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316 which speak only through that medium. The inference is obvious. If we would avail ourselves of this vast and various literature, for the moral and intellectual regeneration of India, we must stretch out the right hand of fellowship to those who can alone effectually wield its powers, and by patronage and conciliation obtain their willing co-operation.

Sixth.—The patronage of Government bestowed on schools of learning would be most gratefully received both by the learned themselves and by the native community. It would entirely coincide with the customs of native society. Sanscrit schools have been frequently endowed by wealthy Hindus; the teachers are constantly invited, feasted, and dismissed with presents on occasions of important domestic celebrations; and both teachers and students, independent of all other considerations of castes and condition, are held in the greatest respect by the community. In the opinion of the learned themselves—an opinion which they have frequently expressed to me—it is the duty of rulers to promote learning, by which they, of course, mean Sanscrit learning. If common schools and their teachers are encouraged as I have proposed, while Sanscrit schools are neglected, it may be feared that the hostility of the learned will be often incurred, and that, through their all-penetrating influence, they will raise serious obstacles to the spread of popular instruction. On the contrary, if their schools, as well as the vernacular schools, are patronized, their own interests will be identified with the success of the Government plan, and we may confidently rely on their co-operation. It is not, however, on the ground of expediency only that this recommendation is offered. Sanscrit schools and teachers may be made to conduce as effectually to the spread of sound and useful knowledge as vernacular schools, with only this difference that each class of institutions will operate in a field from which the other is excluded. In Sanscrit schools we shall gain access to a large and influential class which by any other means we shall be unable to reach, and which it is of the utmost importance to the welfare of society should advance as the rest of society advances. There is no class of persons that exercises a greater degree of influence in giving native society the tone, the form, and the character which it actually possesses, than the body of the learned, not merely as the professors of learning, but as the priests of religion; and it is essential to the success of any means employed to aid the moral and intellectual advancement of the people, that they should not only co-operate, but also participate, in the progress. If we leave them behind, we shall be raising obstacles to our own success, and retarding the progress of the whole country.

Learned Hindus will gratefully receive all the encouragement which we are willing to bestow, but it may still be made a question whether they would introduce books of useful knowledge on science and the arts into the regular course of their instruction.


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Rh That amongst so numerous a body none will prove hostile or indiflerent would be too much to expect; but in my own experience I have met with only one instance, that of a pundit in Rajshahi who expressed an unfriendly feeling to popular instruction. Poor and unpatronized, he asked me what advantage the extension of popular instruction would bring to him,—a question which rather confirms the view I have before presented regarding the character and expectations of the class. In another instance, that of the respectable pundit of the judge’s court at in Tirhoot, I found that all my attempts at explanation did not apparently remove from his mind the suspicion of some ulterior object, and he appears to have communicated his doubts to other learned men in that district to whom the subject was mentioned. This, however, was by no means generally the case. In conversation I have received repeated assurances from many pundits of their readiness to teach European science and learning in their schools, provided that the works put into their hands do not embrace the subject of religion on which they most distinctly intimated that they will teach, and countenance nothing but what is in their estimation strictly orthodox. In the Rajshahi, Moorshedabad, Beerbhoom, and Burdwan districts I had frequent conversations with pundits on this subject, and generally with the most satisfactory results; but it did not occur to me, till after leaving those districts, to ask any of them for their written opinions. On my return, however, to Calcutta, I put a case in writing before the pundits of the Sanscrit College, and subsequently before such pundits as I met in the districts of South Behar and Tirhoot, a translation of which, with their answer and the signatures attached to it, I subjoin. Two pundits of the Burdwan district, whom circumstances had prevented me from seeing when in their native district, followed me to Calcutta, anxious to give a full and correct account of their schools that it might be included in this report, and they took the opportunity, at the same time, of expressing their assent in writing to the opinion of the Calcutta pundits. More recently two pundits from the Jessore district and my own pundit belonging to the same district have, of their own accord, requested permission to add their names.

“I have observed that the teachers of Hindu learning in this country in their respective schools instruct their pupils Hindu learning only. There are, however, many English books of learning, in which arithmetic, mechanics, astronomy, medicine, ethics, agriculture, and commerce are treated at length. I beg to be informed whether, if such works, exclusive of those which relate to

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 lethargy of the rest of the West Coast tribes; but of Fans I will speak by and by; and merely preface my diary by stating that Congo Français has a coast line of about 900 miles, extending from the Campo River to a point a few miles north of Landana, with the exception of the small Corisco region claimed by Spain. The Hinterland is not yet delimitated, except as regards the Middle Congo. The French possession runs from Brazzaville on Stanley Pool up to the confluence of the M'Ubanji with the Congo, then following the western bank of the M'Ubanji. Away to the N.N.E. it is not yet delimitated, and although the French have displayed great courage and enterprise, there are still great stretches of country in Congo Français that have never been visited by a white man; but the same may be said to as great an extent of the West Coast possessions of England and Germany.

The whole of the territory that is at present roughly delimitated, may have an area of 220,000 square miles, with a population variously estimated at from two to five millions.

The two main outlets of its trade are Gaboon and Fernan Vaz. Gaboon is the finest harbour on the western side of the continent, and was thought for many years to be what it looks like, namely, the mouth of a great river. Of late years, however, it has been found to be merely one of those great tidal estuaries like Bonny—that go thirty or forty miles inland and then end in a series of small rivers. While under the impression that Gaboon was one of the great water ways of Africa, France made it a head station for her West African Squadron, and the point of development from which to start on exploring the surrounding country. Her attention, it is said, was first attracted to the importance of Gaboon by the reports brought home by the expedition under Prince de Joinville in the Belle Poule—who, in 1840, brought the body of Napoleon from St. Helena for interment in Paris—and after de Joinville the northern termination of the Gaboon estuary is officially known, although it is locally called Cape Santa Clara, which is possibly the name given it by the Portuguese navigator, Lopez Gonsalves, who, in 1469, made his great voyage of discovery on this coast, and whose name Cape Lopez—at the mouth of one of the Ogowé streams—still bears.


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RV 170 (SESSIONAL PAPER No. 41)

Without prejudice to the provisions of the present Treaty, Germany undertakes not to put forward directly or indirectly against any Allied or Associated Power, signatory of the present Treaty, including those which without having declared war, have broken off diplomatic relations with the German Empire, any pecuniary claim based on events which occurred at any time before the coming into force of the present Treaty.

The present stipulation will bar completely and finally all claims of this nature, which will be thenceforward extinguished, whoever may be the parties in interest.

Germany accepts and recognizes as valid and binding all decrees and orders concerning German ships and goods and all orders relating to the payment of costs made by any Prize Court of any of the Allied or Associated Powers, and undertakes not to put forward any claim arising out of such decrees or orders on behalf of any German national.

The Allied and Associated Powers reserve the right to examine in such manner as they may determine all decisions and orders of German Prize Courts, whether affecting the property rights of nationals of those Powers or of neutral Powers. Germany agrees to furnish copies of all the documents constituting the record of the cases, including the decisions and orders made, and to accept and give effect to the recommendations made after such examination of the cases.

, of which the French and English texts are both authentic, shall be ratified.

The deposit of ratifications shall be made at Paris as soon as possible.

Powers of which the seat of the Government is outside Europe will be entitled merely to inform the Government of the French Republic through their diplomatic representative at Paris that their ratification has been given; in that case they must transmit the instrument of ratification as soon as possible.

A first procès-verbal of the deposit of ratifications will be drawn up as soon as the Treaty has been ratified by Germany on the one hand, and by three of the Principal Allied and Associated Powers on the other hand.

From the date of this first procès-verbal the Treaty will come into force between the High Contracting Parties who have ratified it. For the determination of all periods of time provided for in the present Treaty this date will be the date of the coming into force of the Treaty.

In all other respects the Treaty will enter into force for each Power at the date of the deposit of its ratification.

The French Government will transmit to all the signatory Powers a certified copy of the procès-verbaux of the deposit of ratifications. IN FAITH WHEREOF the above-named Plenipotentiaries have signed the present Treaty.

Done at Versailles, the twenty-eighth day of June, one thousand nine hundred and nineteen, in a single copy which will remain deposited in the archives of the French Republic, and of which authenticated copies will be transmitted to each of the Signatory Powers.

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 Treason: If one Age talks Foolish, the next Age talks Mad. So, in the Case before me, if one Generation are Immoderate, the next are Extravagant. If one Age runs to excess in Things lawful, the next pursues the like excesses in Things unlawful, or make those lawful Things Crimes, by those excesses: If one Age are Beasts, the next Age are Devils: To-day Matrimonial Whoredom, To-morrow Unbounded Whoredom. As Vice leads, Fools follow; and where must it end but in Destruction?

is the like in the Contamination of Blood; the fatal Progression shows it self there, as well as in other Parts. Excesses weaken the Body, sink Nature, darken the Countenance, stupify the Brain; To-day they reach the Body, To-morrow the Soul, and, in the next Age, the Race.

lawful Things of this Age will make the next Age lawless; their Fathers conveyed Blood, and they convey Poyson; our Parents handed on Health, and we Diseases; our Children are born in Palaces, and are like to die in Hospitals. Debauchery is the Parent of Distemper; Fire in the Blood makes a Frost in the Brain; and be the Pleasures lawful or unlawful, the effect of Folly is to leave a Generation of Fools.

would be happy, if after having said thus much in general, and after having enter'd so seriously into all the Particulars by which a lewd Generation defile and pollute the Marriage Bed, and ruin both themselves and their Posterity, I could propose some effectual Method for the suppressing the wicked Practices,


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 Fernan Vaz and Cape Lopez are nowadays more important outlets for trade than Gaboon. To the former comes the trade of the Rembo river, and a certain amount of the Ogowé main trade, since the discovery of the Ogololé creek—a sort of natural canal about twelve miles long and of a fairly uniform breadth of fifty-five feet. Its course is twisted to and fro through the dense forest, and during the rains it is possible to take a small stern wheel steam-boat up and down it. Cape Lopez is the outlet of the Yombas arm of the lower Ogowé, which is also navigable by a small steam-boat. The Chargeur Reunis Company, subsidised by the Government, supply this vessel, the Éclaireur, to run from Cape Lopez to Njole, the highest navigable point for vessels on the Ogowé. Messrs. Hatton and Cookson used to have another small steamer, which went straight to and fro from Gaboon to Njole, but alas! she is no more. Nowadays Gaboon is merely a depot, and were it not for her magnificent harbour and the fact that the government is already established there in firm solid buildings, Gaboon would be abandoned, for not only has the trade coming out at Cape Lopez and Fernan Vaz increased, but the trade coming down the Gaboon itself decreased. This is possibly on account of French enterprise having made the route for trade by the Ogowé main stream the safer and easier.

There is now another rival to Gaboon in Congo Français, Loango. Loango owes its importance to the clear-sightedness and daring of M. de Brazza who, when he reached Brazzaville, as it is now rightly called, on Stanley Pool, saw that there was a possibility of a practicable route viâ the Niari Valley from the Middle Congo regions to the sea. For M. de Brazza to see the possibility of the practicability of a thing means that he makes it so, and Loango will gradually become the outlet for a very large portion of the Congo trade, when the railway along the Niari Valley is completed. It has also been suggested that the head station of the government should be moved from Gaboon to Loango, but against, this being done is the initial expense and the inferiority of the Loango anchorage. Still, things tend to gravitate towards Loango, as it is the more important position from a local political


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RV 171 (SESSIONAL PAPER No. 41) *(L. S.)
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 proved by certain accounts in Albuquerque's Commentaries (2) , but the fact seems to have almost escaped numismatologists, for Millies (12), p. 140, speaking of the currency of the Malay Peninsula says: "Même l'état malai si célèbre de Malaka, qui était parvenu à son apogée au commencement du XVIe siècle, lors-qu'il tomba sous la forec matérielle majeure et l'héroisme des Portugais, ne nous a laissé aucun monument numismatique connu, et nous ne savons même pas, si ce état malai possédait déjà une monnaie propre." In this Millies is certainly wrong, for in Albuquerque's Commentaries (2). Vol. III, p. 77, we find a mention of native coin which tells how King Xaquendarxa (i.e. Iskander Shah), ruler of Malacca, went to see the king of China, wishing to become his vassal and took with him many presents, receiving in return, amongst other privileges, permission to coin small "money of pewter, which money he ordered to be made as soon as he reached Malacca; and to it he gave the name of Caixes which are like our (i. e. Portuguese) ceitils, and a hundred go to the calaim, and each calaim was worth, to an appointed law, eleven reis and four ceitils. Silver and Gold was not made into money, but only used by way of merchandise." The fact that Malacca possessed native pewter coins on the arrival of the Portuguese becomes indisputable when we read that Albuquerque after the occupation of Malacca minted coins under the name of his king, D. Manuel, "in order to withdraw and suppress the coinage of the Moors and cast their root and their name out of the land," and that when the new coinage was ready, he gave orders that all the Moors who held coin of the King of Malacca should convey it thither" (i. e. to the mint) "without delay under pain of death; and so great a quantity of money was thus carried there out of fear of the penalty which had been appointed to them, that the officers could not dispatch their business fast enough." (Vol. III, p. 138).

I am sorry I cannot furnish absolute proof that the collection really contains coins of that early period. There are about 150 tin coins with Arabic inscriptions, but those few which are clear enough to be deciphered are of a much later date. It may be that the most worn and defaced coins belong to the period


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Index talk:Tirant lo Blanch; a study of its authorship, principal sources and historical setting (IA cu31924026512263).pdf

Book name
If we get a translation of the Valencian work, that will surely be named "Tirant lo Blanch" - so should this derivative work be placed under a disambigaution to start ? -- Beardo (talk) 18:50, 30 October 2023 (UTC)


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 point. And now, feeling a strong inclination to discourse of M. de Brazza instead of getting on with my own work, I descend to diary.

May 20th, 1895.—Landed at Gaboon from the Benguella amidst showers of good advice and wishes from Captain Eversfield and Mr. Fothergill, to which an unknown but amiable French official, who came aboard at Batta, adds a lovely Goliath beetle.

The captain winds up with the advice to run the gig on to the beach, and not attempt the steps of Hatton and Cookson's wharf, for he asserts "they are only fit for a hen." However, having had for the present enough of running ashore, I go for the steps, and they are a little sketchy, but quite practicable.

Mr. Fildes, in the absence of the Agent-General, Mr. Hudson, receives me most kindly, and in the afternoon I and Mr. Huyghens, the new clerk out for the firm, are sent off to the Custom House under the guardian care of a French gentleman, who is an agent of Hatton and Cookson's, and who


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 and bring Mankind to live, at least like reasonable Creatures, if not as Christians.

Answer to this would be direct, if Laws and Government were concerned in it. But as we complain of an Evil which the sense of Laws, nor the force of human Laws, will not reach, nothing of Force, nothing of putting Statutes in execution, nothing of the Hand of the Magistrate can be thought of use, or, if it be, will be equally laugh'd at. Indeed, how should they that can Argue themselves out of all the Restraints of Virtue and Religion, be expected to be under any Restraints, except those of Power?

this makes me have recourse to Satyr, and the Reproofs and Lashes of the Pen. These are the proper Weapons to combat this Adversary: Where the Laws of or Man have no Effect, the Satyr has been sometimes known to reach the Affections and Passions of Men; as they run in several Channels, so they are to be come at by several Methods; Ways and Means for one Thing will not be always Ways and Means for another; as Men are wrought upon, some by one Thing, some by another, according to the several Tempers and Dispositions which govern them, and in which they act; so, in general, they are mov'd, some in one Way, some in another.

Mistakes, vulgar Errors, and even a general Practice, have been reform'd by a just Satyr. None of our Countrymen have been known to boast of being True-Born English-Men, or so much as to use the Word as a Title or Appellation ever since a late


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 before the arrival of the Portuguese. Their average size is 21mm = $13⁄16$ in., and their weight 2.5 grammes. It is noteworthy that the collection does not contain any of the well-known perforated tin coins which are still current in Trengganu and Kelantan.

The coins which have been partly or wholly deciphered are:—

(1) a coin with the date 1173 in Arabic characters, ١١٧٣ which would correspond to the year 1757 A. D.

(2) two coins with the date 1174 ١١٧٤ i.e. 1758 A. D.

(3) two coins with the inscription on the obverse
 * سلطان i.e. Sultânu
 * العادل on the reverse i.e. ’l-‘âdil(=the just)
 * احمد بن i.e. Ahmad Bin
 * محمود i.e. Mahmûd

In one of these two coins, this inscription is delicate, but exceedingly sharp and clearly defined.

(4) a coin with the inscription on the one side
 * خان i.e. Khan
 * محمود i.e. Mahmûd

The letters on the other side are too much worn to be deciphered.

I am indebted to Captain R. P. Jackson, S. C., 13th Madras Infantry, for having kindly identified these six coins for me.

(5). There is an exceedingly well preserved coin, with one side quite smooth, but bearing on the other side the inscription.
 * ملك i.e. maliku
 * العادل i.e. ’l-‘âdil


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 which means 'The just king.' Its size is 24mm = 15/16 in. and its weight 3.3 grammes (See pl. I, fig. 5). Mr. R. J. Wilkinson kindly identified this coin for me, and I subsequently found it figured and described by Netscher and Van der Chijs (13,) p. 179, pl. XXVI, fig. 215, and by Millies (12,) p. 148, pl. XXIII, fig. 250. The specimen described by the former two authors has also one side entirely smooth, and they state that the title maliku ’l-‘âdil is used by several rulers of Western Borneo. According to them the coin would have come from Sambas or Mampawa in West Borneo and date from the year 1822. Millies, however, refers the coin to Trengganu.

(6). The coin figured on pl. II, fig. 2, seems to bear only a portion of the inscription maliku ’l-‘âdil on the one side, whilst the characters on the other side are too indistinct to be deciphered.

Some of these tin coins may possibly have come from Sumatra. Marsden (9), p. 401, speaks of tin coins current in Acheen, and Netscher and Van der Chijs (13), p. 162, too describe such coins from Acheen, as well as from Palembang, Jambi and the neighbouring island of Banka, but I have not been able to identify any foof [sic] the Malacca coins with them.

The collection also contains a few Chinese coins, cash, which, however, are too much corroded to be identified.

The European coins found at Malacca are Portuguese, Dutch and English, and, as I stated before, their dates embrace the whole period of the occupation of that place by these three nations.


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 Malacca was taken by the Portuguese under Albuquerque in 1511 and held by them until 1641. The kings of Portugal during that period were:—

 * Emmanuel, 1495–1321
 * John III, 1521–1557
 * Sebastian, 1557–1578

and four others to whom it will not be necessary to refer in this paper. From 1641 to 1795 the Dutch held possession of it, from 1795 to 1818 the English, from 1818 to 1824 the Dutch again, and since then the English.

The coins in the collection which date from the time of the first Dutch occupation are nearly all well known, but it is other- wise with a large number of tin coins struck by the Portuguese in Malacca itself; in fact as I said before, it seems doubtful whether any more of these coins exist at the present day. However, the record of the first mint established by Albuquer- que in Malacca, as given in his "Commentaries," and quoted below, leaves no doubt as to their identity.

This mint was the only one ever established in Malacca by Europeans. This was in 1511, immediately after the conquest of the place. In the previous year, 1510, Albuquerque had conquered Goa, and had established a mint there, and as the circum- stances under which those two mints were founded were very similar, and since, as will be shown below, the Malacca coins were struck after the same pattern as those in Goa, although not of the same metals, it may be well first to shortly narrate the history of the founding of the mint in Goa.

Soon after Goa had been taken in 1510 the principal Moors and Hindus of the country went to Albuquerque and told him how the trade of the people suffered because there was no proper currency, bogging him to coin some money or at least to permit the coinage of the Cabaio, the former ruler, to pass current, which he had forbidden. Albuquerque thereupon called a meeting of the goldsmiths, some Portuguese experts, and the native merchants, and discussed the matter, after which he gave orders for the coinage of money in gold, silver and copper, and on the one side they were to stamp a cross of the order of Christ, and on the other a sphere,—the device of the King D. Manuel. And when the money was ready (March 12th,


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 1510), Albuquerque "gave the word to take the royal flag, and the trumpets and kettle drums, and assemble all the men in the fleet, and ordered Tristao Déga to go and proclaim it; and he went with all this company of people all round the city, and at each proclamation that was made they scattered quantities of the new money over the heads of the crowds, which were great. and they went on proceeding in this manner round the city." (Vol. II, p. 131).

When a few months afterwards Goa had been retaken by the Moors, and Albuquerque had reconquered it, he established a new mint at Goa (Vol. III, p. 41).

Albuquerque arrived before Malacca in the middle of June 1511, made the first attack on July 25th, conquered it in August, and then took speedy measures for restoring order in the place, Ninachatu, a rich Hindu merchant, being of the greatest service to him in this matter. Ninachatu and some of the "Governors of the land" soon approached Albuquerque and told him what inconvenience the people suffered from the want of a currency, and begged he would give orders for some system of coinage. Albuquerque thereupon called together the merchants, govern- ors, and principal men of the city, and arranged with them that gold, silver, and pewter coins should be struck, substituting thus pewter for the copper coins of Goa and utilizing the natural wealth of tin in the Malay Peninsula. We saw above that the native coinage before the arrival of the Portuguese had been pewter, just as now-a-days coins of that metal are current in Trengganu and Kelantan.

The gold coin, called Catholico, should weigh a quarter of a tundia which, amongst the Portuguese, was worth a thousand reis. The silver coins, called Malaqueses, i. e. Malacca pieces, should have the same value of a quarter tundia. The pewter coins were to be of three different demoninations, viz:

1. dinheiro (i. e. money), the smallest coin, equal to two of the previously existing caixes of the ruler of Malacca, bearing the sphere of the King D. Manuel,

2. soldo, equal to ten dinheiros, 3. bastardo, equal to ten soldos.

A mint was immediately established, and orders were given that under pain of death the old coinage of the King of Malacca


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 Satyr upon that National Folly was publish'd, tho' almost Forty Years ago. Nothing was more frequent in our Mouths before that, nothing so universally Blush'd for and laugh'd at since. The Time, I believe, is yet to come, that any Author printed it, or that any Man of Sense spoke it in earnest; whereas, before you had it in the best Writers, and in the most florid Speeches, before the most august Assemblies, upon the most solemn Occasions.

the Practice complain'd of in this Work, ten thousand times more scandalous, grown up to be odious and shameless; to wise Men hateful, and to good Men horrid, I mean that of talking lewdly, be hiss'd out of the World by a just Satyr; could it be lash'd off the Stage of Life by the Pen, happy would the Author be that could boast of such Success.

all the Third Chapter, and the Fourth Chapter, and the Fifth, and Seventh, and Ninth, and Eleventh Chapter-Crimes, be met with in the same Manner, and with the same Success, I should think this, however difficult, the best and happiest Undertaking that ever came into, or went out of my Hands.

I cannot desire a greater Scope in any Subject, that calls for Censure among Men; I think I may say, I must have all the Wise, the Religious, the modest Part of Mankind with me, in the Reproof. The Crimes I attack are not only Offences against Heaven, but against all good Men, against Society, against Humanity, against Virtue, against Reason, and, in some Things, against Nature; Crimes that modest Words cannot (without great difficulty) explain, modest Tongues


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 should be delivered there to be reminted. When this had been done, and sufficient money had been coined, Albuquerque fixed a day for the proclamation of the new currency, and the princi- pal men of the people met Albuquerque with the Captains, Fidal- gos and Cavaliers of the fleet in the fortress to form a procession through the town. The account given of this procession and proclamation is so interesting and picturesque, that I give it literally:

"There went first, in front of all the people, one of the principal Governors of the City mounted upon an elephant with his castle caparisoned with silk, and carrying in his hands a flag of the arms of the King of Portugal upon a long spear, and be- hind him went all the people on foot on one side and the other, as it were in procession; and in the midst of these people there went a Moor mounted upon another elephant, likewise capari- soned with silk, making the proclamation; and behind this one came the trumpets; and after them the Governors of the City, and all the Merchants, and principal men thereof; and at the rear of this throng there went Antonio de Sousa the son of Joao de Sousa of Santarem, and the son of Ninachatu, both to- gether upon a large elephant, which had been kept for the King's own use, with his castle caparisoned with brocaded cloths, and they carried with them a large quantity of gold, silver, and copper coin, which they kept on throwing out over the heads of all the people at each publication of the proclamation which the Moor made. The crowd was so great that the streets could scarcely contain it, and with many songs and blowing of horns, according to the native custom, the people gave great praise to Afonso Dalboquerque for giving orders for this distribution of money by the advice and in accordance with the opinions of their natives." (Vol. 111, p. 141). Accounts of this first mint in Malacca are also given by Danvers (5), Vol. I, p. 230, and Stephens (15), p. 162.

Besides these two mints at Goa and Malacca, others were established by the Portuguese in Ceylon, Cochin, Diu, Bassein, Damao and Chaul. The following are the mint marks of six of


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 speaks English perfectly, while retaining his French embellishments and decorations to conversation.

The Post, i.e. Custom House, is situated a hundred yards or so from the factory, like it, facing the strand; and we make our way thither over and among the usual débris of a south-west coast beach, logs of waterworn trees, great hard seeds, old tins, and the canoes, which are drawn up out of the reach of the ever-mischievous, thieving sea.

The Custom House is far more remarkable for quaintness than beauty; it is two stories high, the ground floor being the local lock-up. The officer in charge lives on the topmost floor and has a long skeleton wooden staircase whereby to communicate with the lower world. This staircase is a veritable "hen-roost" one. It is evidently made to kill people, but why? Individuals desirous of defrauding customs would not be likely to haunt this Custom House staircase, and good people, like me, who want to pay dues, should be encouraged and not killed.

The officer is having his siesta; but when aroused is courteous and kindly, but he incarcerates my revolver, giving me a feeling of iniquity for having had the thing. I am informed if I pay 15s. for a licence I may have it—if I fire French ammunition out of it. This seems a heavy sum, so I ask M. Pichault, our mentor, what I may be allowed to shoot if I pay this? Will it make me free, as it were, of all the local shooting? May I daily shoot governors, heads of departments, and sous officiers? M. Pichault says "Decidedly not";—I may shoot "hippo, or elephants, or crocodiles." Now I have never tried shooting big game in Africa with a revolver, and as I don't intend to, I leave the thing in pawn. My collecting-cases and spirit, the things which I expected to reduce me to a financial wreck by custom dues, are passed entirely free, because they are for science. Vive la France!

21st.—Puddle about seashore. Dr. Nassau comes down from Baraka to see if Messrs. Hatton and Cookson have not appropriated a lady intended for the mission station. One was coming from Batanga by the Benguella, he knew, and he is told one has been seen on Hatton and Cookson's quay. Mr. Fildes assures him that the lady they have has been invoiced to the firm, and I am summoned to bear out the


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 these towns according to Da Cunha (4), part 1, p. 273; part 3 p. 202; part 4, p. 21.

Finally the letter A which is found on some coins, is sup- posed to stand for 'Asia' (see Da Cunha, part 1, p. 271), but 'Albuquerque' has also been suggested.

Da Cunha, the first authority on this subject, alludes to the many difficulties which the study of the coins issued by these mints presents, he states that the coins were issued by the viceroys or even by the officers of the mint in the most capricious fashion, that they frequently bore effigies and legends which had no con- nection whatever with the reigning monarchs of the periods when they were issued, that some of them were struck years after the kings, whose busts they bore, had ceased to live (4, part I, p. 267). Da Cunha continues: "But these difficulties are increased tenfold by an absolute want of examples of the early periods of the Portuguese rule in India, their place being but inefficiently supplied by some written official reports and private memoirs. The coins of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries are not only scarce, but even the written documents relating to them are rare or deficient." To Valentyn (16) they seem to have been entirely unknown. Millies (12), p. 140, says: "Un des monuments même de la victoire du grand Alfonso d' Albuquer- que, la monnaie qu'il fit frapper à Malaka, a tellement disparu, que nous n'avons nullepart pu en decouvrir un exemplaire." Birch (2), in a foot note to Albuquerque's Commentaries,' Vol. II, p. 130, refers for descriptions of the earliest Portuguese coins to the works of De Faria (6) and Fernandes (8) and states that the coins themselves are so rare that they may almost be described as no longer extant," and that those writers had not figured any of them. I have not been able to see the works of De Faria and Fernandes, but I am glad to say that the collec- tion unearthed in Malacca does contain some of those earliest Jour, Straits Branch


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 coins, in fact some of them may be the identical specimens which Albuquerque threw out over the heads of the admiring crowd during his procession and the proclamation of the new coinage niin [sic] Malacca in 1511.

The oldest specimens are three coins in excellent condition belonging to the reign of King Emmanuel who was reigning when Malacca was captured. Their diameter is 30 mm.=$1 3⁄16$ in., their weight 10.3 to 10.8 grammes, and they are probably bastardos. They bear on the obverse the Portuguese coat-of- arms, and around it the inscription:

The second and fourth letters of the first word are inverted, and the last word, consisting of five or six letters, is less distinct than the rest. It might stand for DOMINE. The meaning of the other letters is of course 'Emanuel Rex Portugaliæ et Algar- biorum. The Algarves were first conquered by the Portuguese about 1188, and their name is still mentioned on the coins of the present day. The reverse of the coin bears the sphere, the "device of the King D. Manuel," like the coins struck at Goa. The device of the sphere, by the way, is used as a symbol of the glorious world-wide conquests of Portugal (see pl. I, figs. 2 and 2a).

Albuquerque died off Goa on Dec. 16th 1515, and King Em- manuel in 1521. From the reign of the next king, John III, 1521-1557, between fifty and sixty coins are in the collection. The first kind, probably the Soldo (size 24mm. = $15⁄16$ in; weight 3.2 to 3.9 grammes), is of a very clear stamp, bearing on the ob- verse a cross, and around it the inscription.

i. e. Ioannes III Portugaliæ et Algarbiorum Rex, on the reverse the usual sphere. This tin coin therefore tallies exactly with the description of the gold, silver and copper coins struck at Goa, which bore on the one side "a cross of the Order of Christ, on the other a sphere—the device of the King D. Manuel." Of this coin there are only three specimens (pl. II, figs. 9 and 9a)

Another kind, of which there are fifteen specimens, resembles this last in all details except that it is of a much ruder make and that the cross is slightly different: thus


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192

Of a smaller size of this coin, possibly the Dinheiros, there are about forty specimens, some in excellent condition. Size 19mm = $3⁄4$ in; weight 2 to 2.3 grammes. The obverse bears around the cross the inscription

The reverse has the sphere (pl. II, figs. 10 and 10a).

There are some coins which on the obverse round a coat-of-arms merely bear the inscription.

i. e. Ioannes Rex Portugaliæ et Algarbiorum Dei Gratia, and on the reverse the sphere. Although not clearly assigned to the reign of John III, still there is no reasonable doubt that they too belong to his time, and not to that of John IV, 1610-1656, during the second year of whose reign Malacca was lost to the Portuguese, nor to the time of John V, 1706-1750. There are about twenty specimens of it, but most of them in a very indifferent condition. Size 24 mm. = $15⁄16$ in; weight 6.3 to 6.4 grammes. (pl. II, figs. 8 and 8a).

A smaller coin, of which there are two specimens, has on the obverse a cross, with the letters ISMA in the four angles of the cross, and on the reverse again the sphere. These letters probably stand for 'Ioannes, Malacca,' shewing that the coin was struck at Malacca during the reign of a King Ioannes, probably again John III. The cross is very like the cross on certain coins figured by Da Cunha (part 1, pl. I, figs 3, 4 and 7) from the mints of Goa and Diu and belonging apparently to the eighteenth century. Size 17.5 mm. = $11⁄16$ in; weight 3.8 to 3.9 grammes (pl. II, figs. 13 and 13a).

Belonging probably to the reign of the next king, Sebastian, 1557-1578, there are six specimens of a large coin which has on the reverse the two letters S. B. with three crossed arrows between them, and on the reverse the coat-of-arms. The S. probably stands for 'Sebastian', and the letter B. may stand either for


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1. Atkins, James, Coins and Tokens of the Possessions and Colonies of the British Empire. London, 1889.

2. Birch, W. de Gray, The Commentaries of the Great Afonso Dalboquerque, Second Viceroy of India. 4 Vols. London (Hakluyt Society), 1875-1884.

3. Crawford, John, A Descriptive Dictionary of the Indian Islands and Adjacent Countries. London, 1856.

4. Da Cunha, J. Gerson, Contributions to the Study of Indo-Portuguese Numismatics. Journal, Bombay Branch, R. Asiatic Society. Part 1, Vol. XIV, pp. 267–273, 1 pl.; part 2, Vol. XIV, pp. 402–417; part 3. Vol. XV. pp. 160-202, 1 pl.; part 1, Vol. XVI, pp. 17–73, 1 pls. (1880-1883).

5. Danvers, F. C., The Portuguese in India. 2 Vols. London, 1894.

6. De Faria, Manoel Severim, Noticias de Portugal. Lisbon, 1791.

7. Ellis, Lt. Col. H. Leslie, British Copper Tokens of the Straits Settlements and Malayan Archipelago. Numismatic Chronicle, ser. 3., Vol. XV, pp. 135-153, pl. VI.

8. Fernandes, M. B. L., (Title of Work?), Mem. Acad. Real das Sciencias de Lisboa, 1850.

9. Marsden, W., The History of Sumatra. 3rd ed., London, 1811.

10. Numismata Orientalia Illustrata. London, 1869.

11. Millies, H. C., De Munten der Engelschen voor den Oost-Indischen Archipel. Amsterdam, 1852.

12. Recherches sur les Monnaies des Indigènes de l'Archipel Indien et de la Péninsule Malaie. La Haye, 1871.

13. Netscher, E., and J. d. van der Chijs, De Munten van Nederlandsch Indie. Batavia, 1860 (?)

14. ''Rodgers, Chas. J.'', Catalogue of the Coins of the Indian Museum. 4 parts. Calcutta, 1893-96.

15. Stephens, H. Morse, Albuquerque (R. 1.). Oxford, 1892.

16. Valentyn, François, Oud en Niew Oost-Indien. 5 Vols. Dordrecht and Amsterdam, 1721.


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 : 1. A copper coin of the East India Company, struck in the name of Shah Alam II. The obverse shows an inscription in Arab, the reverse in Bengali, Malay and Hindostani. See Rodgers, Vol. II, p. 124, No. 12138; pl. VII, No. 12138.

 * 2. Copper. Two Stuivers.
 * This is the only coin of European origin found in the collection, coming from Zeeland in Holland.
 * Obv. The Dutch coat-of-arms consisting of a crowned shield. The lower half of the shield has three horizontal wavy lines, the upper half a demi-lion, therefore exactly similar to the coat-of-arms of the coin No. 11 of the Dutch East India Company described above (p. 196). The figure 2 to the right and the letter S to the left of the shield indicate its value, two Stuivers.
 * Rev. The legend

 * ZEE
 * LAN
 * DIA
 * 1780


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318 religion, were prepared in Sanscrit, there is, or is not, any objection to employ them as text-books in your schools.”

W. ADAM.

“English books of learning, exclusive of those which are explanatory of the religion of the English nation, containing information on astronomy, ethics, mechanics, &c., and translated into the Sanscrit language, are of great use in the conduct of worldly affairs. In the same manner as the Rekha Ganita, the Nilakanthiya Tajaka, and other works, translated into Sanscrit from Arabic astronomical books, were found to be of much use, and were employed by former teachers without blame. So there is not the least objection on the part of the professors and students of learning of the present day in this country to teach and study books of learning translated from English into the language of the gods.”

 * RAMCHANDRA VIDYAVAGISA,
 * SAMBHUCHANDRA VACHASPATI,
 * HARANATHA TARKABHUSANA,
 * NIMAICHANDRA SIROMANI,
 * HARIPRASADA TARKAPANCHANANA,
 * PREMCHANDRA TARKAVAGISA,
 * JAYA GOPALA SARMANA,
 * GANGADHARA TARKAVAGISA,
 * (Professors of the Sanscrit College, Calcutta).
 * KAMALAKANTA VIDYALANKARA.
 * (Private Professor, Calcutta).
 * HARACHANDRA NYAYAVAGISA,
 * GURUCHARANA TARKAPANCHANANA,
 * (Private Professors, Burdwan District).
 * PANCHANANA SIROMANI,
 * BACHARAMA NYAYARATNA,
 * GIRVANANATHA NYAYARATNA,
 * (Private Professors, Jessore District).

The preceding case, opinion, and signatures are written in the Sanscrit language and Bengali character. The following signatures are attached to a separate paper of precisely the same import in the Nagari character:—

 * CHAKRAPANI SARMANA,
 * CHINTAMANl SARMANA,
 * HARI SAHAYA SARMANA,
 * HARILAL SARMANA,
 * BHAWANI DIN SARMANA,
 * (Private Professors, South Behar).


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The Dutch during their possession of Malacca (1641-1795, and 1818-1824) never minted any coins especially for that place, but naturally used the coinage current in Java. That island has changed its rulers several times since the end of the six- teenth century, viz:

Coins belonging to four of these epochs were discovered at Malacca.

The two Companies van Verre seem to have issued silver coins only, but none are in the collection.

The Dutch East India Company issued gold, silver and copper coins. The first copper coins were minted in 1644, but in the Malacca collection which contains no gold or silver coins. the earliest copper coins date from 1729. From the fact that the earliest copper coin figured by Netscher and Chijs (13) dates from 1726 we may conclude that still earlier ones are rare in numismatic collections.

The Batavian Republic issued gold, silver and copper coins, but the collection does not contain any. The Raffles Museum, however, possesses a copper coin of that period. The obverse shows the Dutch coat-of-arms consisting of a crowned shield enclosing a lion rampart, with the figures 5 and $1⁄10$ to the right and left of the shield respectively. The reverse bears the inscription INDIÆ BATAV. 1802.

The French Government issued silver and copper coins, and two of the latter were found at Malacca.

The British Government issued gold, silver, copper and lead coins during its occupation of Java, but the Malacca collection contained none of them. The Raffles Museum, however, possesses silver Rupees of the years 1812 and 1816, half Rupees of 1813, copper Stuivers of 1814, half Stuivers of all the years


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Rh The following signatures are attached to a third paper of precisely the same purport:—

 * PARMANANDA SARMANA,
 * KALANATHA SARMANA,
 * THAKUR DATTA SARMANA,
 * (Private Professors, Tirhoot District).

No effort has been used to obtain these signatures, and in every case they were received with such explanations as left the pundits perfectly free to give or withhold them. An unqualified concurrence of opinion was expressed by all those pundits to whom the subject was mentioned, with the exception of those in Tirhoot where, as the poor and ignorant are poorer and more ignorant, so the wealthy and the learned are more narrow and bigoted, than the corresponding classes in other districts. Even in Tirhoot, the three pundits who signed, expressed the opinion that, if any measure was adopted for the encouragement of learning, those who now appear most timid and suspicious would be most forward to participate in the advantage. Upon the whole, I entertain no doubt that the majority of the learned in Bengal and Behar will readily co-operate with Government, if they are allowed to receive a share of the general encouragement to be given to the teachers of sound and useful knowledge.

The only remaining questions are to what extent their co-operation may be required, and with what rewards it should be acknowledged and secured—

First.—The text-books employed should not be mere translations either from English or Bengali, but original works on the same subjects as the Bengali series, with such additions of matter and of illustration as will include the substance, both of European and of native knowledge, on the branches treated. The learned will thus be taught on the one hand to identify their feelings and interests with those of their countrymen in general, and encouraged on the other hand to employ their greater leisure in thoroughly studying the subjects on which the welfare of the people and the prosperity of the country depend. We may thus hope that the profound, acute, and vigorous intellects that are now laboriously employed on vicious fables and fruitless speculations will receive a practical bias from which the happiest results may be expected.

Second.—To every examiner a pundit should be attached to aid him in examining those pundits who may accept books for study and afterwards offer themselves for examination, in the same manner as has been described with respect to teachers of vernacular schools. The assistant-pundit should be the most distinguished and most highly respected in the district, that the weight of his talents and repute may conciliate public approbation to the measures of Government; but he should be made


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 statement which gives me the opportunity I have long desired of meeting Dr. Nassau, the great pioneer explorer of these regions and one of the greatest authorities on native subjects in all their bearings.

Although he has been out here, engaged in mission work, since 1851 he is an exceedingly active man, and has a strangely gracious, refined, courteous manner.

22nd.—Uninterrupted sea-shore investigations.

23rd.— M. Pichault conducts Mr. Huyghens and me into the town of Libreville to be registered.

The road from Glass to Libreville is, at moments, very lovely, and a fine piece of work for the country and the climate. Round Glass the land is swampy, a thing that probably induced the English to settle here when they came to Gaboon, for the English love, above all things, settling in, or as near as possible to, a good reeking, stinking swamp. We pass first along a made piece of road with the swamp on the left hand, and on the other, a sandy bush-grown piece of land with native houses on it, beyond which lies the sea-shore, and whenever the swamp chooses to go down to the edge of the shore there is an iron viaduct thrown across it. The making of this road cost the lives of seventy out of one hundred of the Tonkinese convicts engaged in its construction. After this swampy piece the road runs through sandy land, virtually the shore, with low hills on the one hand and the beach on the other.

A line of cocoanut palms has been planted along either side of the road for most of the way, looking beautiful but behaving badly, for there is a telephone wire running along it from Libreville to Glass, and these gossiping palms—the most inveterate chatterer in the vegetable kingdom is a cocoanut palm—talk to each other with their hard leaves on the wire, just as they did at Fernando Po, so that mere human beings can hardly get a word in edgeways. This irritates the human atom, and of course it uses bad words to the wire, and I fancy these are seventy-five per cent. of all the words that get through the palm leaves' patter.

Two and a half miles' walk brings us to the office of the Directeur de l'Administration de l'Intérieur, and we hang about


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320 subordinate to the examiner to correct the local influences by which he may be guided, or which may be ascribed to him. An allowance of 30 rupees per month including travelling charges will in general obtain the services of such a pundit, to be raised after periods of service of four years to 40, 50, and 60 rupees, dependent on good behaviour. After this, the assistant-pundit to an examiner should be eligible to hold the appointment of assistant-pundit to an inspector of a division with a salary of 100 rupees per month, or any other appointment in the native branch of the service which he may be ambitious to attain, such as those of pundit attached to the district court, of moonsiff, of sudder ameen, &c., the purpose being to stimulate his zeal and strengthen his integrity by always placing before him a higher object of ambition than any he has yet reached.

Third.—The same course generally will be pursued towards teachers of schools of learning as has been proposed towards teachers of vernacular schools. They will first receive books in which, after the requisite time allowed for study, they will be examined; and after a satisfactory examination their names will be registered, transmitted to Calcutta, published in the Gazette, and proclaimed in the district as those of approved pundits, of all which a certificate will be given. When a pundit after having been satisfactorily examined receives the second volume of the series he will be entitled to claim the use of three, six, nine, or twelve copies of the first for the instruction of his pupils, and so on in the four successive stages of the course. Approved pundits, like approved vernacular teachers, will be entitled to attend at the normal school of the district for four years, and for three months in each year, and to receive, during that period, subsistence-money and travelling expenses. The modes of instruction in schools of learning are in general much superior to those practised in the vernacular schools, but the normal schools may be, and it is hoped will be, conducted in such a way that even pundits may derive much instruction from them in the art of teaching. When a pundit shall have passed an examination in each of the four volumes of the series, when he shall have attended the normal school for four years, three months in each year, and when he shall have instructed six pupils in each of the four volumes, he will become, not entitled, but eligible, to an endowment of the same value as that proposed for the vernacular teachers of the same district. The number of endowments for vernacular teachers must be limited only by the wants of the population. The number of endowments for teachers of learning must be limited by very different considerations. They must be so few as not to be a burthenburden [sic] to the State. They must be so many as to give a hold on the whole body of the learned in a district. These objects will probably be attained by some such rule as the following, viz., that endowments shall be set apart for schools of learning


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Rh in some fixed proportion to their number, say, in the proportion of one to six. Thus the 24 Sanscrit schools in the city of Moorshedabad would have four endowments distributed among them, provided that all the twenty-four teachers established their eligibility; and so with every other locality. Probably this will not be deemed too high a proportion, and if found too low to elicit the competition and co-operation of the body of pundits, the value of each endowment might be raised, or the number increased. With regard to the best mode of bestowing these endowments on the learned, it may be sufficient at present to remark that the pundits who are found by the possession, of the requisite qualifications to be eligible to them, may be examined by written queries and answers on subjects calculated to enlarge their views both of their own deficiencies and of the wants of the country and of their duty to seek self-improvement for the sake of the general good; and those whom fit judges may determine to be the most worthy should receive the reward accompanied with all the forms which may give weight and honour to the distinction. When a vacancy occurs of any of the endowments given to the learned, it may be filled up in the same way by the open competition of all who are eligible.

Fourth.—To induce teachers to communicate the improved instruction to their scholars and the latter to seek for that instruction, various motives will be presented. With regard to the teachers, the copies of the first volume of the series which they will receive for the use of their scholars will become their own property, only by producing an equal number of instructed scholars. They will further receive a corresponding number of copies of the second book of the series for the use of their scholars, only if they shall be found to have made a proper use of those copies of the first received for the same purpose; and so also with regard to the third and fourth volumes. Still, further, one of the qualifications for holding an endowment will be that the teacher shall have instructed six scholars in each of the four volumes of the series. The success also with which learned teachers pass themselves and their scholars at the periodical examinations will come to be a measure of the public repute they enjoy in their native districts, and thus increase the number of invitations and the amount of presents they receive, and perhaps in many cases induce wealthy zemindars to bestow on them endowments exclusive of those appropriated by Government to the class of the learned. With regard to students of learning, they will be attracted, as in the case of vernacular scholars, by the curiosity and pleasure which new and useful knowledge will inspire by the love of display which a public examination will gratify, by the ambition of having their names, designations, and places of residence registered as those of approved students, by the prospect of eligibility to the English school of the district after completing


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322 the series of text-books, and by the further prospect of eligibility to one of the endowments set apart for the learned when they shall have acquired all the necessary qualifications. Native opinion leads me to think it probable that these motives will prove so powerful to the majority of the students of learning that it will be proper before admitting them to examination to require them to establish by testimonials from their teachers that they have passed through a regular course of grammatical study, lest, in their anxiety to distinguish themselves in the new course of instruction, they should neglect that indispensable preliminary to the successful cultivation of the Sanscrit language and literature.

Fifth.—The native medical schools rank with schools of learning; and, keeping steadily in view the principle of turning to account all existing institutions, both European and Native, it is worthy of consideration whether the native medical schools may not be usefully employed, in connection with the medical college of Calcutta, in improving and extending sound medical instruction. In Rajshahi I found one medical school containing seven students taught by two professors; in Beerbhoom another containing six students taught by one professor; in Burdwan four medical schools containing forty-five students taught by four professors; and in South Behar two medical schools containing two students taught by two professors. All these students were not receiving medical instruction, but in part were pursuing those literary studies which are deemed indispensable preliminaries to a course of professional study; and some of the professors had other students besides those who were either studying, or preparing to study, for the medical profession. Is not this a class of institutions which it should be our object to draw out of obscurity? When it is considered how ill-provided the body of the people are with medical advice and assistance even on ordinary occasions, and much more in seasons of pestilence and disease prevailing locally or generally, is it not our duty to endeavour to increase the number of these institutions and to extend their usefulness by improving the instruction which the teachers communicate? The only answer that can be returned by a wise and humane Government will be by asking how such an object can be accomplished, and the only reply I can make is by reverting to the plans which I have already suggested and which I believe will be found of equal efficacy in their application to medical as to other schools of learning. The first step will be to prepare a separate series of text-books in Bengali, or Hindi, or Sanscrit, or both in Sanscrit and in one of the vernacular languages. They should embrace elementary views and illustrations of the most important and useful branches of medical science and practice, including, in Mr. Hodgson’s language, both exotic principles and local practices, European theory, and Indian experience. The next step will be to induce the medical teachers to study the text-books so prepared; and for this purpose the


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Rh course that has been already described should be adopted and the same inducements offered; public examinations, presents of books to the teachers for themselves and for their scholars, the registry and publication of their names as those of approved medical teachers, and finally, eligibility to one of several endowments expressly appropriated in each district to the medical profession. In this way Government in a very few years might multiply approved medical teachers to any extent that the wants of the country might demand. The next step would be to extend the instructions of the approved teachers, and here again the same appliances offer themselves. To the teachers would be given books only in proportion as instructed scholars are produced, and the instruction of six scholars in each text-book would be required as an indispensable qualification for the eligibility of the teacher to an endowment. To the scholars the motives will be the pursuit of new and useful knowledge, the love of display at a public examination, the ambition of distinction by the registry and publication of their names as those of approved medical students, eligibility to the English school of the district, eligibility to a course of instruction in the medical college of Calcutta, and finally, eligibility to a medical endowment in their native districts. The effect of all this is, I think, not to be doubted; and it would be cheaply purchased by the employment of such means. It would revive, invigorate, enlighten, and liberalize the native medical profession in the mofussil; it would afford to the Calcutta college a perennial supply of well instructed native medical students from every district in the country; and it would send them back to their native districts still better instructed, and both qualified and disposed to benefit their countrymen, to extend the advantages of European knowledge, and to conciliate the affections of all towards their European rulers.

Sixth. It should be distinctly understood that all teachers of learning who accept of the patronage of Government shall be at perfect liberty to teach their own systems of religion, philosophy, science, and literature; and that the works prepared for their use shall contain nothing derogatory to their faith, or recommendatory of any other. On the other hand, it should be no less distinctly understood that the patronage of Government will be bestowed on the learned solely and exclusively in proportion to the degree of their proficiency in the new system of instruction, and to the degree of zeal, judgment, and integrity with which they co-operate in promoting the success of the measures adopted by Government for the instruction of the whole body of the people. In other words, they will neither be prohibited from teaching that which they believe, nor required to teach that which they believe not; but they will be rewarded only for doing or promoting that which, in the estimation of all, has a plain and direct tendency to benefit all.


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324

The encouragement given to the existing vernacular schools and to the Hindu schools of learning will embrace the whole of the male Hindu population, and will carry rich and poor, learned and unlearned, forward in the path of improvement with mutual good-will and co-operation, and with a common and joint feeling of attachment and gratitude to the source from which the advantage is derived. The measures requisite for the improvement and extension of instruction amongst the Mohammadan population demand separate consideration.

The first question that arises here is—What is the fit means to be employed for communicating some useful knowledge of letters to the poor and uninstructed, which is by far the most numerous portion of that population?

I have shown in another place that Persian instruction is the only substitute for vernacular instruction peculiar to the Mohammaddan population, and that the language has a strong hold on native society; but it is on the upper class of native society that it has this hold, and it has not descended, and cannot be expected to descend, to the body of the Mohammadan population. To them it is foreign and unknown, and consequently unfit for being employed as the medium of instruction to the people. To those who are instructed in it, it is the language of books, of correspondence, and of accounts; not the language of conversation in domestic life or of the general intercourse of society. It has been shown also that even those who cultivate it as the language of books of correspondence and of accounts are found in five districts in the proportion of 2,087 Hindus to 1,409 Musalmans. There can be little doubt that the official use that has been made of it by Government and its functionaries is the sole reason for its cultivation by Hindus; and as many Musalmans have the same interests to protect by the same means, the reason for its cultivation by them also must be deemed in many instances to be the same. When, therefore, the measures that have recently been adopted for the discontinuance of the Persian and the employment of the vernacular language in public business shall have full effect, it may be expected, not only that all the Hindus, but that a considerable proportion of the Musalmans, who would have otherwise had their children instructed in Persian, will have recourse to some other medium. The use of the Persian is at present in a state of transition. What the ultimate effect of the present measures may be is yet to be seen, but it cannot be deemed favorable to the cultivation of the language; and whatever


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Rh the natural and unforced use which the social and religious wants of the Musalman population may give it, the Persian can never be regarded in this country as a fit instrument of vernacular instruction.

For a language of instruction to the Musalman population we must turn from the Persian to some of the vernacular dialects, Bengali, Hindi, or Urdu. In Bengal the rural Musalman population speak Bengali; attend, indiscriminately with Hindus, Bengali schools; and read, write, correspond, and keep accounts in that language. With the exception, therefore, of a portion of the Musalman population of large cities in Bengal, the means that have been already described for the promotion of vernacular instruction in this province through the medium of the Bengali language, may be deemed adequate for Musalmans as well as Hindus. The rural Musalman population of Behar use the Hindi language to some, although not to an equal, extent; and when the plan for the promotion of vernacular instruction shall be applied in Behar through the medium of the Hindi language and Nagari character, it will be found to embrace a considerable proportion of the rural Musalman population; but it will leave a considerable proportion of that population, and also of the urban Musalman population who speak Urdu, unprovided with the means of vernacular instruction; and, for their benefit, it would seem desirable that distinct arrangements should be made. Those arrangements will consist merely in the preparation of a separate series of school-books in the Urdu language and Persian character, differing from the similar works prepared in Bengali and Hindi chiefly in the subject-matter of the first volume of the series, which should contain the most approved and complete course of native instruction known amongst Musalmans in India on the Persian model. Such a series of school-books will make the transition easy from the system of Persian schools at present so numerous in Behar and now ceasing to be adapted to the wants of the country, to the system of Urdu schools which the measures of Government will soon render indispensable. They will bring within the reach of the humbler classes of the Mohammadan population whatever really useful knowledge is found in the Persian school-books; and they will help to raise those classes to a community of feeling and of information with the superior classes of their co-religionists and with the general intelligence of the country.

The second question bearing on the improvement of the Mohammadan population is—What is the fit means to be employed for improving the instruction communicated in Mohammadan schools of learning and for obtaining the co-operation of the learned in the prosecution of the measures that may be adopted to extend instruction to the Mohammadan population generally?


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326 Mohammadan schools of learning are not so numerous as those of Hindus; but they are in general more amply endowed, and the teachers enjoy the same high consideration in Mohammadan society and exercise the same powerful influence that belong to the corresponding class of the learned in Hindu society. The same remarks apply to those institutions that were made respecting Sanscrit schools. We have not called them into existence, nor is it any part of our object to increase their number. We find Arabic schools long established in the country possessing in several instances large resources, and taught by men intelligent, learned, revered, influential, anxious to compare their systems of knowledge with ours, and willing to aid us in the measures that may be devised for the instruction of their countrymen. In the search of instruments with which to work out good for the country, these institutions cannot be wisely neglected. The only question that can be raised is as to the way in which they may be made available.

Without minutely repeating the same details, it is sufficient to remark that the course which has been suggested to be pursued towards Hindu schools of learning will probably be found equally applicable to those of Mohammadan origin. A series of text-books in Arabic, public examinations both of teachers and scholars, and the distinctions and rewards appropriate to each already described would, there can be little doubt, produce the desired effect. Learned Musalmans are in general much better prepared for the reception of European ideas than learned Hindus; and when they shall have become convinced of the integrity of our purpose, and of the utility of the knowledge we desire to communicate, they will be found most valuable coadjutors.

The endowed Mohammadan institutions of learning present another class of means for improving the State of instruction. I would equally deprecate the appropriation by the state of the property belonging to such institutions and its misappropriation by private individuals. The rights and duties of all institutions of this class should be defined and general rules laid down to preserve their property, purify their management, and provide for their effectual supervision and real usefulness. With these views a determinate course of study should be prescribed, a visiting power exercised, and periodical returns required. It is utterly futile to leave the visiting and controlling power over such institutions in the hands of what are called the local agents under the Board of Revenue, since the offices of collector and magistrate, usually filled by the same persons, completely absorb their time and attention. In so far as such institutions exist for educational purposes, their superintendence and direction on the part of Government should be vested in the General Committee of Public Instruction and exercised through the officers subject to its


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Rh authority. Properly regulated, such institutions as those at Kusbeh Bagha, at Bohar, at Chaughariya, and at Moorshedabad, would become centres of improvement, sending forth all sorts of salutary influence to the districts in which they are situated.

The reform of the office of cazy, besides other direct and collateral advantages, woald furnish Government with an extensive and cheap agency in every district for the improvement of Musalman institutions of education.

The following extract from the revised edition of the first volume of the late Mr. Harington’s analysis of the regulations will exhibit the rules in force for the appointment of city, town, and pergunnah cazies, together with the nature of the duties expected to be performed by those officers:—“The judicial functions which pertained to the office of cazy-ul-cuzat, or head cazy, and in some instances to that of inferior cazies, under the Mohammadan government, have been discontinued since the establishment of the courts of justice under the superintendence of British judges; and, with an exception to the law officers attached to the civil and criminal courts, the general duties of the present cazies stationed at the principal cities and towns and in the pergunnahs which compose the several zillahs or districts, are confined to the preparation and attestation of deeds of conveyance and other legal instruments, the celebration of Musalman marriages, and the performance of ceremonies prescribed by the Mohammadan laws at births and funeral and other rites of a religious nature. They are eligible, however, under the regulations to be appointed commissioners for the sale of property distrained on account of arrears of rent, as well as commissioners for the trial of civil causes, and are also entrusted by Government in certain cases with the payment of public pensions. It is, therefore, necessary that persons of character who may be duly qualified for the subsisting office of cazy should be appointed to that station, and encouraged to discharge the duties of it with diligence and fidelity by not being liable to removal without proof of incapacity or misconduct. The cazy-ul-cuzat, or head cazy, of several provinces under this Presidency, and the cazies stationed in the cities, towns, or pergunnahs within those provinces, were accordingly declared by Regulations XXXIX., 1793, and XLVI., 1803, not to be removable from their offices, except for incapacity or misconduct in the discharge of their public duties, or for acts of profligacy in their private conduct; and the rules subsequently enacted in Regulations V., 1804, and VIII., 1809, concerning the appointment and removal of the law officers of the courts of justice, were extended to the local cazies by Section 10 of the former Regulation and Section 4 of the latter. At the same time the office of cazy is declared (in Section 5 of Regulations XXXIX., 1793, and XLVI., 1803, respectively,) ‘not to be heriditary;’ and it is further provided in these regulations that when the office of cazy in any pergunnah,


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 to think him the same with one Gilbert Dudden, alias Calf-Gibbie, who was whipped through Hamilton for stealing poultry."

Miss Buskbody now placed her left foot on the fender, crossed her right leg over her knee, lay back on the chair, and looked towards the ceiling. When I observed her assume this contemplative mood, I concluded she was studying some farther cross-examination, and therefore took my hat and wished her a hasty goodnight, ere the Demon of Criticism had supplied her with any more queries. In like manner, gentle Reader, returning you my thanks for the patience which has conducted you thus far, I take the liberty to withdraw myself from you for the present.


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328 city, or town, shall become vacant, the judge within whose jurisdiction the place may be situated is ‘to recommend such person as may appear to him best qualified for the succession from his character and legal knowledge. The name of the person so recommended is to be communicated to the head cazy who, if he shall deem him unqualified for the office, either from want of legal knowledge or the badness of his private character, is to report the the same in writing.’ It is likewise ‘the duty of the head cazy to report every instance in which it may appear to him that the cazy of any city, town, or pergunnah is incapable, or in which any such cazy may have been guilty of misconduct in the discharge of his public duty or acts of profligacy in his private conduct.’ And a similar report is required to be made by the judges of the zillah, city, and provincial courts to the court of sudder dewanny adawlut, with whom it rests to confirm the appointment or removal of the cazies of cities, towns, and pergunnahs under Section 4, Regulation VIII., 1809.”

As far as I am aware, such continues to be in all essential particulars the legal position of the office of cazy, and I will now illustrate its practical working by a brief abstract of certain documents relating to a single district, that of Tirhoot, which I have been permitted to examine in the judicial department. From these documents it appears that there were in 1818 in that district eighteen cazies appointed to one hundred pergunnahs containing 8,431 villages, and discharging their duties by means of forty naibs or deputies. In that year their number was reduced to fourteen and their jurisdictions equalized. Those eighteen cazies, in virtue of their offices, held rent-free lands amounting to 352 bighas, and they received in the form of salaries or allowances from Government sicca rupees 4,398-1-6 per annum; but these disbursements were suspended at the time mentioned in consequence of its having been found on inquiry that they were altogether unauthorized by Government. It was, however, deemed probable that some allowance would hereafter be granted for their support. The amount of fees received by them for attesting deeds, entering them in their books, and granting copies, varied from four annas to two rupees for each deed. The inferior Musalman castes who employ the cazies at marriage ceremonies pay a fixed fee of one rupee, of which four annas are the understood perquisite of the cazy’s deputy, and the remaining three-fourths are received by the cazy himself. A similar division is probably made of the fees received by deputies for notarial acts. As the office of cazy at present exists, considerable abuse is practised. A fee of from one to five per cent. on the value of the thing transferred is exacted for affixing the seal to deeds of consequence. At the arbitrary will of the cazy a different rate is paid for malguzary and lakhiraj lands transferred, and it not unfrequently occurs that considerable delay and difficulty is made on the part of the cazy in


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 a fine stone-built verandah. We wait so long that the feeling grows on us that elaborate preparations for incarcerating us for life must be going on, but just as Mr. H. and I have made up our minds to make a dash for it and escape, we are ushered into a cool, whitewashed office, and find a French official, clean, tidy, dark-haired, and melancholy, seated before his writing-table. Courtcously bidding us be seated, he asks our names, ages, and avocations, enters them in a book for future reference, and then writes out a permit for each of us to reside in the colony, as long as we behave ourselves, and conform to the laws thereof. These documents are sent up stairs to be signed by the acting Governor, and while we are waiting for their return, he converses with M. Pichault on death, fever, &c. Presently a black man is shown in; he is clad in a blue serge coat, from underneath which float over a pair of blue canvas trousers the tails of a flannel shirt, and on his feet are a pair of ammunition boots that fairly hobble him. His name, the interpreter says, is Joseph. "Who is your father?" says the official—clerk interprets into trade English. "Fader?" says Joseph. "Yes, fader," says the interpreter. "My fader?" says Joseph. "Yes," says the interpreter; "who's your fader?" "Who my fader?" says Joseph. "Take him away and let him think about it," says the officer with a sad, sardonic smile. Joseph is alarmed and volunteers name of mother; this is no good; this sort of information any fool can give; Government is collecting information of a more recondite and interesting character. Joseph is removed by Senegal soldiers, boots and all. As he's going to Boma, in the Congo Free State, it can only be for ethnological purposes that the French Government are taking this trouble to get up his genealogy.

Our stamped papers having arrived now we feel happier and free, and then M. Pichault alarms us by saying, "Now for the Police"; and off we trail, subdued, to the Palais de Justice, where we are promptly ushered into a room containing a vivacious, gesticulatory old gentleman, kindly civil beyond words, and a powerful, calm young man, with a reassuring "He's-all-right; it's-only-his-way" manner regarding his chief. The chief is clad in a white shirt and white pantaloons cut


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 express, nor modest Ears, without blushing, hear mentioned.

no sober Mind can receive the Ideas of them, without entertaining the utmost Aversion to the Facts; so none that ever I met with, that had any common share of Breeding and Manners, could bear the mention of them, especially in the common Dialect of those I call the Criminals.

but a Set of People with Faces of Steel, who can triumph in their Victory over Religion, Conscience, and the Thoughts of Eternity, that have got the Better both of Education, and of all Manner of Principles. These may Glory indeed in their Shame; and these are the People our Satyr desires to expose.

to their Persons, nothing but universal Contempt of them can have any Effect; nothing can assist them to Blush but a general Hiss from Mankind, and being thrust off the Stage by the very worst of Men. I have heard it was the Foundation of a very scandalous vicious Person's Reformation, when another more notorious Fellow than himself, reprov'd him in this Manner: Fie, Jack, why thou art worse than I am.

are so many Lives of Crime, which yet come short of these lawful Sinners, that a Thief, a Drunkard, a Swearer, a Profligate, may come to a Man talking as I have mentioned, and say, Fie, Mr. G, Fie, Mr. H, Fie, Mr. L, Why, you are worse than I am.

may we not hope to see the Time, when the worst of common Offenders shall stop


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Rh affixing the seal, with a view to increase of emolument, or from other interested motives. In practice, it sometimes, perhaps often, occurs that a candidate for the cazyship is sent to be examined by the mufti of the court, and on his report the candidate is recommended by the judge. Evil arises from the non-residence of the cazies. They invest the whole of their authority in deputies, who generally purchase their situations and make as much of them as they can by the most unjustifiable and illegal means. The Mohammadan law officers of the sudder dewanny adawlut gave a formal opinion, when the subject was referred to them, that the cazies have no power to appoint deputies unless expressly permitted to do so, and such permission they never do receive.

My personal inquiries in the different districts I have visited confirm many of these statements. The frauds arsingarising [sic] out of the non-regulation of the office of cazy were brought very earnestly to my notice and made the subject of strong representation. I happened to meet with a munsiff who is also the cazy of two separate pergunnahs and who performs the duty in both by deputy; and I was informed of two others who were only twelve and thirteen years of age, respectively,—one of them being still at school pursuing his studies. They were stated to be brothers, the sons of a person who was the former cazy of both pergunnahs, and whom after his death they were permitted to succeed. The point, however, to which I solicit special attention is the character, in respect of learning, of the former race of cazies compared with that of the present race. It is maintained by Mohammadans of the present day that even pergunnah cazies under the former Government were invariably learned men, and that it was indispensable that they should be so to enable them with credit to determine questions of Mohammadan law. At present they are, with scarcely any exception, unlearned, although the name of maulavi is sometimes assumed where it is not deserved. In one instance only of those that came under my notice and inquiry was the cazy a really learned man. Their usual attainments do not extend beyond a knowledge of reading, writing, and accounts in Persian. I infer from the abuses and frauds which are connected with the office, if not promoted by the office-holders, from the case of the two boys who succeeded their father, showing that the notion of hereditary succession to this office is not yet eradicated; from the case of the munsiff-cazy acting by deputy, proving that the opinion of the Mohammadan law officers of the sudder dewanny adawlut is not enforced; and from the generally unlearned character of the cazies, establishing that the “legal knowledge” shown by Mr. Harington to be required by the regulations is not possessed; from these premises I infer that the office of cazy needs reform, and what I submit is that the reform which it may receive should, in addition to other objects, be made the means of improving the state of learning amongst the Mohammadan population.


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 for six months before it came about, and the putting matters to rights occupied her the other six, so that a single day off rejoicing found her business for all the year round."

"And Niel Blane?"

"Lived to a good old age, drank ale and brandy with guests of all persuasions, played whig or jacobite tunes as best pleased his customers, and died worth as much money as married Jenny to a cocklaird. I hope, ma'am, you have no other enquiries to make, for really"

"Goose-Gibbie, sir—Goose-Gibbie; whose ministry was fraught with such consequences to the personages of the narrative?"

"Consider, my dear Miss Buskbody," (I beg pardon for the familiarity,)—"but pray consider even the memory of the renowned Scheherazade, that Empress of Tale-tellers, could not preserve every circumstance. I am not quite positive as to the fate of Goose-Gibbie, but am inclined


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330 For this purpose, in addition to the ordinary attainments of a learned Musalman, I would require that the candidate for the office of cazy shall have passed successfully through examinations in the four Arabic text-books prepared under the orders of Government for the use of Mohammadan schools of learning; and that he shall have instructed six pupils in each of those books in such a manner as will have enabled them also to pass through similar examinations. The office of cazy would thus be raised from one of insignificance, uselessness, and sometimes positive injury to the community, to one of great importance and direct utility. Amongst the most disaffected portion of the population, the proposed measure would raise up a body of instructed men existing solely by the will of Government, capable of appreciating and explaining its measures, and exercising a powerful and undisputed influence over the whole Musalman population of their jurisdiction. Without additional expense, it would furnish Government with a ready-made body of examiners of the Urdu teachers and scholars of the district. The effect would be an increased feeling of satisfaction and attachment to the Government, in addition to all the other advantages that may be expected from the growth of intelligence and information, of public principle, and of private morality in a community.

The preceding arrangements will gradually and effectually provide for the promotion of vernacular instruction and the preservation of learning amongst the Hindu and Mohammadan divisions of the population; but within the limits of the British territories in India there are numerous and widely-spread tribes who acknowledge no affinity of race or of language, no sympathy in manners or in religion, with either. A scheme of national instruction that should leave them out of view would be essentially defective.

The Santhals, a tribe of this description, are found in considerable numbers in the Beerbhoom district, and came there under my personal observation. In one thana I found 786 Santhal families containing 4,261 persons, being considerably more numerous than the Musalmans of the same thana; and they are found in still greater number in the north and west of the district. They are also found in the Bhaugulpore district, in the jungle mehals or West Burdwan, and in the Midnapore district; but in greatest abundance in Coochung, Bamanbati, and Dolbhoom in Ramghur on the western and southern frontier of Bengal. The


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Rh Dhangars, a well known division of the Cole tribe, are also found, but in less number, in Beerbhoom; and Singhbhoom is chiefly occupied by the Coles. In Orissa three distinct mountain or forest races are found,—the Coles, the Kunds, and the Sours. The inhabitants of the hills in the districts of Bhaugulpore and Rajmahal are known to Europeans in connection with the name of Mr., “who, without bloodshed or the terrors of authority, employing only the means of conciliation, confidence, and benevolence, attempted and accomplished the entire subjection of the lawless and savage inhabitants of the jungleterry of Rajmahal who had long infested the neighbouring lands by their predatory incursions, inspired them with a taste for the arts of civilized life, and attached them to the British Government by a conquest over their minds,—the most permanent, as the most rational, mode of dominion.” On the eastern frontier of Bengal we find the Kookies or mountaineers of Tippera and the Garrows occupying the mountainous country between the Kassya Hills and the Brahmaputra. The Kassya tribes occupy the country from the plains of Sylhet in Bengal to in Assam, and there are other uncivilized hill tribes of Assam enumerated by Dr. McCosh, as the Akas, Duphlas and Koppachors; the Miris, the Abors, Bor-Abors, and Mishmis; the Singhphos and the Nagas, all more or less acknowledging subjection to the British Government or living under its protection, exclusive of the Assamese, Manipuris, Cacharis, Kangtis, and Mattucks, who are either Hindus, or Buddhists, or have a written language. The space intervening between Bengal, Orissa, and Nagpore, is the country of the Gonds, numerously divided and sub-divided. Still further west and along and beyond the Taptee and Nerbudda in Malwa, and in all the eastern quarter of Guzerat, are the Bheels who meet the coolies in Guzerat. In the peninsula we have the Tudas, the Erulars, the Curumbars, and the Cohatars, and the extent to which these and similar tribes prevail may be estimated from a statement recently made By Colonel Briggs at a meeting of the Royal Asiatic Society of London that, from his personal knowledge of the south of India, Brahmanism had not spread there, and that most of the peninsula was inhabited by persons not Hindus.

This must be received as a very loose and imperfect notice of the tribes scattered all over the face of India, but principally possessing its forest and mountain-tracts, who may be conjectured to be the remnants of the Autochthones or indigenous population existing before the occupation of the country by the Hindu, the Mohammadan, and the European races. Are these tribes to be allowed to remain in the rude and barbarous condition in which they have come under the dominion of the British Government? The Cole insurrections and the frequent necessity for the service of troops against the Kassya tribes and against the Bheels, compared with the peace which has been maintained amongst


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332 the Rajmahal mountaineers by Mr. Cleveland’s arrangements, show the advantage that would accrue to Government by extending that conquest over their minds which, by the Bengal Government of 1784, was justly declared to be at once “the most permanent” and “the most rational mode of dominion.” Since the date of this declaration—an interval during which British armies have overrun and subjugated almost the whole of India—what means have been employed to effect this higher and nobler species of conquest over the hill-tribes? I am aware that much may be, and has been, done to civilize those tribes by promoting and protecting industry, by administering justice between man and man, and by punishing crimes against society. But such moral conquests can be secured only by that knowledge and those habits which education gives, and the means of education have hitherto been very sparingly employed. The only institutions, as far as I am aware, formed under this Presidency for their benefit, are a school at Bhaugulpore in which a few of the children of the Rajmahal tribes are taught English and Hindi; a school established at Surgeemaree in Rangpur for the Garrows, some of whose children were for a while taught their own language in the Bengali character, the Bengali language, and the English language; and an English school established for the Ramghur Coles. The two last mentioned institutions no longer exist, and it would thus appear that the ground is almost wholly unoccupied.

The present Government has recently expressed sentiments on this subject, to which it may be hoped that some means may be devised of giving practical effect. During the past year it was ascertained that amongst the Kunds, one of the three aboriginal races mentioned above as being found in Orissa, an extensive system of human sacrifice is practised; and when this subject was brought to the notice of the Governor of Bengal the following instructions were communicated to the commissioner and superintendent of the Tributary Mehals in Cuttack, under date 14th March 1887:—“His Lordship has perused the details given by you of the system of human sacrifice prevalent among the Kunds with feelings no less of horror than surprise. He is well aware of the difficulty of dealing with a description of crime which, however unnatural and revolting, has been sanctioned by long usage as a national rite and confirmed by the gross delusions of the darkest ignorance and superstition. The working of a moral change among the people can alone eradicate from among them the inclination to indulge in rites so horrible. But though the entire suppression of the practice of human sacrifice among this wild and barbarous race must be the work of time, yet much may be done even now, and no proper exertion should be omitted towards checking the frequency of the crime by the