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 his culture. He begins on the verge of manhood to pant for distinction, bids farewell to the revellers, girds up his loins, and strikes into his pace.

John Quincy Adams had found his stride when he wrote to his father from London, December 29, 1795:

In the next year, following the example of John Wesley, he began rising at four o'clock; and so eager was his mind, so tireless his industry, so completely had he taken himself in hand, that he rose not later than four-thirty for the next fifty years—fifty years spent almost without interruption in public service, fighting the Jacksonian democrats, fighting for internal improvements, fighting the extension of slavery, fighting for free speech, till he sank in harness in his eighty-first year on the floor of the House of Representatives.

His training in law and diplomacy had fitted him for statesmanship, and as a statesman chiefly he lives. But Brooks Adams makes much of his philosophical temper and of his talent for scientific in-

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 vestigation. For our purposes it is important also to note that he had a marked taste for literature, as the vast memoirs bear witness. In his old age he spoke of the "ecstasy of delight" with which he had heard a choir singing his version of the 65th Psalm as surpassing all the pleasure he had received in the whole course of his life from the praise of mortal men. His literary and his political aspirations were intimately associated. He had hoped that his diary would rank next to the Holy Scriptures as the record of one who "by the irresistible power of genius and the irrepressible energy of will and the favor of Almighty God" had "banished war and slavery from the face of the earth forever."

Charles Francis Adams I, perhaps not the most ambitious of John Quincy's children, was the only one that survived him; he must therefore be our representative of the third generation. We may, however, pass lightly over him, because, though an eminent, sturdy, and capable man, he repeats in general the formative processes and the careers of his predecessors without any singular distinction or deviation from type. His richness of educational opportunity may be summarized by saying that he learned French at St. Petersburg, where his father was minister, spent several years at a school in England, passed through the Boston Latin School and

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 Harvard, and studied law and observed public men from the White House in the administration of his father and in the palmy days of Jackson, Clay, and Webster. Possibly if the father had retired after his defeat for reëlection in 1828, Charles Francis might have felt more distinctly called to advance the Adams banner; but the almost immediate return of the ex-president, plunging into his long Congressional career, preëmpted the field. Charles went to Boston, engaged in business, served for several years in the legislature, was elected to Congress in 1859, and crowned his achievements in the period of the Civil War by staunchly and successfully representing the Union in his ministry to Great Britain.

Coming now to the representatives of the fourth generation, who made their careers after the Civil War, we confront once more the three Adonises who more or less darkly despair of the Republic and of the future of the Adams line—Henry, Brooks, and Charles Francis II. All three were bred in the traditions of the great family, inherited its culture and social advantages, became conscious of an obligation to distinguish themselves, strove to keep pace with the new nation which the war had created, and all three, rendering an account of their adventures, intimate a degree of failure and rail at their

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 education as inadequately adapting them to their circumstances. As a matter of fact they did fall short of the glory of their ancestors in that no one of them held public office of first-rate national importance. But, on the other hand, none of them really competed with his illustrious predecessors. Each of them developed marked variations from the ante-bellum type, in one case so marked as to constitute a new species. If the ancestral energy is degraded, it is none the less abundantly present in them all.

Charles Francis II, the least highly individualized of the trio, was the one who most conspicuously fell into the stride of the new industrial, expansive America. At his graduation from Harvard in 1856 he had discovered no remarkable aptitude—for which he blames his teachers—and so gravitated into a law office. At the outbreak of the war, it slowly occurred to him to enlist; but, once in, he enjoyed the hard athletic life, and developed a drillmaster's pride in his company and in his regiment, at the head of which he rode into burning Richmond. His military duties disclosed to him his talent for organization, and also the disquieting fact that famous fighters and great organizers were frequently beneath his standard for gentlemen; Grant, for example, "was a man of coarse fibre, and did not impress with a sense of character."

But the war had toughened his own fibre and had opened his eyes to new careers for talents. When

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 it was over, he turned to the study of railroads as the biggest enterprise of the new era, wrote his Chapters of Erie, became a member of the Massachusetts Board of Railroad Commissioners, which was created largely through his instrumentality, and crowned his professional career with the presidency of the Union Pacific. He was perhaps the first Adams who looked west with any special interest. His flash of genius was divining the future importance of Kansas City. The business success on which he plumes himself is his organization of the Kansas City Stock Yards Company, which, under his forty-year headship, increased its capitalization from $100,000 to over ten millions, and earned annually above $1,200,000. He does not blush to declare that he also organized in Kansas City another enterprise which made in one year "twelve dividends of ten per cent each."

The big business men, however, like the big generals, disappointed him socially: "Not one that I have ever known would I care to meet again, either in this world or the next." Having made, as the vulgar say, his "pile," this well-bred, energetic Massachusetts business man withdrew from the ungentlemanly world of business, moved from Quincy, the home of his ancestors, to Lincoln, because the former residence had become too "suburban," and devoted his leisure to writing his memoirs, criticizing Harvard, and composing communications to the Massachusetts Historical Soci-

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 ety. At the age of fifty-five he burned his diary, full till then with the expectation that he might accomplish something notable; and in his Autobiography, with the tang of the new Adams humility, he declares: "I now humbly thank fortune that I have almost got through life without making a conspicuous ass of myself."

Brooks Adams also set out as a lawyer, but he seems to have retired much earlier into authorship. His writing is less perspicuous and well-ordered than that of his brother Charles; but that is partly because he has more ideas and more difficult ones. Brooks is a restless-minded lawyer of a not unfamiliar type, who turns here and there for something "craggy" upon which to wreak his excess of mental energy; and so he becomes amateur-historian, amateur-economist, amateur-philosopher. The antiquarianism of historical societies is a bit too tame for his temper. Like his brother Henry, and indeed in collaboration with him, he seeks a law connecting phenomena, and in search of it he ransacks history. He imagines and declares that he has made his mind passive to the lessons of facts and that his results are scientific; but the truth is that he is a dogmatic materialist, an infatuated mechanist, who, when he has formulated an hypothesis, sees nothing between earth and heaven and the first Adam and the last Adams but the proof of it.

Like his grandfather, he finds a certain charm in

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 an unpopular position. Sitting in the neighborhood of Plymouth Rock, he discovers that the scutcheon of his Puritan forefathers blushes with the blood of Quakers and Anabaptists; and in his Emancipation of Massachusetts, Puritan as he is, he remorselessly prosecutes them as selfish and bloodthirsty hypocrites. Looking further into history, he concludes that the same indictment can be brought against all religious societies and organizations from the time of Moses down; for the facts constrain him to believe that the two master passions of man are Fear and Greed. If he refrains from censure, it is because he holds that mental as well as physical phenomena are determined as fatally as the earth moves round the sun. The examination of long periods of history impresses him with "the exceedingly small part played by conscious thought in moulding the fates of men." He applies the doctrine of manifest destiny in the most fatalistic sense to the Philippine Islands and to capitalistic society, which, however, seems to him on the point of disintegration into a condition from which it can only be revivified by an "infusion of barbarian blood."

Brooks attributes many of his views to Henry and undertakes to interpret him; but temperamentally he is not qualified to understand him. He admits, indeed, that there were crypts in his brother which he had never entered. Chief of these was the unfathomable crypt of his skepticism. By con-

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 tact with Mill, Comte, Darwin, Spencer, all the Adamses of the fourth generation had been emancipated from their attenuated hereditary belief in a beneficent overruling Providence. But Charles Francis II and Brooks recommitted themselves without reservation to the overweening posivitismpositivism [sic] of mid-century "scientific" philosophy. Henry alone refuses to surrender. A wily, experienced wrestler, returning again and again to grapple with the Time-Spirit, at the end of each bout he eludes the adversary; and at the moment one expects to see him thrown, suddenly he has vanished, he has fled through centuries falling about him like autumn leaves, and from somewhere in the Middle Ages, near some old shrine of the Virgin, one hears the sound of mocking laughter. It is the free spirit, eternally seeking.

Henry was, I think, a great man and the only great Adams of his generation. All the other Adamses had been men of action tinctured with letters. Henry alone definitely renounced action and turned the full current of the ancestral energy to letters. By so doing he established a new standard of achievement for the Adams line; and in consequence, of course, for the rest of us. Up to the time of the Civil War there had been for them but one field of glory, the political arena, and but one standard of achievement, national administration. After the war Charles Francis II tried to be great in "big business," but in the Adams sense

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 "failed" because his culture was of no use there. Brooks tried for greatness in naturalistic philosophy, but found that his creed ignobly reduced all heroes to automata. But Henry, without otherwise committing himself, sought to comprehend and to represent his world, and he achieved greatness. Like yet unlike his ancestors who were painted by Copley and Stuart, he is in the grand style.

The Education of Henry Adams marks with precision the hour when its author became conscious of his variation. It was in England, towards the close of the war, where as secretary to his father he had exhausted all the excitements of the diplomatic "game," and London society had begun to pall, and loitering in Italy had ceased to charm, yet he was collecting bric-à-brac and sketches by the old masters and becoming attached to his habits and his hansom cabs, and was in a fair way to become one of those dilettantish, blasé young Americans of the period, whom Henry James has preserved like pressed flowers for posterity. It was after Sir Charles Lyell and the evolutionists had set him off on a new quest for a "father"—it mattered not, he said, "whether the father breathed through lungs, or walked on fins, or on feet." It was in that summer hour, characteristically marked by him with its picturesque accessories, when he had wandered to Wenlock Edge in Shropshire, and, throwing himself on the grass where he could look across the Marches

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 to the mountains of Wales, thus meditated on the new theory:

From that moment, literature was the one career for Henry, and all his overtures were failures till he discovered it. He returned to America, indeed, with the Emersonian resolution that "the current of his time was to be his current, lead where it might." He went to Washington, as a member of the governing class should do, and while waiting for an opportunity to serve the incoming administration of Grant, offered himself on long argumentative walks as the anvil for Sumner's hammer. The announcement of Grant's cabinet, however, as he explains the matter, closed for him the door of

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 political opportunity. A revolution had taken place which had made him appear "an estray of the fifties, a belated reveller, a scholar-gipsy." Coal, iron, and steam had supplanted agriculture, handwork, and learning. "His world was dead. Not a Polish Jew fresh from Warsaw or Cracow—not a furtive Yaccob or Ysaac—but had a keener instinct, an intenser energy and a freer hand than he—American of Americans, with Heaven knew how many Puritans and Patriots behind him, and an education that had cost a civil war." And so Henry drifted into his antiquarian professorship at Harvard, cut loose from that and wrote his great history of Jefferson and Madison, and only returned to Washington to watch the spectacle, and to sit in his windows with John Hay, laughing at Presidents, and mocking the runner's heat.

Where was the bold energy of the first and second Adams that broke down barred doors of opportunity and found a "charm" in contending against a powerful opposition? Transmuted by the accumulated culture of the Adams family education—not wasted. The mockery and the pervasive irony, so seductive in The Education, spring from no sense of essentially depleted energy in the author; on the contrary, they have their origin in a really exuberant sense of spiritual superiority. Adams after Adams has seen himself outshone, in the popular estimate, by vulgar "democratical" men,

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 by rising men of the "people," whom he has half or wholly despised—by Franklin, by Paine, by Jefferson, by Jackson, by Lincoln, by Grant. But when John Quincy was defeated by Jackson, though he thought God had abandoned America, he felt himself still high priest. And though Henry thought the progress of evolution from Washington to Grant sufficient to upset Darwin, and though he regarded Grant as a man who should have lived in a cave and worn skins, he reinstated Darwin in the next breath; for Henry Adams would not have changed places with Washington; he regarded Washington himself as but a cave man in comparison with Henry Adams!

In revulsion from a world bent on making twelve dividends of ten per cent in a year and spending them for it knew not what, the Adams energy in him had been diverted to the production of a human measure of civilization; to a register of the value of art and social life and manners and those other by-products of coal and iron which the Philistines of every age rate as superfluous things; to a search, finally, to an inquiry all the way from Kelvin to the Virgin of Chartres, for some principle of Unity, for some splendor to illumine the gray twilight of an industrial democracy. He did not find it, but the quest was glorious.

Henry Adams was an egotist. Granted. But what an egotist! Not since Byron

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not since the days of "Childe Harold" have we had so superb an egotist in literature, so splendidly in revolt, so masterly in self-portraiture, so romantically posed among the lights and shadows of history, against the ruins of time. Let us forget and forgive the unfeeling cynic who inquired, "If a Congressman is a hog, what is a Senator?" Let us remember the poet who felt the "overpowering beauty and sweetness of the Maryland autumn" and the "intermixture of delicate grace and passionate depravity that marked the Maryland May." Let us fix our gaze on the Pilgrim receiving the news of the blowing up of the Maine as he watches the sun set across the Nile at Assouan:

One leant on a fragment of column in the great hall at Karnak and watched a jackal creep down the débris of ruin. The jackal's ancestors had surely crept up the same wall when it was building. What was his view about the value of silence? One lay in the sands and watched the expression of the Sphinx. Brooks Adams had taught him that the relation between civilizations was that of trade. Henry wandered, or was storm-driven, down the coast. He tried to trace out the ancient harbor of Ephesus. He went over to Athens, picked up Rockhill, and searched for the harbor of Tiryns; together they went on to Constantinople and studied the great walls of Constantine and the greater domes

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 of Justinian. His hobby had turned into a camel, and he hoped, if he rode long enough in silence, that at last he might come on a city of thought along the great highways of exchange.

Though Henry Adams was "a Darwinian for fun," in his search for God he was as much in earnest as a man can be who sets out for a far country which he knows that he shall never reach. To him, as to his great-grandfather and his grandfather before him, the tribal Jehovah created by the ancient Semitic imagination, the competitor of Baal and Astoreth, was a mythological abomination, surviving in the minds of those early New England pedants who had instigated the hanging of witches in Salem and the persecution of Quakers and Anabaptists. His ancestors, John and Abigail and John Quincy Adams, had entered into the religious enlightenment of the eighteenth century. But to him, a son of the mid-nineteenth century, the improved God of the Deists and the Unitarians—the bland, just, and benevolent Providence of Franklin, Jefferson and John Quincy Adams—had become as obsolete and incredible as the more markedly vertebrate deity of Increase Mather's time.

Those who read Henry Adams with inadequate sense of his irony may feel that the God whose laws he attempted to discover in his quest through contemporary science is not more real than the Providence of the Deists nor less dreadful than the Jehovah of the old theologians. That all-pervad-

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 ing Power, blind but physically omnipotent, which attracted his mind, that Power which moves in thunder and earthquake, in the growth and decay of living forms, in the dynamo, the gun, the manof-war, that Power worshipped by Carlyle and Bismarck and Disraeli and Roosevelt and all the "strong men" of recent history—has neither feet to bring good tidings, nor bowels of compassion, nor countenance divine; and knees that have bowed at the foot of the Cross, hands that have clutched the robe of the Virgin, hearts that have cried out of their depths to a heavenly Father, turn uncomforted from Motion and Change enshrined, turn dismayed from the roaring whirlwinds of physical power as from an altar to an obscene Thing.

But Henry Adams turned away, also—and this is the mark of his greatness—murmuring disdainfully, partly to himself and partly to the age which was soon to make ten millions of its sons pass through the fire to its Moloch: "Him whom ye ignorantly worship, the same declare I unto you. Your God himself, in the lapse of ages, has suffered a degradation of energy." Henry Adams turned away from the shrine of the obscene Thing with a jest of invincible skepticism, and went on a long holiday through the Middle Ages, "wooing" the Virgin, incredulous to the end that the divine love should have been transformed and annihilated in the abysses of energy, seeking to the end for a

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 clue to "a world that sensitive and timid natures could regard without a shudder."

The bronze statue by St. Gaudens which in 1887 Henry Adams caused to be erected, without inscription, upon the grave of his wife in the Rock Creek Cemetery, in Washington, seems curiously to symbolize the spirit and the fruit of his own pilgrimage. The strangely haunting figure, enveloped in heavy drapery, sits on a rough-hewn block of granite against a granite wall, the great limbs in repose, the right hand supporting the face, shadowed and almost invisible. Here at sunset, after long wandering, the Pilgrim comes at last to the place where no answers are given; at the gateless wall ponders the mysteries, silent, passive, thinking without hope yet without despair: "Here restless minds and limbs of divine mold rest at last. This is the place of dust and shadow and the dispersion of all that was sweet and fair into the devouring tides of energy. This may be the end of all, forever and ever. If so, so be it."

Thus that sombre figure appears to commune with itself; but so much will is manifest even in its repose, it seems so undefeated even in defeat, that the visitor departs saying to himself: "Man is the animal that destiny cannot break."

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American criticism, as I think Mr. Bliss Perry remarked a few years ago, has been singularly unsociable, reserved, and poor in personality. The academic critic delivers his discourse to his audience of ten or a hundred thousand people in the style of a surpliced clergyman reading a presidential proclamation in a great cathedral. Consequently he is not much impressed by them nor they by him. How to get the audience and the speaker in touch with one another is a question that needs to be treated; for the solitude which many of our most serious men of letters inhabit, their remoteness from stimulating living companionship, is like that of the inter-stellar spaces explored by the astronomer's telescope. Lately some of the young people have attempted a solution, which is not, I think, wholly satisfactory. In order to provoke some one to notice them, to speak to them, if only to expose and flagellate them, they have banded themselves, like the Grub Street wits of old, into a league against

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 virtue and decorum and even against the grammar and idiom of English speech.

Impudence is one mode of familiarity, and its vogue is increasing. But there are other ways to make literature affable and engaging which may be recommended to those whose talent for impudence is imperfectly developed. On my desk lies a tattered volume of selections, six hundred pages of the Causeries du Lundi, which is like a circle of charming people conversing. It is intimate: many of the writers introduced in these delightful pages were contemporaries and personal friends of the author. Frequently Sainte-Beuve presents no formal treatment of their works. He does something for you which quickens your literary sensibilities as no formal analysis does: he admits you to the inner circle. He makes his writer live for you by dissolving his books and ideas back into the character and personality which they imperfectly expressed, and by then presenting you a speaking portrait, executed with the appreciativeness, the gentle firmness, the candor, the affectionate malice of a friend who, from looking into your eyes year after year, has come to love the crow's feet that time and thought have etched around them.

Mr. More, our American Sainte-Beuve, has painted an abundance of such portraits of celebrities who are dead. But, like the students in the Royal Academy of Art in Sir Joshua's day, he has given little attention to drawing from the life. He

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 has never, like Rossetti, gone to market before breakfast to paint a calf in a farmer's cart. In the hundred and sixteen Shelburne essays, there are only a dozen American subjects; and of these only four or five at the most can be called in any sense "contemporary." This proves, I think, a partial retrogression from the purpose indicated by the epigraph of his First Series: "Before we have an American literature, we must have an American criticism." Mr. More has written distinguished and important criticism in America for Americans apropos of English themes. But he has done too little to meet his poor living fellow-countrymen half way; and to give and to receive the recognitions which are among the functions and the rewards of letters. He has not done as much as he might have done to establish a place for easy colloquial intercourse at some point between the news-papering reading public and that hermit's retreat of his with the Sanskrit inscription above the door.

For this reason, I welcome, as a token of amendment, his preface to his recent volume on The Wits. Mr. More has not the prefatory habit. It is his custom to plunge in medias res, like an epic poet or a member of the Modern Language Association. But here, like a man of this world, he begins with a preface, affable, familiar, charming, provocative. He chats about the way he composed these essays—that was before he withdrew from New York to Princeton in order that his children might grow up

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 among the English-speaking peoples—through the strenuous years in New York, when a Sunday dinner broke up his one precious day of "scholarly leisure," and, when, as critic, he wrote for immortality with one hand what, as editor of The Nation, he ruthlessly abridged with the other. He pleasantly discusses the vices and foibles of reviewers; and so by insensible degrees he passes to the prevailing foibles and vices of man; and thence to the present and perennial need for satire.

If I understand him aright, he intimates that the unifying spirit of this book is a hope that it will "vex somebody." It has vexed me sharply at some points and pleased me much at others, as everything that he writes does. I shall explain my pleasure and my vexation with that freedom which I learned from him and from his equally independent predecessor, Hammond Lamont, two editors, who taught their reviewers to fear nothing but deviations from the truth and the insidious vices of puffery and log-rolling. Of the terrible integrity of that office I fondly cherish one recollection. I had sent in—it was long ago—a very "pleasant" review of an amusing novel by an author who, as I happened to know, was an old friend of the editor; and I added a note to the effect that, though the book had some defects, it seemed not worth while to speak of them in so brief a notice. Back came the proof, inscribed in Mr. Lamont's bold hand, with the only suggestion that he ever made for an alteration in my copy.

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 "You had better give it," he said, "the full measure of damnation." Mr. More, as all contributors and authors know, sustained the great tradition.

An inheritor of the high mission of damnation does not fluently mix with the various literary adulation societies of the metropolis. To a man of Mr. More's internal preoccupations the great city offers in vain that life which impresses the eye of a Maupassant from Texas as so rich and various. Her highway pageantry, her chirping slopes of Helicon, her "colorful" coast of Bohemia, her swarming literary proletariat, leave him as cold as Nineveh and Babylon. And so Mr. More does not conceal from us that he is happier since he left New York. There are more days in a Princeton week. There is more leisure in a Princeton chair. A man of immense intellectual possessions, he has from the outset manifested a marked predilection for literary society in the grand style; to have much of which, one must choose one's avenue and residence. I conceive the Shelburne essays, to which he adds a wing year after year, as a many-chambered mansion, conspicuously withdrawn from the public highway, built and maintained for the reception of Indian sages, Greek philosophers, great poets, moralists, scholars, statesmen, and other guests from the Elysian Fields, who, but for his lordly pleasure-house, would be hard put to it for a resting place when, of a week-end, they revisit the glimpses of the moon. Let us be thankful—we

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 academic cottagers, we journalistic occupants of three-rooms-and-a-bath—let us be thankful for an intellectual capitalist or so with means and inclination to entertain these shadowy ambassadors from other ages, and so to establish for our undistinguished democratic society fruitful and inspiring relations with the deathless grand monde of antiquity.

If W. D. Howells was the dean of our fiction, Mr. More is the bishop of our criticism. His classical and Oriental scholarship, his reverence for tradition, his reasoned conservatism, his manner, a little austere at first contact, and his style, pure and severely decorous, all become the office. By the serenity of his pleasure in letters and the life of the mind he recalls those substantially happy old churchmen-scholars of the eighteenth century, Warton and Percy and Warburton; by the range of his deep and difficult reading he suggests Coleridge, to whose intellectual dissoluteness, however, his intellectual organization and concentration are antithetical; by his aloofness from the spirit of the hour and its controversies he reminds one of Landor, striving with none, because none is worth his strife; by his touch of mystic ardor and his sustained moral intensity and philosophic seriousness, he belongs with Savonarola and the great French ecclesiastics of the seventeenth century. One may visualize him in these later years, since his retirement from editorial duties, as sitting in external and internal placidity

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 under a pallid bust of Pallas in a commodious library, learnedly annotating in fine small hand an interleaved edition of Plato, or poring with a reading glass over the Greek folio of Origen, or perhaps quite lost to the world in the wide wilderness of Leo XIII's Aquinas.

Men with such companions are less solitary than they seem. Upon a scholarly leisure so austerely industrious, you and I would not lightly venture to intrude, even though we had heard that after a week with St. Augustine Mr. More enjoys a Saturday evening with a tale of Anna Katherine Green; or will good-humoredly meet the Princeton pundits and Bluestockings at a rubber of bridge, bringing to the solution of its problems the logical rigor of Duns Scotus and the transcendental insight of Plotinus. On another night, at tea-time or after, Samuel Johnson would not hesitate to stumble in, and, stretching his great legs towards the fire, challenge Mr. Henry Holt's views of Patience Worth and the ouija board, or summon Mr. More to a defence of the thesis, somewhat wearily stoical, which he has carved in tall Greek letters across the wide face of his mantel shelf—a thesis of which this is the gist: "Man's affairs are really of small consequence, but one must act as if they were, and this is a burden." Later in the evening one can imagine that saturated student of Queen Anne's time, Professor Trent, completing the semi-circle; and then the three of them, confirmed Tories all three, joining in an ami-

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 able but heated altercation on the merits of Milton and Defoe, or more harmoniously discussing, judging, and gossiping over the "wits" of tavern and coffee-house whom Mr. More has gathered into his latest volume: first, Beaumont and Fletcher, Halifax, Mrs. Behn, Swift, Pope, Lady Mary, Berkeley, the Duke of Wharton, Gray; and then, more summarily, those golden bugs, those "decadent" fellows who wore the green carnation and sipped absinthe for coffee between the reign of Wilde and the reign of G. B. Shaw.

It is good literary talk—better is not to be heard in these degenerate days. It is talk now grave, now gay, richly allusive and erudite and deliciously seasoned with malice—"at every word a reputation dies." For the host, quoting Samuel Butler, has given his guests this note: "There is nothing that provokes and sharpens wit like malice." What a lurking whig or a modern Democrat or a Romanticist would miss, if he were eavesdropping there, is a clash of fundamental belief and theory. Professor Trent may differ tenaciously on a nice point, such as the circumstantial evidence in the case of Lady Mary's virtue. But as to the apriori evidence they are all in substantial agreement; they accept with a dreadful Calvinistic accord man's natural predisposition to evil. They all applaud the wits for saying so sovereignly well those infamous things about human nature, which, alas, every now and then, human nature deserves to hear. They all speak sus-

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 piciously and derogatively of the mobile vulgus. And they fail, as nearly every militant classicist does, to recognize the "grand style" in Shakespeare, though, as Mr. More's favorite abomination, Professor Saintsbury truly says, the heretic has but to open the plays anywhere and read fifty lines, and the grand style will smite him in the face, "as God's glory smote Saint Stephen." Mr. More, receding from the position taken in the second series, now admits, indeed, that the greater plays are in their substance "profoundly classic," which is as much as one ever extorts from a defender of the Acropolis; but he clings to his heresy in the case of Romeo and Juliet, ranking its exquisite symphonies of meaning and music below the ethical plain-song of the Hippolytus.

We are interrupting better talk than our own. "Stay, stay," as the German visitor exclaimed on another occasion, "Toctor Shonson is going to say something."

"Sir," cries the Doctor, dashing at "P. E. M." with brutal downrightness, "in your essay on a Bluestocking of the Restoration, you have applied a vile phrase to Congreve. You have done an injustice to Congreve by coupling him with Wycherley and Mrs. Behn as 'wallowing contentedly in nastiness.' A critic should exert himself to distinguish the colors and shades of iniquity. Wycherley splashed through the filth of his time like a gross wit. Mrs. Behn dabbled in it like a prurient and truckling wit. Swift,

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 indeed, wallowed in it, not contentedly but morosely, truculently, like a mad wit. But Congreve picked his way through it disdainfully, like a fastidious wit."

"But did you not," inquires Mr. More, "in your Lives of the Poets, remark that the perusal of Congreve's works will make no man better?"

"True," retorts the Doctor, "but I acknowledged that I knew nothing of Congreve's plays. Years had passed since I had read them. I am better acquainted with them now. Sir, in the Elysian Fields, Hazlitt, Thackeray, and Meredith, your best judges of wit and the beauties of English prose, converse with the members of my Literary Club in the language of Congreve. Conversational English reached its height in Congreve. In my days of nature, I did him at least the justice of recording that he could name among his friends every man of his times, Whig and Tory alike, whom wit and elegance had raised to reputation. A man who wallows in filth does not win universal esteem. No, sir, Congreve was an acute critic, a man of taste, and a fine gentleman, a very fine gentleman. In your next edition you must retrieve your blunder of representing the patrician wit of the Restoration as wallowing in nastiness."

"I will make a note of it," says Mr. More with an audible sigh of regret. For, to tell the plain truth, Mr. More values the writers of the Restoration chiefly for their wickedness. It is such good

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 ammunition to use on the humanitarian enthusiasts and the whitewashers of human nature. He can forgive Pope his virulent personal satire, but not his deistic optimism. He praises Swift above Pope for his consistent adherence to the representation of his fellows as "the most pernicious race of little odious vermin ever suffered to crawl upon the face of the earth." He requires, or thinks he requires, the Yahoos as hideous caryatydes to uphold the towering superstructure of his aristocratic political and social philosophy.

"Cheer up, More," interposes Professor Trent jocosely; "don't let the loss of Congreve shake your beautiful faith in human depravity. The Doctor allows that Congreve was a rare bird, a very phenix. I'll tell you a Yahoo friend of Defoe's that you can put in his place. Swift knew his English people. For my part, give me the Turks."

A belief in the baseness of average human nature is, as I have said, something that Mr. More requires as a builder requires a basement, not expecting to live in it. Despite his profession of love for Pope, I suspect he has little more fellow-feeling for the sad wags of Anne's time or of Victoria's than Milton had for his kitchen-folk. When Professor Trent and Doctor Johnson grow weary of impaling ghosts on epigrams and are packed off to a nightcap and to bed, one can fancy P. E. M. returning to the library to recover possession of his soul. Extinguishing the lights, he sinks into his easy chair,

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 and watches for a time the flickers of his expiring fire, fingering the dusky folios, while the Princeton chimes announce the midnight, and silence envelops that quaint little imitation English city, striving so bravely amid the New Jersey oil refineries to be a home of lost causes and to dream, under the Cleveland memorial tower, like the Oxford of 1830. As he meditates there in the fitful gloaming by the hearthside—Mr. More is one of the last of the meditative men—the gossip and scandal of the evening's talk rise from his mind like a phantasmal smoke, in which the huge illusory bulk of Johnson appears but a whirling eddy in knee-buckles and the slighter form of Professor Trent but a momentary shape in frock coat, floating wisp-like heavenwards.

From his mood of recreative dissipation "P. E. M." passes into his mood of critical self-collection; thence, into his mood of philosophic contemplation; and so to his mood of mystical insight, in which space and time, like insubstantial figments of the imagination, dissolve and mingle with the smoke and the Professor and the Doctor, and drift up the flue into night and nothingness. "Such stuff as dreams are made of," murmurs the mystic, in a mood like that in which Carlyle saw through the transparent body of Louis XVI the Merovingian kings wending on their ox-carts into eternity. A chill pervades the still air of the study. Into the vacant chairs glide one by one the quiet ghosts of Henry More, the Platonist, and Sir Thomas

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 Browne, for whom Oblivion scattered her poppy in vain, and Cudworth rising from his tomb in The True Intellectual System of the Universe, and pale John Norris of Bemerton, wafted thither by a passion of loneliness from his dim prison in The Theory of an Ideal World. There is no sound of greeting; but the five silent figures commune together in perfect felicity on That Which Endureth Forever. They speak not a word, yet they understand one another by a mere interpenetration of their beings. . . . And when the Northern Waggoner has set his sevenfold team behind the steadfast star, and Chaunticlere warns erring spirits to their confines, "P. E. M." rouses himself from his deep trance, and says to himself, softly under his breath, "Hodie vixi—to-day I have lived!"

After two cups of coffee and a bit of toast, he goes to his desk and, without haste or rest, sets to work upon—what? A man who keeps such company and lives such an internal life should write his memoirs, a new Biographia Literaria, a philosophical autobiography. Such a book from Mr. More, delivering in his pure grave style a continuous narrative of the travels and voyages of his spirit from Shelburne, New Hampshire, by way of India to ancient Athens, making all ports which for storm-tossed sailors trim their lamps,—such a narrative, plangent through all its reserves with nostalgia for the infinite, would be of unique interest and value to us, complementing the spiritual adventures of

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 Henry Adams, and deepening the resonance of American letters.

But Mr. More, returning to his desk, either continues his history of Neo-Platonism, which I wish he could leave to a scholar with no autobiography to write, or else—which fills me with "malice"—he supplants that great work by a Shelburne essay on Aphra Behn. This "pilgrim of the infinite"—what has Aphra to do with him, or he with Aphra? But what is a Shelburne essay? It is generally an imperfect, fragmentary cross-section, sometimes only the outer bark of a cross-section, of the character and personality which I have been sketching. It is criticism, it is history, it is philosophy, it is morality, it is religion, it is, above all, a singularly moving poetry, gushing up from deep intellectual and moral substrata, pure, cold, and refreshing, as water of a spring from the rocks in some high mountain hollow. This poetry of ideas was abundant in the first and the sixth series of the Shelburne essays and was nearly continuous in some of the single essays like The Quest of a Century in the third and Victorian Literature in the seventh. By its compression of serious thought and deep feeling it produces an effect as of one speaking between life and death, as the Apology of Socrates does. There is a pulse in the still flow of it, as if it had been stirred once and forever at the bottom of the human heart. It is for this poetry that we love Mr. More. But one has to go so far for it! In the long series, it is so

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 intermittent! There is so much territory through which it does not flow.

A young friend of mine who takes his world through his pores, little experienced in literary exploration, unable to discover the spring, announced to me, after a brush with the "wits," that the essays are "dry." He is mistaken. A Shelburne essay is not infrequently, however, astonishingly difficult. Mr. More has not attended to the technique of ingratiation by which a master of popularity plays upon an unready public with his personality, flattering, cajoling, seducing it to accept his shadow before his substance arrives. He takes so little pains, I will not say to be liked but to be comprehended, that I sometimes wonder whether he has ever broadly considered the function of criticism—in a democracy as different as ours is from that in Athens. He writes as if unaware that our General Reading Public is innocent of all knowledge of the best that has been said and thought in the world. He writes at least half the time as if he contemplated an audience of Trents, Coleridges, Johnsons, and Casaubons.

Let me illustrate. Occasionally he will give you some paragraph of literary history as plain as a biographical dictionary and as dry as, let us say in deference to Mr. Mencken, as dry as a professor of English. But of a sudden, in a harmless-looking essay, say that on the eighteenth century dilettante, William Beckford, you, if a plain man, stumble and

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 lose your footing over "the law of autarkeia, the perception of the veritable infinite within harmonious self-completeness which was the great gift of the Greeks to civilization"; and down you go whirling headlong into the bottomless pitfall and abyss of a discussion of the difference between the Oriental and the Occidental sentiment towards the infinite and towards personality, while Hinduism, Semitism, Alexandrianism, Platonism, and the Gnostic and Manichean heresies rush past you with the flash and roar of the wheels within wheels that dazzled Ezekiel when the heavens were opened and he saw "visions of God"—and "my word," as Mr. Drinkwater's Lincoln would say, what a God! You are, it is true, brought out of that headlong plunge into the unfathomable, as a skilful sky-pilot brings you out of a "nose spin," or as a dentist brings you out of the gyrations of a nitrous oxid trance; and you hear Mr. More at your side quietly, suavely assuring you that now you understand "why Goethe curtly called romanticism disease and classicism health." Maybe you do; but it is not by reason of your ride behind him on the Gnostic nightmare. What passed in that flight is only a shade more intelligible to you than a Chinese incantation. Your education was imperfect: you are neither a Coleridge nor a Cudworth.

"Perverse as it seems to say so," remarked Matthew Arnold in reply to Professor Newman's charge that he was ignorant, "I sometimes find my-

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 self wishing, when dealing with these matters of poetical criticism, that my ignorance were even greater than it is." How often one wishes that Mr. More would steal an hour from the study of Neo-Platonism to meditate on that paradoxical utterance! How often one wishes that Mr. More's ignorance were far, far greater than it is. With many of Arnold's fundamental intentions in criticism he is profoundly sympathetic; but he has never, as it appears to me, felt in a compelling way the Englishman's passion for diffusing his ideas, for making them "prevail," for carrying them from one end of society to the other. He has never taken adequately to heart Arnold's true and memorable description of the "great men of culture." They are those, Arnold declares, "who have labored to divest knowledge of all that was harsh, uncouth, difficult, abstract, professional, exclusive; to humanise it, to make it efficient outside the clique of the cultivated and learned, yet still remaining the best knowledge and thought of the time, and a true source, therefore, of sweetness and light."

When I ask myself why "P. E. M." has not taken these words more obviously home, why he writes so exclusively for the "clique of the cultivated and learned," I come invariably to one conclusion, namely, that his interest in the uncultivated and unlearned is horribly chilly, is not much livelier, in fact, than his master Plato's concern for the Helots, who are silently to bear on their shoulders the bur-

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 den and splendor of the Athenian Republic; is not much warmer than his master Burke's concern for the driver of oxen, the carpenter, and work-master, who are not to be sought for in counsel, but are "to maintain the state of the world." When I consider how rich "P. E. M." is in the very wisdom which our democratic populace needs and vaguely desires, and when I observe how persistently he repels the advances of the vulgar by flinging a handful of political and social icicles in their faces, I wish from the bottom of my heart that he had loved the exclusive, metaphysical, aristocratic Plato less and the hobnobbing, inquisitive, realistic, democratic Socrates more.

If Socrates were among us to-day, I am convinced that he would be leader of the Democrats in the House; but Plato, I suspect, would be a member of the Senate from Massachusetts. Having Plato as his monitor, Mr. More sides politically and socially with the little group of Americans who hold that there are only half a dozen great families, all in the Republican party, capable of governing and guiding the destinies of the United States. Though they may pass without question for "good" citizens, distinguished and patriotic, they have never accepted one characteristic word that Jefferson wrote into the political Scriptures of the American nation; they have never felt one generous throb of the faith, regenerative and sustaining and uniting, which Jefferson poured broadcast upon the spirit of the

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 American people—faith in the sense and virtue of the community and in the sense and virtue of the majority of its components.

With Socrates as his guide through the modern world, "P. E. M." might have left his library and have broken from the circle of his Immortals, to stand on one leg and grow wise in the market-place. He might have suppled and vulgarized his tongue to chat with the work-master and carpenter and the driver of oxen who have had an American education and have fought under the American flag from Verdun to Archangel for, as they thought or hoped, an American democratic faith. He might have fallen in with the young carpenter, cited for gallantry in the Argonne, who is repairing my roof; or with another, concealing a Carnegie medal, who built me a tolerable bookcase after saving, singlehanded, seventeen lives in a fire. He might have met with a Northern peasant farmer of my acquaintance who, after recounting the hardships of his winter work in the absence of his eldest son, said to me, with a smile as profoundly philosophical as anything in Epictetus: "Well, I suppose that is what we are here for." He might have read the halting, ill-spelled letters of that stalwart eldest son who, while breaking mules for the Expeditionary Force in France, wrote to his old mother with a filial piety as beautiful as anything that Mr. More commends in Pope.

If he had enjoyed opportunities such as these

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 somehow he seems always to have evaded them—he would have recognized with dismay that Swift and the wits have coarsely libeled the mobile vulgus and have deceived him about its capacities and tendencies. He would have discovered in the average man—along with healthy self-interest, petty vices, and envy enough to keep him stirring—courage, fortitude, sobriety, kindness, honesty, and sound practical intelligence. If he could have pressed critically into the matter, he would have discovered something even more surprising. He would have learned that the average man is, like himself, at heart a mystic, vaguely hungering for a peace that diplomats cannot give, obscurely seeking the permanent amid the transitory; a poor swimmer struggling for a rock amid the flux of waters, a lonely pilgrim longing for the shadow of a mighty rock in a weary land. And if "P. E. M." had a bit more of that natural sympathy of which he is so distrustful, he would have perceived that what more than anything else to-day keeps the average man from lapsing into Yahooism is the religion of democracy, consisting of a little bundle of general principles which make him respect himself and his neighbor; a bundle of principles kindled in crucial times by an intense emotion, in which his self-interest, his petty vices, and his envy are consumed as with fire; and he sees the common weal as the mighty rock in the shadow of which his little life and personality are to be sur-

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 rendered, if need be, as things negligible and transitory.

I am speaking of the average man and traits of his which I can never contemplate, being one myself, without a lift of the heart; and I frankly avow that it vexes me to hear this emotion which does so much to keep us average men from weariness, and from the devastating cynicism of the wits, and the horrid ennuis of the great, and from their sense that the affairs of men are really of small consequence—it vexes me to hear this emotion dismissed as fatuous democratic self-complacency.

But even as I write these words, I seem to hear Mr. More, in an accent slightly eighteenth century, exclaiming, not without asperity, yet rather in pity than in anger: "Sir, I perceive that you are a vile Whig!"

To which I reply, not without animation, yet more in affection than in malice: "Sir, I perceive that you are a stubborn Tory!"

"Sir," says Mr. More, "I am obliged to lean a bit backward to counterbalance the vileness of your Whiggery."

"And, sir," I conclude, "I am obliged to lean a bit forward to counterbalance the stubbornness of your Toryism."

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text: Americans (Sherman)

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text: Americans (Sherman)/Mr. Mencken, the Jeune Fille, and the New Spirit in Letters


text: Americans (Sherman)/Tradition

title: Americans (Sherman)/Tradition


text: Americans (Sherman)/Franklin and the Age of Enlightenment


text: Americans (Sherman)/The Emersonian Liberation


text: Americans (Sherman)/Hawthorne

title: Americans (Sherman)/Hawthorne


text: Americans (Sherman)/Walt Whitman

title: Americans (Sherman)/Walt Whitman


text: Americans (Sherman)/Joaquin Miller

title: Americans (Sherman)/Joaquin Miller


text: Americans (Sherman)/A Note on Carl Sandburg


text: Americans (Sherman)/Andrew Carnegie

title: Americans (Sherman)/Andrew Carnegie


text: Americans (Sherman)/Roosevelt and the National Psychology


text: Americans (Sherman)/Evolution in the Adams Family


text: Americans (Sherman)/An Imaginary Conversation With Mr. P. E. More


text: Re Canavan; Re Ludlam; Re Waters; Re Roberts (No 2); Re Joyce; Re Nash; Re Xenophon


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Franklin and the Age of Enlightenment

 * "Franklin" (1917), published as a chapter in The Cambridge History of American Literature
 * "Franklin and the Age of Enlightenment" (1922), published as an essay in the collection Americans

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, T will be in vain to deny that I have some regard for this piece, since I dedicate it to You. Yet you may bear me witness, it was intended only to divert a few young Ladies, who have good sense and good humour enough to laugh not only at their sex's little unguarded Follies, but at their own. But as it was communicated with the air of a Secret, it soon found its way into the world. An imperfect copy having been offer'd to a Bookseller, you had the good nature for my sake to consent to the publication of one more correct: This I was forc'd to before I had executed half my design, for the Machinery was entirely wanting to compleat it.


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User talk:Bumrung Chiablam

 * 1) Question ? Where and how can I upload my following information in Wikisource?

Minister of Education ,Thailand

Ministry of Education’s Policies

and Working Procedures

Under the Government’s Policy Main Menu, New Aspirations, The Cabinet’s Statement,Ministry of Education’s Policies

The Ministry of Education has laid down relevant  policies  and  procedures within the framework of the government’s policy  which was stated in parliament on the twenty sixth  of  July 1995  concerning  social and  educational  matters  which encompass religion, art, culture and sports as follows:-

1. Policy on 9-year-compulsory education 1.1) In the year 1997, all children who have completed sixth grade shall be able to continue  their  education  at  the lower secondary  level  in any government school without having to pay educational fees; 1.2) Underprivileged learners will be provided  with  appropriate educational support such as school uniforms,   textbooks on loan,   school transportation,   transportation allowances,  study  grants  and/or  accommodation  for the  needy,  the handicapped and for those whose houses are too far from school etc.; 1.3) Good quality  resources  will  be  adequately  provided  for  schools to ensure maximum efficiency,  be it teachers,  buildings,   materials and equipment or new technologies; 1.4) Local  communities  should  be  encouraged   to  participate  in  school administration while local resource persons are recruited as  supplementary teachers with certain remuneration; 1.5) A 9-year-compulsory act is currently in the process of being drafted. 2. Policy on 12-year-compulsory education 2.1) School mapping and  learning networks will be established in an attempt to mobilize educational resources; 2.2) By the year 1998, all children who have completed ninth grade shall be able to further their studies at the upper secondary level,  both in the general and the vocation streams, in any government school with school fees exemption; 2.3) Vocational schools and institutions will be actively supported to expand their  quantitative recruitment capacity  at  the  vocational  certificate  level via the following measures:- provision of  diversified learning programs such as,  the bilateral system,   curriculum adjustment towards flexibility and diversity, establishment of networks linking various educational institutions in catchment areas; 2.4) Educational access  will  be  expanded  to  enable  the underprivileged, women,    and the handicapped to enter any type of educational institution according to their potential and desire. For those handicapped, an extra service of learning aids and materials will be provided; 2.5) A 12-year-compulsory education act will be drafted. 3. Policy on pre-primary education 3.1) Child-rearing services for pre-school children will be expanded to cover all areas with an attempt to render equal opportunities to   both rural and urban children; 3.2) Activities  which  stimulate  all  aspects  of  child  development namely, physical, emotional, social, cognitive, will be promoted, while also taking into consideration local culture and various stages of children’s growth; 3.3) Relevant policies  and  practices  amongst  jointly  responsible agencies should be unified with a view to  increasing  the  coverage of good quality services. Local communities and the private  sector should  also be encouraged to take part in this matter. 4.  Policy on qualified personnel  production  in  much needed  professions 4.1) Vocational education in relation to professions which are currently in a great demand  in  the labour market  should  be  rapidly expanded by way of joint investment with the private sector and entrepreneurs who  need qualified employees in such fields. Many measures to be explored include: the bilateral system, personnel development,   international  co-operation  with  various educational institutions for technological transfer in needy disciplines, in-service training and skill development to keep employees abreast with the latest technology which  is  being utilized in the labour market. 4.2) Scientific and technological capacity of higher  educational  institutions should be  raised  in  terms  of  production  and  development.    Its qualitative and quantitative  outcomes  should  adequately  satisfy  the  country’s  needs concerning social and economic development.    Entrepreneurial co-operation,   both within and outside, the country must be encouraged in order to attain international standards. 5.  Policy on teaching/learning process 5.1) Curriculum  development  will  be  undertaken with special emphasis on laying foundations for the following:-  language skills, mathematics, science, morality, ethics and democracy. The learner will be enabled to analyze and synthesize which will serve as a learning tool in the future; 5.2) The quality of  education  services should be raised to acceptable international standards; 5.3) Teaching / learning  processes  should  be  urgently  modified  to  yield practical results by means of format development,  teaching innovations and the setting-up of learning networks between formal and non formal education; 5.4) Development must be undertaken on  such  matters  as  technology and teaching/learning materials, libraries and information centers of all kinds; 5.5) The  testing  and  selecting  systems  will  be  reformed  to  ensure that accumulated educational  achievement  is   more  important   than   examinations. Admission by quota will also be increased at all levels; 5.6) Assessment mechanism is to be  improved  while educational standards are raised at every level; 5.7) A network of technical  co-operation should be developed and promoted for technical devolution. 6. Policy on teacher production and development 6.1) The process of teacher production and  inservice  teacher  development must be systematically reformed so as to establish an active network  throughout the country. Top  priority  should  be given to developing teachers in those subjects which encounter the problem of teacher shortages while upholding moral and ethical aspects at the same time; 6.2) Welfare and social benefits for teachers will be improved to boost their morale and strengthen their security. Local teaching  profession organizations in various subjects should be developed, along with the development of Golden Jubilee Fund. Private investment should be mobilized in order to set up low interest loans in an attempt to raise the quality of teachers. 7. Policy on democracy development 7.1) Democratic culture  must  be  instilled in the way of life of learners, youths and the public at large; 7.2) Teaching/learning  activities  should  be  structured  towards  democracy development in all schools; 7.3) The process of democracy should be applied to learners’ activities. 8. Policy on the roles of families,   local  communities and the private sector  8.1) Families must be encouraged to develop knowledge,  skills and desirable attitudes  for  all of their  members  while  families,    local communities,   charity organizations,   the media as well as the private sector are supported to take part in educational management; 8.2) Local communities, together with the private sector must be encouraged to participate in educational administration in a manner which corresponds to individuals’ needs, local development and national development; 8.3) Private investments in education must be promoted to lessen  the State’s burden through the following means:-  low-interest  loans  from  a  revolving fund, educational coupons and deregulations. 9. Policy on religious and cultural promotion 9.1) People of all religions and faiths will be encouraged to gain insightful knowledge and values from their religious beliefs in order to apply them in everyday life; 9.2) Education for monks and learning networks  should  be developed while religious buildings serve as actual community centers; 9.3) Relevant acts relating to monks must be updated while a monk university act is drafted; 9.4) Ancient items and  monuments  of  the  nation must be preserved while local wisdom is promoted; 9.5) Resources from both the public and the private sectors,  within and also outside the country, must be mobilized in order to preserve,  promote,  publicize and develop religious, artistic and cultural affairs; 9.6) Co-operation  will be extended  to international organizations in an attempt to place Thailand as a research and development centre for  arts and culture in the Southeast Asian region; 10. Policy on sports for good health 10.1) Economical swimming pools will be built,and if an adequate amount of budget is available, stadiums, sport materials and equipment will also be provided in all areas; 10.2) Basic sports and exercise for good health should be extensively promoted via teaching/ learning process integration, recreational activities; 10.3) Coaches and  sports  persons  must  be  developed according to international standards.   Certain categories of Thai sports such as Thai boxing should be publicized until they are acceptable at the international level. 11.  Policy on administration and devolution 11.1) Re-engineering of the administrative system must  be conducted at all levels so that devolution in educational, religious and cultural management could be achieved. The Ministry of Education’s representatives at the provincial level will be able to determine their own educational policies, promote staff’s career advancement and allocate their budget according to local needs. Local management will thus be streamlined for maximum efficiency; 11.2) Resources from both the public and the private sectors will be mobilized for maximum efficiency in educational,  religious and cultural administration as well as community affairs.

What's new details. . . Copyright © 1997 MOENet Thailand Service Program by Mr.Bumrung Chiablam

title: User talk:Bumrung Chiablam


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 The Machinery, Madam, is a term invented by the Critics, to signify that part which the Deities, Angels, or Dæmons, are made to act in a Poem: For the ancient Poets are in one respect like many modern Ladies; let an action be never so trivial in itself, they always make it appear of the utmost importance. These Machines I determin'd to raise on a very new and odd foundation, the Rosicrucian doctrine of Spirits.

I know how disagreeable it is to make use of hard words before a Lady; but 'tis so much the concern of a Poet to have his works understood, and particularly by your Sex, that you must give me leave to explain two or three difficult terms.

The Rosicrucians are a people I must bring you acquainted with. The best account I know of them is in a French Book call'd Le Comte de Gabalis, which both in its title and size is so like a Novel, that many of the Fair Sex have read it for one by mistake. According to these Gentlemen, the four Elements are inhabited by Spirits, which they call Sylphs, Gnomes, Nymphs, and Salamanders. The Gnomes, or Dæmons of Earth, delight in mischief; but the Sylphs, whose habitation is in the air, are the best condition'd creatures imaginable. For they say, any mortals may enjoy the most intimate familiarities with these gentle Spirits, upon a condition very easy


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 to all true adepts, an inviolate preservation of Chastity.

As to the following Canto's, all the passages of them are as fabulous, as the Vision at the begin- ning, or the Transformation at the end; (except the loss of your Hair, which I always name with Reverence.) The Human persons are as fictitious as the Airy ones; and the character of Belinda, as it is now manag'd, resembles You in nothing but in Beauty.

If this Poem had as many Graces as there are in your Person, or in your Mind, yet I could ne- ver hope it should pass thro' the world half so Uncensur'd as You have done. But let its for- tune be what it will, mine is happy enough, to have given me this occasion of assuring You that I am, with the truest esteem,

,

Your most obedient,

Humble Servant,


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THE

OF

Written in the Year 1711.


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hint of the following piece was taken from Chaucer's House of Fame. ''The design is in a manner entirely alter'd, the descriptions and most of the particular thoughts my own: Yet I could not suffer it to be printed without this acknowledgment, or think a concealment of this nature the less unfair for being common. The reader who would compare this with Chaucer, may begin with his third book of Fame, there being nothing in the two first books that answers to their title''.


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OR,

FROM


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Page:CTRL0000034607 - Deposition of Ali Alexander, (Dec. 9, 2021).pdf/103

103 Yeah, we as in Stop the Steal, which you are the single leader of.

Yeah, yeah. Recruited and attempted to recruit several Members to speak when the Lot 8 event was going to happen and—

I'm talking about the November rally.

November rally?

Yeah, the November rally.

Can you establish a nexus between that and the Capitol attack?

Well, I know you've probably read this, right? But our House Resolution memo allows us to also investigate the influencing factors that fomented the attack on the Capitol on January 6th.

And so you've already talked about how Oath Keepers provided you security on November 6th. When asked how you first met Mr. Stewart Rhodes, you said you met him at a rally in November. So, of course, I'm just trying to explore this rally in November that led to you talking to Mr. Rhodes for the January 6th event.

It's not clear to me the nexus between Members of Congress and my First Amendment right to seek redress from them and the Capitol attack or the resolution. And the resolution's pretty wide.

Are you refusing to answer the question? Are you refusing to answer the question?

I'm not refusing. I'm asking for you guys to establish—

. Mr. Alexander, we've explained House Resolution 503. And if you need to step out and talk with your lawyers to understand the context of how to make an objection, prior rallies at capitols is absolutely within the purview of investigating a subsequent Capitol attack on January 6th.

If we need to step out for you to have that conversation, we will. Our position is


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THE

HER

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Author talk:Edwin Arthur Morrow

= sources =

1939 Register
Name 	Edwin A Morrow Gender 	Male Marital Status 	Single Birth Date 	7 Jan 1877 Residence Date 	1939 Address 	137a Residence Place 	Worthing, Sussex, England Occupation 	Artist Painter Line Number 	26 Schedule Number 	13 Sub Schedule Number 	1 Enumeration District 	Emkx Borough 	Worthing Registration district 	84/1 Household Members (Name) 	Gender Edwin A Morrow 	Male Charlotte E Bell Female

death
Name 	Edwin A Morrow Death Age 	75 Registration Date 	Dec Q. 1952 Registration district 	Worthing Volume 	5h Page 	652
 * FreeBMD

WWI
Name 	Edwin Arthur Morrow Nationality 	British Rank 	2nd Lieutenant Birth Date 	10 Feb 1877 Military Start Date 	1 Apr 1918 Military End Date 	13 May 1919 Military Service Branch 	Royal Air Force Military Service Number 	22056 Residence Place 	Hanover House, Clifton St., Belfast, Ireland. Mother 	Ges. Morrow
 * The National Archives; Kew, Surrey, England; AIR 76: Air Ministry Department of the Master-General of Personnel: Officers' Service Records; Series Number: AIR 76; Piece Number: 359

census
Name 	Edwin A Morrow Age 	24 Estimated Birth Year 	abt 1877 Relation to Head 	Brother Gender 	Male Birth Place 	Ireland Civil parish 	Battersea Search Photos View blank form Ecclesiastical parish 	St Mary County/Island 	London Registration district 	Wandsworth Sub-registration district 	East Battersea ED, institution, or vessel 	04 Neighbors Piece 	440 Folio 	108 Page number 	41 Household schedule number 	344 Household Members (Name) 	Age 	Relationship George Morrow 31  Head, book illustrator, sculptor Edwin A Morrow 	24 	Brother, Art student
 * 1901 England

family tree
Edwin Arthur Morrow Father	George Morrow Mother	Catherine MacNamarra Birth	7 Feb 1877 Belfast, Antrim, Northern Ireland Death	9 Dec 1952 Clapham, Bedfordshire, England Residence	1915 London, London, England
 * Armstrong Family Tree

publications

 * The dictionary of British book illustrators and caricaturists, 1800-1914
 * Landscape painter and illustrator, brother of George and Albert George, similarly artists

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TO

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Page:CTRL0000034607 - Deposition of Ali Alexander, (Dec. 9, 2021).pdf/104

104 it's relevant. If yours is that it's not relevant—

The Witness. That helps.

. —you can just object.

The Witness. That helps. I didn't have—I didn't have a Capitol rally in November.

. You just said November 18th you had a rally—you had a rally—

The Witness. In Washington, D.C., at Freedom Plaza, not the Capitol.

. Not in Atlanta?

. Post-election rallies at State capitols are within the purview of our investigation.

Mr. Kamenar. Okay. I think we need some clarification. What rally? What date?

. November 18th rally in Atlanta at the State Capitol that he just said Stop the Steal through.

The Witness. You guys have gone back and forth between two different events right now.

. And you know what? Defer to, like, because he's saying November—

The Witness. I'm just very confused.

. What I was saying is pre-January 6th rallies were relevant to the January 6th rally. is asking you about November 18th, 2020, in Atlanta. Is that correct?

. That's exactly right.

. On November 18th—

The Witness. Did I talk to any Members of Congress about Atlanta November


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Page:CTRL0000034607 - Deposition of Ali Alexander, (Dec. 9, 2021).pdf/105

105 18th?

 * BY :

About coordinating that rally with Members of Congress.

At the Atlanta State Capitol, I don't believe so.

Thank you.

That helped. That helped. I really heard, like, two or three difference questions.

Thank you. No, that's fine. I'm sorry if we were unclear.

. And we will try not to do that. Apologies. That was unintentional.

 * BY :

It's reported that at this event on November 18th that you said, "Who's going to be ready to storm the capitol with us in a couple minutes?" Do you recall making that statement?

I don't recall making that statement.

Do you recall going in the State Capitol on November 18th in Georgia?

I recall being invited into the State Capitol and coordinating with police and making sure that we weren't too loud as not to interrupt the work.

Who invited you in?

Representative Vernon Jones, who was a Democrat at the time.

Yeah. Did any other rally attendees go in with you?

A bunch.

And what happened when you went inside?

We worked with security to make sure that everyone went in peacefully. There was a gentleman there who wanted to stage a sit-in. And I said, "No, under no circumstances are we going to participate in Antifa tactics," I think I said, or something


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Author talk:George Morrow

publications

 * The dictionary of British book illustrators and caricaturists, 1800-1914

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Page:CTRL0000034607 - Deposition of Ali Alexander, (Dec. 9, 2021).pdf/106

106 like that.

It was a viral video, because I then got attacked by White supremacists because I called him a hillbilly. And, you know, I probably should have been more artful in my language. But I got attacked for weeks by White nationalists and White supremacists for calling him a hillbilly.

But, anyway, I think we had a photo op. We talked to the media. I think the whole—well, I don't know how long the security process lasted. But being on the capitol steps with the cooperation of Georgia State Police and Representative Vernon Jones, I think that, I mean, it lasted like 10 or 15 minutes. And then we single-filed out.

Did you also in this time period—I want to say it's November 21st—did you go to the governor's mansion in Georgia?

I know that I went outside the governor's mansion across the street, and we held a protest there. I don't know what the date was.

Okay.

It's usually at night.

And did you talk to Mr.—is this when you talked to Mr. Stewart Rhodes about for the first time around this time?

Yes. I think we spoke for the first time—man, actually I don't know if it was this or a subsequent trip to Atlanta. Atlanta, you know, we were frequently in Atlanta.

Can you go to page 1 of exhibit 26 from your production? It looks like you say to Mr. Stewart Rhodes in this chat—and the date, to be clear for the record, is November 21st, 2020—"It's Ali Alexander. Can we meet after the governor mansion op?"

He says, "You bet, brother. Getting my men fed, and then we'll all be there at


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Author talk:Benjamin Edwin Minns

=sources =

Name 	Benjamin Edwin Minns Birth Year 	1864 Death Year 	1937 Source
 * Biography Index. A cumulative index to biographical material in books and magazines. Volume 2: August, 1949-August, 1952. New York: H.W. Wilson Co., 1953. (BioIn 2)

publications

 * The dictionary of British book illustrators and caricaturists, 1800-1914

census
Name 	Benjamin E Minns Age 	36 Relation to Head 	Head Gender 	Male Spouse 	Harriet Minns Birth Place 	New South Wales Civil parish 	Yiewsley Ecclesiastical parish 	St Matthew County/Island 	Middlesex Registration district 	Uxbridge Sub-registration district 	Hillingdon ED, institution, or vessel 	10 Neighbors Piece 	1176 Folio 	106 Page number 	8 Household schedule number 	51 Household Members (Name) 	Age 	Relationship Benjamin E Minns 	36 	Head, Arist Harriet Minns  35   Wife
 * 1901 England

Name 	Benjamin Edwin Minns Age in 1911 	47 Relation to Head 	Head Gender 	Male Birth Place 	New South Wales Resident, Australia Civil parish 	Pett County/Island 	Sussex Country 	England Street Address 	The White Cottage Winchelsea Beach Pett Level Nr Winchelsea Sussex Marital Status 	Married Years Married 	23 Estimated Marriage Year 	1888 Occupation 	Artist Painter Registration District Number 	69 Sub-registration district 	Ore ED, institution, or vessel 	12 Piece 	4729 Household Members (Name) 	Age 	Relationship Benjamin Edwin Minns 	47 	Head Harriet Minns 40   Wife
 * 1911 England

obituary
Name 	Benjamin Edwin Minns Gender 	Male Death Age 	72 Birth Place 	Inverell Obituary Date 	23 Feb 1937 Obituary Place 	Sydney, New South Wales, Australia Newspaper Title 	The Sun
 * The Sun; Publication Date: 23 Feb 1937; Publication Place: Sydney, New South Wales, Australia; URL: https://www.newspapers.com/image/985985623/?article=6b44124f-1d4f-4813-8187-30f504b5cdbe&focus=0.61830544,0.6962253,0.7299301,0.8490516&xid=3355

 * MR. BENJAMIN E. MINNS (1937, February 24). The Labor Daily (Sydney, NSW : 1924 - 1938), p. 6. Retrieved December 10, 2023, from http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article237445935

death
Name 	Benjamin Edwin Minns Death Date 	1937 Death Place 	Mosman, New South Wales Registration Date 	1937 Registration Place 	Mosman, Australia Father 	George Mother 	Bridget Registration Number 	3058
 * NSW BDM

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Page:CTRL0000034607 - Deposition of Ali Alexander, (Dec. 9, 2021).pdf/107

107 the mansion. What's your ETA?"

I'm trying to understand, what was the purpose of having the Oath Keepers go to the governor's mansion with you?

So I said, "Can we meet up after the governor's mansion?" I didn't invite them to the governor's mansion. He then later says in this that he's going to show up.

We had said earlier that day at the State Capitol, we said let's go protest at night at the governor's—outside the governor's mansion, peacefully and legally. And so everyone who heard my voice would have heard that. That means I don't think I had met Stewart Rhodes even at this point.

Okay. So if I were to ask Mr. Steward Rhodes if you invited him to the governor's mansion on November 21st, it's your testimony here today that he would say no?

My testimony is I made a universal public call for people to come to the mansion. I did not make specific calls that I recall.

Okay. So I want to think big picture here for a second. And you've mentioned that you—Stop the Steal, I say you, but I mean Stop the Steal had thrown rallies at State capitols after the election, leading up to January 6th. Was there a certain reason why you were having rallies at State capitols?

Yes. That's where the lawmakers meet. And we sought to seek a redress from our government, consistent with Black Lives Matter or Second Amendment supporters or whatever.

This happened a lot in the lockdown era. So this is just a ritual. You know, it's probably been, you know, 60, 70 years Americans have been meeting at State capitols and doing Capitol rotunda type protests.

And, you know, we only, fortunately, thank God, participated in peaceful and


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dipus King of Thebes having by mistake slain his father Laius, and marry'd his mother Jocasta, put out his own eyes, and resign'd the realm to his sons, Etheocles and Polynices''. Being neglected by them, he makes his prayer to the fury Tisiphone, to sow debate betwixt the brothers. They agree at last to reign singly, each a year by turns, and the first lot is obtain'd by Etheocles. Jupiter, in a council of the Gods, declares his resolution of punishing the Thebans, and Argives also, by means of a marriage betwixt Polynices and one of the daughters of Adrastus King of Argos. Juno opposes, but to no effect; and Mercury is sent on a message to the shades, to the ghost of Laius, who is to appear to Etheocles, and provoke him to break the agreement. Polynices in the mean time departs from Thebes by night, is overtaken by a form, and arrives at Argos; where he meets with Tydeus, who had fled from Calydon, having kill'd his brother. Adrastus entertains them, having receiv'd an oracle from Apollo that his daughters should be marry'd to a Boar and a Lion, which he understands to be meant of these strangers by whom the hides of those beasts were worn, and who arriv'd at the time when he kept an annual feast in honour of that God. The rise of this solemnity he relates to his guests, the loves of Phœbus and Psamathe, and the story of Choræbus. He enquires, and is made acquainted with, their descent and quality: The sacrifice is renew'd, and the book concludes with a Hymn to'' Apollo.


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User:There10

Hello, I look forward to contributing with quality information and sources There10 (talk) 08:48, 10 December 2023 (UTC)

title: User:There10


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User talk:There10

Hello, I look forward to contributing with quality information and sources There10 (talk) 08:49, 10 December 2023 (UTC)

--Jan Kameníček (talk) 15:53, 10 December 2023 (UTC)

title: User talk:There10


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Page:CTRL0000034607 - Deposition of Ali Alexander, (Dec. 9, 2021).pdf/108

108 legal, you know, redresses of our government. And we wanted State legislatures, particularly, to call for special sessions. So that's why we were looking for action from the people's houses.

Got it. And so you said, speaking, like, lockdown. I'm assuming that's COVID lockdown.

Yes, sir.

Is one of those State capitol protests you're talking about like the one on August 25th where protestors pushed their way past police forces in the Idaho statehouse? Are you familiar with that?

I'm not at all familiar. This is first time I'm hearing of that.

And you aren't familiar with the December 21st protest in the Oregon State Capitol during a special session where protestors went inside the capitol?

I'm very familiar with that one because I publicly denounced it. I publicly denounced it on Twitter. It was widely reported. This committee should, you know, be aware of that. I think we've even provided documentation to this sort or a statement to this sort. And if not, we can provide a list of that.

But I was totally opposed to what happened in Oregon. I remember watching that on Twitter. Came out very early. And I said that those people are not strategic. They're not thinking about the safety of people. And it was just—it was inappropriate. It wasn't a Stop the Steal event. So—

Okay.

It wasn't a Stop the Steal event. I want to go on the record with that.

And I'm going to defer to after I ask just the first question. But for, like, this November rally at the State Capitol, how did you raise the funds to throw this rally? How does Stop the Steal do it?


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Page:CTRL0000034607 - Deposition of Ali Alexander, (Dec. 9, 2021).pdf/109

109 I gave general tweets where I was, like, you know, hey, if we needed money to, like, mainly flights and hotels and food, water, security, if we were paying for them, signs, rally signs.

But there was no staging. You know, we just worked with the police. So we didn't even need a permit there. Our permitting activities were really focused for Washington, D.C., because we took things seriously up here.

 * BY :

Sorry. Let me clarify and ask it at a more granular level.

What was the actual mechanism that you used to fundraise? So, like, I think you said you did tweets. There was like a link to a donation page? Like, what was the actual fundraising mechanism?

Oh, yes, it was usually tweets to—the fundraising platform we were using was Donorbox.

Okay. Was that all you were using at the time in November, or were you using any cryptocurrency then?

Okay. So Stop the Steal starts on November 4th. And at that point I'm basically alone. There's no Stop the Steal organization. There's me. And I said, "Hey, if you guys want to send me personal donations, I will redistribute this and I'll buy people's flights."

And then when we formed Stop the Steal and we provided that type of documentation and finally got to move over to Donorbox, that made me feel easier, because then we were doing something with some organizations, some rhythm. And that's consistent with, you know, whatever.

So, however, I collected personal donations for that. I think it was a week. It could have been two.


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Page:CTRL0000034607 - Deposition of Ali Alexander, (Dec. 9, 2021).pdf/110

110 Actually maybe we could do this a different way because I really -- I don't want to confuse this. It would help me.

Could you do it in a chronological order? Because it sounds like you were doing it. When you started Stop the Steal, it changed. Like, could you tell me at this—before I was fundraising "X" way and then Stop the Steal happened. Because I got what you were saying, but there was a lot in there.

Okay.

And it would be easier if you could just timewise how were you fundraising before and then at what—like, how did it change, at what point? That would be easier for me to keep track of.

At brunch on November 4th, I decided that I was going to help an election integrity movement and that I would borrow from my 2018 protest in Florida, in Broward County.

And so when I was like a one-man team soliciting allies, I encouraged my existing customers, clients, and donors to donate for me to do this type of stuff. And then I offered activists to pay for their flights and I said we'll figure it out as we go.

I don't know how many weeks it lasted that we kind of had to do that, and I wasn't able to phase myself out. I was on a phone call with Scott Presler and Alexander Bruesewitz where I said, "I could help you guys set this up for 2 weeks, and then I'm going to hand it over to you guys. I don't want anything to do with this, you know, whatever."

And I couldn't get out. So what we had to do instead was form an LLC so that we could get a Donorbox and fundraise that way through, until we got deplatformed shortly after the 7th.

And so help me understand. Prior to Donorbox, when you were saying that it was you or that you were trying, what was the fundraising mechanism before


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680-683] over the eastern half of the kingdom. Mu'āwiya aspirations in state policy were finally to found a dynasty. He proclaimed his son Yazīd as his successor, although this act was opposed not only to the ancient common law based on usage but also to the mode of election of the theocracy.

On Mu'āwiya death (18 April 680) Yazīd was accordingly recognised in the West and partially also in 'Irāḳ. At once a double opposition began to foment; that of the Ali party in 'Irāḳ, which had already begun to revive under Mu'āwiya, and the theocratic opposition of the Ḥijāz. The endeavour to transfer the central government once more, respectively to 'Irāḳ and to the Ḥijāz, probably underlay the opposition in both cases. As regards 'Irāḳ that theory is a certainty, for the families of Kūfa and Baṣra had not forgotten that in Ali's time they had been the masters of the empire. Now however Ali's Shī'a (party) was thrust into the background by the Syrians. They looked back to Ali, and their ardent desire was a restoration of that golden period for Kūfa. Their enthusiasm for Ali and his kin is therefore nothing more than a glorification of their own special province, of the one and only 'Irāḳ Caliph. This brilliant period they hoped after the death of the great Mu'āwiya to recover for themselves by selecting Ḥusain, the second son of Ali. Ḥusain complied with the solicitations of the Kūfa people. These however, unsteady and undisciplined as ever, shrank from rebellion and failed him at the last moment. Ḥusain and those remaining faithful to him were cut down at Karbalā (10 Oct. 680). Ali's son had thereby, like others before him, fallen as a martyr to the cause of Shī'ism. Political aspirations slowly assumed a religious tinge. The death of the prophet's grandson in the cause of the Kūfa people, their remorse on that account, their faded hopes, their hatred of the Syrians, and, last but not least, heterodox currents which now began to shew themselves, prepared the way for the great Shiite insurrection a few years later under Mukhtār. Ali is now no longer simply the companion and son-in-law of the prophet, but has become the heir of his prophetic spirit, which then lives on in his sons. The Ali dynasty – so at least say the legitimists – are the only true priestly Imāms, the only legal Caliphs. The struggle for the house of the prophet, for the Banū Hāshim, becomes more and more the watchword of the opposition party, who, after their political overthrow in Irāḳ, removed their sphere of operation to Persia. There however this Arabian legitimism united with Iranian claims, and, in the fight for the Banū Hāshim, the Persians were arrayed against the Arabs. With this war-cry the Abbasids conquered.

Although Ḥusain expedition to Karbalā had ended in a fiasco, the Umayyads were not destined to get off so lightly against the opposition of the Medina people, an opposition of the old elective theocracy against the new Syrian dynasty. Their opposition candidate was 'Abdallāh, son of that Zubair who had fallen in the fight against Ali. Yazīd was


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360 compelled to undertake a campaign against the holy cities, which earned for him the hate of later generations. The matter was however not so bad as it has been represented, and was moreover a political necessity. His military commander broke up the resistance of the Medina party in the battle on the Ḥarra (26 Aug. 683), subsequently besieging the opposition Caliph in Mecca. Just at this time Yazīd died (11 Nov. 683), and now the succession became a difficult question. Ibn az-Zubair had the best chance of being universally recognised, as Yazīd's youthful son and successor, Mu'āwiya II, a man of no authority, died only a few months after his father. In Syria too large groups of the people, especially the members of the Ḳais race, sided with the Zubair party, whilst the Kalb race, who had been long resident in Syria, and with whom Mu'āwiya had become related by marriage, allied themselves unreservedly with the Umayyads. The Kalb knew only too well that the Umayyad rule meant the supremacy of Syria. And now the question arose, which branch of the family should rule. Practical necessities and traditional claims led to the Umayyad party finally selecting on the principle of seniority a man already known to us, Marwān ibn al-Ḥakam, to be Caliph. The decisive battle against the Zubair faction took place at Marj Rāhiṭ in the beginning of 684. The Umayyads were victorious, and Marwān was proclaimed Caliph in Syria.

The Umayyads had however to pay dearly for this victory, for it destroyed the fundamental principles of the Arabian Empire. Hate once generated at Marj Rāhiṭ, the blood-feud there arising was so bitter that even the ever-growing religious spirit of Islam was unable to make headway against it. The Arabs had previously been divided into numerous factions warring against each other, but now the battle of Marj Rāhiṭ created that ineradicable race hatred between the Ḳais and Kalb tribes, which spread to other older racial opponents. The Ḳais were distributed throughout the entire kingdom; the opposition towards them drove their opponents into the ranks of the Kalb. The political parties became genealogical branches according to the theory of the Arabs, which regarded all political relationship from an ethnical standpoint. And now for the first time, not in the remote past, arose that opposition between the Northern and Southern Arabians which permeated public life, and which only in part coincided with actual racial descent. Here it was the Ḳais, there the Kalb, and under these party cries the Arabs tore at each other henceforward throughout the whole empire, and this purely political and particularist tribal feud undermined the rule of the Arabs at least as much as their religious political opposition to the authority of the State, for it was just the authority of the State itself which was thereby ruined; the governors could no longer permanently hold aloof from the parties, and finally the Caliphs themselves were unable to do so. But for the time being the actual zenith of the dynasty followed these disorders.


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Page:CTRL0000034607 - Deposition of Ali Alexander, (Dec. 9, 2021).pdf/111

111 Donorbox?

I had links of it was, like, PayPal or other sites, and that was all, my personal site. And I know there's a screenshot of that in here that is my personal site.

Okay. All right. So prior to it was the personal stuff. And then as soon as you get Stop the Steal set up, the LLC is able to establish Donorbox. You use Donorbox until you're deplatformed. And then after deplatforming, what are you using after deplatforming?

Well, that's after the 6th. I mean, that has nothing to do with the Capitol attack. But we, you know, we went—we got a credit card processing company to bill, like, the back-end stuff. I mean, I'm a techie, but this is, like, above my pay grade.

And just so you know, because I don't want you to think we're asking irrelevant questions, the fact that you may have been deplatformed because of your participation in January 6th is actually relevant because how payment processors responded to these events is part of the narrative.

That's not necessarily about you. You just got deplatformed. So that's—it's just a factual—it's not a comment. It's not a, you know, judgment. It's just the fact that you got deplatformed, possibly because of your role in January 6th, maybe not.

I'm just curious, after you were deplatformed, were you able to raise money?

Yeah. And I did make the comment to make commentary about deplatforming. I made the comment to say that donations raised after the 6th couldn't have possibly contributed to the Capitol attack.

Yeah. No, but—

Mr. Kamenar. Just answer the question.

 * BY :

Yeah, it would just be helpful if you could answer the question. Were you


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