted me;

All this, my lady Kriemhild, for your dear sake shall be.”

Then, for the space of twelve days, on each new dawning day,

One saw the lovely maiden beside the knight alway,

As often as to court she before her friends must go.

Unto the knight this service did her great love allow.


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 Rh church, the administrative apparatus, etc., only after the final defeat of the bourgeois social order will have become evident for everybody, only then will all or practically all the workmen begin to enter the ranks of the Communist Party. …

In Germany the Eight Independents, whenever they make their halfway steps, allege that they represent the desires of the masses, not realizing that a party exists precisely for the purpose of marching in front of the mass and of showing the mass the road it is to follow.

The Proletarian Revolution, in Russia, has brought to the foreground the basic form of labor dictatorship, viz., the Soviet. In the very near future the following division will establish itself: First, the party; second, the Soviets; and third, the productive unions. But the work both in the Soviets and in the revolutionized productive unions must be invariably and systematically directed by the party of the proletariat, i.e., the Communist Party. The organized vanguard of the labor class, the Communist Party, serves equally the interests of the economical, the political, and the cultural struggle of the working class as a whole. The Communist Party must be the soul of the productive unions, of the Soviets of Workmen's Deputies, and of all the other forms of proletarian organization.

The appearance of the Soviets as the chief form of the dictatorship of the proletariat furnished by the history does not in any way diminish the directing role of the Communist Party in the Proletarian Revolution.

Again the monopoly of all governmental functions, and of nearly all the most vital economic functions, by the Communist Party was briefly stated by Lenin on November 5th, 1920 (before the Political Education Conference—quoted by Soviet Russia, April 30th, 1921). In this speech Lenin referred to that party as necessarily controlling "the mighty state apparatus"


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 40 and as "determining everything." His most significant sentences were the following:

What now is this Communist Party which claims to represent the proletariat by divine right, not only in Russia but throughout the whole world—and by representing the world proletariat, proposes to take possession of the earth and all it contains?

Here are the official Soviet statistics of the Party membership of some 604,000 (we omit a few unimportant figures):


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 Rh But while the Communist Party represents a little more than one per cent, of the adult population of Russia, Zinoviev, in opening the congress of the Soviets last December (see Pravda, December 29, 1920) boastfully asserted that the percentage of Communists in the provincial executive commissions was ninety-nine! From these figures, we may see that in Soviet Russia each Communist counts for as much as ten thousand non-party members.

Yet the Soviet chiefs continue to make the most preposterous claims on behalf of the party. For example Lenin declared in his closing speech at the Tenth Congress of the Communist Party (see Moscow Wireless of March 20, 1921) that "there is no other power except the Communist Party that is capable of uniting millions of widely distributed small farmers." In view of the fact shown in the above statistics that the agriculturists do not include more than two or three per cent, of the membership of the Communist Party although they outnumber that party by more than fifty to one, we can get some notion of the extreme degree of untruthfulness which the Bolshevists, by long and strenuous practice, have finally attained. But all this flood of falsehood is proving useless for Bolshevist purposes, since the discussion within the Communist ranks itself is now disclosing the full truth. Late in 1920 Trotzky complained in the Pravda:


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 42 Ossinsky, a prominent Communist, sums up the anti-democratic retrogression of the Bolshevist régime in Pravda, December 20, 1920, as follows:

In describing the steady reactionary trend toward the dictatorship of a smaller and smaller number of men, we cannot stop with the assertion that it is the Communist Party that controls, for the question arises, who controls the Communist Party? This is easily answered. At a special meeting of the Soviet Economic Conference in January, 1920, Lenin said:


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V.]

All kinds of mirth and pleasure, and mighty noise withal,

Were seen and heard forthcoming daily from Gunther’'s hall,—

Without, and inside also,— from many a gallant man.

Sir Ortwein and Sir Hagen right wondrous feats began.

Whatever games were started these jocund heroes were

Always among the foremost, a skilled and ready pair.

Whereby these warriors soon were well known to every guest;

Of such kind were the jewels that Gunther’s land possessed.

Those who had long lain wounded one saw, at last, appear:

They too would share the pastimes, would fence and throw the spear

Among the king’s retainers; well-pleased to find at length

That they could do as others; they had renewed their strength.

The host would have them treated well, at his festal board,

Theirs was to be the best food. Thus managed he to ward

The slightest breath of scandal, which oft a king doth reach.

From guest to guest on went he, with kindly words for each.

He said: “All ye, good warriors, before ye ride away,

I pray ye take my presents: ’twas in my mind alway

To recompense your service; my goods despise not ye:

I fain would share them with you; this do I willingly.”

Then did the lords of Denmark thus answer, out of hand:

“Before we ride hence, homewards unto our fatherland,

We fain would have a treaty: of peace we knights have need,

We’ve lost dear friends in plenty who, through your knights, lie dead.”


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 Rh

What we really have in Soviet Russia is the rule of the chiefs of the Bolshevist Party, the congresses of that organization being cut and dried affairs. We must not forget that the Commissars in control of the Bolshevist Government are able to apply their dictatorial power over Communist party members, using not only rewards and punishments for their purposes but also the frightful "Extraordinary Commission for Combating Counter-Revolution." Furthermore the Executive of the Party reserves the right of purging it from time to time of unsatisfactory members and thousands upon thousands have been put out in this way. At the same time entrance is made extremely difficult and is controlled by the central committee. The excuse for all this centralization within the Party is, of course, the necessities of the revolutionary civil war that is still raging and, as we show below, is expected to continue to rage for the next twenty-five or fifty years.

The following paragraphs from the long resolution of the Second Congress of the Communist Internationale already quoted sufficiently indicate the power


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 44 placed in the hands of the Communist bosses by the constitution of their organization:

Under the "military order" of an "iron proletarian centralism" any practical person may easily grasp the futility of such reforms as are now proposed for "the ending of the dictatorship of the people's commissars" and "the taking over of actual control of the affairs of state by the Central Executive Committee of the Soviets." (Resolution of the 1920 Soviet Congress.) Where is there any authority honestly to carry out this proposed change outside of the Communist Party? The resolution on February 9, 1921, by which the Central Executive Committee ordered the local Soviets convoked and given "full power," was also mere verbiage. As these local governing bodies consist to the extent of ninety-nine per cent (see Zinoviev's figures above quoted) of Communists under the dictatorial power of the Soviet Commissars as chiefs of the Party, what change has taken place?


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 Rh But is this a merely transitional party dictatorship while the foreign wars continue and while the victory of the Communists is not yet assured? Not at all. In his speech before the Communist Internationale, as quoted in the Moscow Pravda, December 3, 1920, Zinoviev declared: "After the victory the role of the party does not decline but on the contrary increases." We have already quoted the resolution of that Congress referring to "the long and persistent civil war which impends." Again Lenin says in his "Theses," which were adopted by the Congress:

On January 30, 1921, Lenin said to the visiting delegation of Spanish Socialists:

Similarly Lenin declared to Serrati, the Italian revolutionary leader, a few months earlier, that the


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 In the year 820, the Year of the Tiger (2001 BE), on that occasion, it was decreed that the religion be perfectly perfected and images of five hundred lives of bodhisattvas be cast.

In the year 822, the Year of the Dragon (2003 BE), great entertainments were performed to celebrate the idols and royal gifts were granted unto all monks, and brahmans, and mendicants. On that occasion, the ruler of Saliang plotted treason. He brought all the households unto the high king as his vassals.

In the year 823, the Year of the Snake (2004 BE), the ruler of Saliang led the high king in, intending to take Phitsanulok Town. Having approached to seize the town with all their might, they could not conquer the town. And they then marched their host aside to take Kamphaeng Phet Town. And having approached to seize the town for all of seven days, they could not conquer the town. Then the high king retired his host and returned unto Chiang Mai.

In the year 824, the Year of the Horse (2005 BE), Nakhon Thai Town took migrant households away unto Nan Town, and Phra Kalahom was sent after them and gat them back. Then Phra Kalahom marched his men to take Sukhothai Town and gat the town back as afore.

In the year 825, the Year of the Goat (2006 BE), His Divine Highness Borommatrailok the Lord went to assume kingship of Phitsanulok Town and directed a lord of land to assume kingship of the Divine City of Glorious Ayutthaya under the name of His Highness Borommaracha. On that occasion, the high king Thao Luk marched his men in to take Sukhothai Town. So His Divine Highness Borommatrailok the Lord and His Divine Highness Intharacha the Lord fared forth to defend the town. And His Divine Highness Borommaracha the Lord rent asunder the host of Phaya Thian, and His host came into confrontation with the host of Muen Nakhon, and He did engage in a fight on elephants with Muen Nakhon, and a great chaos occurred on that occasion, and four Lao foes on elephants approached and beset His sole royal elephant mount. In that event, His Divine Highness Intharacha the Lord was hit in the face with a shot and the host of that high king retired and returned home.


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 46 dictatorship would last twenty-five years to fifty years. The Second Communist Internationale concludes its discussion of the dictatorial role of the Communist Party (above quoted) as follows:

The fact that the dictatorship of the proletariat is not regarded as a rapidly passing phase was again brought out by Lenin at the Congress of the Communist Party in March, 1920—when the Bolshevist leader said:

Not only do the Bolshevists promulgate for all countries a long period of dictatorship similar to what we now see in Russia, but they believe that this will be a period of civil war justifying all manner of terrorism, violence and extreme measures. As the resolution above cited frequently says, a long period of civil war


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 Rh is before us. During this civil war no other parties have a right to represent the proletariat, no matter what their numerical support, except the Communist Party. The attitude of the Communists toward other political organizations of labor is shown by the following remarks of Lenin:

Not only are all other labor parties and non-party members declared to be non-labor or bourgeois, but, whenever they assume any importance, they are definitely excluded from the Soviets, as we see from the following decree:

(All-Russian Central Executive Committee, June 14 (1), 1918.)

Whereas, The presence in the Soviet organization of representatives of parties that clearly strive to discredit and overthrow the authority of the Soviets is absolutely inadmissible:

Therefore, the All-Russian Central Executive Committee of Soviets resolves to exclude from its membership representatives of the parties of Socialist-Revolutionaries (Right and Center), Russian Social-Demo-


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 48 cratic Workmen's Party (Menshevists), and also to propose to all Soviets of Workmen's, Soldiers', Peasants' and Cossacks' Deputies to remove the representatives of these fractions from their midst.

Not only are leaders of all opposition parties excluded from the Soviet whenever they become powerful, but they are regarded as traitors and treated accordingly. The only opposition tolerated is obliged to call itself "non-partisan," and even the non-partisans are "suspect" and subject to sudden punishment.

[Lenin's speech above quoted is only one of many evidences of this attitude.]


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 the opposite, namely that Jesus regarded himself as just such a man as everybody else, and defined his relation to God just like the relation of all other men to God. His words, “I am working as my Father worketh,” apparently have the same meaning as the words, “Be as perfect as your Father!” Here he refers his words to others, but when he says, “I am working as my Father worketh,” and refers these words to himself, he speaks of himself as man, and not as God.

“The Jews understood it in the same way: Therefore the Jews sought the more to kill him, because he not only had broken the Sabbath, but said also that God was his Father, making himself equal with God (v. 18).” (p. 49.)

These words, no matter how one may read them, have no other meaning but that St. John, wishing to clear up the real meaning of Christ’s sonhood to God, represents an example of a false comprehension of Christ’s words. These words denote only that the Jews, rebuking Christ, fell into the same error into which the church is falling now when it praises him. These words can have no other meaning.

“At that time Jesus did not remark to the Jews that they comprehended him wrongly, but continued: Verily, verily, I say unto you, The Son can do nothing of himself, but what he seeth the Father do: for what things soever he doeth, these also doeth the Son likewise! (v. 19).”

These words are said in reply to the reproaches that he and his disciples are breaking the Sabbath. He says that God and he himself do not stop working, or providing, so why should man stop? “For as the Father raiseth up the dead, and quickeneth them; even so the Son quickeneth whom he will. For the Father judgeth no man; but hath committed all judgment unto the Son: That all men should honour the Son, even as they honour


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God the Saviour and his special relation to the human race.

Thus begins the Second Part.

122. Connection with the preceding, importance of the subject, doctrine of the church about it, and the division of the doctrine. “Heretofore we were, so to speak, in the sanctuary of the Orthodox dogmatic theology; now we enter the sanctum sanctorum.” (p. 7.)

This Second Part, which enters the sanctum sanctorum, indeed, sharply contrasts with the First.

In the First are shown the propositions and questions which have always lain in the soul of each man: about the beginning of everything—God, about the beginning of the material and of the spiritual world, about man, about the soul, and about man’s struggle between the good and the evil.

In this Second Part there is no longer anything of the kind. None of the dogmas which are disclosed here answer any question of faith, but they are arbitrary propositions, which are not connected with anything human, and which are based only on a certain very coarse interpretation of all kinds of words of Holy Scripture, and so cannot be analyzed or judged on the basis of their relation to reason. There is no connection whatsoever. These dogmas may be viewed only in relation to their correct-


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 ausgerechnet werden." And the German, aroused from his silence, turned for confirmation to Vronsky—"Das lässt sick ausrechnen, Erlaucht."

The German put his hand into his pocket, where he kept a pencil and notebook, in which he had an exact statement, but, suddenly remembering that he was at the dinner-table, and noticing Vronsky's cold eyes fastened on him, he controlled himself.

"Zu complicirt macht zu viel Klopofs," he said in conclusion.

"Wünscht mail Dochots, so hat man auch Klopots," said Vasenka Veslovsky, making sport of the German. "J'adore l'allemand," he said, with a peculiar smile, turning to Anna.

"Cessez!" said she, with affected sternness.

"We expected to find you on the field," said she to the doctor, who was somewhat infirm. "Were you there?"

"I was there, but I evaporated," replied the doctor, with a melancholy attempt at a jest.

"It must have been a beautiful motion."

"Magnificent."

"Well, and how did you find your old woman? I hope it isn't the typhus."

"Whether it is typhus or not I can't tell yet, but ...."

"How sorry I am," said Anna; and, having thus shown her politeness to the dependents, she turned again to her friends.

"At any rate, it would be pretty hard to reconstruct a machine by following your description, Anna Arkadyevna," said Sviazhsky,

"No, why so?" said Anna, with a smile which intimated that she knew there was something charming in her description of the construction of the reaping-machines, and that even Sviazhsky had noticed it. This new trait of youthful coquetry struck Dolly unpleasantly.

"Still, in architecture Anna Arkadyevna's knowledge is very remarkable," said Tushkievitch.

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 "Well, yesterday evening I heard Anna Arkadyevna making some wise remark about plinths," said Veslovsky. "Would you find me doing that?"

"There is nothing remarkable in that, when one keeps one's eyes and ears open," said Anna. "But don't you know what houses are built of?"

Darya Aleksandrovna perceived that Anna was not pleased with this tone of badinage which she and Veslovsky kept up, but that she fell into it involuntarily.

In this respect Vronsky behaved exactly the opposite to Levin. He evidently attributed not the least importance to Veslovsky's nonsense, but, on the contrary, encouraged this jesting.

"Well, tell us, Veslovsky, what they use to fasten stones together."

"Cement, of course."

"Bravo! And what is cement made of?"

"Well, it is something like gruel. .... No, a sort of mastic," said Veslovsky, amid general laughter.

The conversation among the guests, with the exception of the doctor, the superintendent, and the architect, who generally kept silence, went on without cessation, now growing light, now dragging a little, and now touching to the quick.

Once Darya Aleksandrovna was touched to the quick, and felt so provoked that she grew red in the face, and afterward she wondered if she made any improper or unpleasant remark. Sviazhsky spoke of Levin and told of some of his strange opinions in regard to machines being injurious to Russian agriculture.

"I have not the pleasure of knowing this Mr. Levin; probably he has never seen the machines he criticizes. But if he has seen and tried, they must have been Russian ones, and not the foreign make. What can be his views?"

"Turkish views," said Veslovsky, smiling at Anna.

"I cannot defend his opinions," said Dolly, reddening; "but Levin is a thoroughly intelligent man, and if he were here he would know what answer to make you, but I can't."

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 "Oh, I am very fond of him, and we are excellent friends," said Sviazhsky, smiling good-naturedly; "mais pardon, il est un petit peu toqué. For example, he considers tht zemstvo and the justices of the peace—everything—entirely useless—will have nothing to do with them."

"It's our Russian indifference!" exclaimed Vronsky, filling his goblet with ice-water from a carafe. "Not to feel the obligations which our privileges impose on us and so ignore them."

"I don't know any one who is more strict in the fulfilment of his duties," said Dolly, irritated by Vronsky's superior tone.

"I, on the contrary," continued Vronsky, evidently somewhat piqued by this conversation,—"I, on the contrary, am very grateful, as you see, for the honor which has been done me, thanks to Nikolaï Ivanovitch"—he referred to Sviazhsky—"in my appointment as honorary justice of the peace. I consider that for me the duty of going to the sessions of the court, of judging the affairs of a muzhik, are as important as anything that I could do. And I shall consider it an honor if you elect me a member of the town-council. This is the only way that I can repay society for the privileges I enjoy as a landed proprietor. Unfortunately the influence which the large landed proprietors ought to wield is not fully appreciated."

Vronsky's calm assurance that he was in the right seemed very strange to Darya Aleksandrovna. She knew that Levin, whose opinions were diametrically opposite, was equally firm on his side; but she loved Levin, and so she was on his side.

"So we can depend on you at the next election, can we?" said Sviazhsky. "But we ought to leave earlier, so as to get there by the 8th. Will you do me the honor to go with me, count?"

"I pretty much agree with your beau frère," said Anna, "though for different reasons," she added, with a smile. "I am afraid that nowadays we are getting

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 to have too many of these public duties, just as in old times there were so many chinovniks that there was a chinovnik for everything; so now every one is becoming a public functionary. Alekseï has been here six months, and is already a member of five or six different public commissions—wardenship, judge, town councilman, juryman—I don't know what else. Du train que cela va all his time will be spent on it. And I am afraid if these things are multiplied so, that it will be only a matter of form. You have ever so many offices, Nikolaï Ivanuitch, have you not? at least twenty, haven't you?" she asked, turning toward Sviazhsky.

Anna spoke jestingly, but in her tone there was a shade of irritation. Darya Aleksandrovna, who was watching Anna and Vronsky attentively, immediately noticed it. She saw also that the count's face assumed a resolute and obstinate expression, and that the Princess Varvara made haste to talk about some Petersburg acquaintances, so as to change the subject; and, remembering what Vronsky had told her in the garden about his pleasure in activity, she felt certain that this conversation about public activities had something to do with a secret quarrel between Vronsky and Anna.

The dinner, the wines, the service, were luxurious, but everything seemed to Darya Aleksandrovna formal and impersonal, like the state dinners and balls that she had seen, and on an ordinary day and in a small circle it made a disagreeable impression on her.

After dinner they sat down on the terrace. Then they began to play lawn-tennis. The players, dividing into two sides, took their places on the carefully rolled and smoothly shaven croquet-ground, on which the net was stretched between gilded posts. Darya Aleksandrovna was invited to play, but it took a long time before she learned how, and when she got an idea of the game she felt so tired that she went and sat down by the Princess Varvara and only watched the players. Her partner, Tushkievitch, also ceased playing, but the others continued the game a long time. Sviazhsky and

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 Vronsky both played very well and earnestly. They followed the tennis-ball with quick eyes as it was sent from one side to the other, not wasting their energies, and not getting confused, skilfully running to meet it, waiting till it should bound, and with good aim and perfect accuracy catching it on the racket and sending it over the net.

Veslovsky played worse than the others. He got too much excited, but nevertheless by his gayety he kept up the spirits of the other players. His jests and shouts never ceased. Like the other men, by the advice of the ladies he took off his coat and played, and his tall, well-shaped figure in his shirt-sleeves, and his ruddy, warm face, and his violent motions made a pleasant picture to remember.

When Darya Aleksandrovna that night lay down in her bed, as soon as she closed her eyes she saw Vasenka Veslovsky dancing about on the croquet-ground.

But while they were playing, Darya Aleksandrovna did not feel happy. She was displeased with the frivolity which Vasenka Veslovsky and Anna still kept up while they were playing; nor did such a childish game played by grown men and women by themselves, without children, seem natural or sensible. But lest she should destroy the pleasure of the others and so as to pass away the time, she rested a little while and then took part in another game and made believe that she was gay. All that day it seemed to her as if she were acting in a comedy with better actors than herself, and that her bad acting spoiled the whole piece. She had come intending to stay for two days if they urged her. But in the evening, during the game of tennis, she made up her mind to go home the next day. Those very same maternal cares which she had so hated as she thought them over during her journey, now, after two days' absence, presented themselves in another light and began to attract her. When, after tea and after a moonlight row in the boat, she went alone to her room, took off her gown, and began to put up her thin hair for the night, she felt a great sense of relief.

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 It was even unpleasant to think that Anna would soon be in to see her. She would have preferred to be alone with her thoughts.

CHAPTER XXIII

was just feeling ready to go to bed when Anna came in, in her night costume.

All that day Anna had more than once been on the point of speaking intimately, but each time, after saying a few words, she had put it off, saying, "By and by; when we are alone, we will talk. I must tell you everything."

Now they were alone and Anna did not know what to talk about. She sat by the window looking at Dolly, and casting over in her mind that inexhaustible store of topics which she wished to talk about, and yet she could not find one to begin with. It seemed to her as if she had already told all that was in her heart to tell.

"Well, what about Kitty?" asked Anna, sighing deeply, and looking guiltily at Dolly. "Tell me the truth, Dolly; is she angry with me?"

"Angry? No," answered Dolly, smiling.

"Doesn't she hate .... does n't she despise me?"

"Oh, no; but you know this is one of the things people don't forgive."

"Yes, yes," said Anna, turning away and looking out of the open window. "But I was not to blame! And who is to blame? and what is there blameworthy about it? Could it have been otherwise? Now tell me? How do you think? Could you have helped being Stiva's wife?"

"Truly, I don't know; but you must tell me ...."

"Yes, yes! But finish telling me about Kitty. Is she happy? They say her husband is an excellent man."

"That's too little to say, that he's excellent; I don't know a better man."

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 "Oh, how glad I am! I am very glad. 'Little to say, that he 's an excellent man,'" she. repeated.

Dolly smiled.

"But now tell me about yourself," said Dolly. "I want a long talk with you. I have talked with ...."

She did not know what to call Vronsky—it was awkward to call him either count or Alekseï Kirillovitch.

"With Alekseï," said Anna. "Yes; I know that you talked with him. But I wanted to ask you frankly what you think of me.... of my life."

"How can I tell you at such short notice? I don't know what to say."

"No; you must tell me. ... You see my life. But you must not forget that you see us in summer with people, and we are not alone ....but we came in the early spring, we lived entirely alone, and we shall live alone again. I ask for nothing better than living alone with him. But when I imagine that I may live alone without him, absolutely alone, and this would be .... I don't see why this may not be frequently repeated, that he may spend half of his time away from home," she said, and, getting up, she sat down close by Dolly. "Oh, of course," she said quickly, interrupting Dolly, who was about to speak, "of course, I cannot keep him by force.... I don't keep him. To-day there's a race; his horses race; he goes. I am very glad! But you think of me; imagine my situation .... what is to be said about it?" She smiled. "But what did he talk with you about?"

"He spoke about a matter which I myself wanted to talk over with you; and it is easy for me to be an advocate of it,—about this: whether it is not possible or essential to"—Darya Aleksandrovna hesitated—"to improve, make your position legal .... you know how I look at .... but anyhow, if possible, a marriage must take place."

"You mean divorce?" said Anna. "Do you know, the only woman who came to see me in Petersburg was Betsy Tverskaya! Perhaps you know her. Au fond c'est la femme la plus depravée qui existe. She had a

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 liaison with this Tushkievitch, deceiving her husband in the most outrageous way .... but she told me that she did not wish to know me, because my position was illegal! Don't think that I compare .... I know yo, dear heart. But I could not help remembering it. Well, what did he say to you?"

"He said that he suffered both for you and for himself; maybe you will say that it is egoism, but what an honorable and noble egoism! He wishes to make his daughter legitimate, and to be your husband and with a husband's rights."

"What wife, what slave, could be more of a slave than I, in my position?" she interrupted angrily.

"The main reason that he wishes it is that you may not suffer."

"This is impossible. Well?"

"Well, to make your children legitimate, to give them a name."

"What children?" said Anna, not looking at Dolly, but half-closing her eyes.

"Ani, and those that may come to you."

"Oh, he can be easy; I shall not have any more."....

"How can you say that you won't have any more?"....

"Because I will not have any more;" and, in spite of her emotion, Anna smiled at the naive expression of astonishment, of curiosity, and horror depicted on Dolly's face. "After my illness the doctor told me...."

"It is impossible," exclaimed Dolly, looking at Anna with wide-opened eyes. For her this was one of those discoveries, the consequences and deductions of which are so monstrous that at the first instant it touches only the feeling, that it is impossible to grasp it, but that it rouses momentous trains of thought.

This discovery, which explained for her how happened all these hitherto inexplicable families of one or at most two children, stirred up so many thoughts, considerations, and contradictory feelings that she could

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 not say a word, and only gazed with wide-open eyea of amazement at Anna. It was the very thing of which she had dreamed, but now that she knew it was possible she was horror-struck. She felt that it was a quite too simple solution of a too complicated question.

"N'est ce pas immoral?" she asked, after a moment's silence.

"Why? Remember that I must choose between two things: either being pregnant, that is to say, sick, or being the friend, the companion, of my husband; for so I consider him. If that is a doubtful fact to you, it is not so to me," said Anna, in an intentionally superficial and frivolous tone.

"Yes, yes, but...." exclaimed Darya Aleksandrovna, hearing the very same arguments which she had brought up to herself, and no longer finding in them their former weight.

"For you, for other women," proceeded Anna, apparrently divining her thoughts, "there may be some doubt about this; but for me. .... Just think! I am not his wife; he will love me just as long as he loves me; and how, by what means, am I to keep his love? It is by this."

And she put out her white arms in front of her beautiful body.

With extraordinary rapidity, as always happens in moments of emotion, all sorts of thoughts and ideas went rushing through Darya Aleksandrovna's mind.

"I have not tried," she reasoned, "to attract Stiva to myself; he deserted me for some one else, and the first woman for whom he sacrificed me did not retain him by being always pretty and gay. He threw her over and took another. And will Anna be able to fascinate and retain Count Vronsky? If that is what attracts him, then he will be able to find women who dress even better and are more fascinating and merry-hearted. And however white, however beautiful, her bare arms, however beautiful her rounded form, and her animated face framed in her black hair, he will be able to find still

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 better, more attractive women, just as my abominable, wretched, and beloved husband has done."

Dolly made no reply, and only sighed. Anna remarked this sigh, which signified dissent, and she proceeded. She had in reserve still more arguments, still stronger, and impossible to answer.

"You say that this is immoral. But this requires to be reasoned out," she went on saying. "You forget my position. How can I desire children? I don't say anything about the suffering, I am not afraid of that. But think what my children will be! Unfortunate beings, who will have to bear a name which is not theirs,—by their very birth compelled to blush for their father and mother."

"Well, this is the very reason why a divorce is necessary."

But Anna did not hear her. She wanted to produce the same arguments by which she had so many times persuaded herself.

"Why was the gift of reason bestowed on me, if I cannot employ it in preventing the birth of more unhappy beings?"

She looked at Dolly, but without waiting for any answer she went on:—

"I should always feel my guilt toward these unhappy children. If they do not exist, they will not know misery; but if they exist and suffer, then I am to blame."

These were the same arguments as Darya Aleksandrovna had used to herself, but now she listened and did not understand them. She said to herself:—

"How can one be culpable with regard to non-existent existences?" And suddenly the thought came, "Could it have been possibly any better if my darling Grisha had never existed?" and it struck so unpleasantly, so strangely, that she shook her head to chase away the cloud of maddening thoughts that came into her mind.

"No, I do not know; I believe it wrong," she said, with an expression of disgust.

"But you must not forget that you and I .... and moreover," added Anna, notwithstanding the wealth of her

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 own arguments and the poverty of poor Dolly's, seeming somehow to recognize that this thing was immoral after all,—"you must not forget the main thing, that I am not now in the same position as you are. For you the question is, Do you wish to have more children? but for me, Do I desire them? This is the principal difference. You must know that I cannot desire them in my position."

Darya Aleksandrovna was silent. She suddenly became aware that such an abyss separated her from Anna that between them certain questions existed on which they could never agree, and which had best not be discussed.

CHAPTER XXIV

" shows all the more necessity for legalizing your position, if possible."

"Yes, if possible," answered Anna, in an entirely different tone, calm and sweet.

"Is a divorce entirely impossible? They tell me your husband has consented."

"Dolly, I do not wish to talk about this."

"Well, we will not," Darya Aleksandrovna hastened to say, noticing the expression of suffering on Anna's face. "Only it seems to me that you look too much on the dark side."

"I? Not at all; I am very happy and contented. You saw, Je fais des passions with Veslovsky ...."

"Yes! To tell the truth, Veslovsky's manner displeases me very much," said Darya Aleksandrovna, willing enough to change the conversation.

"Oh! there's nothing! It tickles Alekseï, and that's all there is of it. But he is a mere boy and entirely in my hands. You understand, I do as I please with him; just as you do with your Grisha. ... Dolly!"—she suddenly changed the subject—"you say that I look on the dark side. You can't understand. This is too terrible; I try not to look at all!"

"You are wrong; you ought to do what is necessary.'

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 "But what is necessary? You say I must marry Alekseï, and that I don't think about that. I not think about that!" she exclaimed, and the color flew over her face. She got up, straightened herself, and began walking up and down the room with her graceful gait, stopping now and then. "Not think about that! There is not a day or an hour when I do not think of it, and blame myself for thinking of it;—because the thought of it will make me mad—will make me mad," she repeated. "When I think of it, I cannot go to sleep without morphine. But very good! let us speak calmly. You talk about divorce, but in the first place he would not consent; he is now under the Countess Lidya's influence."

Darya Aleksandrovna, reclining in her easy-chair with a sympathetic and sorrowful face, watched Anna as she walked up and down. She shook her head.

"We must try," said she.

"Suppose I should try. What does it mean?" she asked, evidently expressing a thought which she had gone over in her own mind a thousand times and had learned by heart. "It means that I, who hate him, and who have nevertheless confessed my guilt to him—I believe in his magnanimity—that I humiliate myself to write him. .... Well! suppose I make the effort; suppose I do it. I shall receive either an insulting answer or his consent. Good, I get his consent ...." Anna at this time was in the farthest end of the room and stopped there to arrange a window-curtain. "I get his consent .... but my s-son? You see he will not give him to me. .... I No, he will grow up despising me, living with his father, whom I have left. Just think, I love these two almost equally, both more than myself; these two, Serozha and Alekseï."

She advanced to the middle of the room and stood in front of Dolly, pressing her hands to her breast. In her white peignoir she seemed wonderfully tall and large. She bent her head, and, looking out of her moist, shining eyes on the little, homely, lean Dolly, sitting there in her darned nightgown and nightcap, all a-tremble with emotion, went on: -

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 "These two only I love, and the one excludes the other. I cannot bring them together, and yet this is the one thing I want. If this were not so, it would be all the same,—all, all the same. It will end in some way; but I cannot, I will not, talk about this. So do not despise me, do not judge me. You in your purity could never imagine what I suffer!"

She sat down beside Dolly and, with a guilty expression in her eyes, took her hand.

"What do you think? What do you think of me? Do not despise me! I do not deserve that; I am miserably unhappy. If there is any one unhappy, it is I ...." said she, and, turning away, she began to weep.

After Anna left her, Dolly said her prayers and went to bed. She pitied Anna with all her soul while she was talking with her; but now she could not bring herself to think of her. Memories of home and her children arose in her imagination with new and wonderful joy. So dear and precious seemed this little world to her that she decided that nothing would tempt her to stay longer away from them, and that she would leave the next day.

Anna, meantime, returning to her dressing-room, took a glass, and poured into it several drops of a mixture containing chiefly morphine, and, having swallowed it, she sat a little while motionless, then went with a calm and joyous heart to her bedroom.

When she went into her sleeping-room, Vronsky looked scrutinizingly into her face. He was trying to discover some trace of the talk which he knew by the length of her stay in Dolly's room she must have had with her. But in her expression, which betrayed a certain repressed excitement, as if she were trying to conceal something, he found nothing except the beauty to which he was so accustomed, and which always intoxicated him, and the consciousness of it and the desire that it might still have its usual effect on him.

He did not like to ask her what they had been talking about, but hoped that she herself would tell him. But she only said:—

"I am glad you like Dolly; you do, don't you?"

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 "Yes! I've known her for a long time. She's a very good woman, mais excessivement terre a terre. But still I am well pleased at her visit."

He gave Anna another questioning look, and took her hand; but she understood his look in another way, and smiled.

The next morning, in spite of repeated urging from her hosts, Darya Aleksandrovna prepared to go away. Levin's coachman, in his old kaftan and a sort of postilion's cap, put the unmatched horses into the old carrriage with its shabby harness, and, looking stern and resolute, drove up the sanded driveway to the covered portico.

Darya Aleksandrovna took a cold farewell of the Princess Varvara and the gentlemen. The day that they had passed together made them all see clearly that they had no interests in common, and that they were better apart. Anna only was sad. She knew that no one would waken again in her the feelings which Dolly had aroused in her soul. To have these feelings aroused was painful to her, but still she knew that they represented all the better side of her nature, and that soon all vestige of such feelings would be stifled by the life that she was leading.

As soon as she got fairly away from the house, Darya Aleksandrovna experienced a pleasant feeling of relief, and she was about to ask her men how they liked the Vronskys, when suddenly the coachman, Filipp himself, spoke out:—

"They 're rich, rich enough, but they give only three measures of oats. The horses cleaned it all up before cockcrow. What are three measures? Only a bite. Nowadays oats cost only forty-five kopeks. With us, we give our visitors' horses as much as they will eat."

"A stingy barin," said the bookkeeper.

"Well, but you liked their horses, didn't you?" asked Dolly.

"The horses, yes, they were all right. And the food was good. But still somehow I felt kind of homesick,

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 Darya Aleksandrovna; I don't know how it was with you," said he, turning to her his good, handsome face.

"Yes, and so did I. But do you think we shall get home this evening?"

"We must get home."

On reaching home and finding every one perfectly happy and glad to see her, Darya Aleksandrovna, with great liveliness, told the story of her trip and how warmly she had been received, about the luxury and good taste of the Vronskys' estabhshment and about their amusements; and she would not allow any one to say a word against them.

"You must know Anna and Vronsky,—and I know him better than I did,—to appreciate how kind and affectionate they are," said she, with perfect sincerity, forgetting the vague feeling of discomfort that she had felt when she was there.

CHAPTER XXV

Vronsky and Anna passed the rest of the summer and part of the autumn in the country under the same conditions, and took no steps toward getting a divorce. It was agreed between them that they should not make any visits; but they both felt that the longer they lived alone, particularly in the autumn, and without guests, the more unendurable became their life, and that they must have some change.

Nothing which constitutes happiness was apparently wanting to them. They were rich, young, well; they had one child, and they had pleasant occupations. Though they had no guests, Anna continued to take the greatest care of her person and her dress. She read much, both in the way of novels and of serious literature, and sent abroad for valuable books which she saw praised in the foreign magazines and journals. And she read carefully, as one can do only when in the solitude of the country. Moreover, all subjects which interested Vronsky, she studied up in books and scien-

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 tific journals, so that often he went directly to her with questions relating to agronomics and to architecture, even with those on the breeding of horses, and the best methods of hunting. He was amazed at her knowledge and her memory; and when he felt any doubt about the beginning of an enterprise and wanted moral support, he would consult her, and she would find in books whatever he asked about and then show it to him.

The arrangement of the hospital also occupied her. She not only assisted in it, but, moreover, invented many original ideas and carried them out. But, after all, her chief preoccupation was herself .... herself and how she might retain Vronsky's affections, how she might supply for him all that he needed.

Vronsky appreciated this, and saw that the only aim of her life was to please him and to obey his wishes in every particular; but at the same time he was oppressed by the chains of tenderness which she tried to forge around him. As time went on, he found himself more and more embarrassed by these chains, and more desirous of, if not exactly escaping from them, at least of keeping them from interfering with his independence. If it had not been for his ever increasing desire for freedom, if it had not been for the fact that every time he had to go to the city, to the races, there was a scene with Anna, Vronsky would have been perfectly contented with his existence.

The rôle of rich landed proprietor, which he had chosen for himself as constituting the true work of the Russian aristocracy, and which he had been engaged in now for half a year, gave him ever increasing pleasure. His work, which absorbed him more and more, was prospering admirably. Notwithstanding his enormous expenses for the building of the hospital, for machinery, and cattle imported from Switzerland, and many other things, he felt sure that he was not wasting, but increasing, his property. As far as it concerned the matter of income, the sale of wood, of wheat, of wool, the leasing of land, Vronsky was as firm as a rock, and succeeded in holding to his price. In matters concerning his whole

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 management, both on this and on his other estates, he kept to the simplest and least risky processes, and was to the highest degree economical and prudent in all details. Notwithstanding all the cleverness and shrewdness of his German superintendent, who tried to involve him in purchases and who so managed every calculation that a large outlay was needed at first, but where, by waiting a little, the same thing could be done much cheaper and with greater profit, Vronsky used his own judgment. He would listen to his superintendent, would ask him all sorts of questions, and consent to his proposed plans only when the thing to be imported or constructed was something perfectly new, unheard of as yet in Russia, and calculated to cause surprise. Moreover, he would decide to embark in large enterprises only when he had plenty of money on hand, and in entering on any such outlay he attended to all the details, and insisted that he should have the very best results. Thus it was evident that in carrying out his undertakings he was not dissipating, but was increasing, his estate.

In the month of October the government of Kashin, in which were situated the estates of Vronsky, Sviazhsky, Koznuishef, and a part of Levin's, was to hold its nobiliary elections. These elections, for many reasons, and because of the persons who took part in them, attracted general attention. Much was said about them and great preparations were made for them. People from Moscow, Petersburg, and even from abroad, who had never witnessed an election, came to look on.

Vronsky had some time before promised Sviazhsky to go with him.

Just before the elections, Sviazhsky, who had often visited Vozdvizhenskoye, came after Vronsky. On the evening before this event Vronsky and Anna almost had a quarrel about his proposed trip. It was getting autumnal in the country, a melancholy, gloomy time, and therefore Vronsky, already ready for a contest, announced with a cold, stem expression, such as he rarely allowed himself toward Anna, that he was going away on

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 this expedition. But to his surprise Anna received the news with entire calmness, and only asked him when he should be back. He looked at her scrutinizingly, not understanding her calmness. She smiled as he looked at her. He knew her power of retiring into herself, and he knew that it was manifested only when she was planning something about herself and did not wish him to know her plans. He was afraid of this now, but he was so desirous of avoiding a scene that he almost forced himself into believing that her manner was sincere.

"I hope you will not be lonely."

"I hope so too," said Anna. "I received a box of books from Gautier yesterday; no, I shall not be lonely."

"She is adopting a new tone, and so much the better," thought he; "but it is all the same thing."

And so, without entering into any frank explanation with her, he started off for the elections. This was the first time since the beginning of their liaison that he had left her without full and complete explanation. In one way this disquieted him; in another, he felt that it was better so.

"At first there will be something as there is now, not altogether clear and above board, but after a while she will get used to it. At all events," he thought, "I can give up to her everything except my independence as a man."

CHAPTER XXVI

September Levin returned to Moscow for Kitty's confinement.

He had already been there a whole month without anything to do, when Sergyeï Ivanovitch, who had an estate in the government of Kashin, and who took a great interest in the approaching elections, was getting ready to make the journey. He took with him his brother, who had a parcel of land in the Seleznevsky district, and who, moreover, had some very important business to transact in regard to a trusteeship and the

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 receipt of certain money in Kashin in behalf of his sister, who lived abroad.

Levin was even at the last moment in a state of uncertainty, but Kitty, seeing that he was bored in Moscow, not only urged him to go, but without his knowledge bought him a noble's uniform at an expense of eighty rubles. And these eighty rubles paid out for the uniform constituted the chief reason which induced Levin to go. He therefore went to Kashin.

He had been at Kashin six days, present at every session of the electors, and employing himself in his sister's affairs, which did not progress at all satisfactorily. All the marshals of nobility were absorbed in the elections, and it was impossible to accomplish the very simple business which depended on his guardianship. The other matter—the receipt of some money—in the same way caused him great delay. After long parleyings concerning the removal of an interdict, the money was ready to be paid over; but the notary, a most obliging man, could not deliver the paper, because the signature of the president was necessary, and the president, neglecting his duties, was at the sessions of the nobles. All these annoyances, this wandering from place to place, these talks with very pleasant good men, who thoroughly appreciated the disagreeable position of the petitioner but could not help him, all this endeavor which brought no result, produced on Levin's mind a most painful impression, analogous to that tormenting impotence which one sometimes experiences in a nightmare when one wants to employ physical force and is unable to do so. He frequently experienced this when talking with that most obliging of men, the solicitor. This solicitor, it seemed, was doing everything in his power and was exerting all his mental energies to get Levin out of his difficulties.

"Try this way or that way," he would say, "or go to this place or to that place;" and the solicitor would lay out a whole plan for avoiding the fatal obstacle that stood in the way. But immediately he would add, "Still there's a delay; however, try it." And Levin

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 would go flying off in this direction or that, and doing whatever he was told to do. All were good and kind, but it seemed as if the obstacles, even after he had passed them, kept growing up again and cutting off his path.

Especially annoying was it to him that he could never know with whom he was really contending, for whose profit it was that he could never bring his business to a conclusion. And no one seemed to know this either. Not even the solicitor knew this. If Levin could have understood, as he understood why it was impossible to get at the office of a railway otherwise than by standing in line, it would not have been humiliating and vexatious, but, as regarded the obstacles that stood in his way, not one could tell him why they existed.

But Levin had greatly changed since his marriage. He had learned patience, and if he could not comprehend why all this was arranged as it was, then he told himself, since he did not know all about it, he was not in a position to judge, that apparently it was unavoidable; and he strove not to lose his temper.

Now that he was present at the elections, he endeavored not to be severe in his criticisms, nor to enter into controversies, but as far as he could to understand the matters which excellent and honorable men whom he thoroughly respected found so serious and so absorbing. Since his marriage Levin had opened his eyes to so many new and serious sides of life which had hitherto seemed to him, in his superficial view of them, of no great importance, that now in the matter of the elections he looked for a serious significance and found one.

Sergyeï Ivanovitch explained to him the idea and significance of the change which was proposed to the electors. The governmental predvodityel, or marshal of nobility, had charge of very many matters of public importance,—as, for example, guardianships, such as the one which Levin himself was now trying to bring into a satisfactory shape,—and large sums of money and the direction of the gymnasia, or schools for women, and for the peasantry and the military and the training of the

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 people for their new duties, and finally of the zemstvo, or popular assembly. Now the present marshal, Snetkof, was a man of the old aristocratic stamp, who had squandered an enormous property, was a very worthy and honorable man in his way, but wholly incapable of comprehending the new needs of the present time. He always on every occasion took the side of the nobles; he always cast the whole weight of his influence against the extension of popular education and he gave the zemstvo, which was coming to have such an enormous significance, a partisan character.

It was considered necessary to put in his place a new and active man, imbued with the most enlightened modern ideas, and to manage the business so as to extract from all the rights given to the noblesse, not as the noblesse, but simply as a constituent part of the zemstvo, such advantages of self-government as were possible.

In the rich government of Kashin, which always took the lead in every advance, such forces were now concentrated that the business now before the assembled nobles would be likely to set an example for all the other departments, indeed for all Russia, And therefore the business had a great importance.

It was proposed to elect as marshal instead of Snetkof, either Sviazhsky, or, still better, Nevyedovsky, a man of eminent understanding, formerly a professor, who was an intimate friend of Sergyeï Ivanovitch's.

The sobranie, or provincial assembly, was opened by a speech from the governor, who urged the nobility to elect the necessary functionaries, not from partisan reasons, but for merit and for the public weal; and he hoped that the nobility of the department of Kashin would do their duty, as they had always done, and thus deserve their monarch's confidence.

Having finished his speech, the governor left the hall, and the noblemen, tumultuously and eagerly, and some of them even enthusiastically, followed him, and surrounded him while he was putting on his shuba, and talking in a friendly way with the government marshal.

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 Levin, anxious to see everybody and miss nothing, was in the midst of the throng, and he heard the governor say, "Please tell Marya Ivanovna that my wife is very sorry, but she had to go to the asylum."

Then all the nobles gayly took their shubas, and went in a body to the cathedral.

In the cathedral Levin, together with the rest, raised his hand and repeated, after the protopope, the solemn oaths by which they swore to fulfil their duties. The church service always impressed Levin, and when he joined with this throng of men, old and young, in repeating the words, "I kiss the cross," he felt stirred.

On the second and third day the assembly was occupied with the moneys meant for the educational establishments for the nobility and for women, which Sergyeï Ivanovitch declared had no especial importance, and Levin, who had his own business to attend to, was not present.

On the fourth day the verifying of the government accounts came up, and here, for the first time, the new party came into direct collision with the old. The commission, whose duty it was to verify these accounts, announced to the assembly that the money was all accounted for. The government marshal arose, and with tears in his eyes thanked the nobility for their confidence in him. The nobles loudly congratulated him, and shook hands with him.

But at this time one noble belonging to Sergyeï Ivanovitch's party declared that he had heard that the commission, for fear of affronting the government marshal, had not properly performed the verification of the accounts. One of the members of the commission unguardedly admitted this. Then a very small and very young-looking, but very sarcastic, gentleman began to say that it would probably be agreeable for the government marshal to give an account of his expenditures, and that the excessive delicacy of the members of the commission had deprived him of that moral satisfaction. Thereupon the members of the commission withdrew their report, and Sergyeï Ivanovitch began logically to

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 prove that it was necessary to acknowledge that the expenditures had been verified or that they had not been verified, and he went into a long exposition of the dilemma.

A chatterer from the opposite party replied to Sergyeï Ivanovitch. Then Sviazhsky spoke, and was followed by the sarcastic gentleman. The proceedings were tedious, and no end was reached. Levin was surprised that they discussed this so long, and all the more because, when he asked Sergyeï Ivanovitch whether Snetkof were suspected of peculation, he replied:—

"Oh, he's an honest man. But we must shake this old-fashioned patriarchal way of managing business."

On the fifth day occurred the election of the district marshals. The session was a stormy one for many of the districts. In the uyezd or district of Seleznevskoye, Sviazhsky was unanimously elected by acclamation, and he gave a grand dinner the same evening.

CHAPTER XXVII

principal election, that of marshal of the government, did not take place until the sixth day.

The great halls and the little halls were crowded with nobles in their various uniforms. Many came for this day only. Acquaintances who had not met for years were there, some from the Krimea, some from Petersburg, some from abroad. The debates were carried on at the governor's table, under the emperor's portrait.

The nobles both in the larger and in the smaller hall were grouped in opposing camps, and, judging by the hostile and mistrustful looks exchanged, by the conversations which ceased at the approach of strangers, by the fact that some walked up and down the distant corridor whispering together, it was evident that each side had secrets from the other. Even by a superficial glance it could be seen that the nobles were divided into two sharply contrasting types: the old and the new. The old school wore for the most part either old court uni-

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 forms, tightly buttoned up, with swords, and ancient hats, or else their ordinary marine, cavalry, or infantry uniforms of very ancient date. The uniforms of the old nobles were made in the ancient style, with epaulets on the shoulders, and with short waists and tight armholes, as if their possessors had grown out of them; but the younger men wore court uniforms with broad shoulders, long waists, and white waistcoats unbuttoned, or else uniforms with black collars and embroidered laurel leaves—the distinguishing badge of the ministry of justice. Court uniforms were to be seen here and there, also among the young men, adding to the brilliancy of the throng.

But the division into "old" and "young" did not coincide with the party lines. Some of the younger men, to Levin's surprise, belonged to the old party, and, on the contrary, some of the very oldest nobles were on confidential terms with Sviazhsky and were evidently warm partizans of the new school.

In the smaller hall, where men were smoking and lunching, Levin was standing near a group of his friends and listening to what was said, and vainly exerting all his intellectual powers to comprehend what was said. Sergyeï Ivanovitch was the center around whom many men had gathered. He was now listening to Sviazhsky and Khliustof, the marshal of another district, who belonged to their party. Khliustof would not agree to go with his district and beg Snetkof to stand as candidate; but Sviazhsky advised him to do this, and Sergyei Ivanovitch approved of this plan. Levin could not understand why a party opposed to this marshal and wanting to defeat him should nevertheless put him up as a candidate.

Stepan Arkadyevitch, who had just been lunching and drinking, joined them in his chamberlain's uniform, wiping his mouth with a perfumed and embroidered cambric handkerchief.

"We hold the situation," said he, arranging both his side-whiskers, "Sergyeï Ivanovitch;" and after he heard Sviazhsky's plan he agreed with him.

"One district is enough, but let Sviazhsky pretend to

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 be in opposition;" and all except Levin understood the meaning of his words.

"Well, how is Kostia?" he said, turning to Levin and taking him by the arm. "So you came, it seems, in style."

Levin would not have been sorry to be in style, but he could not comprehend what was taking place, and, going a few steps from the rest, he expressed to him his astonishment at seeing the hostile districts asking the old marshal to stand as candidate.

"O sancta simplicitas!" replied Oblonsky; and in a few clear words he explained to Levin what the state of the case was.

"If, as at the last elections, all the districts should unite on the government marshal, he would be elected. This is not what is wanted. Now eight of the districts have agreed to ask him to stand. But if two should refuse to accept him for their candidate, then Snetkof might decline to stand. And then the old party might take for their candidate some one else in their party, so that the whole scheme would be defeated. But if Sviazhsky's district is the only one refusing to adopt him as their candidate, Snetkof will accept the nomination. So he is selected and proposed as a candidate so as to throw dust in the eyes of the opposite party, and when we set up our candidate they will go over to him."

Levin began to get some idea of the plan, but it was not entirely clear to him, and he was about to ask a few more questions, when suddenly there was heard in the next room a great shouting and uproar and confusion:—

"What is it? What? Who? .... Confidence in whom? What? .... It is disproved. .... Lack of confidence. .... They won't admit Flerof .... prosecution. .... They refuse to admit a man? Shame! .... The law." Such were the words that Levin heard shouted from all sides, and he, together with all the rest, hurrying from all directions and shouting at the tops of their voices, rushed into the great hall, and, pressing along with all the nobles, he made his way up to the governor's table, about which the government marshal, Sviazhsky, and other leaders were hotly discussing.

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 CHAPTER XXVIII

stood at quite a distance. A noble breathing stertorously near him and another with thick squeaking soles prevented him from hearing distinctly. All he could distinguish was the marshal's gentle voice, then the sharp voice of the sarcastic gentleman, and then the voice of Sviazhsky. He could only distinguish that they were disputing about the meaning of a clause of the law, and the meaning of the words, "nakhodivshayosa podslyedstviem."

The crowd parted to let Sergyeï Ivanovitch get to the table. Sergyeï Ivanovitch, after waiting till the sarcastic gentleman was done speaking, said that it seemed to him it would be a better way to consult the law itself, and he asked the secretary to find for him the text of the law. The law said that in case of divergence of opinion a vote must be taken.

Sergyeï Ivanovitch read the clause, and was just beginning to explain its meaning when he was interrupted by a tall, stout, round-shouldered proprietor, with dyed whiskers, and wearing a tight uniform with a high collar which seemed to prop up the back of his head. This man came up to the table, and, striking it with his fist, shouted at the top of his voice:—

"Put it to the ballot. Vote on it! No discussing! The ballot!"

Then suddenly a number of voices broke out at once, and the tall noble, still pounding with his fist, grew angrier and angrier, and shouted louder and louder. But it was impossible to make out what he was talking about.

He said the same thing as Sergyeï Ivanovitch had proposed; but evidently he hated Koznuishef and his whole party, and this feeling of hatred communicated itself to the whole party, and called forth the opposition of similar, though more decorous, hatred from the other side.

Voices were raised and for a moment everything was

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 in confusion, so that the government marshal was obliged to call for order:—

"Put it to vote, put it to vote. That man knows what he is talking about! There'll be bloodshed. .... The emperor's confidence. .... Don't count the marshal, he's not our prikashchik. .... That's not the point! .... Please, put it to vote. .... It's odious!" were the exclamations heard on every side in angry, violent tones. Eyes and faces became still angrier and more violent, with words of irreconcilable hatred. Levin did not understand at all what the trouble was, and was amazed at the passion with which they discussed the question whether they should vote or not vote on the opinion concerning Flerof. He forgot, as Sergyeï Ivanovitch afterward explained to him, the syllogism that for the common weal it was necessary to elect a new government marshal; to defeat the present marshal a majority of the votes was needed; to get a majority of the votes it was necessary to give Flerof the right of voting; to pronounce Flerof qualified it was necessary to have it decided how the clause of the law was to be understood.

"One voice may decide the whole matter, and we must be serious and logical if we wish to act for the public good," said Sergyeï Ivanovitch, in conclusion.

But Levin forgot this, and it was trying for him to see these excellent men, for whom he had such respect, in such a disagreeable and angry frame of mind. In order to avoid this feeling he, without waiting for the end of the election, went into the smaller hall, where there was no one except the servants connected with the buffet.

Seeing the servants busily engaged in polishing the service and putting away the plates and glasses, seeing their contented lively faces. Levin felt an unexpected feeling of relief, just as if he had come out from an ill-smelling room into pure air. He began to walk back and forth, watching the servants. It pleased him greatly to watch one of the servants, an old man with gray side-whiskers, expressing his scorn for the younger ones, who stood in awe of him, teaching them the best way of folding napkins. Levin was just about to engage the old ser-

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 vant in conversation, when the Secretary of the Assembly, a little old man, who made a specialty of knowing all the nobles of the province by their full names, came to call him.

"Excuse me, Konstantin Dmitritch," said he; "your brother is asking for you. The opinion is to be voted on."

Levin went into the hall, took a little white ball, and, following close behind Sergyeï Ivanovitch, he went to the table where Sviazhsky was standing with an important and ironical air, running his beard through his hand and occasionally putting it to his nose. Sergyeï Ivanovitch put his ball into the ballot-box, and made room for Levin; but Levin, having entirely forgotten what the voting was for, was disconcerted, and asked his brother:—

"Where shall I put it?"

He spoke in a low tone, and as there was talking near him, he hoped that his question would not be overheard; but the speakers stopped, and his unfortunate question was heard. Sergyeï Ivanovitch frowned, and replied sternly:—

"This is a matter entirely of conviction."

A number of the bystanders smiled. Much embarrassed. Levin quickly cast his vote, and as he happened to hold it in his right hand, he threw it into the right-hand receptacle. Only after he had deposited it did he remember that he ought to have put it in his left hand, and he did so, but it was already too late; and growing still more confused, he hastily made his way to the very rear rank.

"One hundred and twenty-six in the affirmative; ninety-eight in the negative," announced the secretary, who could not pronounce the letter r. Then a laugh went round; a button and two nuts were found in the ballot-box. The questionable noble was admitted and the new party was victorious.

But the old party did not even yet acknowledge itself defeated. Levin heard them request Snetkof to stand as their candidate, and he saw a throng of nobles surrounding the government marshal, who was making an address. Levin went nearer. In reply to the nobles,

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 Snetkof was speaking of the confidence which the nobility had reposed in him, of their love for him which he did not deserve, because all his service had consisted in his devotion to the nobility, whom he had served for twenty years. Several times he repeated the words, "I have served to the best of my ability, I appreciate your confidence and thank you for it," and then, suddenly pausing because of the tears which choked him, he hurried from the room. His tears arose either from the injustice that had been done him, or from his love for the nobles, or possibly from the unpleasant position in which he was placed, finding himself surrounded by enemies; but his grief was contagious; the majority of the nobles were touched, and Levin felt sorry for him.

At the door the government marshal stumbled against Levin.

"Excuse me,—I beg your pardon," he said, as to a stranger; then, recognizing him, he smiled a melancholy smile. It seemed to Levin that he wanted to say something but was prevented by his emotion. The expression of his face and his whole figure in his uniform, with his crosses, and white pantaloons ornamented with galloon, as he hastened out, reminded Levin of some hunted animal which sees that it has little chance to escape. This expression in the government marshal's face went to Levin's heart, for only the day before he had been to see him about the guardianship affair, and had seen in the whole establishment the dignity of a good-hearted domestic gentleman: the house large, with ancestral furniture; unstylish, dirty, but dignified, old servants who had evidently been former serfs and had not changed their master; the wife, a tall, benevolent lady in her lace cap and Turkish shawl, caressing her lovely granddaughter; the youngest son, a boy in the sixth class of the gymnasium, who had come in to wish his father good morning and to kiss his big hand; the imposing but affectionate greetings and gestures of the master of the house: all this had awakened in Levin involuntary respect and sympathy even then, and now he felt touched and sorry for the old man, and wanted to say something pleasant to him.

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Rh in Rome in the time of Anicetus, although a slight controversy had arisen among them as to certain other points, they were at once well inclined towards each other [with regard to the matter in hand], not willing that any quarrel should arise between them upon this head. For neither could Anicetus persuade Polycarp to forego the observance [in his own way], inasmuch as these things had been always [so] observed by John the disciple of our Lord, and by other apostles with whom he had been conversant; nor, on the other hand, could Polycarp succeed in persuading Anicetus to keep [the observance in his way], for he maintained that he was bound to adhere to the usage of the presbyters who preceded him. And in this state of affairs they held fellowship with each other; and Anicetus conceded to Polycarp in the church the celebration of the Eucharist, by way of showing him respect; so that they parted in peace one from the other, maintaining peace with the whole church, both those who did observe [this custom] and those who did not.

As long as any one has the means of doing good to his neighbours, and does not do so, he shall be reckoned a stranger to the love of the Lord.

The will and the energy of God is the effective and foreseeing cause of every time and place and age, and of every


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RV 138 (SESSIONAL PAPER No. 41)

Germany undertakes to grant freedom of transit through her territories on the routes most convenient for international transit, either by rail, navigable waterway, or canal, to persons, goods, vessels, carriages, wagons and mails coming from or going to the territories of any of the Allied and Associated Powers (whether contiguous or not); for this purpose the crossing of territorial waters shall be allowed. Such persons, goods, vessels, carriages, wagons and mails shall not be subjected to any transit duty or to any undue delays or restrictions, and shall be entitled in Germany to national treatment as regards charges, facilities, and all other matters.

Goods in transit shall be exempt from all Customs or other similar duties.

All charges imposed on transport in transit shall be reasonable, having regard to the conditions of the traffic. No charge, facility or restriction shall depend directly or indirectly on the ownership or on the nationality of the ship or other means of transport on which any part of the through journey has been, or is to be, accomplished.

Germany undertakes neither to impose nor to maintain any control over transmigration traffic through her territories beyond measures necessary to ensure that passengers are bonâ fide in transit; nor to allow any shipping company or other private body, corporation or person interested in the traffic to take any part whatever in, or exercise any direct or indirect influence over, any administrative service that may be necessary for this purpose.

Germany undertakes to make no discrimination or preference, direct or indirect, in the duties, charges and prohibitions relating to importations into or exportations from her territories, or, subject to the special engagements contained in the present Treaty, in the charges and conditions of transport of goods or persons entering or leaving her territories, based on the frontier crossed; or on the kind, ownership or flag of the means of transport (including aircraft) employed; or on the original or immediate place of departure of the vessel, wagon or aircraft or other means of transport employed, or its ultimate or intermediate destination; or on the route of or places of trans-shipment on the journey; or on whether any port through which the goods are imported or exported is a German port or a port belonging to any foreign country or on whether the goods are imported or exported by sea, by land or by air.

Germany particularly undertakes not to establish against the ports and vessels of any of the Allied and Associated Powers any surtax or any direct or indirect bounty for export or import by German ports or vessels, or by those of another Power, for example by means of combined tariffs. She further undertakes that persons or goods passing through a port or using a vessel of any of the Allied and Associated Powers shall not be subjected to any formality or delay whatever to which such persons or goods would not be subjected if they passed through a German port or a port of any other Power, or used a German vessel or a vessel of any other Power.


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 # Hendrick van Eeckel, Opperkoopman, b. 20th March, 1619, d. 7th July, 1650.
 * 1) Davidt Walravens, b. 18th Sept., 1623. d. 28th May, 1645.
 * 2) Valerius van Gisteren, b. 19th May, 1614, d. 22nd April, 1646 (?1664).
 * 3) Theodorus Herbers, d. 18th April, 1659.
 * 4) Partly illegible. No name.
 * 5) Maria Quevelerius, wife of Joan van Riebeck,* Governor b. 20th Oct., 1629, d. 2nd Nov., 1664.
 * 6) Johanna Dumoulin, wife of Balthasar Bort,* Governor, b. 19th May, 1653, d. 17th March, 1676. (Probably daughter of Mannel Dumoulin—see No. 11.)
 * 7) Johan Wilhem van, d. 26th Nov., 1655.
 * 8) Anganeta Robberts, wife of David Verdonck, d. 26th Feb., 1652.
 * 9) Pieter Pietersen, Deacon, d. 27th May, 1644.
 * 10) Maria van Vliet, daughter of Jeremias van Vliet,* second Governor of Malacca, d. 12th June, 1650.
 * 11) Ricardo Gonsalves (?) and Magdalena Trinidade, his wife, d. 29th March, 1568.
 * 12) Dominus Petrus, Order of Jesuits, second Bishop of Japan, d. at Singapore, Feb. 1598.
 * 13) Agneta Trip, wife of Arnold van Alsem.* Stone erected 14th Feb., 1697.
 * 14) Matthys Jansen, d. 5th Feb., 1673.
 * 15) Sabandar Pedel (?).
 * 16) Nicolaus Basly, d. 9th April,1678.


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162 nature. The will is the reason of the intellectual soul, which [reason] is within us, inasmuch as it is the faculty belonging to it which is endowed with freedom of action. The will is the mind desiring [some object], and an appetite possessed of intelligence, yearning after that thing which is desired.

Since God is vast, and the Architect of the world, and omnipotent, He created things that reach to immensity both by the Architect of the world and by an omnipotent will, and with a new effect, potently and efficaciously, in order that the entire fulness of those things which have been produced might come into being, although they had no previous existence—that is, whatever does not fall under [our] observation, and also what lies before our eyes. And so does He contain all things in particular, and leads them on to their own proper result, on account of which they were called into being and produced, in no way changed into anything else than what it (the end) had originally been by nature. For this is the property of the working of God, not merely to proceed to the infinitude of the understanding, or even to overpass [our] powers of mind, reason and speech, time and place, and every age; but also to go beyond substance, and fulness or perfection.

This [custom], of not bending the knee upon Sunday,


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 # Tablet. Major Ferrier, 48th Reg't M. N. I., Resident Councillor of Malacca, b. 14th Nov., 1811, d. 24th July, 1854.
 * 1) Theodorus van de Kerckhoven. d. 5th Nov., 1660.
 * 2) Johan van Zyl—Opperkoopman and Fiscaal,* d. 3rd Jan., 1656.
 * 3) Constantyn Johannes Rooselaar, son of Pieter Rooselaar,* Governor and Director of Malacca, b. 13th July, 1703, d. 18th Jan., 1707. Also, Sophia Huigelbosch, wife of Pieter Rooselaar, b. 24th March, 1674, d. 9th March, 1709.
 * 4) Francisca Barber, wife of Capt. James Barber, d. 10th Sept., 1695.
 * 5) George Cooke, d. 6th Sept., 1712.
 * 6) Hendrick Evertsen, d. 22nd Jan., 1698.