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 and nine. You do that day after day and week after week with a grouchy, cold-eyed manager holding a watch over you and see how long you can keep from going cuckoo!

One night I am laying awake in bed thinking over this and that and wondering just where I will wind up, when the idea of composing this drink begins hammering at my head again. I just can't get rid of this thought and go to sleep. Instead, I find myself turning over various combinations of flavors in my mind till finally I get so excited about the thing that although it's after midnight I jump up and dress and sneak quietly out of the house without disturbing nobody. If Nate knew I was prowling around at this hour of the morning with a important fight only a few weeks off he'd be fit to be tied! I'm bound for the syrup room of Ajariah Stubbs's drug store, because I got a sudden hunch that this night I'll concoct a beverage which will be drank around the world! I got a set of keys which Ajariah give me so's I could come and go whenever I pleased and I let myself in, clear off a table, set out test tubes, vials, jars of syrups and bottles of drugs, a mortar and pestle, etc., and get down to business.

Like before, the first dozen or more experiments results in nothing but punishment for my stomach. I am getting a little sleepy and a whole lot discouraged, when I take one more chance and mix up—well, let's say it was four flavors, two extracts and a harmless drug. The formula is on file at Washington now and I'd rather you'd see it there. Anyhow, I taste this combination without much hope that it's going to be


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 any more successful than the others I've tried, when lo and behold, as the Chinese says, it ain't been down a minute when a pleasant glow spreads all over me. I ain't sleepy no more, in fact, I'm so full of pep'm satisfied that I could go out and ruin a dozen Battling Longs in the same ring! Thrilled to the core by the feeling that I'm standing on the brinks of a great discovery, I take a real good swallow of this stuff and let out a whoop of pure joy. I've done it at last—I have discovered a drink which will give the nation a kick without a headache! No habit-forming drugs, no alcohol, no artificial coloring, and yet it's got a wallop like dynamite. The only thing is, it's a trifle bitter, but I overcome that by adding a little simple syrup and then it's the cat's collar! When two glasses of this has rolled smoothly and deliciously past my pleasantly surprised tonsils, I realize that I have got a radium mine on my hands if this drink is properly advertised and exploited.

In the midst of my wild rejoicing I hear somebody rattling the knob of the back door. I think it's probably Ajariah and I rush to the door and flung it open, crazy to tell somebody what I've just did. Well, it ain't Ajariah, it's no less than a very sleepy looking Nate Shapiro and he greets me with a decidedly angry glare.

"What's the big idea?" he growls, pulling out his watch. "It's nearly three o'clock in the mornin', is this givin' me a square deal?"

"Giving you a square deal?" I says, a bit puzzled. "What do you mean?"

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 "What do you mean, what do I mean?" says Nate. "You ought to be in the midst of a nightmare in bed instead of fussin' around this trap at this hour of the mornin'! Now you'll be a dead man all day to-morrow and won't be able to work out. That ain't playin' the game with me, kid. If this Long slaps you from under your title, you won't get the money for your next fight and if you don't get the money, where do I get off? You shouldn't ought to be so selfish, Gale, you ought to remember that every time you take a lickin' it hurts me!"

"I'm sorry if it offends you when I get punched in the nose, Nate," I says. "But I think I can promise that will never happen no more after my little debate with Battling Long. Unless I am greatly mistaken, that will be my last fight!"

"Blah!" sneers Nate. "You're dizzy! I've heard that stuff from you before, but"

"But this time it goes!" I butt in. "Nate, I have just fell into a thing which will make me a million bucks before I get through with it and if you don't think it will you're crazy!"

"Listen," says Nate, in open disgust. "If I didn't know different I'd swear you was a, no foolin'. You got more ideas than Burbank. First thing you know you'll get pinched for tryin' to get blood out of a stone or somethin'. What are you doin' in this joint, anyways?"

For answer I poured out a glass full of my newly invented drink and handed it to him. Nate sniffs it and eyes me suspiciously.


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 "Smells like it had authority," he says, with a grin. "What is it?"

"What do you care what is it?" I says. "Drink it and you'll have the honor of being the first one to ever taste it, outside of its inventor!"

Nate gives a grunt which don't commit him one way or the other, but he takes a inquisitive sip from the glass. I watch him like a mother watches her first baby learning to walk! Suppose he don't like it? Suppose this drink is a knockout only to me and the bunk to everybody else? Honest, I'm more nervous and anxious while Nate tastes that concoction than I was when I climbed through the ropes to fight Gunner Slade for the world's light-heavyweight championship. My whole future is wrapped up in that glass which the hard boiled Nate holds in his hand as far as that part of it goes, and why shouldn't I be nervous and anxious?

Well, I don't have long to wait for the returns. The first sip Nate takes opens his eyes. He takes a healthy swig, smacks his lips and then drains the glass.

"Wam!" he hollers. "Say—that's the turtle's bicycle! What is it?"

The sleepiness and the grouchiness has disappeared like magic!

"I ain't got no name for it yet," I says, tickled silly at the way it hit him. "I just this minute invented that drink, Nate—laugh that off!"

"Don't stand there arguin' with me," says Nate, holding out his empty glass. "Let's have another shot of that stuff, but don't let me catch you drinkin' none


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 of it—remember you're readyin' yourself for Battlin' Long. As a trainin' exercise, this egg stopped Kid Christopher at Philly last night in one round. It took you four to do the same trick. That's somethin' to think about, hey?"

"No," I says, "it ain't. I never felt better in my life and I'll lay this Long like a pavement! You're a swell manager—instead of telling me I can lick the wide, wide world you're always predicting I'm going to get knocked for a loop. It's a good thing I got plenty of this moral and don't have to look to you for none. It's as harmless as a day old infant. But I can't give you no more till I mix some up."

"Till you mix some up?" says Nate. "What's the idea?"

"I told you I invented this drink, didn't I, dumbell?" I says.

Nate sits on the end of the table and looks at me with awe and admiration.

"I thought you was kiddin'," he says. "I think you are yet, but if you ain't kiddin', you got a money maker here which will make the mint look like it's turnin' out biscuits."

"It's going to take plenty jack to properly launch this, Nate," I says, after a minute. "I'll have to go out end promote a company, probably, and sell stock and"

"I'll take ten thousand bucks worth of stock in it right now!" interrupts Nate, banging his fist on the table. "We'll canvass the town—no we won't either, we'll only let our pals in on this. Hey—mix up a


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 couple more drinks of that stuff and we'll dope a cams paign right here and now which will raise enough pennies to set that drink before the public and make 'em cry for it!"

And we did and they did.

It was five in the morning when we let ourselves out of Ajariah Stubbs's drug store and sneaked home, tired and sleepy but drunk with enthusiasm.

"Kid," says Nate to me before we turned in for a couple hours' nap, "you're brighter than Jackie Coogan and that's a fact! But I suppose this drink you cooked up is goin' to be the end of our partnership. You'll make more money in less time with this punch than you will with the punch in your right hand. Then the next thing, you and Judy Willcox"

"Will get wed,—if I'm lucky!" I finish for him.

"I hate to see that," says Nate, shaking his head. "I hate to see it. As it stands now, you and Judy is just a couple of good friends—you get married and you'll ruin all that. Marriage has busted up more friendships than anything else in the world!"

Then I chased him.

Well, late that same afternoon there is a important conference in the back of Stubbs's drug store. Judy, Ajariah, Spence Brock, Nate and Knockout Kelly is all gathered round me, drinking this thing I've invented and to say they're enthusiastic is a typical case of not telling the half of it. Ajariah, Spence, Nate and Kayo regard me with plain awe, but in Judy's expression there is something more than that—something which makes my heart hop around like—like—well, whatever


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 is in the habit of hopping around. We talk a lot about forming this company to put my drink on the market, about what we'll call it, how much we'll soak the thirsty public for a swallow of it and this, that and the other. Excitement reaches and passes fever heat and there's plenty demands for me to make a speech, but I am no W. Jennings Bryan on a rostrum and that's a fact. I'm satisfied that public speakers is born and not made, yet never the less I am going to take a course in orating along with my other studies, because now that I am set to be a big man in the business world I will doubtless have to bound around to banquets and the like making speeches and I don't want to act like a clown when I do.

The next day I am around to Stubbs's drug store earlier than I ever was when I had to be there to jerk soda in days of yore. As far as my coming brush with Battling Long is concerned I got no more interest in it than I am interested in who killed cock robin. What I am interested in is mixing up a batch of my beauteous beverage to have it all ready for the early trade in Ajariah's store so's to see how it gets across with the general public. No presidential candidate ever waited for the returns with half the interest with which I waited for 'em that day in the old drug store.

Well, long before noon my worst fears was realized—my drink was a howling success!

I stood back of that fountain with Ajariah and his lieutenant soda man and watched a fair to middling fountain trade jump in a few hours to a business which would make a guy peddling rain storms in a drought


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 look like rank failure. No matter what they asked for—pick-me-ups, headache removers, nerve steadiers or merely plain drinks—we invited 'em to try my new concoction and once they did that they just set there saying "Wow! What d'ye call that?" and shoving over their glasses and dimes for more. It was the greatest sale since the one Columbus took, no fooling!

When me and Ajariah bottled it and it sold faster than we could ram in the corks and turn it out with our bottling machinery, I knew my days of experimenting with myself was over. This liquid gold mine I had stumbled on had overnight removed the uncertainty and that terrible worry and pain in the heart which, young or old, you can't escape if you're an incurable addict of the drug which put the world over—ambition. It took me a long time to find my game—a long time of trying this and that and taking many a nasty fall along with my few short ascensions. But it was all worth it, for look what I got now. I been down, but I GET UP and there's the secret of success in a nutshell. To add anything to that formula would be using rouge on a rose!

Well, now that the success of my drink is as certain as cold weather in Alaska, the next step is getting a name for it and forming a company to sell it. Like I do on all important questions, I consult Judy about this, but before we get down to business, why, she lays her sweet little hand on my arm. Her beautiful face is troubled and these pulse-thumping eyes of hers is a bit moist, what I mean.

"Gale," she says, "now that you have found your-


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 self at last and have a possible million awaiting you, are you going to—to leave Drew City?" And the anxious way she asks that sends my blood racing. There's no use talking, I might of done everything else twice or more, but personally, I only been in love once!

"No, Judy," I says, "I am not. You couldn't get me six inches away from this burg while—while you're in it! I"

"That wasn't what I meant," she butts in quickly, flushing. "But it does seem to me that you have fought out your whole life problem here in Drew City—coming here penniless, without friends, vague as to your ambitions, now you are a member of the Board of Trade, respected and admired by everyone and—why, Gale, I really believe at this moment you are the biggest thing in the town! I do not mean you wouldn't have done as much in a large city, but, Gale, there are less temptations and more loyal friends in a small town and I know that has helped you. Perhaps I am selfish, but I love Drew City and I feel a sort of vicarious pride in the fact that you were developed here. I'd hate to see you go, now that the work of making you a successful man has been accomplished. But that of course is silly. You alone Gale were responsible for your success—your unswerving ambition and 'fighting blood,' as you phrase it, would have made you a success anywhere. I'm just a foolish girl, I know. You will be a man of affairs now and I suppose you'll feel cramped here. You're done a lot, Gale, a lot for yourself and a lot by example for the other boys here.


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 I—I wish I'd had something to do with your rise, instead of just the pleasure of watching it."

"You had plenty to do with it, Judy," I says, taking her hand. "If it hadn't been for you I never would of stayed here. You been a inspiration and—and one of the goals I been shooting at. I got no intention of leaving Drew City, now or ever. I mean something here, got my home and my standing here and here I stay till doomsday! This drink of mine will be manufactured right here and we'll deal out jobs to the local talent and not to no outside help. I'll give all my friends a chance to get in on the ground floor with stock in the company. Me, and everything connected with me, Judy, is going to be a strictly Drew City affair. Why as soon as I got my company floated and everything running smooth I'm even going to get married here!"

If she blushed before, you should of saw her face then.

"That's certainly fine, Gale," she says shyly. "And I wish you luck in—in all your ventures here. Have you thought of a name for your drink yet?"

"Absolutely!" I says. "The name thought of itself you might say. In fact, I think if I'd had the name before I'd of invented the drink long ago!"

"Now I am curious," smiles Judy. "What is it?"

"It's Judy Punch!" I hollers, for the name had come to me in a flash while she was talking. "I claim that name's the rabbit's velocipede and inside of six months it will be on every tongue in the nation!"

It was on every tongue in the nation inside of three


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 months. I bet you've ordered it time and time again yourself, hey, and ain't it a drink for your life?

Well, I wasted no time in getting Lem Garfield to draw up papers in legal style and the first thing I know I am incorporated as "Gale Galen, Inc." After trying twenty times without no luck at all to find out what the papers Lem drew up for me was all about I appointed him counsel for the company. The original stockholders was me, Ajariah Stubbs, Judge Tuckerman, Nate and Knockout Kelly. Besides my stock, I am to get a certain royalty on every bottle of "Judy Punch" sold and I am likewise president of the firm, This is what I call sitting pretty and I don't suppose nobody will give me no argument about that part of it.

However, when we cast up accounts after the organization of the company, the total amount of capital we have managed to excavate fails to give me a thrill. What I mean is, I realize I have got hold of something which don't want to be ruined by piker methods. "Judy Punch" wants to be manufactured and bottled on a heavy scale and we need a plant, machinery, a selling and promotion staff, and all this sort of thing, if my marvelous invention is going to mean anything. All this calls for important jack so I set forth after it like I set forth after anything else, with one idea fixed in my mind. The one idea is—get it!

I was afraid things had been breaking a little too smooth for me, so I can't say I was dumbfounded when the old fly in the ointment crops up. This was Rags Dempster. Rags had been duly tried and convicted of peddling the forbidden brew and the fine took every


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 nickel he had in the wide wide world. Queer, ain't it, that the drink Rags got mixed up with broke him and the drink I got mixed up with made me a fortune? Anyways, I run into him on the street shortly after he come out of the bootlegging thing, up against it and without a friend in Drew City. He stands in my way and greets me with a ugly snarl. Rags was drunk,—but with hate, not moonshine.

"Well, you squealer," he sneers. "How much did you get from the Revenue agents for informing on me?"

"Rags, you're crazy," I says, keeping my head. Why smack him down? I figure he's taking the long count now in more ways than one. "Even though you ain't exactly infatuated with me, you know I wouldn't do a thing like that. I ain't built that way. I'm light-heavyweight champion, you never had a glove on in your life. If I wanted to do you a real injury, I'd make you step with me here and now for that crack you just made!"

"Oh, no you wouldn't," he hisses, and shoves his right coat pocket forward. It's got a gun in it. I can see the outlines of a automatic as plain as day. "Oh, no you wouldn't," says Rags. "You make a step forward towards me and I'll blow you up. I'm dying to do it, anyways!"

"Rags," I says, "I won't cuff you because I'm sorry for you. You been your own worst enemy and evidently you're determined to make the feud with your self a finish battle. But if I did want to cuff you, Rags, that gun wouldn't stop me—remember that, in


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 case you get rosey with me again! Now lay off acting like a villain in the movies. You got people looking at you."

Rags glances sharply across the street and sees a little group of innocent bystanders rapidly gathering. The hand in his coat pocket relaxes, but his set face don't. Honest he glares at me with his beady eyes glittering till he looks more like a tiger than a human being.

"Galen," he says, in a hard voice, but it was steady enough, "I'll get you if it's the last thing I do! If I do kill you, I'd just as soon it would be the last thing. I'd die happy!"

Sounds like a play, don't it? I know. That's what I thought, too. I think I grinned—I couldn't help it, Rags sounded so dramatic. I didn't think he'd ever have the nerve to shoot a rabbit, judging from his past performances. That just shows there's plenty of things I don't know.

Well, I got Mr. Brock interested in the possibilities of "Judy Punch" and he came through for me as he has scores of times before. Came through to the extent of loaning me enough jack to begin the manufacture of my drink the way it should be manufactured and he took my notes for the loan. He didn't want nothing but my word, but I didn't want to start in business without doing everything in a regular business-like manner. I never was strong on accepting favors, not because I hate myself, but because I hate to think I can't stand on my own feet and operate from that point.


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 Then I begin looking around Drew City for a plant suitable to my needs. I find it in a place which seems to of been picked not by me but by Fate. It's no less than the deserted carpet factory, once owned by Rags Dempster's father. The machinery had been sold to satisfy the creditors and it's just one wonderful place for us to turn out "Judy Punch" in large and luscious quantities. One long lingering look all around it was enough for me—and I guess the fact of that factory being just what it was kind of helped me to make up my mind, too. I bought it, took down the big sign reading "Dempster & Company" which had stood there for years and put up one in its place which says, "Gale Galen, Inc."

I imagine the proudest second of my life was when I stood across the street from the factory and gazed fondly at my nice new sign. Just think, I now own the place where Rags once sneeringly offered me a job as a laborer in order to make me look small before Judy. When Rags and me started he had wealth and education at his disposal, I had poverty and ignorance. Now I had wealth and at least a working education, while Rags had merely the education. The difference that really counted though, was in the stuff which flowed through our veins, Dempster's was water, mine was blood—fighting blood! What I've done is no more than what anybody with courage can do and a great deal less than many have done. So go on, do your stuff, sock the world whenever you can, take it when you have to and—you'll be surprised!

Well, having sorrowfully took me at my word that


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 my fight with Battling Long would be my last, Nate was now busy trying to develop Two-Punch Jackson, the heavyweight, into a champion. He likewise had Tommy O'Ryan, the good middleweight, under his wing and figured on bounding over to Europe with 'em and fighting 'em against the best English and French boys in their class. The cables had been kind to Nate in the matter of offers, so all in all it looked like bon voyage. Knockout Kelly bought out my interest and Nate's in the Judith Moving picture theatre, his wife going back to her old job at the ticket window, where she was a decided asset and she'd be a decided asset to any theatre, don't think she wouldn't. The future locked too busy for both me and Nate for us to keep a hand in a small town picture theatre and we was glad to cash in and step out. On the other hand, it was a perfect spot for Kayo. Spence Brock suddenly pleasantly surprised both me and his father by declaring himself crazy to go to work at something connected with the putting across of "Judy Punch." So I sent him to New York to open a branch office for us there and organize a sales crew. Even though Spence is a multi-millionaire's son, that didn't prevent me from telling him this was his chance to make good!

Then come the tragedy which gloomed us all up for a while—a terrible unexpected shock which solved a old problem for me, but I can't truthfully say I liked the way that problem was solved. It was a bit too terrible to gloat about, it was for a fact. Like all things which stun you at the time, it's soon told. It happened like this: Besides superintending the manu-


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 facture of "Judy Punch," I was spending a lot of time doping advertising copy and framing what I hoped was interest-building letters to the jobbers and dealers. Judy was worth her weight in platinum in helping me do this, as she's got some wonderful ideas and a business head as wise as it's pretty, which is saying several mouthfuls. Well, we'd been doing most of this work in the office, of our plant, and this particular night we are working there late trying to smooth out a idea which had all the earmarks of being a wow when we got it properly set. It came out later at the inquest that it must of been about ten o'clock when this thing happened. They couldn't prove the time by either me or Judy, as we was both too upset and sick with the tragedy of the whole business. Anyhow, I was just helping Judy on with her coat where there was a sharp report, the crash and jingle of broken glass in the window opening into the factory and a wicked thud in the opposite wall. I felt a stinging in the top of my left ear and when I felt it my hand came away sticky and red. Judy give a little scream and run to me as I staggered back. I wasn't hurt, but the sudden sensation that somebody had tried to cook me in cold blood made me a bit ill in the region of the belt. I can't say I've had that happen to me every day.

"Stay here, Judy—I'll get that guy!" I says quickly, pushing her behind a big book case out of harm's way.

"Gale—don't—you'll be killed!" she gasps, white as the teeth in a toothpowder ad.

"Well I'll be killed if I stay here, too," I says, forc-


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 ing a sickly grin. "If I go out maybe I can argue my boy friend out of it."

But I didn't feel that funny at all.

I sneaked out the door and in the dim night light over the stairs I see a figure, all scrunched down, but trying to see what he rung up with his shot at the office. So I crawled over on my hands and knees, making a wide circle and coming up in the rear of this unknown yellow killer. He heard me just as I jumped, but I was too shifty for him and grabbed the wrist of the kand which held the gun before he could fire again. He twisted and squirmed like a wildcat and I jolted him with a short right to the jaw. As his head flew up and he dropped to his knees I saw it was Rags Dempster.

While I stood there dumbfounded and my next move made uncertain by surprise and disgust, Rags got to his feet and faced me, his features twisted with hate, still holding the gun. He aimed it at me pointblank and he wasn't four feet away when he pulled the trigger. "Goodnight!" I tell myself and stiffen for the plunk of a bullet socking into my body. But poor Rags—and on account of what happened within a few minutes I say poor Rags even though he tried to kill me—poor Rags was out of tuck. The trigger clicked harmlessly and the next instant I floored him. He rolled over and over, getting to his feet like a cat and staggered for the stairway. He's still got the gun and I set sail after him. Up the stairs on the dead run comes Garth Hinkle, our nightwatchman, who's heard the shot and the scuffle on the office floor. He tried to


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 stop Rags and Rags knocks him flat with the butt of the gun. As Garth fell he yanked out his own gun and fired one shot from the ground. He couldn't of aimed, he didn't have time, but Rags dropped like a stone and he was a stone when we reached him—stone dead!

The poor, poor kid—with all he done to me, Rags was unfortunate from birth in a great many ways. His mind was shaped all wrong and when the breaks went against him he didn't have the stuff to fight back fair and you can't foul Fate. Yet that was a tough way to go out. It broke us all up for quite a while.

Well, when the day of my fight with Battling Long arrived it was almost a unexpected visitor. Putting "Judy Punch" on the market had gave me little time for training and I was miles from being in perfect condition when I climbed through the ropes to defend my title for the last time. This ain't a alibi—Long is a good boy, a sweet puncher and a fair fighter. For all I know, he might of been able to take me the best day I ever seen and as I don't know, why, let's say maybe he would of and give him the credit. He's still in the fight game and I ain't. I got a trick worth two of that now!

Before this melee had gone a round I had a sensation I never had before while I was box-fighting. I knew I was going to be trimmed! The thought even struck me that I might be knocked cold, for the first time since I pulled on a padded glove and stepped into the squared circle under the blinding lights to do my stuff. My wind was all shot to pieces and I run to my corner at the bell, blowing like a porpoise and my body a mass


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 of red welts from the jarring blows of Battling Long, who fighting a cool, heady fight, knew where I couldn't take them that night no matter how punch-proof I used to be. Long's handlers was almost hysterical with joy and acted like they couldn't believe their eyes when he walked to his stool. Their wildest dreams looked about to come true and they wasn't a bit backward in showing how they felt about it. But Long, with a world's title staring him in the face, never blinked a eye. He just sit there cold, grim faced, tight-lipped and cruel, but only cruel because you see that was his business. He hadn't a thing against me personally, but plenty against me walking out of that ring still holding the title. Well, that's the game.

After that for ten barbarous rounds, Long made a punching bag out of me. He took no reckless chances of rushing to land a quick knockout—he was fighting a champion and a champion is dangerous till he's counted out, that's what makes him a champ. So Long fought his battle at long range, taking advantage of my poor timing to chop me to pieces with a murderous left and jar me with occasional terrific rights to the body. Even though I was steadily on the receiving end of those wallops I couldn't help but admire his plan of battle. My hat's off to a artist in any line, and Battling Long knew his business!

In the eleventh round, Nate begged me to let him toss in the sponge and save me from taking needless punishment. He knew I was through and for that matter it was no secret to me, but I've never had no fights stopped to save me before and I wasn't going


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 to begin then. Besides that's a Hades of a way for a champion to lose, now ain't it? I have slapped many a boy stiff myself and if it was my turn now, why, I was in there to take it.

A punch by punch description of that battle would be monotonous and there was no pleasant memories connected with it for me. In the twelfth and thirteenth Long battered me from pillar to post, putting more stuff on his swings, now that I was a set-up. Some of the customers even begin to walk out on us because the result looked like a foregone conclusion. I remember dully wondering how it would feel to get knocked stiff, a thing that never had happened to me before. Then I'd get desperate and lash out with both hands, once landing a wicked right on Long's face that sent my friends howling and jumping on the chairs. But they was just flurries and Long soon learned to figure just when I was going to start 'em and he'd cover up and weather the storm. I guess I took almost as much punishment in my last battle as I did in my entire career up to then. I was down for short counts twice in the fourth, twice in the fifth, once in the seventh, three times in the eleventh, once again in the thirteenth—a total of nine times in a fifteen-round scuffle. Plenty!

In the fourteenth round, Long, driven wild by his inability to stop me, opened up and began swinging 'em from the next block. This was my only chance and I went at it like a collie after a bone. The instant I felt him tiring from his own efforts I gathered the last remaining strength I had left and tied in to make


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 a grandstand finish. A right hook to the heart staggered Long a little after the bell and I followed that with a hard left to the head that spun him against the ropes and made the home-going spectators stop in the exits and scream their heads off. The highly amazed Long was then short with a right uppercut and I dropped him to one knee with the same punch in return. Long took "Six" and come up with murder in his eye. He swung hard for both head and body and soon had me covering up. That was the end of my spurt. The bell found me hanging on for my life.

In the fifteenth and last frame I took a cuffing which would of satisfied my worst enemy, I did for a fact! I don't know what kept me upright. Long bombarded me with terrible lefts and rights to body and jaw, hanging me over the ropes once under a hurricane of blows which actually held me up they were coming so fast. I made as many returns as I could, but I was getting weaker and weaker and the bell was the most welcome sound I heard that evening. Two seconds more and I'd of been knocked as cold as a coroner's case.

So the decision and the light-heavyweight championship of the world passed on to Battling Long on points. When you read that sort of a decision in the newspapers you get the idea that the fight was mere "boxing exhibition" and not much to look at. If you had seen me after that brawl you would never get the idea again.

A wild admirer of mine to the last, Mr. Brock comes plunging through the mob up to my corner where Nate and Kayo Kelly is trying to bring me back to life.


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 He shouts that I was robbed of the decision and should of got no worse than a draw. But that wasn't so and I told him it wasn't.

"No sir!" I says, shaking my weary head. "I wasn't robbed. I got a square deal. Long would of knocked me kicking in another round. He's a good tough boy and I hope he holds the title as long as I did."

When I was able I walked over to Long's corner where he's surrounded by a mob of guys eager to get even a nod from him. He's the new king and I'm forgotten. Such is life in the prize ring—or in any other ring. When Nate has cleared a way for me, I shook the new champion's hand and wished him luck, remarking that I had sent many a boy home in the shape I'm in myself and now I can sympathize with them more fully. Battling Long just grins a happy grin. He's beyond speech and I don't blame him. I know the feeling. That title is worth around fifty thousand a fight, but—I got a million to shoot at!

Spence mobbed me in the dressing room with the cheering news that "Judy Punch" has took New York by storm and he and his merry men has orders which will work our factory to capacity. He tells me my future is assured and asks me what in the name of Heaven is the matter with my right eye. I says I have been in a fight.

Then I heard Judy's voice and her knock at the door. I throwed around my shoulders the bathrobe she give me on my nineteenth birthday, and which I have never went into a ring without since. Then I give Spence the air.


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 "Oh, Gale," says Judy. "I'm so glad about our—your—about 'Judy Punch' and so sorry you were hurt so badly and"

She's all excited. I ain't.

"Listen," I butt in. "I have stalled around for six years trying to get up enough nerve to ask you to wed me, Judy. I got everything I want but you and I'd give everything I got to get you! Just what do I have to do to make you marry me?"

"Well," whispers Judy, turning away shyly, her face a four alarm fire, "For one thing—you—you might ask me!"

"Will you, Judy?" I gasped.

"Yes, Gale I will!" she nods and from the depths of my shoulder she adds in a kind of muffled voice, "I think I would have at any time since you first come to mother's boarding house!"

"Much obliged," I says. "Now . . . Oh . . . Judy . . . !" And day by day in every way we're bet ting better and better!


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text: Fighting Blood (Witwer)

title: Fighting Blood (Witwer)


text: Fighting Blood (Witwer)/Round 1

title: Fighting Blood (Witwer)/Round 1


text: Fighting Blood (Witwer)/Round 2

title: Fighting Blood (Witwer)/Round 2


text: Fighting Blood (Witwer)/Round 3

title: Fighting Blood (Witwer)/Round 3


text: Fighting Blood (Witwer)/Round 4

title: Fighting Blood (Witwer)/Round 4


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text: Fighting Blood (Witwer)/Round 5

title: Fighting Blood (Witwer)/Round 5


text: Fighting Blood (Witwer)/Round 6

title: Fighting Blood (Witwer)/Round 6


text: Fighting Blood (Witwer)/Round 7

title: Fighting Blood (Witwer)/Round 7


text: Fighting Blood (Witwer)/Round 8

title: Fighting Blood (Witwer)/Round 8


text: Fighting Blood (Witwer)/Round 9

title: Fighting Blood (Witwer)/Round 9


text: Fighting Blood (Witwer)/Round 10

title: Fighting Blood (Witwer)/Round 10


text: Fighting Blood (Witwer)/Round 11

title: Fighting Blood (Witwer)/Round 11


text: Fighting Blood (Witwer)/Round 12

title: Fighting Blood (Witwer)/Round 12


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text: The Nibelungenlied (Shumway)/39

title: The Nibelungenlied (Shumway)/39


text: The Nibelungenlied (Shumway)/Notes

title: The Nibelungenlied (Shumway)/Notes


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Page:Fixed-term Parliaments Act 2011.pdf/9

 Parliament shall (subject to any prorogation subsequent to the demise) take place—

(a) on the 14th day after the day appointed in the proclamation for the meeting, or

(b) if the 14th day is not a working day, the next working day after the 14th day.

(7) If the demise occurs within the period of seven days before the day of the dissolution of a Parliament by section 3(1) of the 2011 Act, subsections (2) to (6) have effect as if the demise occurred on that day.

(8) In this section “working day” means any day other than one to which rule 2 in Schedule 1 to the principal Act applies in relation to the current election (or would have applied had it fallen before the polling day).” Parliamentary Constituencies Act 1986 (c. 56)

Parliamentary Constituencies Act 1986 (c. 56)

Political Parties, Elections and Referendums Act 2000 (c. 41)

21 (1) Amend Schedule 9 as follows.

(3) In paragraph 9(6)(b) for the words from “Her Majesty’s” to “with” substitute “Parliament is dissolved by section 3(1) of the Fixed-term Parliaments Act 2011 for”.|4|-4}}


text:
The Snow Maiden

 * "The Snow-Child", by Mikhail Aleksandrovich Maksimovich, translated by John Theophilus Naaké in Slavonic Fairy Tales (1874)
 * "The Snow-Maiden", translated by Edith M. S. Hodgetts in Tales and Legends from the Land of the Tzar (1891)
 * "Snowflake", edited by Andrew Lang in The Pink Fairy Book (1897)

title: The Snow Maiden


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Winter, when I apprehended him, had many associates in Paris, and the Tuileries was the notorious place where the most daring and celebrated thieves assembled, who recommended themselves to public veneration by impudently bedecking themselves with all the crosses of the orders of knighthood. In the eyes of an observer who can discern accurately, the Chateau was then less a royal residence than a haunt infested by these thieves. There congregated a crowd of galley-slaves, pickpockets, and swindlers of every class, who presented themselves as the old companions in arms of Charette, La Roche-Jaquelin, Stoflet, Cadoudal, &c. The days of review and court assemblies witnessed the gathering of these pretended heroes. In my office of superior agent of police, I judged it my duty to keep a strict look-out after these royalists of circumstances. I


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 stationed myself in their way, either in or out of the apartments, and was soon fortunate enough to restore several of them to the Bagne.

One Sunday, accompanied by one of my auxiliaries, I was on the watch on the Place du Carousel; we saw, going out from the Pavillon de Flore, a person whose costume, not less rich than elegant, attracted the attention of every person. This personage must be a great lord: had he not been covered with orders, he would have been recognized by the delicacy of his embroidery, the grace of his feather, the sparkling knot of his sword; but in the eyes of a police officer all is not gold that glitters. The agent with me, in drawing my attention to this splendid signor, observed that there was a striking likeness between him and one Chambreuil, with whom he had been at the Bagne at Toulon. I had seen Chambreuil, and I went to station myself so as to see this person face to face; and in spite of the dress à la Française, the breeches à l'Angleterre, the laced neckerchief and ruffles, I instantly recognized the ex-galley-slave: it was, in fact, Chambreuil, a notorious forger, who had obtained much celebrity by his escapes from the galleys. His first sentence was about the period of the successful campaigns in Italy. At this time he followed the army, that he might the more easily imitate the signatures of the purveyors. He had a decided talent for this kind of imitation; but having been too prodigal of his abilities in this way, he had ended by procuring for himself three years' imprisonment. Three years soon pass away. Chambreuil could not, however, reconcile himself to his prison; he escaped, and fled to Paris, where he put into circulation a vast many notes of his own fabrication. This industry was converted into a crime; and, again placed on his trial, he was found guilty, and sent to Brest, where, by virtue of his sentence, he should have passed eight years. Chambreuil again escaped; but as forgery was his constant resource, he was apprehended a third time, and appended to the chain, which was sent to Toulon.


text:
Author:W. Hughes-Hallet

Works

 * Convocation Addresses of the Universities of Bombay and Madras/Part 2/Lieut. Col. W. Hughes-Hallet

title: Author:W. Hughes-Hallet


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 Scarcely had he arrived there, when he again endeavoured to elude the vigilance of his keepers; but apprehended and sent back to the Bagne, he was placed in the too celebrated room, No. 3, where he passed his time, increased by three years.

During this detention, he endeavoured to amuse himself by dividing his leisure between denouncement and swindling, which were no less to his taste than his other pursuit. His choice, however, was forged letters, which, on his leaving the Bagne, brought on him two years' imprisonment in the prison of Embrun.

Chambreuil had just arrived there, when S. A. R. le Duc d'Angoulême passing through this city, he caused a petition to be presented to this prince, in which he stated that he was an old Vendean, a devoted servant, whose royalism had drawn down persecution upon him. Chambreuil was immediately set at liberty, and soon afterwards began to use his freedom as heretofore.

When we recognised him, it was easy to judge by the figure he cut that he was in a good vein of fortune. We followed him an instant, to convince ourselves that it was indeed he; and as soon as all doubt was removed, I accosted him, declaring that he was my prisoner. Chambreuil thought then to impose upon me, by spitting in my face a tremendous series of qualities and titles, which he asserted belonged to him. He was nothing less than director of the police of the Chateau, and chief of the royal stud of France; whilst I was an insolent scoundrel, whom he was to punish instantly. In spite of threats, I persisted in making him get into a hackney-coach; and as he made some difficulty about it, we compelled him by main force.

In presence of M. Henry, M. le director of the police of the Chateau was not at all disconcerted; on the contrary, he assumed a tone of arrogant superiority, which actually alarmed the chief of the prefecture. They all thought that I had committed a blunder.

"I will never put up with such an audacious insult," cried Chambreuil; "it is an outrage for which I will


text:
Author:David Sinclair

Works

 * Convocation Addresses of the Universities of Bombay and Madras/Part 2/D. Sinclair, Esq., M.A. (1889)

Works about the author

 * The Indian Biographical Dictionary (1915)/Sinclair, Surgeon-General David

title: Author:David Sinclair


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Page:Bury J B The Cambridge Medieval History Vol 2 1913.djvu/419

 CHAPTER XIII

THE SUCCESSORS OF HERACLIUS TO 717

Besides Constantine, who had been his colleague since 613, Heraclius left four sons by Martina — Theodosius, who was deaf and dumb, Heraclius, who had been crowned in 638, David the Caesar, and Martin the nobilissimus, and (though Constantine was twenty-eight and Heraclius only sixteen) he desired by his will that they should enjoy equal rights, while Martina received the honours of an empress and a mother from both. Relying upon this provision, Martina claimed to exercise the practical sovereignty herself: but the people would not permit this, on the ground that a woman could not receive foreign envoys, and compelled her to leave the government to her stepson. Anticipating such a result, Heraclius had entrusted a large sum to the patriarch Pyrrhus for her benefit: but, Philagrius the treasurer having discovered this and informed Constantine, Pyrrhus was forced to surrender it. As the Emperor was suffering from consumption (which caused him to reside at Chalcedon), Philagrius, fearing to be left exposed to Martina's vengeance, persuaded him to send a donative to the soldiers through Valentine the Armenian, the commander of Philagrius' guard, urging them to protect his two sons and maintain their claim to the succession. Valentine however used the money to gain influence for himself; and after Constantine's death (24 May 641) Philagrius was forcibly ordained and banished to Septum (Ceuta), and many of his supporters were flogged, without opposition from the army, though Martina tried to attach it to her son's cause by a further donative in the name of the dead Emperor. But in consequence of her incestuous marriage and her attempt to exclude Constantine from power she was exceedingly unpopular, and by the malevolence of her enemies she was now accused of poisoning him. Valentine, who had either originated this report or used it for his own purpose, placed himself at the head of a military force in Asia, occupied Chalcedon on the pretext that the lives of Constantine's sons were in danger, and sent instructions to the troops in the provinces not to obey Martina, while the Empress brought the army of Thrace to defend the capital. To allay the commotion, Heraclius produced his elder nephew, Heraclius, a boy of ten, to whom


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226 without restriction, both in their military and in their civil capacity, subject only to the instructions they received from the Emperor. Procopius calls each alike.

Circumstances, however, allowed neither country any lasting peace; martial law continued as a consequence of the state of war, and neither Africa nor Italy could safely be left without an active army. It became necessary to create and to uphold a supreme authority, to which the civil administration had to be subordinated for military purposes. In Africa a passing attempt was made by Justinian to equip the praefectus praetorio with the power of a magister militum, but this was an exceptional case. In Africa, as also in Italy, when the Lombards invaded it after the recall of Narses, the rule was to appoint extraordinary military commanders, who held a high rank and were superior to the praefectus. But when the state of war proved to be chronic, the extraordinary office developed into a regular one. In the year 584 an exarch is mentioned in Italy for the first time, and here as in Africa the title exarch is henceforth commonly applied to the head of the military and civil administration. In this combination of military and civil functions the exarch reminds us of certain exalted provincial governors, whom Justinian, deviating from the general principles of the Roman administration, had already installed in the East. But the exarch is far more than these. Holding, as he does, the highest office in his division of the Empire, he not only belongs to the highest class with the title excellentissimus, but he owns also the full title of patricius, a distinction not usually shared by the praefect. If the patrician holds a court office it is usual, in official language, to substitute this for the title patricius, as for instance cubicularius et exarchus, or occasionally patricius et exarchus. In ordinary life, when speaking of the exarch in Italy and Africa, only the title patricius was used.

The power of the exarch was practically unlimited. Like the Gothic kings, he was the emperor's representative; and as such, like his predecessors, e.g. Belisarius and Narses, he held absolute command over the active troops temporarily stationed in that part of the Empire, as well as over the frontier legions. At the same time he took a hand, whenever it pleased him, in the civil administration, decided ecclesiastical matters, negotiated with foreign countries, and concluded armistices. His power was only limited in time, inasmuch as he might at any moment be recalled by the emperor, and in extent inasmuch as his mandate applied only to a definite part of the Empire. He could therefore issue decrees, but could neither make laws nor conclude a peace valid for the whole of the Empire. The command of the exarch of Italy extended beyond Italy to the rest of the old dioecesis of West Illyricum, and to Dalmatia, which also, since Odovacar's time, had been added to the Italian kingdom. The military system of Sicily, on the other hand, was allowed, at least in later years, to develop independently.


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Rh It followed naturally that the exarch, who resided at Ravenna, had at his court, besides an officium befitting his rank, a number of advisers and assistants for the miscellaneous branches of his activity. We will only mention here the consiliarius, the cancellarius, the maior domus, the scholastici versed in jurisprudence, and in Africa a with the rank of patricius, a representative of the emperor’s representative. He was further, like all generals of that time, surrounded by a number of private soldiers, gentlemen-at-arms who held a more distinguished position than soldiers of the regular army. The court of these vice-emperors was in every aspect a copy of the imperial court, and their powerful position makes it conceivable that, when in the middle of the seventh century the centre of the Empire was in distress, the attempt was repeatedly made both from Africa and Italy to replace the emperor by an exarch. It was in this manner that the dynasty of Heraclius attained to the throne.

The consequences of the uninterrupted state of war, caused in Africa by the Berbers and later by the Muslims, and in Italy by the Lombards, of course affected, not only the head of the general administration, but also its organisation and its efficacy. Tripolitana was detached from Africa, probably under the Emperor Maurice, and added to Egypt. Mauretania Sitifensis and the few stations of the Caesariensis which the Empire was able to uphold, were joined together into one province, Mauretania Prima, whilst distant Septum, with the remains of the Byzantine possessions in Spain, became the province Mauretania Secunda. Of still greater importance is the fact that Justinian’s plan of restoring the frontiers of the Empire to the extent they had before the Vandal occupation, was never carried out. It even became necessary in several provinces to move back again the line of defence already reached, so that the duces did not hold command in the border-lands of their own provinces, but were stationed with their garrisoned legions in the interior. This makes it impossible to define the sphere of local power between the dux and the tribuni on the one hand, and the praeses on the other. The provinces themselves became as it were limites. Just as the praefect continued to exist under the exarch, so there existed, at least in the beginning of the seventh century and perhaps even up to the definite loss of Africa, side by side with the duces, a number of civil praesides, not to speak of the various revenue officers who were employed for the taxation. Naturally the duces and the tribuni who were appointed by the exarch proved the stronger, and continually extended their powers at the expense of the civil officials. The development, which must have led to the complete suppression of the civil administration, hardly reached its final stage in Africa, because it was forcibly cut short by the Mahometan occupation. It went further in Italy. The Lombards in their onslaught had broken up the whole of the Italian administration in the course of about ten years; attempts to re-establish it failed, and when about the


text:
Author:David Duncan

Works

 * Life of Herbert Spencer
 *  Herbert Spencer’s Descriptive Sociology
 * Convocation Addresses of the Universities of Bombay and Madras/Part 2/D. Duncan. Esq., M.A., D.Sc.

title: Author:David Duncan


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228 beginning of the seventh century the Empire had accepted the inevitable, it made no further attempt to gain the remote border-lands, but saw its task in trying to secure what remained of the Roman possessions. It had been customary so far for the various army corps, of which some were recruited from the East, to fight in different parts of Italy, led by their magistri militum under the superior command of the exarch. The primus exercitus was stationed at Ravenna at the immediate disposal of the commander-in-chief. But gradually, and especially when by the repeated truces a certain state of equilibrium had been attained, there were no more reinforcements from the East, except perhaps the regiment of guards for the exarch, and the legions in Italy were stationed at those points which seemed most important for the defence. In the interior of Italy also ducatus sprang up in all directions with duces or magistri militum at their head; everywhere forts were erected and put under the command of a tribune.

By the conquests of Rothari, who seized Liguria, and of Grimoald in the seventh century, as also by those of Liutprand and Aistulf in the eighth century, the frontiers were still further displaced, but as early as the first half of the seventh century the following ducatus can be distinguished: Istria and Venetia, both confined to the coast-land and the islands; the exarchate proper (in the narrower sense), the provincia Ravennatium, the borders of which lay between Bologna and Modena in the west, along the Po in the north, and from which the ducatus of Ferrara was detached in the eighth century; the Pentapolis, i.e. the remains of Picenum, with its dux residing at Ariminum; the ducatus of Perusia, which with its numerous and strong forts covered the most important passes of the Apennines and the Via Flaminia, the only connexion between the remains of the Byzantine possessions in the north, and in particular Ravenna, with Rome; Tuscia to the north of the lower course of the Tiber; Rome and her immediate surroundings, with the forts in partibus Campaniae to the south, as far as the valley of the Liris; the ducatus of Naples, i.e. the coast-towns from Cumae to Amalfi with a part of Liburia (Terra di Lavoro); the ducatus of Calabria, consisting of the remains of Apulia and Calabria, Lucania and Bruttium. This division supplanted the old division into provinces, and, when about the middle of the seventh century not only the praefect of Italy, but also the provincial praesides disappeared completely, the names of the old provinces continued to be used in ordinary conversation only to define certain parts of Italy. The functions of the duces and praesides were completely absorbed by the magistri militum in the same way as those of the praefectus praetorio were absorbed by the exarch. The whole administration had been militarised, and the same status established which in the East under similar conditions appears as the "theme" system.

The civil administration of the State, however, was not only threatened


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527-565 suffered was terrible enough to justify the sinister fact recorded by John Lydus, "The tax-gatherers could find no more money to take to the Emperor, because there were no people left to pay the taxes." Justinian's administrative system had woefully miscarried.

In common with all the Emperors who had occupied the throne of the Caesars since the time of Constantine, Justinian gave much attention to the Church, as much for political reasons as because of his zeal for orthodoxy. His autocratic disposition was unable to realise that anything could be exempt from the prince's inspection in a well-regulated monarchy. He claimed therefore to exercise his authority not only with regard to ecclesiastics — the greatest included — but further, when questions of discipline or dogma arose his word was never lacking. He wrote somewhere that "good order in the Church is the prop of the Empire." He spared nothing which might lead to this good order. Both Justinian's Code and the Novellae abound in laws dealing with the organisation of the clergy, the regulation of their moral life, the foundation and administration of religious houses, the government of ecclesiastical property, and the control of the jurisdiction to which clerics were liable. During his whole reign Justinian claimed the right to appoint and dispossess bishops, to convoke and direct councils, to sanction their decisions, and to amend or abolish their canons. Since he enjoyed theological controversies, and had a real talent for conducting them, he was not deterred by pope, patriarchs, and bishops, from setting himself up as a doctor of the Church, and as an interpreter of the Scriptures. In this capacity he drew up confessions of faith and hurled forth anathemas.

In exchange for the mastery which he assumed over it, he extended his special protection to the Church. A crowd of religious buildings, churches, convents, and hospitals sprang up in every part of the Empire, thanks to the Emperor's generosity. Throughout the monarchy the bishops were encouraged to make use of the government's authority and resources to spread their faith as well as to suppress heresy. Justinian believed that the first duty of a sovereign was "to keep the pure Christian faith inviolate, and to defend the Catholic and Apostolic Church from any harm." He therefore employed the most severe measures against anyone who wished to injure or introduce changes into the unity of the Church. Religious intolerance was transformed into a public virtue.

From the beginning of his reign Justinian promulgated the severest laws against heretics in 527 and 528. They were excluded from holding any public office, and from the liberal professions. Their meetings were forbidden and their churches shut. They were even deprived of some of their civil rights, for the Emperor declared that it was only right that orthodox persons should have more privileges in society than heretics, for whom "to exist is sufficient." The pagans, Hellenes as they


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168 of the patrician Anagartus, on part of Lusitania, in the direction of Coimbra and the valley of the Munda (i.e. the Mondego), which at that time was governed by a Suevic duke, who bore the title of king. Romanus seized this individual, his family and his treasure, and annexed the district to the Empire. Leovigild took advantage of this reverse to attack the Suevic frontier in the direction of Galicia, and the Suevic king Mir or Miron was obliged to sue for peace. The Visigothic monarch granted him a truce for a short time and meanwhile, in the district afterwards called Alcarria, he built a fortified city to which he gave the name of Recopolis in honour of Recared. There are still a few traces of it to be seen.

From 578 to 580, there was a period of external peace, but on the other hand, these years marked the beginning of a civil war of graver import than any former one; for, in the first place, this war was concerned with religion; and in the second, with the rash ambition of one of Leovigild's own sons. This was Prince Hermenegild; the struggle originated in the same way as the former contests between the Visigoths and the Franks. Once more, the cause of it was a Frankish princess, Ingundis, daughter of Sigebert, king of Austrasia, and of Brunhild, and therefore niece of Leovigild. In 579 Hermenegild married her, he being an Arian and she a Catholic. Immediately there was quarrelling at Court, not between husband and wife, but between Ingundis and her grandmother, Goisvintha, the widow of Athanagild, who had married Leovigild. Goisvintha was a zealous Arian and tried to convert her grand-daughter, first by flattery and afterwards by threats, ending, according to the chroniclers of the period, in violence. Nothing could shake the faith of Ingundis, but she made bitter complaints to the Spanish Catholics and the Franks. To prevent matters from going further, Leovigild sent his son to govern Seville, one of the frontier provinces. There Hermenegild found himself in an atmosphere essentially Catholic, and, at the instigation of his wife Ingundis and Archbishop Leander, he finally abjured Arianism. The news of his conversion gave fresh courage to the malcontent Spanish-Romans in Baetica, and the consequence was that Seville and other cities rebelled against Leovigild and proclaimed Hermenegild as king. The latter was rash enough to make the venture and fortified himself in Seville, with the help of the greater part of the Spanish, and of a few Visigothic nobles. It had been said that, on this occasion, Hermenegild did not receive the support of the Catholic clergy. This statement is possibly exaggerated. It is true that Gregory of Tours, John of Biclar, and Isidore condemn the revolt and call Hermenegild a usurper; but this does not mean that, at the time of the rebellion, none of the clergy took his side. It is only reasonable to infer that he did receive some support from them. Though uniformity of religion on the Arian basis may have played an important part in Leovigild's scheme of


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Rh occasion the panic in Constantinople was such that the city guard — the — were sent by Maurice to man the Long Walls.

On the return of Comentiolus to the seat of war in the summer of 600, Priscus, in spite of his colleague's inactivity, won a considerable victory, but the autumn of 601 saw Peter once again in command and conducting unsuccessful negotiations for a peace. Towards the close of 602 the outlook was brighter, for conditions had changed in favour of Rome. The Antae had acted as her allies, and when Apsich was sent by the Khagan to punish this defection, numbers of the Avars themselves deserted and joined the forces under Peter. Maurice would seem to have thought that this was the moment to drive home the advantage which fortune offered, for if the soldiers could support themselves at the expense of the enemy, the harassed provincials and the overburdened exchequer might be spared the cost of their maintenance. Orders were sent that the troops were not to return, but should winter beyond the Danube. The army heard the news with consternation: barbarian tribes were ranging over the country on the further side of the river, the cavalry was worn out with the marches of the summer, their booty would purchase them the pleasures of civilised life. The Roman forces mutinied and, disobeying their superiors, crossed the river and reached Palastolum.

Peter withdrew from the camp in despair but meanwhile the officers had induced their men to face the barbarians once again, and the army had returned to Securisca (near Nikopol). Floods of rain, however, and extreme cold renewed the discontent; eight spokesmen, among whom was Phocas, covered the twenty miles between Peter and the camp and demanded that the army might return home to winter quarters. The commander-in-chief promised to give his answer on the following day: between the rebellious determination of the troops and the imperative dispatches of his brother he could see no loophole of escape; of one thing alone he was assured: that day would start a train of ills for Rome. True to his promise he joined his men and to their representatives he read the Emperor's letter. Before the tempest of opposition which this evoked the officers fled, and on the following day, when the soldiers had twice assembled to discuss the situation, Phocas was raised upon a shield and declared their leader. Peter carried the news with all speed to the capital; Maurice disguised his fears and reviewed the troops of the demes. The Blues, on whose support he relied, numbered 900, the Greens 1500. On the refusal of Phocas to receive the Emperor's ambassadors, the demesmen were ordered to man the city walls. Phocas had been chosen as champion of the army, not as emperor: the army had refused allegiance to Maurice personally but not to his house;


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Rh his goods." It must however be definitely made and understood as a will and not be a mere casual remark in conversation. Such a will ceased to be valid after testator had left the service for a year; he must then make his will in the ordinary form. Words written on his shield or scabbard with his blood or scratched in the dust with his sword at the time of death in battle were allowed by Constantine as a soldier's will.

A will might be revoked not only by a second will duly made, but by cutting the threads which fastened the tablets or breaking the seals with that intention. If ten years have elapsed, a verbal declaration of revocation proved by three witnesses or made in court is enough. If a second will not duly made gave the inheritance to the persons who would be entitled on intestacy and the first will gave it to others not so entitled, the second will, if witnessed by five persons on oath, is to prevail (439).

An informal disposition of property was sometimes made by a testator's writing his desire in a note-book (codicilli). The practice was introduced with Augustus' approval and was confirmed by the great lawyer Labeo, in that he followed it himself. It was originally connected with fideicommissa. Codicils presupposed a will appointing an heir, and might be made more than once, before or after the will, but should be confirmed expressly or impliedly by the will, subsequently or by anticipatory clause. Even if no will followed, codicils were held good, if there was evidence of testator's not having retracted his intention, testator in such a case being deemed to have addressed his request to the heir ab intestato. Only by way of trust could an heir be appointed in codicils. Codicils required five witnesses who should subscribe the written document. Testator's subscription was not necessary if he had written the codicils himself. Oral codicils are mentioned.

It became a practice for a testator in making a formal will to insert a clause declaring that if for any cause the will should be found invalid as a will, e.g. by the heir's non-acceptance, he desired that it should pass as codicils. Any person claiming under the will had to elect whether he claimed as under a will or under codicils, and to declare his intention at the first. Parents however and children within the fourth degree were allowed after suing on it as a will and being unsuccessful to apply as for a trust, for they are regarded as claiming what is due, whereas outsiders are trying to secure a gain (424).

A testator could appoint as many heirs as he pleased. If no shares are mentioned, all take equally. If some heirs accept and others do not, those who accept take the whole among them, the shares being in the original proportions to each other. A testator may also provide for the contingency of the heir or heirs named not accepting, or dying, or otherwise failing to take, and substitute another or others on this contingency. And he could also appoint a substitute for a child in his power becoming heir but dying before he came of age (puberty). In


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78 A will in Roman law was not a mere distribution of testator's property: it was the formal nomination of one or more persons to continue as it were his personality and succeed to the whole of his rights and obligations to men and gods. In early times the heir had to perform the sacred rites of the family and to pay the debts, and if testator's property was not sufficient, he was still liable himself in full.

The power of making a will belonged to all free persons who were sui juris (i.e. not under the power of their father or other ascendant), of the age of puberty, not mad at the time and not naturally quite deaf and dumb. Spendthrifts and persons in the enemy's power could not make a will, but a will made before interdiction or capture was good.

The procedure was simplified by Justinian, partly indeed by previous Emperors. Seven witnesses were required, all present at the same time and subscribing and sealing the written document containing the will. Neither woman nor child nor anyone in the power of testator nor slave nor deaf nor dumb nor mad nor spendthrift nor the heir named nor anyone in the heir's power nor one in whose power the heir was, is a good witness. There was no objection to legatees as witnesses. The testator must sign the will and acknowledge it as his will to the witnesses, but need not disclose its contents. If he cannot write, an eighth person must subscribe for him. If he is blind, there must be a notary (tabellarius) to write and subscribe the will, or at least an additional witness. If the will be written entirely by testator and he states this fact in the document, five witnesses suffice. Valentinian III (446) had allowed a holographic will to be valid even without witnesses. The will might be written on boards or paper or parchment: the material was unimportant. Nor need the will be written at all. An oral declaration by the testator of his will in the presence of seven witnesses was enough without further formality.

Justinian made a concession to country people in places where literates (i.e. persons able to read and write) were scarce. There must be at least five witnesses, literates if possible, one or two of whom if necessary might subscribe for the rest. In such wills the witnesses must however be informed who are appointed heirs, and must depose this on oath after testator's death.

Soldiers although in the power of their fathers were competent to make a will dealing with their separate estate (castrense peculium). If they were in actual service in camp or had not retired more than a year, their will was exempted from all formalities. This concession was begun by Julius Caesar and made permanent by Trajan in the most general terms: "Let my fellow soldiers make their testaments as they will and as they can, and let the bare will of the testator suffice for the division of


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Rh legitimate or not, and whether others were born after or not. In the previous year he had provided that, where by the death of the mother or for other cause marriage was not feasible, the children might be legitimated on the father's application or in accordance with his will; and that a woman who, trusting to a man's oath on the Gospels or in church that he would regard her as his wife, had lived long with him and perhaps had children, could on proving the fact maintain her position against him and be entitled to the usufruct of a fourth of his estate, the children having the property; if there were three children she had the usufruct of a child's share. In 542 he provided that if a man in a public deed, or his own writing duly witnessed, or in his will called a child by a free woman his son without adding the epithet "natural," this sufficed to make him and his brothers legitimate and their mother a legitimate wife without further evidence.

As regards connexions with slave women Justinian in 539 enacted that they might be legitimatised by enfranchisement and marriage settlement, and the children of the connexion though born in slavery would thereby become free and legitimate. He had already in 531 provided that if a man having no wife has formed such a connexion and maintained it till his death, the woman and her children should become free after his death, if he did not make other disposition by his will.

Theodosius in 443 had introduced another mode of improving the condition of natural children. He authorised a father either in his life or by his will to present one or more of his natural children to the municipal council of his town to become a member of their body, and further authorised him to give or leave such children any amount of his property to support their rank and position; and similarly to give his natural daughters in marriage to members of the council. Those so presented were not allowed to decline the position, burdensome though it was. They succeeded to their father's intestate inheritance just as if they were legitimate, but had no claim to the inheritance of their father's relatives. Theodosius restricted this right to a father who had no legitimate children. Justinian (539) in confirming the law removed this restriction but limited such a natural son's share of the inheritance to the smallest amount which fell to any legitimate son.

The jus liberorum exempting from the disabilities imposed by the Papian law was acquired by natural as well as by legitimate children, and so also the reciprocal rights between mother and children of intestate inheritance given by the Tertullian and Orfitian Senates' decrees. The Papian law was abolished by Constantine (320).

Incestuous connexion was not tolerated as concubinage any more than as marriage. Children of such or other prohibited connexion were not capable of legitimation or of any claim on their parents, even for aliment.


text: The Cambridge Carol Book/Although at Yule it bloweth cool


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Rh present, to remain faithful to me; slay me not as ye slew my brethren. Suffer me to live yet three years that I may bring up my nephews. If I die you will perish also, for you will have no king strong enough to defend you." The government was thus a despotism tempered by assassination.

At the beginning of the Merovingian period there was no council having the right to advise the king and set limits to his power. The assemblies which Tacitus describes disappeared after the invasions. From time to time the great men assembled for a military expedition, and endeavoured to impose their will upon the king. In 556 Chlotar I led an expedition against the Saxons. They tendered their submission, offering him successively the half of their property, their flocks, herds, and garments, and finally all they possessed. The king was willing to accept this offer, but his warriors forced their way into his tent and threatened to kill him if he did not lead them against the enemy. He was obliged to yield to their insistence and met with a severe defeat. But that is a case of violent action on the part of an army in revolt, not of advice given by an assembly regularly consulted. Such assemblies do not appear until the close of the Merovingian period, and then as a new creation. The bishops always made a practice of meeting in council, and at these meetings they passed canons which were authoritative for all Christians. During the civil wars the great laymen also began to meet in order to confer upon their common interests, and the bishops took part in these assemblies also. Each of the three kingdoms — tria regna as they are called by the chroniclers — had therefore its assemblies of this kind. The sovereign was obliged to reckon with them, and consulted them on general matters. Subsequently when the Carolingians had again united the kingdom, there was only one assembly. It was summoned regularly in the month of March and became known as the field of March — campus martius. The great men came thither in arms, and if war was decided on they took the field immediately against the enemy. Before long, however, as the cavalry had great difficulty in finding fodder in March, the assembly was transferred, about the middle of the seventh century, to the month of May, when there was grass for the horses in the meadows, and the campus martius became the campus madius. Those who were summoned to this assembly brought to the king gifts in money or in kind, which became the principal source of revenue of the State; they tried persons accused of high treason, and before them were promulgated the capitularies. The assembly was thus at once an army, a council, and a legal tribunal. The Carolingians made it the most important part of the machinery of government.

The king was aided in the work of administration by numerous officials who both held posts in the royal household and performed administrative functions in the State. We may mention the Referendaries


text: The Cambridge Carol Book/As I went to Bethlehem


text: The Cambridge Carol Book/Awake, and hear my story


text: The Cambridge Carol Book/Babe Jesu, hear our ditty


text: The Cambridge Carol Book/Behoulde a sely tender Babe


text: The Cambridge Carol Book/Blest, withouten match


text: The Cambridge Carol Book/Christ is at thy portals


text: The Cambridge Carol Book/Ding dong! merrily on high


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136 who drew up and signed diplomas in the name of the king; the Counts of the Palace, who directed the procedure before the royal tribunal; the Cubicularies who had charge of the treasuries in which the wealth of the king was laid up; the Seneschals, who managed (among other things) the royal table; the Marshals, who had constables (comites stabuli) under their order, and were Masters of the Horse, etc. Among these officials the foremost place was gradually taken by the Mayor of the Palace, whose office was peculiar to the Merovingian courts. Landed proprietors were in the habit of putting their various domains under the charge of majores, mayors; and a major domus, placed over these various mayors, supervised all the estates, and all the revenues from them were paid in to him. The Mayor of the Palace was at first the overseer of all the royal estates, and was also charged with maintaining discipline in the royal household. Being always in close relation with the king, he soon acquired political functions. If the king was a minor, it was his duty as nutricius to watch over his education. The dukes and counts, who came from time to time to the palace, fell under his authority, and before long he began to send them orders when they were in their administrative districts; and he acquired an influence in their appointment. As the whole of the administration centred in the palace he became in the end the head of the administration. He presided over the royal court of justice and often commanded the army. In the struggle of the great men against the royal house one of the points for which they contended was the right to impose upon the sovereign a mayor of the palace of their choice; and each division of Gaul (Neustria, Burgundy, and Austrasia) desired to have its own mayor. We have seen that a single family, descended from Arnulf and Pepin I, succeeded in getting the office of Mayor of the Palace into their own hands and rendered it hereditary. From 687-751, the Mayors of this family were the real rulers of the Frankish kingdom, and in 751 it was strong enough to seize the crown.

The court was frequented by a considerable number of persons. The young sons of the nobles were brought up there, being "commended" to the care of one or other of the great officials of the palace. They there served their apprenticeship to civil or military life, and might look forward to receiving later some important post. The officials engaged in local administration came frequently to the palace to receive instructions. Other great men resided there in the hope of receiving some favour. Besides these laymen, many ecclesiastics were there to be met with, bishops coming from their dioceses, clergy of the royal chapel, clergy in search of a benefice. All these persons were optimates of the king, his faithful servants, his leudes, that is to say "his people" (leute). A distinctive position among them was held by the autrustiones, who were the descendants of the Germanic comites. They formed the king's body-guard, and usually ate at the royal table. They took an oath to


text: The Cambridge Carol Book/From Galilee they came


text: The Cambridge Carol Book/Get ivy and hull, woman, deck up


text: The Cambridge Carol Book/Hail, Eternal Son, to-day


text: The Cambridge Carol Book/Hail! Holy Child, lain in an oxen manger


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text: The Cambridge Carol Book/Heap on more wood! the wind is chill


text: The Cambridge Carol Book/Ho! Steward, bid my servants


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text: The Cambridge Carol Book/Hob and Colin, Yule is come


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text: The Cambridge Carol Book/In a cavern oxen-trod


text: The Cambridge Carol Book/In Bethlehem hear I to-day


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text: The Cambridge Carol Book/Let such (so fantastical) liking not this


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text: The Cambridge Carol Book/This happy morn the Maid hath borne


text: The Cambridge Carol Book/My Lord, and my God, in Bethlehem born


text: The Cambridge Carol Book/Now stand we in the village


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text: The Cambridge Carol Book/O the morn, the merry merry morn


text: The Cambridge Carol Book/Our Lady sat within her bower


text: The Cambridge Carol Book/Outside, how hard it bloweth!


text: The Cambridge Carol Book/Past three a clock, and a cold frosty morning


text: The Cambridge Carol Book/Sleep, baby mine, in happy case


text: The Cambridge Carol Book/Sweet Babe, that, wrapt in twilight shade


text: The Cambridge Carol Book/The Mirrour of the Father's face


text: The Cambridge Carol Book/To redeem a race forlorn


text: The Cambridge Carol Book/To Bethlehem that night


text: The Cambridge Carol Book/To us this morn a Child is born


text: The Cambridge Carol Book/'Twas in a cave on Christmas morn


text: The Cambridge Carol Book/When an Angel host entuned


text: The Cambridge Carol Book/While shepherds watch'd their flocks by night


text: The Cambridge Carol Book/Jesus is the sweetest Name


text: Index:Investigation Request for Senators Ted Cruz and Josh Hawley.pdf


text: The Cambridge Carol Book/When Christ had (as recounted)


text: The Cambridge Carol Book/There stood in heaven a linden tree


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Rh the Gothic kingdom parallel with the court offices and central offices at Constantinople, now disappeared in Italy and were amalgamated with the central offices at Constantinople. The same applies to the Senate, which likewise was not a local but an imperial governing body. There was no need to dissolve it; it disappeared from Rome in the natural course of events, for the officials, of whom it was composed at that time, henceforth only existed at Constantinople, the residence of the single emperor.

The principle underlying the bureaucratic administration by which the Empire had been governed since Diocletian, and the details of which had only been developed during the centuries following his reign, remained unchanged: all autonomy was supplanted by a body of imperial functionaries grouped hierarchically, according to their local and practical powers, subject only to the absolute will of the Emperor and appointed by him, chosen from the ranks of the landowners, the only persons who had the right to migrate from their place of origin. They had at their disposal as an auxiliary force a body of officials (officium), arranged likewise hierarchically, but drawn from another class of the people. Opposed, however, to the ruling class, which carried out the will of the State by means of the bureaucratic organisation, stood, as the working members of the State, all the rest of the population, tied hereditarily to their class and its organisation, which as far as it existed had only the one object of making its members jointly responsible for the expenses of the State. The principle also of separating the civil from the military power, which had first been completely carried into force by Constantine the Great, though sometimes abandoned by Justinian in the East, was intended by the Emperor to come into full force in the West, as soon as an end had been put to the state of war.

While the details of the Italian administration have to be gathered partly from the so-called Pragmatica sanctio pro petitione Vigilii, and partly from the remaining sources, chiefly the letters of Pope Gregory, which unfortunately nowhere present a complete picture, the Codex Justinianus (I. 27) contains the statutes of the organisation for the civil and military adjustment within the African dioecesis, issued by Justinian in the year 534. The statutes provided that the praefectus praetorio Africae, who as a functionary of the highest class and receiving a salary of 100 pounds gold (about £4500), stood at the head of the civil administration, should have (besides his private cabinet, the consiliarii and cancellarii, the grammatici and medici) an official staff of 396 persons, divided into ten scrinia and nine scholae. Four of the former, who were also the best paid, were entrusted with the financial administration, and one with the exchequer. Besides these there were the scrinium of the primiscrinius or subadiuva, and one each of the commentariensis and of the ab actis, who conducted the business of the chancery and the


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609-619] this authorised number desired residence in Constantinople, they were to buy the privilege from the State (612). Three years later the coins in which the imperial largess was paid were reduced to half their value. But in June 617 (?) yet another disaster overtook Heraclius. The Khagan of the Avars made overtures for peace, and Athanasius the patrician and Kosmas the quaestor arranged a meeting between the Emperor and the barbarian chief at Heraclea. Splendid religious rites and a magnificent circus display were to mark the importance of the occasion, and huge crowds had poured forth from the city gates to be present at the festivities. But it was no longer increased money payments that the Khagan sought: he aimed at nothing less than the capture of Constantinople. At a sign from his whip the ambushed troops burst forth from their hiding-places about the Long Walls. Heraclius saw his peril: throwing off his purple, with his crown under his arm, he fled at a gallop to the city and warned its inhabitants. Over the plain of the Hebdomon and up to the Golden Gate surged the Avar host: they raided the suburbs, they pillaged the church of Saints Cosmas and Damian in the Hebdomon, they crossed the Golden Horn and broke in pieces the holy table in the church of the Archangel. Fugitives who escaped reported that 270,000 prisoners, men and women, had been swept away to be settled beyond the Danube, and there was none to stay the Khagan's march. In 618 those who were entitled at the expense of the State to share in the public distribution of loaves of bread were forced to make a contribution at the rate of three nomismata to the loaf, and a few months later (Aug. 618) the public distribution was entirely suspended. Even such a deprivation as this was felt to be inevitable: the chronicle of events in the capital does not record any popular outbreak.

It was probably in the spring of 619 that the next step was taken in the Persian plan of conquest, when Sahrbarâz invaded Egypt. He advanced by the coast road, capturing Pelusium and spreading havoc amongst its numerous churches and monasteries. Babylon, near Memphis, fell, and thence the Persians, supported by a strong flotilla, followed the main western branch of the Nile past Nikiou to Alexandria and began the siege of the Egyptian capital. All the Emperor's measures were indeed of little avail when Armenia, Rome's recruiting ground, was occupied by Persia, and when Sahrbarâz, encamped round Alexandria, had cut off the supply of Egyptian grain so that the capital suffered alike from pestilence and scarcity of food. The sole province which appeared to offer any hope to the exhausted treasury was Africa, and here only, it seemed, could an effective army be raised. It was with African troops that Nicetas had won Egypt in 609: even now, with Carthage as a base of operations, the Persians might surely be repelled and Egypt regained. Thus reasoning, Heraclius prepared to set sail from Europe (619?). When his determination became known,


text: The Cambridge Carol Book/That Virgin's Child


text: The Cambridge Carol Book/Jesu, maltreated


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Rh And his nephew Mohammed saw him from afar, and thought to himself, ‘My uncle is in trouble—I must go and help him;’ and the next morning he went to his master and said: ‘Dear master, I must go to my

uncle, and I wish to send him here instead of myself, while I serve under his master. And that you may know it is he and no other man, I will give him my staff, and put my mantle on him.’

‘All right,’ said the master.

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text: The Cambridge Carol Book/Weep not o'er me, O Mother mine


text: The Cambridge Carol Book/Jewry, why with bulrush mock Him?


text: The Cambridge Carol Book/O for a lay! for on this day


text: The Cambridge Carol Book/Moses, sing unto Christ thy King


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text: The Cambridge Carol Book/Rejoice, O Queen of bliss, anon


text: The Cambridge Carol Book/Thus on Easter-morrow


text: The Cambridge Carol Book/With melody, O Christ, hymn we


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224 archives, and lastly the scrinium operum for the Public Works and the scrinium libellorum for the Jurisdiction. The cohortales, probably assistant clerks, were divided into the scholae of exceptores, singularii, mittendarii, cursores, nomenculatores, stratores, praecones, draconarii, and chartularii. The sum total of the salaries paid to the staff amounted to 6575 gold solidi (a little over £4000), which had to be raised, like the praefect's salary, by the dioecesis. Subordinate to the praefect were seven governors, three of whom had the rank of a consularis and four that of a praeses. It seems that the former — the text is not quite clear — were the governors of the old provincia proconsularis (Zeugitana, Carthage), of Byzacena and of Tripolis, whilst the latter, who were of inferior rank, appear to have governed Sardinia, Numidia, and the two Mauretanias (Sitifensis and Caesariensis); a staff of 50 clerks was attached to each of them.

For the protection of the dioecesis, after peace had eventually been so completely restored that the conquering army and the moveable field-army of the comitatenses could be withdrawn, a frontier-army was to be newly enrolled, garrisoned, and settled, and to be entrusted to the military commanders of the separate frontier-provinces (limites). These were under the duces of Tripolitana (in Leptis Magna), of Byzacena (in Capsa or Thelepte, the command of which was afterwards shared with a second dux at Hadrumetum), of Numidia (in Constantina), of Mauretania (in Caesarea), and of Sardinia. Whilst these duces were to take up a temporary residence in the capitals until the reoccupation of the old frontiers should be complete, a few of the larger forts along the frontier were given into the charge of tribunes. One of these, who was subordinate to the dux of Mauretania, was also stationed at Septum to watch the Straits of Gibraltar and to command the battleships there. Each of these duces had, besides an assessor, a staff of 40 clerks with a number of gentlemen-at-arms, the latter of whom he paid out of his own sufficiently high stipend, handed over to him by the praefect. The duces, viri spectabiles, i.e. officials of the second class, were subordinate in military rank to the commanding magister militum of the moment. It is true that this arrangement was quite provisional, for the limites were not to be definitely adjusted till the old frontiers had been won back by the Roman arms.

In Italy Justinian's division of provinces can hardly have differed essentially from the old Roman one, which had been accepted by the Ostrogoths. The jurisdiction of the praefect was curtailed not only by the separation of Sardinia and Corsica and by the loss of the two Rhaetias on the northern frontier, but furthermore by the enactment of Justinian, which put Sicily under a special praetor of the second class, from whom an appeal passed directly to the quaestor of the court at Constantinople. It is doubtful whether the intermediate court of the two vicarii (Italiae and urbis Romae) was maintained under the praefect.


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Rh not hear, for Zelida’s father hastily laid his hand over her mouth, crying: ‘Oh, be silent, child! Would you draw down on you by imprudence the fate of

your unhappy sisters?’ Hardly had he uttered the words, when a thick black vapour rose about him, proceeding from the precious bottle, which his rapid movement had overturned. The old slave rushed in and

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text: The Cambridge Carol Book/Nightingale, thy lordly lays


text:
Page:Investigation Request for Senators Ted Cruz and Josh Hawley.pdf/1

January 21, 2021 The Honorable Christopher Coons, Chairman The Honorable James Lankford, Vice Chairman Senate Committee on Ethics 220 Hart Building U.S. Senate Washington, DC 20510

RE: Investigation Request for Senators Ted Cruz and Josh Hawley

Dear Chairman Coons and Vice Chairman Lankford,

When Senators Ted Cruz and Josh Hawley announced they would object to the counting of state-certified electors on January 6, 2021, they amplified claims of election fraud that had resulted in threats of violence against state and local officials around the country. While Congress was debating Senator Cruz’s objection, a violent mob stormed the Capitol. These insurrectionists ransacked the building, stole property, and openly threatened Members of Congress and the Vice President. Dozens of police officers were injured; five people died, including U.S. Capitol Police Officer Brian Sicknick. By proceeding with their objections to the electors after the violent attack, Senators Cruz and Hawley lent legitimacy to the mob’s cause and made future violence more likely.

Senators Hawley and Cruz’s actions have been denounced by individuals across the political spectrum. The Senate has the exclusive power to determine whether these actions violated its ethics rules, to investigate further conduct of which we may not be aware that may have violated these rules, and to consider appropriate discipline. The question the Senate must answer is not whether Senators Hawley and Cruz had the right to the object to the electors, but whether the senators failed to “[p]ut loyalty to the highest moral principles and to country above loyalty to persons, party, or Government department” or engaged in “improper conduct reflecting on the Senate” in connection with the violence on January 6. The Senate Ethics Committee should


text: The Cambridge Carol Book/When the earth, with spring returning


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text: The Cambridge Carol Book/'Twas in the year that King Uzziah died


text: The Cambridge Carol Book/I was, and am, and ay shall be sad-hearted


text: The Cambridge Carol Book/A song for the times


text: The Cambridge Carol Book/Summer is banish'd


text: The Cambridge Carol Book/Zacchaeus climbs a tree