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license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/


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 At the fifty-fifth, a loud cry was heard in the street, followed by applause, hurrahs, and some fierce growls.

The players rose from their seats.

At the fifty-seventh second the door of the saloon opened; and the pendulum had not beat the sixtieth second when Phileas Fogg appeared, followed by an excited crowd who had forced their way through the club doors, and in his calm voice, said, "Here I am, gentlemen!"


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 * Phileas Fogg in person.

The reader will remember that at five minutes past eight in the evening—about five and twenty hours after the arrival of the travellers in London—Passepartout had been sent by his master to engage the services of the Reverend Samuel Wilson in a certain marriage ceremony, which was to take place the next day.

Passepartout went on his errand enchanted. He soon reached the clergyman's house, but found him not at home. Passepartout waited a good twenty minutes, and when he left the reverend gentleman, it was thirty-five minutes past eight. But in what a state he was! With his hair in disorder, and without his hat, he ran along the street as never man was seen to run before, overturning passers-by, rushing over the sidewalk like a waterspout.


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 In three minutes he was in Saville Row again, and staggered back into Mr. Fogg's room.

He could not speak.

"What is the matter?" asked Mr. Fogg.

"My master!" gasped Passepartout,—"marriage—impossible—"

"Impossible?"

"Impossible—for to-morrow."

"Why so?"

"Because to-morrow—is Sunday!"

"Monday," replied Mr. Fogg.

"No—to-day—is Saturday."

"Saturday? Impossible!"

"Yes, yes, yes, yes!" cried Passepartout. "You have made a mistake of one day! We arrived twenty-four hours ahead of time; but there are only ten minutes left!"

Passepartout had seized his master by the collar, and was dragging him along with irresistible force.

Phileas Fogg, thus kidnapped, without having time to think, left his house, jumped into a cab, promised a hundred pounds to the cabman, and, having run over two dogs and overturned five carriages, reached the Reform Club.

The clock indicated a quarter before nine when he appeared in the great saloon.


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 Phileas Fogg had accomplished the journey round the world in eighty days!

Phileas Fogg had won his wager of twenty thousand pounds!

How was it that a man so exact and fastidious could have made this error of a day? How came he to think that he had arrived in London on Saturday, the twenty-first day of December, when it was really Friday, the twentieth, the seventy-ninth day only from his departure?

The cause of the error is very simple.

Phileas Fogg had, without suspecting it, gained one day on his journey, and this merely because he had travelled constantly eastward; he would, on the contrary, have lost a day had he gone in the opposite direction, that is, westward.

In journeying eastward he had gone towards the sun, and the days therefore diminished for him as many times four minutes as he crossed degrees in this direction. There are three hundred and sixty degrees on the circumference of the earth; and these three hundred and sixty degrees, multiplied by four minutes, gives precisely twenty-four hours—that is, the day unconsciously gained. In other words, while Phileas Fogg, going eastward, saw the sun pass the meridian eighty times, his friends in London only saw it pass the meridian seventy-nine times. This is why they


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 awaited him at the Reform Club on Saturday, and not Sunday, as Mr. Fogg thought.

And Passepartout's famous family watch, which had always kept London time, would have betrayed this fact, if it had marked the days as well as the hours and the minutes!

Phileas Fogg, then, had won the twenty thousand pounds; but, as he had spent nearly nineteen thousand on the way, the pecuniary gain was small. His object was, however, to be victorious, and not to win money. He divided the one thousand pounds that remained between Passepartout and the unfortunate Fix, against whom he cherished no grudge. He deducted, however, from Passepartout's share the cost of the gas which had burned in his room for nineteen hundred and twenty hours, for the sake of regularity.

That evening, Mr. Fogg, as tranquil and phlegmatic as ever, said to Aouda, "Is our marriage still agreeable to you?"

"Mr. Fogg," replied she, "it is for me to ask that question. You were ruined, but now you are rich again."

"Pardon me, madam; my fortune belongs to you. If you had not suggested our marriage, my servant would not have gone to the Reverend Samuel Wilson's, I should not have been apprised of my error, and—"

"Dear Mr. Fogg!" said the young woman.


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 "Dear Aouda!" replied Phileas Fogg.

It need not be said that the marriage took place forty-eight hours after, and that Passepartout, glowing and dazzling, gave the bride away. Had he not saved her, and was he not entitled to this honour?

The next day, as soon as it was light, Passepartout rapped vigorously at his master's door. Mr. Fogg opened it, and asked, "What's the matter, Passepartout?"

"What is it, sir? Why, I've just this instant found out—"

"What?"

"That we might have made the tour of the world in only seventy-eight days."

"No doubt," returned Mr. Fogg, "by not crossing India. But if I had not crossed India, I should not have saved Aouda; she would not have been my wife, and—"

Mr. Fogg quietly shut the door.

Phileas Fogg had won his wager, and had made his journey around the world in eighty days. To do this he had employed every means of conveyance—steamers, railways, carriages, yachts, trading-vessels, sledges, elephants. The eccentric gentleman had throughout displayed all his marvellous qualities of coolness and exactitude. But what then? What had he really gained by all this trouble? What had he brought back from this long and weary journey?


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 Nothing, say you? Perhaps so; nothing but a charming woman, who, strange as it may appear, made him the happiest of men!

Truly, would you not for less than that make the tour around the world?


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Song to the Evening Star

 * "Song: To the Evening Star" in The poetical works of Thomas Campbell (1837)
 * "The Evening Star" in The Book of Scottish Song (1843), edited by Alexander Whitelaw

title: Song to the Evening Star


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User talk:TheUzbek

Rules of Procedure on the Organisation and Activity of the Presidency of the Central Committee of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia
Hello. I have noticed that your attempts to fix the licence tags were caught by an edit filter by mistake, so I have fixed them. However, may I ask you to provide the source of the English translation on the work’s talk page, please? --Jan Kameníček (talk) 08:05, 23 October 2023 (UTC)

title: User talk:TheUzbek


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 The Secretary told me that his Mistress was greatly disliked by the surrounding people whom she oppressed by her exactions, and the truth of this statement was borne out by the way in which my Lady spoke to me of her neighbors. But in Eastern countries, hate and veneration are very commonly felt for the same object, and the general belief in the superhuman power of this wonderful white lady—her resolute and imperious character, and above all, perhaps, her fierce Albanians (not backward to obey an order for the sacking of a village) inspired sincere respect amongst the surrounding inhabitants. Now the being "respected" amongst Orientals, is not an empty, or merely honorary distinction, for, on the contrary, it carries with it a clear right to take your neighbor's corn, his cattle, his eggs, and his honey, and almost anything that is his, except his wives. This law was acted upon by the Princess of Djoun, and her establishment was supplied by contributions apportioned amongst the nearest of the villages.

I understood that the Albanians (restrained, I suppose, by their dread of being delivered up to Ibrahim) had not given any very troublesome proofs of their unruly natures. The Secretary told me that their rations, including a small allowance of coffee and tobacco, were served out to them with tolerable regularity.

I asked the Secretary, how Lady Hester was off for horses, and said that I would take a look at the stable; the man did not raise any opposition to my proposal, and affected no mystery about the matter, but said that the only two steeds which then belonged to her Ladyship were of a very humble sort; this answer, and a storm of rain which began to descend, prevented me at the time from undertaking my journey to the stable, which was at some distance from the part of the building in which I was quartered, and I don't know that I ever thought of the matter afterwards, until my return to England, when I saw Lamartine's eye-witnessing account of the horse saddled by the hands of his Maker!

When I returned to my apartment (which, as my hostess told me, was the only one in the whole building that kept out the rain)


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 therefore she goes on without blushing or suspecting, where our blood would boil again. She sees people in want, and thinks it must be so, and pities them and relieves them. But she don't know want herself; and, therefore, she don't know that it makes men beasts and devils. She's as pure as God's light herself; and, therefore, she fancies every one is as spotless as she is. And there's another mistake in your charitable great people, sir. When they see poor folk sick or hungry before their eyes, they pull out their purses fast enough, God bless them; for they wouldn't like to be so themselves. But the oppression that goes on all the year round, and the want that goes on all the year round, and the filth, and the lying, and the swearing, and the profligacy, that go on all the year round, and the sickening weight of debt, and the miserable grinding anxiety from rent-day to rent-day, and Saturday night to Saturday night, that crushes a man's soul down, and drives every thought out of his head but how he is to fill his stomach and warm his back, and keep a house over his head, till he daren't for his life take his thoughts one moment off the meat that perisheth—oh, sir, they never felt this; and, therefore, they never dream that there are thousands who pass them in their daily walks who feel this, and feel nothing else!'

This outburst was uttered with an earnestness and majesty which astonished Lancelot. He forgot the subject in the speaker.

'You are a very extraordinary gamekeeper!' said he.


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 'When the Lord shows a man a thing, he can't well help seeing it,' answered Tregarva, in his usual staid tone.

There was a pause. The keeper looked at him with a glance, before which Lancelot's eyes fell.

'Hell is paved with hearsays, sir, and as all this talk of mine is hearsay, if you are in earnest, sir, go and see for yourself. I know you have a kind heart, and they tell me you are a great scholar, which would to God I was! so you ought not to condescend to take my word for anything which you can look into yourself;' with which sound piece of common-sense Tregarva returned busily to his eel-lines.

'Hand me the rod and can, and help me out along the buck-stage,' said Lancelot; 'I must have some more talk with you, my fine fellow.'

'Amen,' answered Tregarva, as he assisted our lame hero along a huge beam which stretched out into the pool; and having settled him there, returned mechanically to his work, humming & Wesleyan hymn-tune.

Lancelot sat and tried to catch perch, but Tregarva's words haunted him. He lighted his cigar, and tried to think earnestly over the matter, but he had got into the wrong place for thinking. All his thoughts, all his sympathies, were drowned in the rush and the whirl of the water. He forgot everything else in the mere animal enjoyment of sight and sound. Like many young men at his crisis of life, he had given himself up to the mere contemplation of Nature till he had become her slave; and now a


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 AND FLORENCE IN THE

BY E. ARMSTRONG, M.A.

FELLOW OF QUEENS COLLEGE OXFORD.

G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS

NEW YORK LONDON

The Knickerbocker Press


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Rh Here is,

I. A general account of Christ's cures, his curing by wholesale. The tokens of Christ's power and goodness are neither scarce nor scanty; for there is in him an overflowing fulness. Now observe,

1. The place where these cures were wrought; it was near the sea of Galilee, a part of the country Christ was much conversant with. We read not of any thing he did in the coasts of Tyre and Sidon, but the casting of the devil out of the woman of Canaan's daughter, as if he took that journey on purpose, with that in prospect. Let not ministers grudge their pains to do good, though but to few. He that knows the worth of souls, would go a great way to help to save one from death and Satan's power.

But Jesus departed thence. Having let fall that crumb under the table, he here returns to make a full feast for the children. We may do that occasionally for one, which we may not make a constant practice of. Christ steps into the coast of Tyre and Sidon, but he sits down by the sea of Galilee, (v. 29.) sits down, not on a stately throne, or tribunal of judgment, but on a mountain: so mean and homely were his most solemn appearances in the days of his flesh! He sat down on a mountain, that all might see him, and have free access to him; for he is an open Saviour. He sat down there, as one tired with his journey, and willing to have a little rest; or rather, as one waiting to be gracious. He sat, expecting patients, as Abraham at his tent-door, ready to entertain strangers. He settled himself to this good work.

2. The multitudes and maladies that were healed by him; (v. 30.) Great multitudes came to him; that the scripture might be fulfilled, Unto him shall the gathering of the people be, Gen. 49. 10. If Christ's ministers could cure bodily diseases as Christ did, there would be more flocking to them than there is; we are soon sensible of bodily pain and sickness, but few are concerned about their souls and their spiritual diseases.

Now, (1.) Such was the goodness of Christ, that he admitted all sorts of people; the poor as well as the rich are welcome to Christ, and with him there is room enough for all comers. He never complained of crowds or throngs of seekers, or looked with contempt upon the vulgar, the herd, as they are called; for the souls of peasants are as precious with him as the souls of princes.

(2.) Such was the power of Christ, that he healed all sorts of diseases; those that came to him, brought their sick relations and friends along with them, and cast them down at Jesus' feet, v. 30. We read not of any thing they said to him, but they laid them down before him as objects of pity, to be looked upon by him. Their calamities spake more for them than the tongue of the most eloquent orator could. David showed before God his trouble, that was enough, he then left it with him, Ps. 142. 2. Whatever our case is, the only way to find ease and relief, is, to lay it at Christ's feet, to spread it before him, and refer it to his cognizance, and then submit it to him, and refer it to his disposal. Those that would have spiritual healing from Christ, must lay themselves at his feet, to be ruled and ordered as he pleaseth.

Here were lame, blind, dumb, maimed, and many others, brought to Christ. See what work sin has made! It has turned the world into an hospital: what various diseases are human bodies subject to! See what work the Saviour makes! He conquers those hosts of enemies to mankind. Here were such diseases as a flame of fancy could contribute neither to the cause of nor to the cure of; as lying not in the humours, but in the members of the body; and yet those were subject to the commands of Christ. He sent his word, and healed them. Note, All diseases are at the command of Christ, to go and come as he bids them. This is an instance of Christ's power, which may comfort us in all our weaknesses; and of his pity, which may comfort us in all our miseries.

3. The influence that this had upon the people, v. 31.

(1.) They wondered, and well they might. Christ's works should be our wonder. It is the lord's doing, and it is marvellous, Ps. 118. 23. The spiritual cures that Christ works, are wonderful. When blind souls are made to see by faith, the dumb to speak in prayer, the lame to walk in holy obedience, it is to be wondered at. Sing unto the Lord a new song, for thus he has done marvellous things.

(2.) They glorified the God of Israel, whom the Pharisees, when they saw these things, blasphemed. Miracles, which are the matters of our wonder, must be the matter of our praise; and mercies, which are matter of our rejoicing, must be the matter of our thanksgiving. Those that were healed, glorified God; if he heal our diseases, all that is within us must bless his holy name; and if we have been graciously preserved from blindness, and lameness, and dumbness, we have as much reason to bless God as if we had been cured of them: nay, and the standers-by glorified God. Note, God must be acknowledged with praise and thankfulness in the mercies of others as in our own. They glorified him as the God of Israel, his church's God, a God in covenant with his people, who hath sent the Messiah promised; and this is he. See Luke 1. 68. Blessed be the Lord God of Israel. This was done by the power of the God of Israel, and no other could do it.

II. Here is a particular account of his feeding four thousand men with seven loaves, and a few little fishes, as he had lately fed five thousand with five loaves. The guests indeed were now not quite so many as then, and the provision a little more; which does not intimate that Christ's arm was shortened, but that he wrought his miracles as the occasion required, and not for ostentation, and therefore he suited them to the occasion: both then and now he took as many as were to be fed, and made use of all that was at hand to feed them with. When once the utmost powers of nature are exceeded, we must say, This is the finger of God; and it is neither here nor there how far they are outdone; so that this is no less a miracle than the former.

Here is, 1. Christ's pity; (v. 32.) I have compassion on the multitude. He tells his disciples this, both to try and to excite their compassion. When he was about to work this miracle, he called them to him, and made them acquainted with his purpose, and discoursed with them about it; not because he needed their advice, but because he would give an instance of his condescending love to them. He called them not servants, for the servant knows not what his Lord doeth, but treated them as friends and counsellors. Shall I hide from Abraham the thing that I do? Gen. 18. 17. In what he said to them, observe,

(1.) The case of the multitude; They continue with me now three days, and have nothing to eat. This is an instance of their zeal, and the strength of their affection to Christ and his word, that they not only left their callings, to attend upon him on week-days, but underwent a deal of hardship, to continue with him; they wanted their natural rest, and, for aught that appeared lay like soldiers in the field; they wanted necessary food, and had scarcely enough to keep life and soul together. In those hotter countries they could better bear long fasting than we can in these colder climates; but though it could not but be grievous to the body, and might


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, 1896

BY

G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS

Entered at Stationers' Hall, London.

The Knickerbocker Press, New Rochelle, N. Y.


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 greater part of my collections and sketches, were lost by the burning of the ship on my homeward voyage. From the fragmentary notes and papers which I have saved I have written the intermediate portion, and the four last chapters on the Natural History of the country and on the Indian tribes, which, had I saved all my materials, were intended to form a separate work on the Physical History of the Amazon.

In conclusion, I trust that the great loss of materials which I have suffered, and which every naturalist and traveller will fully appreciate, may be taken into consideration, to explain the inequalities and imperfections of the narrative, and the meagreness of the other part of the work, so little proportionate to what might be expected from a four years' residence in such an interesting and little-known country.

, October, 1853.

HIS issue is substantially a reprint of the original work, but the proof sheets have been carefully revised and many verbal corrections made. A few notes have been added, and English names have in many cases been substituted for the local terms which were used too freely in the first edition. The only omissions are the vocabularies of Indian languages and Dr. Latham's observations on them, which were thought to be unsuitable to the general reader. The publishers have supplied a few additional woodcuts which give a fair idea of Amazonian scenery.

A. R. W.

, October, 1889.


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LIST OF FULL-PAGE ILLUSTRATIONS.


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R. ALFRED RUSSEL WALLACE, the co-discoverer with Mr. Darwin of the principle of natural selection as the main agent in the evolution of species, has in his published works travelled over a much more diversified range of subjects than Mr. Darwin. To books of travel, of philosophical and of systematic natural history, he has added others dealing with the causes of depression of trade, proposing land nationalisation, defending belief in miracles and in modern spiritualism, and attacking vaccination. Although it would not be right here to enter into a criticism of such controversial works, enough may be said to indicate that their author, admittedly a master-mind in regard to the philosophy and the details of evolution, is widely qualified in regard to political and social questions.

Born at Usk in Monmouthshire on the 8th of January, 1823, and educated at Hertford Grammar School, the future adventurous traveller early became a voyager on a small scale, during his residence with an elder brother, a land surveyor and architect. From 1836 to 1848 while so occupied he resided in various parts of England and Wales, and acquired some knowledge of agriculture and of the social and economic conditions of the labouring classes. While living in South Wales, about 1840, he first turned his attention to natural history, devoting all his spare time to collecting and preserving the native plants, and eagerly reading books of travel. While residing at Leicester in 1844-5 (as an English master in the Collegiate School), he made the acquaintance of Mr. H. W. Bates, an ardent entomologist, and when, some years later, the desire to visit tropical countries became too strong to be


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 success in all your pursuits, and, God knows, if admirable zeal and energy deserve success, most amply do you deserve it;" and in 1876 he wrote to him, "You have paid me the highest conceivable compliment by what you say of your work in relation to my chapters on distribution in the 'Origin,' and I heartily thank you for it."

In one important point Mr. Wallace early found himself in divergence from Mr. Darwin. 'This was as to the limits of natural selection as applied to man. Mr. Darwin saw no reason to imagine a break or a new force or kind of action in regard to the development of man, and especially of his brain and mind; while Mr. Wallace, from the belief that savage man possesses a brain too large for his actual requirements, from the absence of a general hairy covering in lower men, from the difficulty of conceiving the origin of some of man's physical and mental faculties by natural selection, and from the nature of the moral sense, came to the conclusion that a superior intelligence, acting nevertheless through natural and universal laws, has guided the development of man in a definite direction and for a special purpose.

This divergence of view from that of Darwinism pure and simple may be interestingly illustrated from an autobiographical passage in Mr. Wallace's Essays "On Miracles and Modern Spiritualism," 1881. He says: "From the age of fourteen I lived with an elder brother, of advanced liberal and philosophical opinions, and I soon lost (and have never since regained) all capacity of being affected in my judgments, either by clerical influence or religious prejudice. Up to the time when I first became acquainted with the facts of spiritualism, I was a confirmed philosophical sceptic, rejoicing in the works of Voltaire, Strauss, and Carl Vogt, and an ardent admirer (as I am still) of Herbert Spencer. I was so thorough and confirmed a materialist that I could not at that time find a place in my mind for the conception of spiritual existence, or for any other agencies in the universe than matter and force. Facts, however, are stubborn things. My curiosity was at first excited by some Slight but inexplicable phenomena occurring in a friend's family, and my desire for knowledge and love of truth forced me to continue the inquiry. The facts became more and more assured, more and more varied, more and more removed from anything that modern science taught, or modern philo-


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Author:Thomas Montague Radcliff Whitwell

As illustrator

 * The Cycling Album: Being a Selection of Sketches from “Cycling” (1893)
 * Industrial Explorings in and around London (1895), by Robert Andom
 * The Tiger-Man of Burma and Other Adventure Yarns (1900), by Argyll Saxby
 * Tales of Greyhouse (1901), by R. S. Warren Bell
 * Acton's Feud: A Public School Story (1901), by Frederick Swainson
 * Tales of St. Austin's (1903), by P. G. Wodehouse
 * The Gold Bat by P.G. Wodehouse,  (1904), by P. G. Wodehouse
 * The Head of Kay's by P.G. Wodehouse,  (1905), by P. G. Wodehouse
 * Green at Greyhouse (1908), by R. S. Warren Bell
 * Mike: A Public School Story (1909), by P. G. Wodehouse
 * On Tour with Troddles (1909), by R. Andom
 * Psmith in the City (1910), by P. G. Wodehouse
 * Black Evans: A School Story (1912), by R. S. Warren Bell
 * One of the Awkward Squad (1912), by Tom Bevan
 * The Feats of Foozle (1913), by Gunby Hadath
 * Dormitory Eight (1914), by R. S. Warren Bell
 * Rob Wylie of Jordon's: A Story of Public School Life (1914), by F. Cowley Whitehouse
 * The Skipper of the XI (1915), by John Barnett
 * The Secret Seven (1915), by R. S. Warren Bell
 * Sheepy Wilson: A Public School Story (1915), by Gunby Hadath
 * Psmith, Journalist (1915), by P. G. Wodehouse
 * Greyhouse Days (1918), by R. S. Warren Bell
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 * Joe Doughty (1918), by M. M. Guy
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 * Forge of Foxenby (1920), by R. A. H. Goodyear
 * The Boys of Sancotes: Some Yarns of School Life (1920), by Harold Murray
 * Schoolboy Pluck (1921), by Harold Avery
 * The Sporting House: A School Story (1921), by Richard Bird
 * The Boys of Castle Cliff School (1921), by R. A. H. Goodyear
 * Pickles of the Lower Fifth (1921), by Rowland Walker
 * The Prefects' Patrol (1922), by Harold Avery
 * The Shadow on the School (1922), by Frank Elias
 * The Four Schools (1922), by R. A. H. Goodyear
 * The Greenway Heathens: A Public School Story (1922), by R. A. H. Goodyear
 * A Fifth Form Mystery (1923), by Harold Avery
 * Tom at Tollbar House (1923), by R. A. H. Goodyear
 * The Two Captains of Tuxford: A Story of Public School Life (1924) by Frank Elias
 * His Serene Highness: A Public School Story (1925), by A. L. Haydon
 * On the Ball: A Football Story (1926), by Sydney Horler
 * According to Brown Minor, or The Feats of Foozle (1924), by Gunby Hadath
 * The Moreleigh Mascot (1927), by Richard Bird
 * Every Inch a Briton (1933), by Meredith Fletcher


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text: The Great Didactic of John Amos Comenius


text: The Great Didactic of John Amos Comenius/Preface


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About this time Marx married the playmate and friend of his childhood and youth, Jenny von Westphalen. Herself a highly-intelligent and well-educated woman, Marx could not have had a better helpmate for life. From the day of her marriage to the day of her death, she shared all the joys and sorrows, all the hopes and aspirations of her husband. They were devoted to one another. Their daughter, Eleanor, relates how, when her mother, in the autumn of 1880, was so ill that she could scarcely even rise from her couch, her father also had an attack of pleurisy which kept him in bed in a separate room. "Mohr" (that was the name by which Marx was known to the family circle and friends because of his black, shaggy hair and beard), she says, "recovered from his sickness this time. Never shall I forget the morning when he felt strong enough to go into dear mother's room. They were young once more together—she a loving girl, and he an adoring youth who, together entered on their life—not an old man wrecked by sickness and a dying old woman who were taking leave of each other for life." Mehring states that one of the most sworn enemies of this worst of atheists and communists nevertheless characterised this marriage as having been consummated in heaven.

After the suppression of the Rheinische Zeitung Marx and his wife went to Paris. There he worked for a short time on the Französische Jahrbücher Deutsche, and later on the Paris Vorwaerts. Whilst working on the former Karl Marx became acquainted with Frederick Engels, and henceforth these two became the closest possible personal, political and literary friends. By this time Marx had already reached the first beginnings of the fundamentals of his conception of materialism, of which we shall speak later. He had reached it mainly from the philosophic side. On the other hand, Engels, who had lived for a long time in England, the cradle of modern industry, had come to similar conclusions from a study of the practical conditions of industrial life in England. The two thus complemented each other, and together they were able to


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 achieve what would have been, if not impossible, at any rate far more difficult for one alone to accomplish. From this time onward they were in almost daily intercourse, either personally or by letter, and how voluminous, interesting and intimate their literary relations were can be seen from the four volumes of their letters to one another, which were published a few years ago in Germany by Bebel and Bernstein. For the most part, Marx devoted himself to the study and investigation of the more theoretical side of their work, whilst Engels chiefly devoted his energies to the practical application of their theoretical deductions, and particularly, later on, to the propaganda of their ideas and to polemics with their opponents. But we have it on the authority of Engels himself that scarcely a word that either wrote or a policy that they promulgated but was discussed between them first.

Their first scientific work was a complete break with the contemporary school of German philosophy. We have already mentioned that Marx, when still studying in Berlin, had joined the school of Young Hegelians. Marx had made himself thoroughly master of the Hegelian philosophy, without, however, becoming a slavish imitator or disciple. He extracted from it all that was revolutionary and useful for the study and interpretation of history. The Hegelian philosophy proposes, as a law of progress, the continuous transformation and upsetting of existing conditions and the continuous growth of new oppositions and the overcoming of existing ones. It puts it down as a law that the germ of the new exists in the old, that as this germ develops, so at first the difference between the two is merely quantitative, but when the quantitative difference has reached a certain stage, there is a break between the two and the difference becomes qualitative. This law is true throughout organic and inorganic nature, and it is perhaps well worth one's while to stop to illustrate it by a few examples. In chemistry, we know of a number of series of carbon compounds, only differing one from the other by the number of carbon and hydrogen atoms they contain. Thus if we take marsh gas we may represent it by CH$4$. If we add to this under whatever conditions,


text: The Great Didactic of John Amos Comenius/Introduction 1


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 either carbons (C) or hydrogen (H), we shall only get a mixture of marsh gas and carbon or hydrogen. This will continue until we add a quantity corresponding to one atom of carbon and two of hydrogen, when the whole nature of the substance changes and we get a new gas, with new properties, acetylene, or C$2$, H$6$, and so forth. Quantity has changed into quality. Now let us take a simple example from physics. When water is healed it becomes warmer and warmer, but up to a certain point the difference is merely in the degree of heat: fundamentally the cold water and the hot water are still the same liquid, but when the heat applied reaches a certain quantity, 100°C or 212°F the water suddenly turns into a new substance—steam, a gas with quite different properties from water. Quantity has changed into quality. Now let us take one example from history. So long as the labourer was tied to the soil, so long did we have the form of society known as serfdom. But as production and commerce developed, so it gradually became more and more necessary to have free access to labour in certain areas which could only be obtained by allowing the labourer, or potential labourer to travel where work was to be found. Also, as the old processes and forms of agriculture either became obsolete or not so profitable to the landowners, the latter started to give their serfs either more freedom of movement or to convert their forced labour for them into money payments or rents. Thus gradually there developed all the conditions in society for the abolition of the system of serfdom, and when this development reached a certain stage, serfdom gave way to free private production. In some cases the change was brought about with much, in other cases with less, violence. In some cases the change was rapid; in others it was slow. But in all cases the change was a revolutionary one—a new form of society took the place of the old, because the new conditions necessitated this change.

We have no space to multiply these examples, as might be done from all the sciences and from all experiences in life. These laws and these methods of study Marx and Engels adopted from the Hegelian philosophy. But whilst they held fast to Hegel's dialectieal method they rejected


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 his dogmatic idealistic superstructure. The Hegelian philosophy, like all other idealistic schools of philosophy took it for granted that ideas are not images of real conditions, but that they exist independently, and that their development forms a foundation for the development of things. This Marx and Engels repudiated. They substituted as the foundation materialism, the world of real things, nature and history for ideology or the independent idea developing apart from things. They gave expression to this new dialectical materialsimmaterialism [sic], as well as a refutation of the use to which the small bourgeois Hegelians had put Hegel's philosophy, in a book entitled The Holy Family, published in 1845. Later they wrote another book together on the same subject, which, although not published, served to clear their own ideas and to give them a thorough grasp of their materialist conceptions.

In the meantime, Marx had been studying political economy in Paris, and also carrying on a vigorous polemic against the Prussian Government. The latter took its revenge by securing his expulsion from Paris. Marx then went to Brussels, where he wrote occasionally for the Deutsche Brüsseler Zeitung.

At the Free Trade Congress in 1846 he delivered a speech on Free Trade which was later published in pamphlet form, and in 1847 he wrote "Poverty of Philosophy" in French as a reply to Proudhon's book, The Philosophy of Poverty. In this work Marx, using the Hegelian dialectic in the materialist revolutionary form adopted by himself and Engels, lays bare the laws of society and develops the fundamentals of modern scientific socialism.

In Brussels Marx and Engels entered the "League of the Just," which, assuming different forms in different countries, finally developed into the Communist League, an open legal propaganda association. In November, 1847, they were commissioned to draw up its complete, practical and theoretical party programme. This they did in the "Communist Manifesto." A historical product of its time, this manifesto still forms the ground work of the modern international social democracy. The "Communist Mani-


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 festo" exhibits in classic form the results of the theoretical and practical work of Marx and Engels. Whilst with its keen analysis of bourgeois society it could not possibly have appeared at any earlier epoch than it did, nevertheless, unlike the numerous other systems and programmes of a future society drawn up at about the same time, which have passed into oblivion sooner or later, the "Communist Manifesto" still remains, indeed is becoming more and more a beacon of light to the workers of the world. And the fact that the programme drawn up by Marx and Engels has endured and is still true seventy years after its publication, is due to the extraordinary insight and understanding of its authors, who could trace with a sure hand the inevitable results of a system then only in its infancy.

So important is this short work for our movement, so well does it exhibit the spirit of the Marxian teaching, that it will be well worth our while to stop to analyse it.

The "Communist Manifesto" is based on historic materialism. Its fundamental idea is that the political and intellectual development of any historical epoch is based on, and can only be explained from, the prevailing mode of economic production and exchange of that epoch, and the social structure resulting therefrom. The whole history of mankind, since the dissolution of primitive tribal society, holding land in common ownership (this prehistoric period of human society has been worked out by Morgan, Engels, and others, and fully supports the materialist conception of history) has been a history of class struggles, struggles between exploiter and exploited, the governing and the governed, at different stages of development in society. The history of these struggles forms a series of evolutions in which a stage has now been reached, when the oppressed and exploited class—the working class—can only attain its emancipation from the exploiting and ruling class—the capitalist class—by emancipating the whole of society once for all from all exploitation, class distinctions and class struggles.

The first section of the Manifesto deals with the bourgeoisie (capitalists) and proletarians (workers) and shows in


text: The Harveian Oration 1867

title: The Harveian Oration 1867


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 brief how the modern capitalist class developed from the earlier systems of society, and how the increase in the means of exchange and of commodities, the opening up of new markets and the discovery of new lands gave "an impulse never before known to commerce, to navigation, and to industry, and thereby also gave a more rapid development to the revolutionary element in the tottering feudal society of the time." Each step in the development of the bourgeoisie, which played a very revolutionary rôle, was accompanied by a corresponding political advance of that class. "The bourgeoisie, wherever it has obtained the upper hand, has put an end to all feudal, patriarchal, idyllic relations … in one word, for exploitation veiled by religious and political illusions, it has substituted naked, unashamed, direct brutal exploitation. The bourgeoisie has stripped of its halo every occupation hitherto honoured and looked up to with reverent awe. It has converted the physician, the lawyer, the priest, the poet, the man of science, into its paid wage servants." All venerated opinions are swept away and all new ones become antiquated before they can ossify, and the consequence of all this is that man is at last compelled to face realities and to get a clearer insight into things.

The capitalist mode of production, once brought into being, "compels all nations, on pain of extinction, to adopt its own mode of production; it compels them to introduce what it calls civilisation into their midst, i.e., to become bourgeois themselves. In one word, it creates a world after its own image." The capitalist system has concentrated vast masses of the population into huge towns. It has centralised the means of production and has concentrated property in few hands, and from this necessarily followed political concentration and the formation of the modern nations from the former loosely connected provinces. It has made the country subject to the town. In the same way, it rendered barbarian and semi-barbarian countries dependent on more civilised ones, nations of peasants on nations of capitalists, the East on the West. (Since then, of course, the East has been awakening, and is necessarily itself rapidly becoming bourgeois, showing in its development, in spite of all the peculiarities of the


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 climate and races inhabiting the Eastern hemisphere, similar features to the older bourgeois West.)

"During its rule of scarcely 100 years, the bourgeoisie has created more massive, more colossal productive force than all the preceding generations put together. …" But, as the fetters of feudalism had to be burst asunder to make room for the growth of capitalist production, so bourgeois society is becoming incompatible with the rapidly developing mode of production, and all the social, political and intellectual relations in society resulting therefrom. The very weapons with which capitalism beat feudalism are now turned against itself. The great expansion in production, which resulted in its triumph, will now also be the cause of its death. As an example of this, the Manifesto points to the ever more frequent occurrence of commercial crises in which there breaks out an "epidemic of over-production."

The bourgeoisie, however, has not only forged the weapon to be directed against itself, it has also produced the men who are to wield this weapon—the modern working class—the proletarians. The Manifesto then traces the rise of the proletariat, its relation to the capitalist, and how it is recruited from all classes of the population. From its birth, the working class is engaged in a conscious or unconscious struggle with the capitalist class. But the bourgeoisie itself is also constantly engaged in struggles—at first with the aristocracy, later, with those portions of the bourgeoisie whose interests are antagonistic to the further progress of industry, and at all times with the bourgeoisie of foreign countries. In all these battles the capitalist class is compelled in its own interests to call in the aid of the working class, and although the latter, without knowing it, is really fighting the battles of its worst enemy, it nevertheless in the process, learns the value of co-operative effort; it is dragged into the political arena, and is thus supplied by the capitalists themselves with the weapon with which it will slay them. Although the lower middle class, the small manufacturer, the shopkeeper, the handworker, and the peasant are all at war with the bourgeoisie, the proletariat alone is a really revolutionary class. It is the peculiar and essential product of


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INDEX INDEX 203

PAGE

Tally sheet 139, 178

Tellers [see Seventh Drill] 137-140, 157

Tellers' Report 149, 153, 158, 176

Tickets 138

Tie 10

Title of presiding officer 113

Treasurer 118

Two-thirds vote 141

motions requiring 174

Unfinished business 144

Various lists of motions 169-175

Vice President 115

Vote 10, 135-142

viva voce 4, 9, 10, 99

announcing the 10

by ballot _ 136-140, 149-15S

by roll call (yeas and nays) and by mail 140

majority, plurality, and two-thirds 141

motions relating to 98

Withdrawal of a motion 55, loi


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 modern industry, and is destined to bring about those new social relations and political conditions which will bring the latter into harmony with modern industrial development. As for the social scum, or, as it is known in German, the "lumpen proletariat," it may now and again be swept into the movement by a proletarian revolution, but its whole condition of life is such as to make it the ever-ready, bribed tool of reaction. The Manifesto then proceeds: "All previous historical movements were movements of minorities or in the interest of minorities. The proletarian movement is (or must become) the self-conscious independent movement of the immense majority, in the interest of the immense majority. The proletariat, the lowest stratum of our present society, cannot stir, cannot raise itself up without the whole super-incumbent strata of official society being blown into the air. …" The development of modern industry, therefore" (in the above and other ways) "cuts from under its feet the very foundation on which the bourgeoisie produces and appropriates products. What the bourgeoisie consequently produces, above all, are its own grave diggers. Its fall and the victory of the proletariat are equally inevitable."

In the second section the Manifesto first points out the relation of the communists (now read socialists) to the proletariat. The former have no interests apart from the latter; they are only the advance guard of the working class movement in all countries. Further, the ideas expressed by the communists have not been invented or discovered by this or that would-be universal reformer. "They merely express in general terms, actual relations arising from an existing class struggle, from a historical movement going on under our very eyes. The abolition of existing property relations is not at all a distinctive feature of communism. All property relations in the past have continually been subject to historical change, consequent upon the change in historical conditions." Communism does not propose the abolition of property in general, but of bourgeois private property, and a variety of still familiar objections to socialism are then dealt with. Says the Manifesto:—"You are horrified at our intention of doing away with private property. But in your existing


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 THE

THE ROYAL COLLEGE OF PHYSICIANS, LONDON,

JUNE 29TH, 1867.

LONDON: SMITH, ELDER AND CO., 65, CORN HILL.


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 from among all the somewhat intelligent men, were compelled to follow the course taken by Keynes. He handed in his resignation and threw into the face of his government a book which nails it to a post. Keynes' case shows what is going on and what will go in the consciences of hundreds of thousands of men, when they will have understood that all that talk about „war for freedom“ etc. was nothing but mere deception; that the result of the war was the enrichment of an inconsiderable number of people, while all the rest were impovershed.

The bourgeois Keynes says that the English people in order to save themselves and to save England's economy must insist upon the renewal of free commercial relations between Germany and Russia. But how is this to be brought about? By means of annulling all debts, as Keynes proposes! This is the opinion not alone of the learned economist Keynes. Millions of people are coming and will come to this idea. Millions of people hear the bourgeois economist say that there is no other way out but to annul the debts and therefore „curse the bolsheviks“ (who annulled the debts) and let us resort the „magnanimity“ of America I am of the opinion, that such an economist-agitator for bolshevism should be handed a thanksgiving address by the Congress of the Communist International.

If on the one hand the economic conditions of the masses have become unbearable, and on the other hand, increasing disintegration has set in among the insignificant minority of the all powerful victorious countries as illustrated by Keynes, then we have before us the ripening of both conditions making for the world revolution.

We now have before us a somewhat more definite picture of the entire world. We know now what it means to have a billion and a quarter of people depending upon a handful of rich men and put under conditions making life impossible for them. When the constitution of the League of Nations was presented to the people and it had been declared that the league had put an end to the war and would henceforth allow no one to violate the peace, and when that document had been put into effect it appeared as if it were the greatest victory we have won. Before the constitution of the League of Nations had been put into effect it was said that Germany must be put under a special regime, but when the document was adopted everything would be all right. But as soon as the constitution of the League of Nations was pu-


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 blished, even the most violent opponents of bolshevism had to repudiate it. For by that document an insignificant group consisting of the richest nations, the „Big Four“—Clemenceau, Lloyd George, Orlando and Wilson—was set up to establish new world relations, when the machine was set going it led to complete bankruptcy. This is evident from the wars against Russia. She, a weak, ruined exhausted country, the most backward of all countries against the union of rich and powerful goverments dominating over the whole world, has come out victorious. We could not oppose a power anywhere equal to theirs, and still we proved victorious. Why? Because there was not even a shade of unity among them, because one power was acting in opposition to the other. France wanted that Russia should pay her debts and should serve as a menacing force against Germany: England wanted to divide Russia. England attempted to seize the Baku petroleum and to conclude treaties with Russia's neighbours. Among the English official documents there are records figuring out with unusual carefulness all the governments (there were about 14 of them) which promised in December 1919 to capture Moscow and Petrograd.

On these governments England based her policy, to these Governments England loaned millions and millions. But all these calculations went to pieces and all the loans exploded. Such is the condition created by the League of Nations. This League of Nations agreement furnishes the best agitation for bolshevism every day of its existence, for the mighty adherents of capitalist „order“ show how they put stumbling blocks in each other's way upon every question. Japan, England, America and France are engaged in a mad fight over the division of Turkey, Russia, Mesopotamia and China. The bourgeois press in these countries is replete with the maddest attacks, the most bitter harangues against their „colleagues“ for grabbing the prey from under one's nose.

Thus, we witness a complete collapse among the upper layer, among the few richest countries. It is impossible for a billion and a quarter of people making up seventy percent of the population of the earth to live in such a way as is wanted by the domineering „advanced and civilised“ capitalism. One small clique of the richest countries, namely, England, America and Japan, which had the possibility of plundering the Eastern Asiatic countries, but had no independent financial and military power without the support of the remaining


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 countries, were not in a position to put economic conditions into shape and therefore, carry on their policy in such a way as to frustrate the policy of their partners and colleagues in the League of Nations. This is what makes for the world crisis. And these economic roots of the crisis are the prime causes of the splendid successes achieved by the Communist International.

Comrades, we have now reached the question of revolutionary crisis forming the basis of revolutionary activity, Here we must, first of all, dwell upon two widespread policies. On the one hand the bourgeois economists represent this crisis as mere „unrest“, using the euphemism of the English. On the other hand some revolutionists at times try to prove that this crisis is an absolutely hopeless one.

This is erroneous. There are no conditions which should be absolutely hopeless. The conduct of the bougeoisiebourgeoisie [sic] is like that of a desperate robber who has lost his bearins. It is committing blunder upon blunder aggravating the situation and hastening its own downfall. All this is true. But one cannot „prove“ that there is absolutely no possibity for the bourgeoisie to beguile this or that minority of the exploited by means of some concession; that it cannot suppress this or that movement or crush an uprising of some fraction of the oppressed and exploited. To attempt to „prove“ beforehand the „absolute“ hopelessness is mere pedantry, mere play of ideas and phrases. The real „proof“ in this and similar questions can be derived only from experience, The bourgeois regime all over the world is undergoing the greatest revolutionary crisis. Now the revolutionary parties must prove by actual deeds that they possess sufficient class consciousness, sufficient power of organisation, are sufficiently in touch with the exploited masses, have enough determination and efficiency to take advantage of this crisis for a successful victorious revolution.

To get this „proof“ ready is the main purpose of our assembling here in the present Congress of the Communist International.

Ramsay Macdonald, the leader of the British Independent Labour Party, furnishes an example of the degree to which opportunism still prevails among the parties wishing to join the third International, and to what extent the work of this party is remote from preparing a revolutionary class and from utilising the revolutionary crisis. In his book „Parliament and Revolution“ devoted to the very same fundamental question which engages our attention at present, Macdonald presents the state of affairs as they would be presented by a bourgeois pacifist. He admits


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 benefiictor to this Colloi^o, and in respect of his work on tlie subject of Ixickets, still known as the English disease, a benefactor to his countrj-men.

We may no{ omit to recall to memory the benefac- tions of the Mak^iess of Dorchester. A dihgent and widely read student in the learning of his day, he was urged by Harvey and others to join this College in 1G5G. Two years later, he was admitted to the Fellowship. Sympathising with the College m the loss of its library, and to show his respect for the Profession, he bequeathed a collection of books of the value of four thousand pounds, and contributed one hundred pounds towards the library. What a splendid example was this, and how little has it been followed in the last two centuries !

It is a fact to note here and now, for while we have had in recent times some noble mstances of beneficence for the institution of lectureships and prizes, we have had hardly any gifts or bequests in the form of en- dowments for the College itself, endowments which I, as your Treasurer, can well certify are, more than is commonly believed, necessary to enable us to maintain our position, our fabric, and our library. Those of us who are engaged in teaching in this metropolis have to acknowledge that in these days the vital interests of higher leaniing make little appeal to the sentiments

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 true value and to tliul a tittino- employment I'or the knowledge thus brouirht to liMit. The vounircr men amongst us are naturally attracted both to fresh research, and the ajiplication of its fruits in clinical work. The elders, by their longer experience of humanity, both in its wellbeing and its woes, are less eager to engage in experimental methods, and prefer to jn-actise the hard-earned principles which have gi'adually commended themselves to them.* Do what we will, however, truths either new or in fresh aspects move steadily onwards, and come in the fulness of time to occupy the field.

For our purposes as Physicians, the secrets of Nature disclosed in the Laboratory require to be brought to the touchstone of clinical experiment and observation. If they be veritable facts, they serve at once to advance our Art by enlarging our powers to cope with diseased conditions ; while, if the results of Laboratory experiments have been incompletely wrested from Nature they will fail to aid us, though, perchance, they may prove suggestive. Of some, I think, it may be said that they fail primo

• "No man who bad attained to the age of forty years was found to adopt Harvey's doctrine of the circulation : it had to win its way under the safeguard ... of the youthful and unprejudiced spirits of the age." — Life of Harvey, p. xlvii. R. Willis.

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 the acilviiv ol' various bacillaiy parasites, affording examples of siuulry specific disorders. Tlic problem l">efore iis in all such cases is to determine, if we can, the ratio of the force of resistance to that of the infection. Too often, we have but to study the course of the disease in order to decide this point, and while treating the patient as we w^atch the contest,* we sometimes discover evidence of inhibiting factors which prove adequate to check the miscliief arising from parasitic invasion. We have an example of this in the case of a proclivity to gout which tends markedly to check tuberculous invasion, and when this occurs to

Generation of Animals, affords a remarkable prevision on his part respecting the reaction of the bodily tissues to the intrusion of irritants. Referring to the effect of spider poison when introduced by a prick under the skin, he wrote : — " Erat tamen in cute quod discerneret, quippe eodem loco, ubi venenata punctio contigerat, subito sese in tuberculum contraxit, induitque mox ruborem, calorem, atque inflammationem, tanquam ad pugnam et nocentis mali expug- nationem se roboraret et accingeret." What have we here but a forecast of the modern researches of Metschnikoff and others upon the action of phagocytes in inflammatory foci ? The idea of a contest in the involved textures was, I think, singularly prophetic of the histological discoveries to be made some 230 years later, and displays the intuition of Harvey in his study and interpretation of the secrets of Nature, without any other aid than his simple vision.
 * A passage in Harvey's Anatomical Exercise (Ivii.) on the

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 serve to revolutionise uur present methods of clinical investiirntlon.*

Recent researches have been fruitful in respect of Improved methods of vaccination, and of securing the absolute purltv of vaccine lymph. Our Milroy Lecturer of tills vear.t to whom is due the credit of the work, has made us fully aware of the steps by which the bacteriolog}' of both human and calf lym})h has been studied. The result has been the Introduction of glycerlnated calf vaccine lymph which now meets every re(._^ulrement, whether demanded by the scientific bacteriologist, the medical practitioner, or the reason- able portion of the public. This discovery appears to me to open up new fields of study. The influence of glycerine in destroying some of the most noxious microbes which may gain access to ordinary vaccine lymph in various ways, is very noteworthy and im- portant, and I cannot but imagine that this agent may yet be found of more extended usefulness as a bactericide. It is surely significant that some of the most virulent germs, including those productive

Democritus's well, that are destined to be di'awn up into day by the ceaseless indastry of coming ages." — Letter to John Daniel Ilorst, rrinci2xd Physician of Ilesse-Darrastadt. Harvey. 1C54.
 * " Nor do I doubt but that many things still lie hidden in

t Doctor Sydney Monckton Copeman, a Member of this College. 46

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I SHOULD fail in my duty if I did not express my indebtedness for much of the knowledge I have gained respecting Harvey's career and achievements, as well as of his character, to Doctor Robert Willis' "Works of Harvey," and to Doctor Munk, our esteemed and learned Harveian Librarian, for his accounts of Harvey as published in the "Roll of the Royal College of Physicians," and the "Gold-Headed Cane." I am also under much obligation to the latter for informa- tion respecting the several benefactors whom I have selected for commemoration. The lucid and interesting "Life of Harvey" in Mr. Fisher Unwin's series of the "Masters of Medicine," written by my colleague, Mr. d'Arcy Power, has also been of much service to me. I would add that I have deemed it a great privilege to be called to study the character and life work of Harvey, for to do this constitutes little less than a liberal education.

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 that the revolutionary crisis is here, that the revolutionary mood is on the increase, that the working masses sympathise with the Soviet power and with the dictatorship of the proletariat (bear in mind that this refers to England); with the dictatorship of the proletariat rather than the present dictatorship of the present bourgeoisie. Nevertheless, Macdonald remains throughout a bourgeois pacifist and middle-class reformer cherishing the illusion of a non-class state. Macdonald recognises the class struggle only as a figure of speech, just as do all the deceivers, sophists and pedants of the bourgeoisie. Macdonald passes in silence the experience of Kerensky and the Mensheviks and Socialist-Revolutionists in Russia, as well as the similar experience of Hungary, Germany, etc. in the matter of creating a „democratic“ non-class government. Macdonald beguiles his party and those workers who have the misfortune to regard him as a socialist and a leader by the following words: We know that this (referring to the revolutionary ferment and the revolutionary crisis) will pass, will quiet down. The war, he says, has naturally given rise to this crisis but once the war is over everything will become all right by and by.

Thus writes a man regarded as a leader of a party wishing to join the Third International. This furnishes an unusually frank and hence a very valuable exposure of what is mo less frequently to be observed among the heads of the French Socialists, the German Independents, and the Social Democratic parties, namely: not only an incapability but an unwillingness to utilise the revolutionary crisis in a revolutionary way. In other words, an incapability and unwillingness to carry on actual revolutionary propaganda in order to prepare the party and the working class for the dictatorship of the proletariat.

This is the fundamental evil characterising many parties which are now quitting the Second International. And this is just why in the propositions I advance before the present Congress I devote special attention to the question of a most concrete and accurate definition of the problems concerning the preparation for the dictatorship of the proletariat.

One other example. A new book against bolshevism has appeared of late. Books of that kind are being published at present in Europe and America in unusual numbers, and the more such books are published, the stronger and the more rapidly grows the sympathy towards bolshevism among the masses. I have in mind the work of Otto Bauer: „Bolshevism and Social Democracy“. This book gives the German reader a clear conception of what Menshevism is, whose infamous role


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 in the Russian revolution is sufficiently well understood by the working masses. Otto Bauer gave us a thoroughly Menshevik brochure, although he conceals his sympathy for Menshevism. But it is necessary to get a clearer conception of Menshevism in Europe and America, for this Menshevism is a generic conception comprising all the so-called Socialist, Social Democratic and similar tendencies hostile towards bolshevism. For us, Russians, it would be a dull occupation to write for the European reader about what Menshevism means. Otto Bauer has done that in his book and we are thankful in advance to the bourgeois opportunist publishers who are going to publish that book and translate it into various languages. The book of Bauer will be a useful, though peculiar supplement to the manuals on Communism. To take any paragraph or, any argument of Otto Bauer and to find out its Menshevik meaning, to discover the roots of those conceptions that lead to the practice of traitors of Socialism, of the friends of Kerensky, Scheidemann, etc., that would be a problem which could well ibe made use of for an „examination“ to test a student's understanding of Communism. If you cannot solve such a problem, you are not a Communist, and you had better keep away from the Communist party (Cheers).

Otto Bauer excellently expresses the essence of the views of the opportunists all over the world in one single phrase for which—if we had our way in Vienna—we would erect to him a monument during life. „To resort to violence in the class struggle in modern democracies“, says Otto Bauer, „would mean to violate the social factors of force“.

Perhaps you will find this rather strange and incomprehensible. This furnishes a sample of what can be done with Marxism, for what mean ends in the defence of the exploiters one can use the very theory of revolution. You can get a variety of German philistinism which will furnish you with the „theory“ that „the social factors of force“ means—number, organisation, place and process of production and distribution, activity and education. When an agricultural labourer in the village or a working man in the city commits revolutionary violence toward the landlord or capitalist, this is not the dictatorship of the proletariat, it is not violence toward the exploiters and the oppressors of the people. Not at all. It is „violating the social factors of force“.

Perhaps my illustration has come out rather humorous. But such is the nature of modern opportunism, that its struggle against bolshevism becomes ridiculous.


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 great work on " Animal Generation," of which he was so diffident, and which was, as it were, dragged from him by his admiring friend, Sir George Ent, for the purpose of publication, would by itself have raised him to the first rank of biologists, although, as Wilhs remarks, to complete and perfect such a task as this was impossible, even for Harvey, with the means at his disposal in the seventeenth century.

His minor treatises show, equally with his greater ones, the same originality and intellectual power.

But I will not dilate on these topics. They have been often discussed before us here. I have preferred on this occasion rather to present to you the pre- eminent qualities of the mind and character of Harvey, and to indicate the wholesome lessons which they afford for us. Harvey, himself, best summed up his great characteristic and guiding principle in a concise sentence that might even now be fitly inscribed on his sarcophagus, and it is this:— "I avow myself the partisan of truth alone." That was the great moral of his life — truth eternal, ever to be sought for, to be held, and to be passed on. Let us ask ourselves if the Orator of 1998 will be able to say that such was our ideal in this College at the close of the preceding century? We may fairly hope that he will not hesitate so to speak of us.

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 The most useful, the most necessary thing for America and Europe today is to get all the thinking elements of the working class engaged in the struggle between international menshevism (of Macdonald, Otto Bauer and Co), against bolshevism.

Here we must ask ourselves the question why those opportunist tendencies persist in Europe, why opportunism is stronger in western Europe than in our country. It is because these advanced countries have created and are creating their culture by living at the expense of thousands of millions of oppressed peoples. It is because the capitalists of these countries are getting much above that which they receive from plundering their own workers.

The amount of profits on the export of capital abroad derived by the three richest countries—England, France and Germany—not counting other profits, equalled before the war from 8 to 10 milliards.

Of course, out of such a nice sum it is possible to throw away half a billion on gifts to labour leaders, to the labour aristocracy and for other kinds of bribery. Indeed, the whole affair reduces itself to bribery in thousands of various shapes and forms: The raising of culture in the more thickly inhabited centres, the setting up of educational institutions, the creation of thousands of sinecures for cooperative, trade union, and parliamentary leaders. This is being practised wherever modern civilised capitalist relationships prevail. These billions of surplus value form the economic basis on which opportunism in the labour movement rests. The persistence of opportunism in America, England and France among the leaders and the aristocracy of the working men is very great and its resistance to Communist ideas is very strong. We must therefore be prepared for the fact that the liberation of the American labour parties from this illness will be a much harder process than it has been in our country. We know that enormous strides in the way of curing this disease have been made since the creation of the Third International, but we have not yet reached the end. The process of clearing the working men's parties, the revolutionary parties of the proletariat all over the world from bourgeois influence, from the opportunists within their own ranks, has not been completed by far. I shall not dwell upon the concrete measures to be adopted in this matter. This forms the subject of the principles advanced by me which have been published. My business is only to point out the deep set economic roots of this phenomenon. The disease of


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 opportunism has been, retarded, its cure has been delayed longer thaw» optimists would have expected. Opportunism is our greatest foe. Opportunism in the upper ranks of the labour movement is not proletarian but bourgeois Socialism.

It has been practically demonstrated that the leaders of the labour movement siding with the opportunists are better defenders of the bourgeoisie than are the members of the bourgeoisie themselves. The bourgeoisie could not have maintained itself had it not been for the work of these leaders. A proof of this is furnished not alone by the Kerensky regime in RusssiaRussia [sic] but also by the democratic republic of Germany with it Social Democratic government; this.is also provided by the attitude of Albert Thomas towards his bourgeois government. It is manifested by similar experiences in England and in the United States. Here is where our greatest enemy is to be found, over whom we must win the victory. We must leave this Congress with the firm determination that the struggle against opportunism be brought to an issue in all parties. This is the main problem. In comparison with this the task of correcting the errors of the left tendencies within the Communist party becomes a trifling matter. We find in a number of countries anti-parliamentary notions advanced not so much by representatives of middle-class men as by some advanced proletarian radicals out of hatred towards the old parliamentarism, out of a natural process and inevitable hatred towards the conduct of parliamentary leaders of England, France, Italy and other countries.

The Communist International should give the leading instructions, should familiarise the comrades with Russian experiences and with the actual meaning of proletarian political action. This will form our main task and the fight to overcome these errors of the proletarian movement and these defects will be a thousand times easier than the struggle with those bourgeois representatives who have entered the old parties of the Second International in the guise of reformers and are directing their entire work not in a proletarian but in a bourgeois spirit.

Comrades, in conclusion, I shall dwell upon one other phase of the matter. The Chairman has just said that this Congress deserves to be called a world Congress. I think he is right. For we have here among us not a few representatives of the revolutionary movement of the backward colonial countries. This is only a beginning but it is important that this beginning has been made. A union between the revolu-


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 tionary proletariat of the advanced capitalist countries and the revolutionary masses of those countries where there is a very small or almost no proletariat, this union with the oppressed masses of the colonial countries of the East has been brought about in the present Congress. It is up to us now to make this union a strong one and I have no doubt we are going to do it. When the revolutionary onslaught of the exploited and oppressed workers within each country, having overcome the resistance of an insignificant number of the philistines of their labour aristocracy, will combine with the revolutionary onslaught of hundreds of millions of humanity which have hitherto been beyond the pale of history, which have been regarded as a mere objects of exploitation—then imperialism will have to fall. The imperialistic war has furthered the interests of the revolution. Out of the colonies, out of the backward countries, out of isolation, the bourgeoisie has recruited her soldiers for the imperialistic war. The English bourgeoisie tried to make the Hindu soldiers believe that it is the business of the Hindu peasant to protect Great Britain against Germany; the French bourgeoisie has tried to make the soldiers from the French colonies believe that it was the business of the coloured people to defend France. They have taught them the art of war. This is an extremely useful acquirement, for which we might be very grateful to the bourgeoisie—grateful in the name of all the Russian workers and peasants and particularly in the name of the Russian red army. The imperialistic war has drawn the dependent nations into the arena of history. And one of our chief problems is to consider how to lay the first foundation stone for the organisation of the soviet movement in those non-capitalist countries.

Soviets there are possible. They will be Soviets not of workingmen, they will be Soviets of peasants, soviets of toilers. Much work will be required, errors are inevitable and many difficulties will have to be met with on this road. The fundamental task of the Second Congress is to work out er to point out practical principles so that the work which has hitherto been going on among these hundreds of millions of people in an unorganised manner should go on organised, combined, systematic. Now, within one year of following the First Congress of the Communist International, we are emerging victorious over the Second International; Soviet ideas have spread not alone among the workers of the civilised countries, not only to them are they known and understood. The workers of all countries


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 ridicule the wiseacres among whom there. ave many who call themselves Socialists and who discuss in a learned or semi-learned way we Soviet „system“, as the Germans systematically prefer to express themselves, or the Soviet idea according to the expression of the English „guild“ socialists. These discussions of the Soviet „system“ or „idea“ frequently dim the eyes and the minds of the workers, but the working people sweep away that pedantic refuse and take up the weapon furnished them by the Soviets. The understanding of the role and the significance of the Soviets has spread also in the countries of the East.

The foundation for a soviet movement has been laid all over the East, all over Asia, atone the colonial countries. The idea that the exploited must rise against the exploiter and create their own councils is net a complicated one. This idea, after our experience, after two and a half years of the existence of the Soviet Republic in Russia and after the First Congress of the Third International, has become accesible to hundreds of millions of oppressed and exploited masses all over the world: While at present in Russia we are frequently forced to make compromises, to bide our time because we are weaker than the international imperialists are, we know at the same time that we ate the defenders of the interests of a billion and a quarter of People. We are still hindered by those barriers, by those prejudices, by the ignorance which is hourly passing sway, and as time goes on we are more and more becoming the representatives and the protectors of 70% of the population of the earth, of the mass of those who toil and are being exploited. We have reason for feeling proud of the fact that while at the First Congress we were in reality only propagandists, we only scattered our fundamental ideas among the proletariat of the world, we only sounded the call for conflict, only asked where those people are who are capable of going our way, now we have with us the advanced ranks of the proletariat everywhere. We have a proletarian army all over the world although at times badly organised and requiring reorganisation.

If our international comrades will aid us now in the organisation of a unified army, then no defects are prevent us from doing our work. This is the work of the world proletariat, the work of creating a world wide Soviet Republic. (Long, continuous cheering: the orchestra plays the International).


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 furnished with all the practical instruction possible. Anatomy, the groundwork of medicine, was in an advanced state, and was taught by dissection of the human body. The practice of embalming had been followed in Egypt for centuries before the time when, as we read in Genesis, the body of Jacob was embalmed by the physicians; and it is not sur- prising that a knowledge of anatomy and disease should have first attained exactitude in a land where "post-mortem examinations" were of hourly occurrence.

It is impossible not to believe that these frequent observations of the dead must have led to the accumulation of facts which were of value to the living.

In the centuries immediately preceding and fol- lowing the Christian Era there was an enthusiasm for natural knowledge, and the great ones of the earth vied with each other in the collection of books and the provision of facilities for students. In Pergamos, the birth-place of Galen, was a famous library and medical school; and Galen, we are told, studied not only here but also at Alexandria, Corinth, and Smyrna, where (as probably elsewhere) similar facilities existed.

The reader of Celsus cannot fail to be struck with his accurate records of cases, and to be convinced that by this author (as probably by his contem- poraries) observation counted for much and mere authority for little. It is well to remember that


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 society private property is already done away with for nine-tenths of the population; its existence for the few is solely due to its non-existence for these nine-tenths. You reproach us, therefore, with intending to do away with a form of property, the necessary condition for the existence of which is the non-existence of any property for the immense majority of society. In one word, you reproach us with intending to do away with your property. Precisely so: that is just what we do intend. … Communism deprives no man of the power to appropriate the products of society: all that it does is to deprive him of the power to subjugate the labours of others by means of such appropriation."

As for the philosophical arguments against the communists, the Manifesto says:—"What else does the history of ideas prove than that intellectual production changes its character in proportion as material production is changed? The ruling ideas of each age have ever been the ideas of its ruling class. When people speak of idea that revolutionise society, they only express the fact that within the old society the elements of a new one have been created, and that the dissolution of the old ideas keeps even pace with the dissolution of the old conditions of existence."

But then it has been, and is still repeatedly urged, that there are certain eternal truths such as freedom, justice, etc., that survived all changes. This is quite true—but why? The history of all past society has consisted in the development of class antagonisms, these antagonisms assuming different forms at different epochs, but the exploitation of one part of society by the other has been common to all past ages. Small wonder then that, however the social consciousness and ideas have varied, a common basic thread runs through them all, which can only disappear with the final disappearance of all class. antagonisms. "The communist (socialist) revolution being the most radical rupture with traditional property relations, its development necessarily involves the most radical rupture with traditional ideas."

Section III. is a masterly exposition of the various schools of mere reformist, reactionary and utopian socialists.


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 The last section points out that whilst the communists fight for the attainment of immediate aims and the enforcement of the momentary interests of the workers, they nevertheless, do not lose sight of their real aim—the complete emancipation of the working class and the Manifesto ends with the historic words: "The communists disdain to conceal their views and aims. They openly declare that their ends can be attained only by the forcible overthrow of all existing social conditions. Let the ruling classes tremble at a communist revolution. The proletarians have nothing to lose but their chains. They have a world to win. Working men of all countries, unite!"

This was written seventy years ago, and except in minor details, every word rings even more true to-day when industry and commerce have made far more gigantic strides than they had up to 1848. The development of the working class conversely has kept apace. Its extension and its increasingly conscious political organisation into a definite class party, carrying on even if only a semi-conscious struggle against the capitalist class and the capitalist system have been Marxian in essence, even though many of its leaders may have repudiated Marx with their lips. On the other hand, the comparative slowness of its progress and the mistakes it has made have undoubtedly been largely due to its ignorance of the theory of its own development in particular, and of that of society in general. To that also may be attributed the mental aberration which has led sections of the socialist parties of the world to throw in their lot in the present war with the deadly foe of the workers, the capitalist classes of the world. But Marx himself never maintained that the historical laws of society discovered by him worked smoothly and evenly to their logical conclusions. On the contrary. There are bound to be many ups and downs, and it must necessarily take a long time before the slave class of any community can completely throw off the ideology, the ethics, the modes of thought and opinions of the ruling classes which have been inculcated in it for generations. But the law works surely, if slowly, and the day must come sooner or later when the workers will at last free society from the millstone of capitalism hanging