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they had thus fared on their way full nine days, Hagen of Troneg spake: “Now mark ye what I say. We wait too long with the tidings for Worms upon the Rhine. Our messengers should be e’en now in Burgundy.”

Then spake King Gunther: “Ye have told me true, and none be more fitting for this trip than ye, friend Hagen; now ride ye to my land. None can acquaint them better with our journey home to court.”

To this Hagen made answer: “I am no fit envoy. Let me play chamberlan, I’ll stay with the ladies upon the flood and guard their robes, until we bring them to the Burgundian land. Bid Siegfried bear the message, he knoweth how to do it well with his mighty strength. If he refuse you the journey, then must ye in courtly and gentle wise pray him of the boon for your sister’s sake.”

Gunther sent now for the warrior, who came to where he stood. He spake: “Sith we be now nearing my lands at home, it behooveth me to send a messenger to the dear sister of mine and to my mother, too, that we draw near the Rhine. This I pray you, Siegfried; now do my will, that I may requite it to you ever,” spake the good knight.

Siegfried, the passing bold man, however said him nay, till Gunther gan beseech him sore. He spake: “Ye

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text: Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1500-1714/Estwicke, John


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 dy of the civil law, upon the attention of indulgence and communications of my hearers. I am yet but ignorant; at leat in many repects unintructed; myelf. I have to learn as well as you; although with more immediate, and compulory, incentives to my progrs. I hall advance as I bet can; but I need encouragement and aitance. After doing all that lies in my own power, I hall till owe much to you.


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Rh must ride for my sake and for Kriemhild’s too, the comely maiden, so that the royal maid requite it, as well as I.”

When Siegfried heard these words, full ready was the knight. “Now bid me what ye will; naught shall be withheld. I will do it gladly for the fair maid’s sake. Why should I refuse her whom I bear in heart? Whatso ye command for love of her, shall all be done.”

“Then tell my mother Uta, the queen, that we be of lofty mood upon this voyage. Let my brothers know how we have fared. These tidings must ye let our friends hear, too. Hide naught from my fair sister, give her mine and Brunhild’s greetings. Greet the retainers, too, and all my men. How well I have ended that for which my heart hath ever striven! And tell Ortwin, the dear nephew of mine, that he bid seats be built at Worms along the Rhine. Let my other kinsmen know that I am willed to hold with Brunhild a mighty wedding feast. And tell my sister, when she hath heard that I be come with my guests to the land, that she give fair greeting to my bride. For that I will ever render Kriemhild service.”

The good Lord Siegfried soon took leave of Lady Brunhild, as beseemed him well, and of all her train; then rode he to the Rhine. Never might there be a better envoy in this world. He rode with four and twenty men-at-arms to Worms; he came without the king. When that was noised about, the courtiers all were grieved; they feared their master had been slain.

Then they dismounted from their steeds, high stood their mood. Giselher, the good young king, came soon to meet them, and Gernot his brother, too. How quickly


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 rable Person; and, therefore, when Oliver Cromwel was to be installed, his Robe had a Tail of six Yards long, which was born up by six young Noblemen, merely in Honour to that Part, in Contemplation whereof the Charge was bestowed; for all the other Parts bore a nearer Proportion to the Body.

Is not the Chair the most honourable Part of the Parliament? Then that which sits in it must of necessity be the most honourable Part of the Speaker. It is an Axiom in Philosophy levia sursum, gravia deorsum, and can any thing imaginable be more grave than so venerable a Senate? And hence, I suppose, the Wisdom of our Ancestors called it the lower-House, in relation to the Place it held in the Government. All Birds in the Air, and Fishes in the Sea guide themselves with their Tails, from the Leviathan to the Sprat; and the most famous of our modern Philosophers hath of late made a Discovery, that Leviathan and Republic are all one.

The greatest Honour, that can be given to Man, is either to go before, or sit above others—In sitting the whole Honour is conferred on


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74 then he spake, when he saw not Gunther at Siegfried’s side: “Be welcome, Siegfried; pray let me know where ye have left the king my brother? The prowess of Brunhild, I ween, hath ta’en him from us. Great scathe had her haughty love then brought us.”

“Let be this fear. My battle-comrade sendeth greetings to you and to his kin. I left him safe and sound. He sent me on ahead, that I might be his messenger with tidings hither to this land. Pray have a care, however that may hap, that I may see the queen and your sister, too, for I must let them hear what message Gunther and Brunhild have sent them. Both are in high estate.”

Then spake Giselher, the youth: “Now must ye go to her, for ye have brought my much of joy. She is mickle fearful for my brother. I’ll answer that the maid will see you gladly.”

Then spake Sir Siegfried: “Howsoever I may serve her, that shall be gladly done, in faith. Who now will tell the ladies that I would hie me thither?”

Giselher then became the messenger, the stately man. The doughty knight spake to his mother and his sister too, when that he saw them both: “To us is come Siegfried, the hero from Netherland; him my brother Gunther hath sent hither to the Rhine. He bringeth the news of how it standeth with the king. Pray let him therefore come to court. He’ll tell you the right tidings straight from Isenland.”

As yet the noble ladies were acquaint with fear, but now for their weeds they sprang and dressed them and bade Sir Siegfried come to court. This he did full gladly, for he was fain to see them. Kriemhild, the


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Rh noble maid, addressed him fair: “Be welcome, Sir Siegfried, most worshipful knight. Where is my brother Gunther, the noble and mighty king? We ween that we have lost him through Brunhild’s strength. Woe is me, poor maid, that ever I was born.”

Then spake the daring knight: “Now give me an envoy’s guerdon, ye passing fair ladies, ye do weep without a cause. I do you to wit, I left him safe and sound. They have sent me with the tidings to you both. He and his bride do send you kindly greetings and a kinsman’s love, O noble queen. Now leave off your weeping, they’ll come full soon.”

In many a day she had not heard a tale so glad. With her snow-white hem she wiped the tears from her pretty eyes and began to thank the messenger for the tidings, which now were come. Thus her great sorrow and her weeping were taken away. She bade the messenger be seated; full ready he was for this. Then spake the winsome maid: “I should not rue it, should I give you as an envoy’s meed my gold. For that ye are too rich, but I will be your friend in other ways.”

“And had I alone,” spake he, “thirty lands, yet would I gladly receive gifts from your fair hand.”

Then spake the courtly maid: “It shall be done.” She bade her chamberlain go fetch the meed for tidings. Four and twenty arm-rings, set with goodly gold, she gave him as his meed. So stood the hero’s mood that he would not retain them, but gave them straightway to her nearest maidens, he found within the bower. Full kindly her mother offered him her service. “I am to tell you the tale,” then spake the


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76 valiant man, “of what the king doth pray you, when he cometh to the Rhine. If ye perform that, my lady, he’ll ever hold you in his love. I heard him crave that ye should give fair greetings to his noble guests and grant him the boon, that ye ride to meet him out in front of Worms upon the strand. This ye are right truly admonished by the king to do.”

Then spake the winsome maid: “For this am I full ready. In whatsoever wise I can serve the king, that will I not refuse; with a kinsman’s love it shall be done.” Her color heightened for very joy. Never was the messenger of any prince received more fair. The lady would have kissed him, had she but dared. How lovingly he parted from the dames!

The men of Burgundy then did as Siegfried counseled. Sindolt and Hunolt and Rumolt, the knight, must needs be busy with the work of putting up the seats outside of Worms upon the strand. The royal stewards, too, were found at work. Ortwin and Gere would not desist, but sent to fetch their friends on every side, and made known to them the feasting that was to be. The many comely maids arrayed themselves against the feast. Everywhere the palace and the walls were decked out for the guests. Gunther’s hall was passing well purveyed for the many strangers. Thus began full merrily this splendid feast.

From every side along the highways of the land pricked now the kinsmen of these three kings, who had been called that they might wait upon those who were coming home. Then from the presses great store of costly weeds was taken. Soon tidings were brought that men saw Brunhild’s kinsmen ride along. Great jostling


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Rh then arose from the press of folk in the Burgundian land. Ho, what bold knights were found on either side!

Then spake fair Kriemhild: “Ye maids of mine, who would be with me at the greeting, seek out from the guests the very best of robes; then will praise and honor be given us by the guests.” Then came the warriors, too, and bade the lordly saddles of pure red gold be carried forth, on which the ladies should ride from Worms down to the Rhine. Better trappings might there never be. Ho, what bright gold did sparkle on the jet-black palfreys! From their bridles there gleamed forth many a precious stone. The golden stepping-blocks were brought and placed on shining carpets for the ladies, who were gay of mood. As I have said, the palfreys now stood ready in the courtyard for the noble maids. One saw the steeds wear narrow martingales of the best of silk, of which tale might be told. Six and eighty ladies who wore fillets in their hair were seen come forth. The fair ones came to Kriemhild wearing glittering robes. Then followed many a comely maid in brave attire, fifty and four from the Burgundian land. They were eke the best that might anywhere be found. Men saw them walking with their flaxen hair and shining ribbons. That which the king desired was done with zeal. They wore before the stranger knights rich cloth of silk, the best that could be found, and so many a goodly robe, which well befit their ample beauty. One found there many clothes of sable and ermine fur. Many an arm and hand was well adorned with bracelets over the silken sleeves, which they should wear. None might tell the story of this tiring to the end. Many a hand played with well-wrought girdles, rich


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78 and long, above gay colored robes, over costly ferran skirts of silken cloth of Araby. In high spirits were these maids of noble birth. Clasps were sewed in lovely wise upon the dress of many a comely maid. She had good cause to rue it, whose bright color did not shine in contrast to her weeds. No kingly race hath now such fair retainers. When now the lovely maids had donned the garments they should wear, there then drew near a mickle band of high-mettled champions. Together with their shields they carried many an ashen spear.


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 ought to be conclusive. Those who do not think so, but still adhere to the common interpretation of that other class of passages to which we have adverted, must at least acknowledge that there is other testimony quite as decided of a contrary nature: which will they accept? It is not easy to believe two opposite statements. If they adhere to those which are supposed to teach the dissolution of the earth, they must give up those which declare that the earth abideth for ever; and so they are driven into the dilemma of turning away from one portion of the Word in order to maintain a theory denied by another. But with the explanations we have given, both are seen to be in perfect harmony with each other, and to culminate in establishing the fact "that the earth endureth for ever."

It is quite true that the sun, the moon, and earth, in the above passages, have, as in the other cases cited, a spiritual signification. They properly refer to the enlightening sentiments and principles which belong to the Church, and these will be preserved amidst every vicissitude. Still, this does not interfere with the argument which applies them to the perpetuation of the world, because if the Church is to endure for ever, the earth must necessarily remain for ever: the existence of the former without the latter is not a possible conception.

It cannot be supposed that the Lord would destroy the earth without a motive; and what motive is conceivable? The earth never had any moral responsibility; it has never transgressed any laws that are proper to its being, or necessary to its position in the universe. Why then should it be suddenly arrested in its career, and brought to an end? Such a catastrophe would certainly be of no benefit to mankind: it is not easy to conceive what blessing it could confer upon the angels; and the Scrip-


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Rh translated for the sake of completeness. They are spoken by Siegfried.

palaces. See note 2 to page 6.

surcoat, which here translates the M.H.G. wâfenhemde, is a light garment of cloth or silk worn above the armor.

Azagouc. See Zazamanc, note 1 to page 48. This strophe is evidently a late interpolation, as it contradicts the description given above.

weights. The M. H. G. messe (Lat. massa) is just as indefinite as the English expression. It was a mass or lump of any metal, probably determined by the size of the melting-pot.

Adventure VIII. This whole episode, in which Siegfried fetches men to aid Gunther in ease of attempted treachery on Brimhild’s part, is of late origin and has no counterpart in the older versions. It is a further development of Siegfried’s fight in which he slew Schilbung and Nibelung and became the ruler of the Nibelung land. The fight with Alberich is simply a repetition of the one in the former episode.

rest (M. H. G. rast), originally ‘repose,’ then used as a measure of distance, as here.

knobs, round pieces of metal fastened to the scourge.

cunning is to be taken here in the Biblical sense of ‘knowing.’ The M. H. G. listig which it here translates, denotes ‘skilled’ or ‘learned’ in various arts and is a standing epithet of dwarfs.

mulled wine translates M. H. G. lûtertranc, a claret mulled with herbs and spice and left to stand until clear.

mark. See note 1 to page 32.

fillets were worn only by married women.

ferran, a gray colored cloth of silk and wool; from O. F. ferrandine.

clasps or brooches were used to fasten the dresses in front.

chaplet (O. F. chaplet, dim. of chapel, M. H. G. schapel or schapelîn) or wreath was the headdress especially of unmarried girls, the hair being worn flowing. It was often of flowers or leaves, but not infrequently of gold and silver. (See Weinhold, Deutsche Frauen im Mittelalter$2$, I, 387.)


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Rh choose the bald one, or, both being bald, the balder? Having, therefore, a considerable advantage, the bald person naturally lives longer than his less gifted competitor (anyone can observe that he is usually the older) and leaves a more numerous progeny, inheriting the paternal endowment of precarious hair. In a few generations more those varieties of our species known as the Mophead and the Curled Darling will doubtless have become extinct, and the barber {Homo loquax) will have followed them into oblivion.

Another German physician (named Müller—the German physician who is not named Müller has had a narrow escape) points out the increasing prevalence of baldness and declares it hereditary. That many human beings are born partly bald is not, I take it, what he means, but that the tendency to lose the hair early in life is transmitted from father to son. It is understood that the ladies have nothing to do with the matter; they are never bald, but the hair of none of them, I understand, is so long and thick as it once was.

It IS difficult to offset such facts as these with facts of a contrary sort. Cowboys and artists—sometimes poets—are found with long hair, but long hair is not thought to be an ad-


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 Hodder, John, s. John, of Bemister, Dorset, pleb. ., matric. 1 April, 1642, aged 15; rector of Hawkchurch, Dorset, ejected 1662 for nonconformity. See Calamy, ii. 130.  Hodder, John, s. John, of Thorncombe, Devon, minister. ., matric. 1 March, 1665-6, aged 15, B.A. 1669; fellow. 1671-4, M.A. 1672; died 6 March, 1673-4. See Boase, 77.  Hodder, John, s. Franc., of co. Cork, Ireland, gent. ., matric. 20 May, 1675, aged 18.  Hodder, Robert, of Dorset, gent. , matric. 24 April, 1618, aged 18; a student of Middle Temple 1620 (as 7th son of John, of Chideoke, Dorset), rector of Puncknoll, Dorset, 1631; brother of John 1601. See Foster's Inns of Court Reg. & Foster's Index Eccl.  Hoddesdon, Henry. See 1678.  [5]

Hodely, Samuel, of. 1690. See.  Hodely, Thomas, of Sussex, pleb. ., matric. 7 Dec., 1616, aged 18, B.A. 6 July, 1620; M.A. from 9 July, 1623.  Hodge, Alexander, doctoris fil. ., matric. 17 Jan., 1650-1, scholar 1648 (by the visitors), B.A. 1 April, 1652, M.A. 1 June, 1654, fellow 1654, incorporated at Cambridge 1656, vicar of St. Thomas, Exeter, ejected 1662 for nonconformity, chaplain at Amsterdam 1669; died Dec., 1689; brother of Thomas 1658. See Calamy, ii. 37; Burrows, 562; & Gardiner, 174.

Hodge, John, of Cornwall, pleb. ., matric. 25 June, 1585, aged 16.

Hodge, Laurence, M.A. (? from, Cambridge, incorporated 11 July, 1654.
 [10]

Hodge, Nicholas, s. Nicholas, of Bodmyn, Cornwall, pleb. ., matric. 2 Dec., 1631, aged 20, B.A. 11 May, 1633.

Hodge, Thomas (Hoge), secular chaplain, B.Gramm. 8 Nov., 1522.

Hodge, Thomas, "ser." ., matric. 8 Dec., 1658, B.A. 1663, M.A. 1666; brother of Alexander. See Foster's Index Eccl.

Hodges, Alexander, of Oxon, pleb. ., matric. entry under date 3 Aug., 1578, aged 29; B.A. from 22 Feb., 1581-2.

Hodges, Antony, s. John, of London, pleb. ., matric. 19 Aug., 1634, aged 19; B.A. 4 June, 1635, chaplain, M.A. 11 April, 1638, nominated B.D. 16 June, 1646, declined to be created, admitted to Merchant Taylors' school 1626; born 5 April, 1614; "a most admirable philologist," vicar of Cumnor, Oxon, and rector of Wytham, Berks, died in Oxford 13 Jan., 1685-6, aged 72. See Fasti, i. 501; & Robinson, i. 116.
 [15]

Hodges, Anthony, s. "Don" (? Danvers), of Broadwell, co. Gloucester, gent. ., matric. 14 March, 1672-3, aged 16; B.A. 1676; brother of Danvers 1670.

Hodges, Boaz, s. Rich., of Stoke Edith, co. Hereford, paup. ., matric. 1 Dec., 1680, aged 18; B.A. 1684, vicar of Woolhope, co. Hereford, 1698; brother of Richard 1666. See Foster's ''Index Eccl'.

Hodges, Don, s. Antony, of Broadwell, co. Gloucester, gent. ., matric. 4 Dec., 1635, aged 16; B.A. 18 June, 1639, B.C.L. from. 4 July, 1642. Query rightly Danvers father of the next-named and of Anthony; a student of Gray's Inn 1641, as Dow. See Foster's Gray's Inn Reg.

Hodges, Danvers, s. D., of Broadwell, co. Gloucester, gent. , matric. 15 April, 1670, aged 15; bar.-at-law, Lincoln's Inn, 1681, and bencher of Middle Temple 1711; brother of Anthony 1673. See Foster's Judges and Barristers.

Hodges, Emanuel, of Devon, pleb. ., matric. 11 June, 1602, aged 20; B.A. 26 Oct., 1602, vicar of Chertsey, Surrey, 1606, of West Drayton, Middlesex, 1624, and of Harmondsworth, Middlesex, 1628. See Foster's Index Eccl.
 [20]

Hodges, Estcourt, s. Thomas, of Shipton, co. Gloucester, arm. ., matric. 27 Oct., 1709, aged 15.

Hodges, George, of Oxon, pleb. , matric. entry under date 1573, aged 21.

Hodges, George, s. Tho., of High Littleton, Somerset, pleb. ., matric. 5 Feb., 1685-6, aged 18; brother of John 1692.

Hodges, Giles, of Somerset, gent. ., matric. 20 Feb., 1595-6, aged 18.

Hodges, Henry, s. H., of London (Hanwell in 4to.), arm. ., matric. 7 May, 1700, aged 16.
 [25]

Hodges, Hugh, gent. ., matric. 2 July, 1658; bar.-at-law, of Lincoln's Inn, 1666, bencher 1685 (as 2nd son of Hugh, of Sherborne, Dorset, gent.), serjeant-at-law 1686, recorder and M.P. Bridport 1685-7; father of the next-named. See Foster's Judges and Barristers.

Hodges, Hugh, s. H., of Sherborn, Dorset, arm. ., matric. 26 March, 1683, aged 16; bar.-at-law, Lincoln's Inn, 1692. See Foster's Judges and Barristers.

Hodges, James, B.A. from ., Cambridge, 1649, incorporated as M.A. 12 July, 1653.*

Hodges, John, fellow of. 1542, B.A. 16 Dec., 1542.

Hodges, John (Hodgis or Hoggis), at. 1549-50, from Gloucester, B.C.L. 29 June, 1557.
 [30]

Hodges, John, of Somerset, pleb. , matric. 18 March, 1585-6, aged 16.

Hodges, John, of Somerset, pleb. ., matric. 14 Feb., 1588-9, aged 18; B.A. 29 Feb., 1591-2, M.A. 8 July, 1595; fellow. 1599-1604 (incorporated at Cambridge 1631), B. and D.D. 26 May, 1631. See Foster's Index Ecclesiasticus.

Hodges, John, of co. Gloucester, gent. ., matric. 16 Feb., 1596-7, aged 17.

Hodges, John of Somerset, gent. , matric. 17 June, 1597, aged 19.

Hodges, John, B.A. from. 23 June, 1601, dispensed towards M.A. 6 July, 1602. See O.H.S. xii. 227.
 [35]

Hodges, John, of co. Worcester, pleb. ., matric. 12 Nov., 1619, aged 17; B.A. 2 July, 1622, M.A. 6 July, 1625, student of Gray's Inn 1623 (as of Broadway, co. Worcester, gent.), vicar of Shaxtone, co. Leicester, 1630-49; perhaps canon of Lichfield 1628. See Ath, ii. 637; Foster's Inns of Court Reg.; & Foster's Index Eccl.

Hodges, John, created B.A. from 15 April, 1648. See Foster's Judges and Barristers.

Hodges, John, gent. ., matric. 22 Feb., 1650-1. See Foster's Judges and Barristers.

Hodges, John, "ser." ., matric. 2 July, 1658; B.A. from 7 Feb., 1661-2.

Hodges, John, s. Moses, of Sulgrave, Northants, cler. ., matric. 8 July, 1678, aged 16; student of Gray's Inn 1677; died 8 Feb., 1723-4; brother of Moses 1679. See Foster's Gray's Inn Register.
 [40] [ 723 ]


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 tures lead us to believe that all the operations of the Divine Providence are with a view to promote the happiness of humanity, both in heaven and on earth. Such an event then does not comport with such a Providence; and no one can suppose that God would do it for His own pleasure or caprice. The earth is what the Lord has created it to be: can He become dissatisfied with the work of His own hands, or will He in the course of ages, discover some imperfection in the wisdom by which it was created? Ideas like these cannot be entertained for a moment. Why then should it be supposed that He will withdraw His preserving care, and provide for the overthrow of that which has required the activity of infinite love and wisdom to produce? We feel assured that every act of the Divine Providence is an act of mercy intended to confer some advantage upon mankind: to think otherwise would compel us to believe that God is not a Being of infinite love; how then can this advantage be promoted by an act which is to involve the universe in flames? Surely if those arguments be duly weighed, the notion must be relinquished. It cannot be maintained without abandoning all consideration of use; closing the eyes against the benevolence of Providence; denying express statements of the Word; regarding God as the destroyer of that which He creates; and charging Him with change, notwithstanding He changes not, and is the same yesterday, to-day, and for ever. The same love which led to the creation of the world, has superintended its preservation; and, as there is no reason to believe that this love will ever be diminished or withdrawn, the conclusion is evident that it must endure for ever.

We might pursue this argument to a greater length, but it is hoped enough has been said to induce some reflection on the subject. We therefore commend the whole argu-


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 ment to the careful and candid consideration of all serious inquirers after truth. More will be said in the next chapter, by which the general purpose of this will be supported; for if it be true that the earth abideth for ever, then it would seem to follow, as a logical consequence, that the human race will never cease.


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 In the year 951, the Year of the Ox (2132 BE), rice was dear, being ten tamlueng per cartload. The seal of Phaya Narai was affixed for confirmation. On Friday, the seventh waning-moon day of the second month, the earth quaked.

In the year 952, the Year of the Tiger (2133 BE), on Sunday, the thirteenth waning-moon day of the eighth month, His Divine Highness the Royal Buddha, the Divine Senile Rajah, entered nirvana. On Tuesday, the second waning-moon day of the twelfth month, the High Viceroy marched his hosts in by way of Kanchanaburi. On that occasion, the person of the ruler of Phasim was captured in Chorakhe Sam Phan District.

In the year 954, the Year of the Dragon (2135 BE), on Friday, the second waning-moon day of the twelfth month, the High Viceroy marched in from Hongsa. On Saturday, the first waning-moon day of the first month, the palate of the regal elephant Phaya Chaiyanuphap prolapsed about five ongkhuli in size. Once it reached the second month, the High Viceroy reached the territory of Suphan Buri Town, but he set his hosts in Phang Tru District. On Sunday, the ninth waxing-moon day of the second month, at the time of four nalika and two bat after the dayspring, [the King's Highness] proceeded in formation by way of river [to perform the rite of] fan mai khom nam in Lomphli District and mustered the hosts of triump in Muang Wan District, and on Wednesday, the twelfth waxing-moon da of the second month, at the time of two nalika and nine bat after the dayspring, [He] proceeded in formation on land. Furthermore, as daylight was nighing on that twelfth waxing-moon day, a bodily relic was seen miraculously passing towards the way which [the King's Highness] was about to take. On Monday, the second waning-moon day of the second month, at the time of five nalika and three bat after the dayspring, [the King's Highness], mounted upon the regal elephant Phaya Chaiyanuphap, went out to fight with the High Viceroy in Nong Sarai District. On that occasion, the auspicious time was not observed but was a bit breached, and whilst fighting with the High Viceroy on elephant, His Divine Highness Narai the Holy Lord was slightly hit in the right hand with a shot. In addition, when the High Viceroy rode his elephant out to stand it [at a place], the headgear the High Viceroy was wearing fell down to the ground and he picked it up and put it on again. In that event, the High Viceroy was cleaved to death on the neck of his elephant at that very place, and the regal elephant Phaya


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 176 THE LAST JUDGMENT. AND

are to be perpetuated. A special argument for the continuance of the human race drawn from the circumstance of the Lord's assumption of humanity, and the redemption of mankind.

the preceding chapter we have endeavoured to show from the Word, and from considerations in relation to the Divine character, that the earth will endure for ever. We now proceed to follow up that conclusion with evidence and argument to show that the human race will never cease. The two points are intimately connected, and necessary to be understood before we can form a right estimate of what is written concerning the last judgment and the second coming of the Lord.

The non-cessation of mankind is, no doubt, a new position to ordinary theology, but is an old one in the catalogue of truth. If it be a fact that the earth is to remain for ever, there must be a Divine purpose for it; and what purpose is so worthy of a wise and merciful God as that of continuing the existence of a race whom He has created to be an image and likeness of Himself. The two points are closely associated. If the earth were dissolved, mankind must certainly perish; but if the earth is to be preserved, it is reasonable to conclude that their existence will be continued. An examination of the Word, and wisdom which is implied in the merciful attentions of God to that which He has created, will aid us in establishing this view upon no uncertain basis.

It will be useful at the outset to observe that those who affirm the world will pass away, are compelled to admit that a new earth will be created; but there is not the slightest intimation that this new earth will be destroyed. This, then, may be taken as evidence of God's intention to perpetuate our race; for why continue a new earth if it were not for such a purpose? But this is not left to inference


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JUNE 1917

MET him just after he had returned to Canada in one of the earlier parties of soldiers invalided home from the great slaughter-fields of Europe. I was attracted to him by the pathos that I knew lay behind the pink shield that covered one eye, even before I had seen the medal that Royal hands had pinned on his breast. Of his experiences on the battlefield, even of how he had won The Victoria Cross, I found him reluctant to speak; but he told another story, a more personal story, that thrilled my heart with pity for this big, stalwart, world-wise, yet boyish, man of thirty-five.

Here is his story, just as he told it to me and to my companion, a young woman, whom I had accompanied to the Convalescent Hospital:

"My name is George Wharton, at least, that is the name I've been known by for the past two or three years. I've had several names in my time, but this last is the one I've disgraced least of all, I guess.

"No; I didn't go Overseas with the First Contingent. At that time, I had no intention that I would ever enlist. When the recruiting officers first began looking for volunteers, I would slink down the side streets to avoid meeting one. Course, I could have adopted a limp, or rheumatism in my shoulder, or my eyes might have suddenly gone bad on me, in the same way that I knew lots of other fellows to have become suddenly affected, so soon as their duty seemed to point Overseas. But with all my faults—and the Lord knows there's plenty of them—I never became an adept at lying. I've done lots of things worse, but, somehow, my tongue seemed to get sort of paralyzed whenever I tried to tell a point-blank lie. I guess it's remembering the lessons on lying that my mother used to teach me.

"But I had made up my mind not to enlist. I was afraid of being killed—a sort of moral coward, as it were. It wasn't that I minded the thought of hard work, or suffering, or privations, It was not that I minded death itself; but it was the 'Afterwards' that frightened me. You see, I had not been a good man; I was familiar with the inside of at least three jails, and while I was not afraid of any amount of pain, or even of being through with this life, I was frightfully scared of the 'Afterwards.' I wasn't fit to die, and I knew it. So I kept on dodging the recruiting officers.

"My father was a good man; too good, I used to think. At least he was so good, he never could understand how I could be so bad; for I was bad even as a boy. He never had patience with me. As for Mother, she was the sweetest mother a ever had, and she shielded me all she could. And my little sister Alice—she was only five, but the loveliest little girl that ever lived—I believe I might have been different if I had not lost her, I was barely sixteen when I got into my first real scrape, and Father ordered me from the house and told me never to come back. I wanted to say good-bye to Alice and pleaded with Father not to let i know how bad I had been, for I wanted her to remember me as kindly as she could. I shall never forget my father's stern answer:

"'Alice is very young. She will soon forget, I hope, that she ever had a brother.'

"I can see Mother yet, throwing out her arms as though to shield me from a blow. As for me, I knew there was no appeal from my father's verdict, and I hung my head and slunk from the house.

"From that day I rapidly became worse. There was no incentive to try to keep straight. I was bitter toward my father, for I thought he been too severe. I never went back to the house, for I knew it would mean trouble for Mother if she or Alice saw me.

"I shall always remember my first term in jail. I had plenty of time to think; I became frightened at where my course was leading me, and I made up my mind that as soon as I got out I would quit my old life and do the Prodigal Son act. Then, one day, a newspaper came to me addressed in my father's stiff penmanship. I opened it eagerly. There was a blue pencil mark opposite a name in the Deaths column—my mother's name. Underneath was written, 'You have now added murder to your other crimes. I hope you are satisfied.' It was a cruel punishment, that. My gentle little mother had died of the disgrace of having a son in jail. All this happened nearly twenty years ago, but it is as vivid to me as if it had been only last week.

"When I got out of jail, I determined to do better. But I was branded. An ex-jailbird hasn't much show anywhere, or hadn't in those days, and I soon went back to my old pals and my old life. I'm not going to trouble you with the history of my misdeeds, but I'm just letting you see why I was so much afraid of what death might mean to me.

"Then, about two years ago, I was standing, one evening, at a corner waiting for a street car, when I suddenly heard some one begin to sing. I looked around and found I was in front of a lighted church. I was always passionately fond of music, but I had never listened to anything before like that song. I hesitated a moment and then went inside the church, thinking that there was an entertainment. I sat down near the door and listened, spell-bound, till the singer was through. It was only then that I realized it was merely a choir practice I had been listening to and that I had no right to be there, I slipped out quietly, but I had heard enough to know that the practice was for the regular services on the following Sunday. I went to hear her again on Sunday, and the Sunday after that, and soon I was attending the church every Sunday, and hanging around outside during the weekly practices, listening for her voice. At first, I did not always wait for the full service on Sunday; I would slip out after her solo was over. Gradually, though, I began to sit throughout the service, just to look at her. I had found out her name from a program—Alice Ferguson—and it pleased me that she was called Alice, for somehow she made me think of my little sister. Sometimes I would imagine that she knew I was watching her, and would even fancy that she looked right at me and sang especially for me.

"This went on for about three months, and gradually I had begun to wonder if there were any chance in the 'Afterwards' for a fellow who had been as bad as I had been. Then one Sunday my singer sang that old song, 'Why do you wait, dear brother?'—sang it as I believe it had never been sung before. After that the minister spoke. I don't know what his text was, but he spoke of Him who had given His life for others, and of the great love that prompted the act. It wasn't a recruiting sermon especially, but he referred to the opportunities for atonement that might be seized at the present time.

"When I left the church, I went direct to the nearest recruiting office and signed up. The corps I joined left for Overseas very soon afterward, and my only regret at going was that I should no longer be able to hear my sweet singer.

"Of the year I spent in the trenches I will not speak. It is all too near and clear to me yet, for me to be able to speak of it calmly. Only my last day there will I mention. When I got the wound that shattered this eye, I felt a sudden severe pain, and a great weakness overtook me. I believed it to be the approach of death. But I braced myself. I was going to die, but I was going to die fighting till the very last second of time. How long it lasted I do not know, but it seemed an eternity tome. My captain passed me. He was in a great hurry, for our trench was in dire peril. When he saw my wound he insisted that I go and have it dressed. I just laughed and told him it wasn't worth while. I believed I was dying, but I fought on and on—for hours it seemed. When the weakness seemed about to overcome me, I would grip afresh and still fight on. Suddenly a great blackness enveloped me, and out of it a sweet voice sang, 'Why do you wait, dear brother?' I felt it was death, no longer to be defied.

''"Why, are you here, too? When did you die?" "You must have been dreaming," she smiled. "Do you meant that I did not die, after all?"''

HEN I knew no more, until, gradually, out of a vast silence, I heard the singer again. I was strangely comfortable and content and lay without opening my eyes. I believed myself in Heaven, and as I listened to the singing, I remembered how I used to doubt that it could be possible for angels to sing more sweetly than Alice Ferguson, I knew then that I was right. This heavenly singer, I thought, was no better than she had been. Had I not believed I was dead, I would have thought it was her voice I was listening to. When the song was ended, I lay still, with closed eyes, wondering what would happen next. Feeling a soft touch on my wrist, I looked up, straight into the eyes of Alice Ferguson.

"'Why', I said wonderingly, 'are you here, too? When did you die?'

"She smiled as she answered understandingly:

"'You have been dreaming, I think.'

"'Do you mean,' I exclaimed, 'that I did not die after all?'

"'You came pretty near it,' she answered; 'but you will be all right now, I hope.'

"She gave me a soothing drink and would not let me talk any more just then, but later we saw a great deal of each other.

"She seemed attracted to me, just as I had been to her. Perhaps it was the way my eyes constantly followed her about the room that brought her first to talk to me. I learned that she was a nurse as well as a singer and had volunteered for service some months before.

"One day she said to me, 'You remind me so much of some one I have seen before. There was a man I used to see attending the same church I did at home. I never knew his name, but you look so much like him.'

"Then I blurted it all out—how I had first heard her sing and had gone to church merely to listen to her; how her voice came back to me in the trenches, just as I sank into the unconsciousness that I thought was death; and how it was her voice that had recalled me to life from the very brink of eternity. But I was surprised that she should have noticed and remembered me.

"'Oh,' she explained, 'I saw (Continued on page 32)


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 merely: Peter plainly said, we look for a new earth wherein dwelleth righteousness: this implies the continuation of mankind; for how is righteousness to dwell upon the earth, if they are to be taken away from it? About this there is no information. But the Lord has expressly said, "As the new heavens and the new earth, which I will make, shall remain before me, so shall your seed and your name remain." The notion then that the human race will some day cease, receives no countenance from the Scriptures; it breaks down in the hands of those who expect the destruction of the old earth; because we find that man's duration is to be co-extensive with the new one; and about the destruction of this new earth no one will pretend to find any evidence in the Scriptures.

It is written, "Thus saith the Lord that created the heavens; God Himself that formed the earth and made it; He hath established it, He created it not in vain, He formed it to be inhabited." From this we learn that the Lord would have regarded the earth as a vain thing if it had not been created as a dwelling-place for the human race. That being the end for which it was created, must also be the end for which it is to "abide for ever." Whether those terms be understood of the natural earth or of the Church, it amounts to the same thing; for the existence of the Church requires the existence of the earth, and the continuation of the Church involves the continuation of man.

The Lord said, "The heaven is my throne, and the earth is my footstool." The heaven here referred to is not the blue expanse above us, but the habitation of the angels; His throne is His government among them; and the earth spoken of as His footstool is not the physical


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 world in which we live, but the Lord's Church among mankind; and this natural heaven and natural earth cannot cease unless He were pleased to thrust away His footstool, and so destroy that lowest plane of responsible life to which His government descends. This passage reveals some of the grandest truths of the Word: it informs us that the Church is the basis of heaven; that heaven rests upon it as a house upon its foundation; and, consequently, if the foundation were to give way, the house would be destroyed. The earth is the seminary in which mankind are to be educated and prepared for heaven; the Lord's Word is as it were the school-book out of which they are to be taught, and all the inhabitants of the kingdom of heaven are from the regenerated of the human race: those who dwell in the opposite kingdom are from the faithless and disobedient portion of mankind.

It is well known that the common belief concerning the origin of angels, is, that they were created such at once; and that the devil, with his crew, arose out of a rebellion in heaven, from which they were expelled, and who then founded the kingdom of darkness. But these are fictions of the poets, not the teachings of revelation. We are aware that there are some passages to which persons resort in order to support those imaginations; but all who will examine them with any discrimination may know that they were never written to propagate such a view; and that so to apply them is either to mistake their meaning or to pervert their sense.

The Scriptures represent to us that man is not only the first but the highest object of responsible creation. They record nothing about angels or devils until after man had been brought upon the scene of existence; and the angels who are mentioned present no other characteristics


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 than those which may reasonably be supposed to belong to the beatified spirits of departed men. Hence the poet has beautifully said—

Surely they are the spirits of just men made perfect. God has nowhere told us that He has created two different races of accountable creatures. All the angels of whom the Scriptures speak appeared as human beings. The wings with which they are sometimes depicted are the inventions of poets and painters: they have no such appendages assigned to them in the Word.

Man, we are told, was created in the image and likeness of God, and he was declared to be very good. That which is an image of God is a recipient of His wisdom; and that which is a likeness of God is a recipient of His love. The goodness of man arose out of his reception of those quallities. He must then have been the highest object of Divine creation. What can be higher than that which is an image and likeness of the Highest? They who possess those excellences during their lifetime in the world are emphatically described as men; and when they pass with this high condition into heaven, they do not lose their characteristics as men; and though, from their new condition and superior dwelling-place they are called angels, yet they are also designated men. Thus they who have been good and wise in the world become angels in heaven. These two different titles arise out of two distinctive conditions of life. The state of an angel is superior to the condition of a man, because man, during his lifetime in the world, is in the process of being regenerated, and is confined to a


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 have said something of them already, but more must now be said. I dwell now on their deep interest in the life and history of humanity. Their poetry, with a few lyric exceptions, is the best he wrote. They are weighty with interesting, novel, masculine, and often surprising thought. They extend their sympathy over wide areas of history and are in close contact also with the limited time in which he lived. They contain admirable drawings of men and women whom he admired and loved; of their characters and their influence on the world. Weighted with grave and clear thought, their imagination moves with power, and with a grace which results from the power. It grasps the higher nature of one division of the human race, as in these celebrated lines which describe the Orient when Rome had ceased to disturb it; yet the phrase is only partly true:

With as much forceful insight, when he pictures the Scholar Gipsy flying from the fevered world and pursuing still the unreachable ideal, he describes another whole class of men. And with the insight and the force of it, what beauty of words, what intimate love of the lovely world!


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I rejoice to feel in these elegies, the delicate, sensitive art, the careful strength which, combined with a winning grace and serious love of quiet beauty, affect the soul as a still, fair autumn Italian day in lands full of human history affects the senses. Quietude, power, beauty, and tenderness pervade them.

The appreciations of Byron, Goethe, and Wordsworth, which in a poem on Obermann he carries further, are not only good in themselves, but they are applied to the story of man, and to the criticism of the time in which he lived. And the tenderness and gratitude with which he remembers the work of Wordsworth pass into gratitude to him for the healing which his verse has brought to the heart of man. A greater tenderness, a deeper reverence, a personal love and honour fill, as with sweet waters, the verses to his father's memory. But they also pass from personal feeling into feeling for the fates of man. What is the course of the life, he asks, of mortal men on the earth? Most men eddy about, blindly strive, achieve nothing, and perish. But some a thirst unquenchable fires, and they move to a clear goal; and of these he writes in a noble and imaginative passage, with a splendour of description. Only one out of many pilgrims reaches


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 material body, in which his spiritual mind can only think of spiritual things after a natural manner; but when the mind is liberated from its mortal covering, it then begins to think spiritually of spiritual things: and when this is the case, man becomes an angel, and understands things which were not comprehended by him in his previous condition as a man. Thus an angel is a holy man raised into a purer and higher stage of being.

Nor can it be shown from the Scriptures that there is, or ever was, an angel in heaven who had not first been a human inhabitant of the natural world. This world was created for man to dwell on, and there to receive that education which is necessary to form the angelic disposition. Holy discipline of the mind and heart is the means by which, according to the Scriptures, the Lord forms angelic principles and character in man. And what evidence is there that He provides inhabitants for His kingdom in any other manner? Whatsoever He does is done by Him in the best and wisest way; no other would consort with the perfection of His purposes, and, therefore the angels of His kingdom must have been gathered from the good and faithful of the human race. How else can the fact be accounted for, that the angels, who are stated in the Word to have appeared to favoured individuals, are spoken of as men? The three angels who appeared to Abraham in the plains of Mamre are afterwards called three men; so likewise are those who were seen by Lot. Jacob is described to have wrestled with an angel, who is also called a man. The angel seen by Joshua is stated to have been a man; and so is he who appeared to Manoah and his wife. The angel Gabriel is expressly called the man Gabriel. The two angels who were seen at the sepulchre after the resurrection of the Lord are said to have been two men;


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 the desolate inn and the gaunt landlord on the ridge of the snow-clad pass. The rest have perished. But his father would not be saved alone, but gave his life to bring those that were lost safe to the goal. And from this he passes to describe in lofty phrase those others, servants and sons of God, through whom it is that mankind still has faith and strength enough to march on to the City of God. This is indeed a change from the days when he only thought of his own soul.

Then the famous passage in the poem on Heine's Grave on the Titan toil of England shows how he felt beyond himself the building pains of a nation. This dignified passage is lightened and enlightened by his delicate description of Heine's youth and his sympathy with his joy; and finally all the poem is made to thrill with its final thought concerning all humanity (thrown back from the end into all that precedes it)—that the Spirit in whom man exists has made each of us the revealer of one or more of His thoughts, discloses through us the infinite variety of His Being. It is a leading thought of Fichte's, a thought that arises in many, and that arose, I have no doubt uncommunicated, in the soul of Arnold.

The Stanzas from the Grande Chartreuse, represent, as I have already said, a partial reaction from the wider, brighter view he now takes of the world to the trouble of his own life and spirit; but as they develop, they also pass from self-consideration into consideration of the fate of the world of men, and of those who shared


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 in and were broken by the strife. Ah, he thinks at the close, with that constantly recurring thought of his in which so much of his inner life and of ours is hidden, let the new world thunder on its noisy triumph and use its powers, be proud of its turbulent life or of its eternal trifling-yet there are a few who would in quiet take their bent towards unwearied pursuit of the perfect, who like Glanvil have "one aim, one business, one desire," who wait in joyous unconcern for the celestial light; and they, in these unthinking days, are the refuge and light of the world.

Then the two poems to Senancour, the writer of Obermann, mingle their personal and self-revealing verse with so wide a human interest that in all who read them a hundred questions rise—of their own soul, of the age in which they live, and of the fates of man. On the great difference of the second from the first I have already written, but I may dwell here on their charm—charm of grave thought, ranging far and wide, charm of happy word and phrase, and charm of natural description. The very atmosphere of that lovely land, where so many hearts have been healed, the flowerhaunted meadows, the shimmering lake below, the blue hills, the far-off snows—is in the loving verse, and it is mingled with the soul of Arnold and Obermann, till each mountain slope and every flower upon them, and the waves of the lake as they break on the shore, are of men, and through men, and in men.

Of all these elegies, the Scholar Gipsy and Thyrsis


text: Travels in West Africa, Congo Français, Corisco and Cameroons/Chapter 12


text: Travels in West Africa, Congo Français, Corisco and Cameroons/Chapter 13


text: Travels in West Africa, Congo Français, Corisco and Cameroons/Chapter 14


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Author:Aneurin Owen

As editor

 * Ancient Laws and Institutes of Wales (1841)

title: Author:Aneurin Owen


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Before leaving the Ogowé region I must attempt to give you a general résumé of its geography; for my own journals kept, while in it, contain this information in so scattered a state, that no one save an expert in this bit of Africa would understand the full bearing of them; and it would have to be an enthusiastic expert who would take the trouble of piecing the information together.

My reason for going into these geographical details at all, is that I think I may say no region in Africa, certainly no region of equal importance, is so little known in England. The history of the exploration of the upper regions of the Ogowé may be written in the life of one man, that of the greatest of all West African explorers, M. de Brazza; and it is impossible for any one to fail to regard him with the greatest veneration, when one knows from personal acquaintance the make of country and the dangerousness of the native population with which he has had to deal and with which he still deals, restlessly but wisely pushing always onwards to expand the territories of the country of his


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 Bampfield, Giles, of Devon, 'cler. fil.' ., matric. 31 Aug., 1582, aged 14 (Sir Amyas, 1575, had a brother of this name). See Foster's Inns of Court Reg.  Bamfeild, James, s. (Amyas), of Devon, equitis. , matric. 19 Jan., 1620-1, aged 18; B.A. 9 May, 1621, M.A. 4 Feb., 1623-4, rector of Black Torrington, Devon, 1627, and of Rattery 1634. See Foster's Index Ecclesiasticus.  Bamfylde, John, of Somerset, arm. , matric.-entry under date 20 July, 1578, aged 13; a student of the Middle Temple 1584, as son and heir of Thomas, of Hardington, Somerset. See Foster's Inns of Court Reg.  Bampfylde, John, of Devon, militis fil. ., matric. 13 July, 1604, aged 18; a student of the Middle Temple 1607, as son and heir of Amias, of Poltimore, Devon, knight; M.P. Tiverton 1621-2, Devon 1628-9, father of Francis 1634.  Bampfeild, (Sir) John, s. John, of Poltimore, Devon, arm. , matric. 30 Oct., 1629, aged 19; a student of the Middle Temple 1630, M.P. Penryn 1640, until secluded Dec., 1648, created a baronet 14 July, 1641, died in April 1650. See Foster's Parliamentary Dictionary & Gardiner, 92.  Bampfylde, John (Baumfeild), s. Thomas, of Hardington, Somerset, arm. , matric. 24 May, 1639, aged 16; died in 1661, brother of Warwick.  [6]

Bampfylde, John, 2s. John, bart. , matric. 12 July, 1659, died in 1664.  Bampfylde, John, s. Hug., of Wareley, Devon, arm. , matric. 26 Jan., 1707-8, aged 16; of Hestercombe, M.P. Exeter 1715, Devonshire Feb., 1736, died 17 Sept., 1750, brother of Warwick same date. See Foster's Parliamentary Dictionary.

Bampfield, Col. (Joseph), created M.A. 16 Jan., 1642-3, a royalist colonel. See Dictionary of National Biography.

Bampfeild, Lewis, 3s. John, of Poltimore, Somerset (sic), arm. ., matric. 30 Oct., 1629, aged 17; bar.-at-law, Middle Temple, 1638. See Foster's Judges and Barristers.
 [10]

Bampfild, Richard, of Devon, arm. ., matric. 17 Nov., 1581, aged 15; a student of the Middle Temple 1583, as 2nd son of Richard, of Poltimore, Devon, esq. See Foster's Inns of Court Reg.

Bampfyld, Richard, s. Joh., of Poltimore, Devon, gent. ., matric. 13 Dec., 1667, aged 17.

Bamfeild, Thomas, s. John, of Poltimore, Devon, arm. ., matric. 15 May, 1640, aged 17; bar.-at-law, Middle Temple, 1649, bencher 1659, speaker of the House of Commons March to May, 1659, recorder of Exeter, and M.P. 1654-60, died 8 Oct., 1673. See Foster's Judges and Barristers & D.N.B.

Bampfylde, Warwick (Baumfeild), s. Thomas, of Hardington, Somerset, arm. , matric. 24 May, 1639, aged 15; died 1694-5, brother of John same date.>

Bampfylde, (Sir) Warwick Coplestone, 'Bart.,' s. Hug., of Wareley, Devon, bart. , matric. 26 Jan., 1707-8, aged 18; 3rd baronet, M.P. Exeter 1710, Devon 1713, until his death 7 Oct., 1727, brother of John same date.
 [15]

Bampfield, William, 'ser.' ., matric. 11 April, 1660, B.A. 1663, M.A. from ., Cambridge, 1667, rector of Loxbeare 1666, and of Arlington, Devon, 1667. See Foster's Index Ecclesiasticus.

Bampton, James, s. William, of Ringwood, Hants, pleb. , matric. 6 Nov., 1668, aged 18; fellow ., B.C.L. 1676, vicar of Sopley, Hants, 1674, born 11 Feb., 1646, died 11 May, 1683. See Gutch, i. 224; Fasti, ii. 353; & Foster's Index Ecclesiasticus.

Bampton, John, B.A. 26 Jan., 1569-70.

Bampton, John, s. Jasper, of Salisbury, Wilts, gent. ., matric. 13 March, 1705-6, aged 16; B.A. 1709, M.A. 1712, founder of the Bampton lectures, rector of Stratford Toney, Wilts, 1718, canon of Salisbury 1718, until his death in 1751. See D.N.B.

Bampton, Joseph, s. William, of Policott, Bucks, pleb. ., matric. 31 March, 1671, aged 17; B.A. from 1674, M.A. 1677.
 [20]

Banastre, Henry, arm. ., matric. 21 July, 1651.

Banastre, Henry, 'serviens,' s. Richard, of Altham, co. Lancaster, arm. ., matric. 23 March, 1660-1, aged 18.

Banbery, Cyprian, 'cler. fil.', matric. 10 Nov., 1654, B.A. 4 Feb., 1657-8, incorp. (? as M.A.) at Cambridge, 1675, rector of Knipton, co. Leicester, 1664, and of Teigh, Rutland, 1675. See Foster's Index Ecclesiasticus.

Banberye, Edward, of Middlesex, gent. ., matric. 8 July, 1591, aged 15; B.A. (sup. 7 Feb.), 1593-4, M.A. 9 July, 1596, a student of the Inner Temple 1596, as of Stepney, Middlesex. See Foster's Inns of Court Reg.

Bancroft, John, pleb. , matric. 10 Feb., 1592-3, aged 18; student 1592 (from Westminster), B.A. 16 June, 1596, M.A. 21 May, 1599, B.D. 9 July, 1607, D.D. 24 Jan. 1609-10, master of. 1609-32 (son of Christopher, eldest son of John Bancroft, of Farnworth, co. Lanc., and brother of Archbishop Bancroft), canon of St. Paul's 1609, rector of Finchley, Middlesex, 1601, of Stourmouth and Orpington 1608, of Woodchurch 1609, and of Biddenden 1610, all in Kent, vicar of Cuddesden, Oxon, and of Bray, Berks, 1633, bishop of Oxford 1632, until his death 12 Feb., 1640-1. See ''Ath. Ox''., ii. 893; Alumni West., 63: & D.N.B.
 [25]

Bancroft, Richard, archbishop of Canterbury 1604, and chancellor of the University 1608, until his death 2 Nov., 1610. See Fasti, i. 324.

Bancrofte, Richard, 1s. Richard, of Willesden, Middlesex, arm. ., matric. 6 Dec., 1622, aged 14.

Bancroft, Thomas (alias Holden), s. William Bancroft, alias Holden, of Littleover, co. Derby, sacerd. , matric. 18 Jan., 1632-3, aged 18; B.A. 15 Jan., 1634-5.

Band, William, of Dorset, pleb. , matric. 1 March, 1587-8, aged 26.

Bandinell, James. of Hants, 'cler. fil.', matric. 12 March, 1618-19, aged 17; B.A. from 4 Dec., 1622, M.A. 20 June, 1625.
 [30]

Bands, Morris, created B.A. from ., 15 April, 1648. See.

Banger, Bernard, of Dorset, pleb. ., matric. 9 Feb., 1581-2, aged 10; B.C.L. 16 June, 1601, administration bond with will, at Oxford, 3 Oct., 1615.

Banger, Bernard, of Dorset, pleb. ., matric. 28 April, 1615, aged 16; B.A. from. 15 Oct., 1618: M.A. from 30 June, 1625, vicar of Frampton, Dorset, 1623, rector of Yarlington, Somerset, 1634, father of Josiah and of Bernard next named. See Foster's Index Ecclesiasticus.

Banger, Bernard, s. Bernard, of Yarlington, Somerset, sacerd. ., matric. 11 March, 1641-2, aged 15; B.A. 3 Dec., 1645, rector of Mapperton, Dorset, 1663, father of Peter 1683. See Foster's Index Ecclesiasticus.

Bangor, Edward, B.A. from 8 Feb., 1588-89.
 [35]

Bangor, Edward, of Sussex, 'cler. fil.', matric. 2 Nov., 1621, aged 17.
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text: Letters to Frederick Marshman Bailey

title: Letters to Frederick Marshman Bailey


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PAGE 10

TOOK the children to hear the Rey. W. A. Cameron preach his last sermon before leaving for the War. I must say I liked him in his soldier's uniform. His discourse was all about love—strange theme when he was going away to fight—but it fitted in with the spirit of the congregation like an acorn into its cup. He said that at the last day, when the Lord calls his own, He will not say, "Jane, did you believe in predestination? Were you sound in doctrine from your shoes up? Was your creed all set in order and fastened with orthodox clasps?" Not a bit of it. He will say, "Jane, come right up here, and sit with Me. I was poor and you visited Me; I was sick and in prison and you came unto Me. Don't be backward, Jane; you are My disciple. You stood up for the down-trodden.” Mr. Cameron did not say these very words, but that is how I fitted the sermon into my life. Sol drew me down and whispered, "Let us ask the Clement children to dinner!" How that boy went right to the point! Mrs. Clement was feeble-minded and couldn't cook anything fit to eat. Some sermons I have heard only lead to a blind alley on a dark night.

The Conrads were the early birds who came out North before Shack Town had a being. They bought a large piece of ground, built a small house, and waited for the boom. Mrs. Conrad was thrifty, made money on her hens and garden truck, while her husband went about and took options on several other blocks of land.

The boom came, and the Conrads were on Easy Street—quite wealthy for working folk. Now comes the sad part of their story. Mrs. Conrad lost her head and cooled off on her old friends, built Corinthian pillars on the front of the house, turned the chicken run into an Italian garden, bought twin beds, gave a pink tea, and tried to line herself up with the aristocracy.

When war broke out, Mr. Conrad said he would not enlist; he had never thought much of soldiering as an occupation; he declared that those who played the game during peace should now take hold and do their duty in time of war. But he had nothing to do; his business was at a standstill; the only land sold was an occasional lot in the cemetery. When reports of the murder of Nurse Cavell came out, he enlisted. He told me he really thought he should have gone before the men with children; "But," he added, "one can't right-about-face all in a minute. I have no children, and if I am killed, wife will have plenty. To be sure, I am not very husky—life as a land speculator does not develop muscle—but I am willing to do my bit. It's a fight for liberty, and I want to be in on it."

First he went to Niagara. Later he was moved to Camp Borden. One Friday he came home on leave, took off his uniform, and said he did not intend to go back to the camp again; he had enlisted to fight Germans, not to pull stumps in a sand desert. He showed me his hands, all torn and bleeding. His wife and I tried to reason with him, but to no purpose. He told us to stop chattering, he knew what he was doing.

One evening Mr. Faulkner, an old man who lived at the head of the street, told me that while he was at the town hall in the afternoon he had heard that two officers were coming in the evening to arrest Conrad.

It was then eight o'clock. I hurried up the street into the Italian garden, through the Corinthian pillars and the frescoed hall, back into the Conrad's dining-room.

"Come," I cried, "the officers are after you. Jump into your uniform at once and don't disgrace us. Run down by the Don, then round by the Convalescent Home; at that point take the car to the City, after that the train to Camp Borden; and do it quick! If there is no other way, hire a motor."

"What do you take me for?" he asked, as sullen as a frozen marigold.

"Take you for!" I said, warming up. "For a man and a soldier. You said that you were willing to die for your Country. Put to the test, it seems to me you can't bear a scratch on your little finger. I tell you the officers are down the street! Hurry!"

His wife began to cry, threw her arms round his neck, and implored him not to get arrested. We bundled him into the kitchen, threw his uniform after him, and hoped for the best.

By-and-by he came to us ready for the road. His face had cleared up, and he said that after all he guessed he would go back to Camp Borden, but he'd raise a devil of a row if they put him on the job of pulling stumps. He walked out the back gate a few minutes before the officers came to the front door. Conrad made good, earned his stripes before he went to England. Nobody ever knew, but his wife and I, how narrowly he escaped being a deserter.

NE day I took Ruby Ann down to the city to buy an electric iron. I did not want it much; the old sad irons I had since Sandy and I started house were good enough for me. Truth to tell, I was a little annoyed at Ruby Ann, bothering me at war time with new fangled ideas.

"What's the matter with my ironing, Miss Particular?" I asked.

"Nothing at all," she answered sweetly; "your clothes look beautiful, but you are so set and old fashioned, you shy at a new idea as though it were spinal meningitis. Now, you know you do!" she said laughingly. "Mother dear, can't you see that an electric iron saves fuel, is cleaner, and is always ready for use?"

She went on talking at such a rate that I felt our whole family would be scrapped and thrown to the dogs if I did not get that iron quick, so I said, "After the work is done up, we'll start for the City."

We bought the iron and were just leaving the shop, when a sudden sort of hushed murmur arose in the street, and every one seemed to stand still. I felt some way as though I were in a boat that had ooh d a torpedo and was frightened, women startled, a little child near me began to cry; yet most of us did not know what had happened. All at once a clear, young voice sounded far up the sunlit street: "Kitchener is dead! Kitchener is dead!"

N extra was out, telling that our gallant leader had been drowned. His vessel had gone down in the North Sea with all on board. A man at my side seemed at last to revive from the shock and said to a companion, "Well, it's a sad blow, but England has other men who will fight till the end." Soon a torrent of tongues seemed fairly to swirl up and down the streets. Every one talked, speculated, and mourned. But I never hear the name of Kitchener that I do not think of that awed silence that crept over the business centers of Toronto when word first came that a great man had been swept off his post of duty and swallowed up by the hungry waves. It seemed like a great, silent monument raised to his memory.

After Kitchener's death another anti-German wave rolled over Canada. Our city of Berlin grew restless. Berlin! The very name gave the place a black eye. Give a dog a bad name, and to most people he is only a low-down mongrel cur. Berlin was, and is, a most thrifty, well managed city. A vote was taken, and after some legal delay the name was changed to "Kitchener." Some of our streets had German names; these were replaced by others, patriotic and British. About this time, I heard some one ask at Eaton's for Berlin wool. The saleswoman speared her with an icicle glance and said, "We keep no such article in this store."

There are those who maintain to this day that Kitchener is not dead, but up in Russia helping with the War. I cannot tell upon what they base their belief, but I do know that in a true and very vital way Kitchener is not dead.

Mrs. Jelleby is a widow with money. She built a handsome house and moved up North to enjoy our pure air. She had an only son, a fine strapping fellow, whom his mother tried to run in a groove made by her own peculiar ideas. She seemed to take no part in either helping the poor or working for the soldiers. She never attended church in our neighbourhood. When the collection was being taken for the British Red Cross. Mrs, MacIntosh and I were appointed to call and see if she would give a donation. We were shown by a Japanese servant (Continued page 40)


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 adoption, France. It requires indeed some one who has personally sampled Africa to form a just estimate of the value of certain bits of work from what I may call an artistic standpoint. The "arm-chair explorer" may be impressed by the greatness of length of the red line route of an explorer; but the person locally acquainted with the region may know that some of those long red lines are very easily made in Africa—thanks to the exertions of travellers who have gone before, or to what one of my German friends once poetically called the lamblike-calfheadedness of the natives, or to the country itself being of a reasonably traversable nature. In other regions a small red line means 400 times the work and danger, and requires 4,000 times the pluck, perseverance and tact. These regions we may call choice spots.

I do not mean to depreciate the value of extensive travel in Africa, far from it. It has an enormous value and so obvious a one that I need not dwell on it; but the man who combines the two—who makes his long red line pass through great regions of choice spots—deserves especial admiration; and when in addition to traversing them, he attains power over their natives, and retains it, welding the districts into a whole, making the flag of his country respected and feared therein, he is a very great man indeed and such a man is de Brazza. Such a man Mr. Stanley might have been had it not been for matters I will not enter into here, for it would involve us in a discussion on the Congo Free State.

M. de Brazza's first journey into the interior of Congo Français was made in 1875-78 when, accompanied by MM. Ballay and Marche he reached the upper waters of the Ogowé and then pushed east and northwards, discovering two new rivers, the Alima and the Licona, both of which he surmised were tributaries of the Congo. He at once saw the importance of these rivers to the French possessions; for, by them, access would be obtained to the Congo, above the great barrier of navigation on that river, the Livingstone rapids. He convinced the authorities at home of this and was commanded by the African Association (French Committee) and


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40 and extend to the north-west at least as far as Sierra Leone; 2, Hottentot, the only known South African member of the very extensive sex-denoting family which has spread itself over South Africa, Europe, and a great part of Asia; 3, Bushman, relationship unknown as yet, presenting outward features of the so-called genderless (or as Max Muller calls it, Turanian) class, if related to Hottentot, so exceedingly metamorphosed as to be more different from it than English is from Latin; yet very primitive in its uncouth sounds and in certain structural features, while many others are evidently the result of processes of contraction, and of strong grammatical and phonetical changes, the explanation of which leads us back far into the former history of this original language.”

It might be thought that human organs of sound would be incapable of producing a greater variety of clicks and guttural aspirations than those used by Bushmen in ordinary conversation, but it was not so. They put language into the mouths of various animals, and in doing so gave to each variety of beast and bird a peculiar lisp, or grunt, or hiss, or bleat, usually an imitation of the natural sound produced by it, which they introduced in every word. No adult European could ever hope to imitate these sounds, and Dr. Bleek's widow informed the writer that her husband abandoned the attempt in despair. They were not needed, however, for an analytical study of the language, and therefore nothing was lost through not being able to imitate them. To the ordinary clicks a European ear soon becomes accustomed, and they are not then unpleasant, as men find after being long in contact with the Xosas or the Namaqua Hottentots, who, however, use them far more sparingly than did the Bushmen; but the deep guttural sounds proceeding from the throats of the pygmy savages remained always very disagreeable. A Bushman on a hillside calling to another at a distance, for instance, might be said to croak rather than to speak.


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 seemed altogether inconsistent with the social, and even admirable qualities which he displayed. Morton could not help, in his heart, contrasting him with Balfour of Burley; and so deeply did the idea impress him, that he dropped a hint of it as they rode together at some distance from the troop.

"You are right," said Claverhouse, with a smile; "you are very right—we are both fanatics; but there is some distinction between the fanaticism of honour and that, of dark and sullen superstition."

"Yet you both shed blood without mercy or remorse," said Morton, who could not suppress his feelings.

"Surely," said Claverhouse, with the same composure; "but of what kind?— There is a difference, I trust, between the blood of learned and reverend prelates and scholars, of gallant soldiers and noble gentlemen, and the red puddle that stagnates in the veins of psalm-singing mechanics, crack-brained demagogues, and sul-


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61 favorable to Gabirol; for, as we shall see, Gabirol's system is also based upon a point of view similar to that of the so-called "Empedocles." What the Tibbonides left undone was, however, partially accomplished about a half century later by the commentator and critic Shem Tob Falaquera (1225-1290). Apparently in agreement with Abraham ibn Daud that Gabirol's profuseness in his philosophic masterpiece made it possible to reduce it to a tenth part of its size, Falaquera did not find it necessary to translate the whole of the "Mekor Hayim" into Hebrew, giving us instead a translation of selected parts, which in his estimation contained the gist of Gabirol's teaching. The absence of a complete Hebrew translation of Gabirol's philosophical work meant of course that no one who did not know Arabic could have access to Gabirol's "Mekor Hayim," and this practically excluded the majority of learned Jews after the first half of the thirteenth century. But the selections of Falaquera did not seem to find many readers either, as may be inferred from the fact that so far only one single manuscript of this translation is known.

En revanche, as the French would say, the Christian Scholastics of the thirteenth century made Gabirol their own and studied him diligently. His fundamental thesis of a universal matter underlying all existence outside of God was made a bone of contention between the two dominant schools; the Dominicans, led by Thomas Aquinas, opposing this un-Aristotelian principle, the Franciscans with Duns Scotus at their head, adopting it as their own. Ego autem redeo ad sententiam Avicembronis," is a formula in Duns Scotus's discussion of the principle of matter.83

The translation of Gabirol's philosophy into an accessible language, which was not considered desirable by Jews, was actually accomplished by Christians. About a century before Falaquera a complete translation into Latin was made in Toledo of Gabirol's "Fountain of Life," under the title "Fons Vitas." This translation was made at the instance of Raymond, Archbishop of Toledo in the middle of the twelfth century, by Dominicus Gundissalinus, archdeacon of Segovia, with the assistance of a converted Jewish physician, Ibn Daud (Avendehut, Avendeath), whose name after conversion became Johannes Hispanus or Hispalensis. Unlike the Hebrew epitome of Falaquera this translation was not neglected, as is clear from the role Gabirol's philosophy


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 len boors; some distinction, in short, between spilling a flask of generous wine and dashing down a cann full of base muddy ale."

"Your distinction is too nice for my comprehension," replied Morton. "God gives every spark of life—that of the peasant as well as of the prince; and those who destroy his work recklessly or causelessly, must answer in either case. What right, for example, have I to General Grahame's protection now, more than when I first met him?"

"And narrowly escaped the consequences, you would say," answered Claverhouse—"why, I will answer you frankly. Then I thought I had to do with the son of an old round-headed rebel, and the nephew of a sordid presbyterian laird; now I know your points better, and there is that about you which I respect in an enemy as much as I like in a friend. I have learned a good deal concerning you since our first meeting, and I trust that you have found


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 that my construction of the information has not been unfavourable to you."

"But yet," said Morton

"But yet," interrupted Grahame, taking up the word, "you would say you were the same when I first met you that you are now? True; but then, how could I know that? though, by the by, even my reluctance to suspend your execution may shew you how high your abilities stood in my estimation."

"Do you expect, General," said Morton, "that I ought to be particularly grateful for such a mark of your esteem?"

"Poh! poh! you are critical," returned Claverhouse. "I tell you I thought you a different sort of person. Did you ever read Froissart?"

"No," was Morton's answer.

"I have half a mind," said Claverhouse, "to contrive you should have six months imprisonment in order to procure you that pleasure. His chapters inspire me with more enthusiasm than even poetry itself.


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 by the Government to make a second journey in order to trace the Alima to the Congo; to establish civilising stations, one on the Ogowé and one on the Congo; and to cultivate the friendship of the native tribes throughout the region.

The Chambers voted a grant towards the expenses, and he left France for Africa on the 27th of December, 1879—M. Ballay, his companion on the first journey, remaining behind to complete the preparations for the exploration, more especially the fitting out of a steamer that was to be used in the navigation of the Ogowé and the Alima. When the said steamer should be ready in sections, M. Ballay was to bring it out and join M. de Brazza. There is always a steamer in sections in every story of a good expedition, and that steamer is invariably a curse that costs men's lives, and M. de Brazza's steamer was no exception to the rule; but of that hereafter.

Two Europeans went out with de Brazza, M. Noguez and and M. Michaud. On landing on the Coast he organised his expedition at Gaboon, and ascended the Ogowé, the worst part of the journey being from Lembarene to Boué, on account of the Fans all along this region, and the rapids along a great part of it, these having to be navigated through the Sierra de Cristal, owing to the wildness of the banks preventing portage. When these mountains are passed, however, there is an open park-like country where carriers can be employed, and you are no longer at the entire mercy of the flying furious river that makes this bit of the voyage from Njole to Boué a peculiarly choice spot. Beyond the Sierra del Cristal, moreover, de Brazza got in touch with the Okanda and Adooma tribes people less ferocious and more helpful than the Fans; and over these two tribes he attained a great influence, arranging with them the regular system of communication with Njole that at present goes on, the Adoomas conveying supplies up and down through the region of the rapids.


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 And the noble canon, with what true chivalrous feeling he confines his beautiful expressions of sorrow to the death of the gallant and high-bred knight, of whom it was a pity to see the fall, such was his loyalty to his king, pure faith to his religion, hardihood towards his enemy, and fidelity to his lady-love!—Ah benedicite! how he will mourn over the fall of such a pearl of knighthood, be it on the side he happens to favour, or on the other. But, truly, for sweeping from the face of the earth some few hundreds of villain churles, who are born but to plough it, the high-born and inquisitive historian has marvellous little sympathy—as little, or less, perhaps, than John Grahame of Claverhouse."

"There is one ploughman in your possession, General, for whom," said Morton, "in despite of the contempt in which you hold a profession which some philosophers have considered as useful as that of a soldier, I would humbly request your favour."

"You mean," said Claverhouse, looking


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Rh A remarkable circumstance in connection with the Bushman language is its possession of a verb of such wonderful power, conjugated by means of particles, that any action that can be expressed in English can be expressed with equal precision in it. In the infancy of the language it is evident that the verb became more highly developed than the other parts of speech, as it may have been more necessary to meet the wants of the people. Stand, run, eat, stood, ran, ate, shall stand, could run, have eaten, for instance, might be more useful words for a savage to know than the names or qualities of the objects around him.

The roots of many Bushman words are apparently polysyllabic, thus marking a great difference from Hottentot, all of whose roots are monosyllabic. But it is possible that upon very close analysis some of those polysyllables might prove to be really composites.

In counting, besides the method of showing the fingers described by Dr. Bleek, some Bushmen used the expression two two for four, two two one for five, two two two for six, and so on up to ten, beyond which none of them could proceed. The dialects differed from each other as widely as German from English, if not much more so, and it is possible that in some of those now extinct the means for expressing numbers may have been more perfect than in those that are known, in none of which has any word for a numeral higher than three been discovered. They could, however, easily make their friends acquainted with the exact number say of five elands over a ridge by describing them as two lying down, one looking towards the water, and two looking towards a particular hill.

The principal cause of the Bushmen who still survive having lost the use of their ancestral tongue was the extreme facility with which they learned other languages. In this respect their minds were like those of little children, who acquire a foreign tongue, when brought into contact with those who speak it, far more readily than their parents do. A young Bushman on a farm in the interior of the Cape Colony


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 at a memorandum-book, "one Hatherick—Hedderiek—or—or—Headrigg. Ay, Cuthbert, or Cuddie Headrigg—here I have him,—O, never, fear him, if he will be but tractable. The ladies of Tillietudlem made interest with me on his account some time ago. He is to marry their waiting-maid, I think. He will be allowed to slip off easy, unless his obstinacy spoils his good fortune."

"He has no ambition to be a martyr, I believe," said Morton.

"'Tis the better for him," said Claverhouse. "But, besides, although the fellow had more to answer for, I should stand his friend, for the sake of the blundering gallantry which threw him into the midst of our ranks last night, when seeking assistance for you. I never desert any man who trusts me with such implicit confidence. But, to deal sincerely with you, he has been long in our eye.—Here, Halliday; bring me up the black-book."

The serjeant, having committed to his


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 are the most delightful, delightful even though their subject be sad. I have dwelt on the tenderness of their sadness. I have not dwelt on their contemplative beauty. They are pervaded by that retired contemplation of life a man may have who, flying from the storm of cities for a brief holiday, thinks the brief time into an eternity, and in the eternal hermitage of his soul muses on earth and human life.

These poems reach excellence, that rare thing Arnold himself loves so much, to whose lonely summit, the artist, climbing through rocks and mist, so seldom can attain. They are pure poetry, moving in a dance, serious and bright, graceful and grave in turn, to the Dorian pipe, "the Dorian strain." The soft recorders accompany the pastoral, the idyllic song, wise with thought, happy with noble phrase, filled with accurate and loving description of nature; and in it lives from line to line the contemplation of humanity.

Virgil and Theocritus have been infused into their manner and their verse, nor has Lycidas been quite forgotten. Yet they are not imitative; the atmosphere, the thought, the music, and the subject are Arnold's own. Although this classic echo is heard in them, they are modern, of the tempestuous age when they were written by one who, while he wrote them, looked on the tempest, but for their meditative hour was not tossed upon its waves. Some of the classic episodes seem a little out of place, especially that of the Tyrian trader and the Grecian coaster at the end of the Scholar


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 commander this ominous record of the dis affected, which was arranged in alphabetical order, Claverhouse, turning over the leaves as he rode on, began to read names as they occurred.

"Gumblegumption, a minister, aged 50, indulged, close, sly, and so forth—Pooh! pooh!—He—He—I have him here—Heathercat; outlawed—a preacher—a zealous Cameronian—Keeps a conventicle among the Campsie hills—Tush!—O, here is Headrigg—Cuthbert; his mother a bitter puritan—himself a simple fellow—like to be forward in action, but of no genius for plots more for the hand than the head, and might be drawn to the right side, but for his attachment to"(Here Claverhouse looked at Morton, and then shut the book and changed his tone.) "Faithful and true are words never thrown away upon me, Mr Morton. You may depend on the young man's safety."

"Does it not revolt a mind like yours," said Morton, "to follow a system which


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42 in the early years of the nineteenth century, after five or six months' residence, could usually speak Dutch quite fluently. But this acquirement of a new language did not affect his way of thinking or his conduct in any high degree: he remained as he was before, a savage.

The Bushmen occupied the whole of South Africa, except the district bordering on the Indian ocean between the Zambesi and Sabi rivers, until a century or two before the discovery of the Cape of Good Hope by Europeans, when they were deprived of a considerable portion of it by the people known to us as Hottentots and Bantu, who came down from the north. Being better armed and disciplined than the aboriginal savages, the invaders had little difficulty in exterminating them or driving them into the barren parts.

The variations between the three classes of human beings occupying the country after that event were very marked. In order to bring them clearly before the reader they are given here in consecutive paragraphs, though this chapter deals particularly with the primitive inhabitants only.

Bushmen: frame dwarfish, colour yellowish brown, face triangular or fox-like in outline, eyes small and deeply sunk, root of nose low, and the whole organ extremely broad, jaws very protuberant, but upper part of face almost vertical, head dotted over with little knots of twisted wiry hair not much larger than peppercorns, in general no beard whatever, ears without lobes, chest particularly well developed, stomach protuberant, back exceedingly hollow, buttocks—especially of adult females—of very large dimensions, limbs slender, hands


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 is to be supported by such minute enquiries after obscure individuals?"

"You do not suppose we take the trouble?" said the General haughtily. "The curates, for their own sakes, willingly collect all these materials for their own regulation in each parish; they know best the black sheep of the flock. I have had your picture for three years."

"Indeed?" replied Morton. "Will you favour me by imparting it?"

"Willingly," said Claverhouse; "it can signify: little, for you cannot avenge yourself on the curate, as you will probably leave Scotland for some time."

This was spoken in an indifferent tone. Morton felt an involuntary shudder at hearing words which implied a banishment from his native land, but ere he answered, Claverhouse proceeded to read, Henry Morton, son of Silas Morton, Colonel of horse for the Scottish parliament, and nephew of Morton of Milnwood—imperfectly educated, but with spirit beyond his years


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Rh and feet diminutive, arms very long, skin looser than that of other races, so that in times of scarcity or old age it was not only deeply wrinkled, but often formed folds; weapons chiefly bow and poisoned arrow; pursuits those of a hunter; government none but parental and leadership in war and the chase; habitations caverns, rock shelters, holes scooped in the ground, or mats spread over slight frames made of branches of trees; only domestic animal the dog; demeanour that of perfect independence; language abounding in clicks and in deep guttural sounds.

Hottentots: frame slight but sometimes tall, better formed than Bushmen, but back hollow, buttocks of the females often protuberant but generally less so than those of Bushmen,


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 He fixed on a point for his first station at the confluence of the Passa with the Ogowé, and founded there the station now know as Franceville in June, 1880. In the middle of the same month he sent down to the coast M. Michaud with 770 men and forty-four canoes to meet M. Ballay, whom he expected would by this time have arrived at Gaboon with the sections of the steamer; and leaving M. Noguez at Franceville to get on with making it, de Brazza started off in a way characteristic of him, alone, with a small party of natives for the Congo; although he fully expected to meet with opposition from the Apfuru tribe, who had on his previous journey barred the way to him down the Alima. He says he "relied on his growing reputation for friendliness, throughout the region, for softening the hostility of the natives." He may have done so; but if he had not had time to acquire it, de Brazza would have gone on, relying on something else, his luck, most likely—that luck which, as the story on the Ogowé goes, once saved him from immolation at the hands of the Fans by


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 excellent at all exercises—indifferent to forms of religion, but seems to incline to the presbyterian—has high-flown and dangerous notions about liberty of thought and speech, and hovers between a latitudinarian and an enthusiast. Much admired and followed by the youth of his own age—modest, quiet, and unassuming in manner, but in his heart peculiarly bold and intractable. He is'"Here follow three red crosses, Mr Morton, which signify triply dangerous. You see how important a person you are.—But what does this fellow, want?"

A horseman rode up as he spoke, and gave a letter. Claverhouse glanced it over, laughed scornfully, bade him tell his master to send his prisoners to Edinburgh, for there was no answer; and, as the man turned back, said contemptuously to Morton—"Here is an ally of yours deserted from you, or rather, I should say, an ally of your good friend Burley—Hear how he sets forth—',' (I wonder when


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 we were such intimates,)' may it please your Excellency to accept my humble congratulations on the victory'—hum—hum—'Blessed be his Majesty's army. I pray you to understand I have my people under arms to take and intercept all fugitives, and have already several prisoners,' and so forth. Subscribed Basil Olifant—You know the fellow by name, I suppose?"

"A relative of Lady Margaret Bellenden, is he not?"

"Ay," replied Grahame, "and heir male of her father's family, though a distant one, and moreover a suitor to the fair Edith, though discarded as an unworthy one; but, above all, an admirer of the estate of Tillietudlem, and all thereunto belonging."

"He takes an ill mode of recommending himself," said Morton, suppressing his own feelings, "to the family at Tillietudlem by corresponding with our unhappy party."


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 "O, this precious Basil shall turn cat in pan with any man! He was displeased with the government, because they would not overturn in his favour a settlement of the late Earl of Torwood which gave his own estate to his own daughter; he was displeased with Lady Margaret because she shewed no desire for his alliance, and with the pretty Edith, because she did not like his tall ungainly person. So he held a close correspondence with Burley, and raised his men with the purpose of helping him, if he needed no help, that is, if you had beat us yesterday— And now the rascal pretends he was all the while proposing the King's service, and, for aught I know, the council will receive his pretext for current coin, for he knows how to make friends among them. And a dozen scores of poor vagabond fanatics will be shot, or hung, while this cunning scoundrel lies hid under the double cloak of loyalty, well lined with the fox-fur of hypocrisy."


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 arranging for a pyrotechnic display to take place without human aid, with a quantity of fireworks he had with him.

Two or three days' journey from Franceville going east, the nature of the country changes. To the clayey soil of the Ogowé basin and its richly wooded moist valleys succeeds a sandy, arid, hilly country, with here and there in the neighbourhood of a village a group of palm trees.

This is the aspect of the country which forms the watershed between the Ogowé and the tributaries of the Upper Congo. On the northern bank of the Congo, and on the southern bank of the Congo, I found this same make of country, more seaward, in the Pallaballa mountains above Matadi.

De Brazza remarks it is a singular fact that narrow sandy tracts of country are everywhere inhabited by one and the same tribe, the Bateke, reputed, probably erroneously he says, to be cannibals.


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 When he had passed the Leketi, a southern branch of the Alima, his route lay across the plateau of Achicuya, an elevated district lying about 2,600 feet above sea level, and separated from another similar plateau (the Aboma) by the river Mpama. (Mpama-Ox.)

The chief of Achicuya received the traveller in a friendly manner, and a similar reception awaited him on reaching the Abooma tribe. These latter people he describes as being the handsomest and bravest he had met; and it was from them he received information regarding the Congo and the powerful chief Makoko, whose sovereignty the Abooma acknowledge.

Leaving the Abooma district he travelled along the Lefini (the Lawson of Mr. Stanley), and just as he was finishing the construction of a raft to descend the Lefini, he received messengers from King Makoko with friendly greetings and offers of assistance. This much facilitated his further proceedings. He descended the Lefini with the envoy as far as Ngampo on his raft, and then landed and went overland for two days across an uninhabited tableland. He states his march over the sun-scorched plateau was most wearisome; and that two days' march must have been a choice spot, if, as I conjecture, this tableland was of the same formation as those truly horrible Pallaballa mountains, that have in their composition an immense percentage of mica, which glistens in the sun like diamond dust, and dazzles you, and which, bare of vegetation, reflect back the burning heat in a scorching way, forming a layer of hot air, and making the whole desolate, hideous scene vibrate before your eyes as you can see things vibrating through the hot air over a line of gas jets. Never shall I forget my short experience in the Pallaballa range. Never have I in all West Africa come across a thing that came up to one's ideals of the infernal region so completely. And the nights, when you had the whole earth round you exhaling a heavy, hot breath with the heat it had been soaking in during the day. Small wonder M. de Brazza should have begun to find fault with his guide, Makoko's envoy, just before eleven o'clock on the second night after a forced march." Fortunately shortly afterwards he came in sight of the Congo. "It appeared like an immense