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Rh she repeated her assertion. I lost all patience; and, not thinking it worth while to conceal my sentiments any longer, I plainly declared, that it would require a more implicit faith than I was master of to take so bold and mercantile a hand-writing for that of a young girl; “No more it is,” replied the accused, “my little friend has hurt her arm, and her father has been good enough to act as her secratarysecretary [sic] since the accident.” The assurance with which all this was advanced drove me almost mad, and I resolved to set aside all delicacy. Consequently, I said, “This kind father has then rather outstepped his commission, since he writes in his own name; ‘hasten into the arms of him who cannot live without you. “There I must beg your pardon, Mr. Haller, here is the note, and, according to your own remark, the writing is very good and legible; here stands ‘into the arms of ,’ as plain as letters can make it,” “Astonishing (I ejaculated, whilst looking at the note;) I have read it three times, and every time the fatal him presented itself to my eyes, though I cannot now deny that it is .” Emma smiled again, and I rather think I looked a little foolish at the time. Suddenly my joy became as great as my vexation had been a moment before. In my ecstasy I overleapt all the barriers of form and precedent; and, coming to the point at once, I spoke as follows:—“Dear Emma! after all that has passed to-day, this dwelling must have become more unpleasant to you than ever, and you cannot too speedily change your residence; in my own there is far more room than I shall ever want for myself alone, and all our discussions about indemnifications or loans would be best settled by your becoming my wife.” “Mr. Haller,” retorted Emma, “you do me infinite honour; but I should prefer the declaration made on calm conviction, to one which seems to be the effect of spontaneous feeling.” “Never mind all that, dear girl, I have now seen enough to be convinced that you are the very person I want.” Four weeks afterwards we became man and wife, and neither of us repent of it. My friends are freed from the fear of seeing me die an old bachelor; and the pattern of embroidery, which I purchased from Emma on the memorable day, has been given as a present to the lady whose instigations had caused me to bespeak the garret, in which my happiness began.

The dramatic art constitutes an important portion of the literature of the French people; and it appears natural to him, who wishes to fix the era of their theatrical representation, to examine whether any traces of an art so inseparably connected with their poetic eminence can be discovered among the first dawnings of their poetry. Thus almost every writer, who has investigated this part of their literary history, has ransacked the annals of the ancient troubadours, to find, if possible, some resemblance between the latter and the first dramatic authors of the country. The only relation, however, which exists between them is, that rhyme, which, as it is said, was brought into Europe by the Moors, and introduced into France by the provincial troubadours, was employed many ages afterwards in the first theatrical compositions. If theirthere [sic] exists any order of succession from the troubadours to the first dramatists, it is certainly not in a direct line. We should find some difficulty in conceiving how this succession could have descended from William, Count of Poitou, the first-known troubadour of the Oc, and from the Count of Champagne, the first poet of the Oyl, to the Confreres de la Passion, the true founders of the French theatre. We need only read the first attempts of both to be convinced of the difference of their origin. The delicacy of the former, and the coarseness which characterizes the latter, notwithstanding the proximity of their era to our own, would be a sufficient proof, if even we could not find another, in the difference of their subjects. The first poets sung of love: the dramatic authors subjected religion and morality to the laws of representation. The object of those was to please; of these to instruct. A more polished language, more refined ideas, and more chastened images were the means which the former employed to penetrate and touch the heart; the latter endeavoured to give additional interest to their subjects, and to impress them more deeply on the memory. Poetry, as an amusement of the mind, originated at the courts of princes: plays, the end of which was to strike the senses, were invented, and continued to be performed, for the people.

Long before the fifteenth century, rude dramatic sketches in poetry were well known in France; but in them we should in vain look for what properly constitutes the drama,—the illusion produced by the disposition of a theatre, and by the variety of actors. They were a species of tale in dialogue, which the poet, attended by a musician, sung in the houses of the great. His singing was accompanied with such gestures and tones as were calculated to produce a comic effect. These performers were liberally rewarded by the nobles. But this kind of poetry, at length, created disgust; and, as the ancient manners decayed, its professors fell into neglect. They have degenerated into jugglers, merry-andrews, &c.; and the mountebanks, the bear-dancing, and perhaps the puppets of Pont Neuf, are all that remains of the spectacles which once charmed the courts of the Counts of Thoulouse, of Provence, and of the gallant Thibaut de Champagne, whilst the career, in which Corneille, Racine, and Molière attracted so much admiration, had been opened to them by some of the lower orders of the people. The latter, having returned from a pilgrimage to the Holy Land, walked with the pilgrim’s staff in their hands along the carrefours of Paris,

It was towards the close of the fourteenth century, that this singular company of comedians, the first which had ever appeared in France, arrived at Paris. It must, however, be acknowledged that the idea of these dramatic representations, in which scenes from the Old and New Testaments were exhibited, was not entirely new. On great festivals, the multitude had long been amused by scenes sometimes pantomimical, sometimes recitative, the representation of which, as given by the pilgrims, was but an improved imitation of the spectacles invented for the churches. These spectacles generally referred, in some degree, to the solemnity of the day. On the Twelfth Day, for instance, three priests, adorned like kings, and guided by a starry figure which appeared on the top of a church, presented themselves before a manger, and there offered their gifts. On Christmas Day, the Fêtes des Anes, (so named in the French ritual) was observed at Rouen. “All the prophets of the old law,” says Fontenelle in his History of the French Stage, “appeared on that day in the church, each in a habit peculiar to himself. Balaam was there mounted on his ass, which he endeavoured to spur along, but which a little angel prevented from proceeding. A person, concealed under the body of the ass, spoke for it.

From this circumstance alone, that festival, in which a thousand other things were introduced, derived the name of Fêtes des Anes: for Balaam with his beast had, no doubt, greater influence on the assembly than all the graver prophets taken together.”

“These representations,” continues the same author, “being thus established in their religious worship, the people were not willing to perceive that sacred things cannot properly be turned into dramatic exhibitions.” So far indeed were these exhibitions from being considered as profane, that every candidate for holy orders was obliged in some degree to participate in them.

The superstitious pilgrims recently returned from Pale tinePalestine [sic], were considered as persons of peculiar sanctity, whose spectacles and songs could not fail to be instructive. Excited by these, the more enthusiastic of the citizens wished to improve them by giving them a more regular form. For this purpose they met at St. Maur, near Vincennes; and in the spring of 1398, they represented upon a stage in an enclosed place, the passion of our Saviour. This was an agreeable and unexpected amusement, which enchanted all the spectators. But the provost of Paris, unwilling to permit a spectacle, unauthorised either by the church or the king, forbade the continuance of it. The parties concerned soon perceived by what means they might obtain the approbation of government. They met again, not at the former place, but at Trinity Church, where they formed themselves into a fraternity of the passion; and obtained, in 1402, full permission from Charles the Sixth, to represent when and where they pleased, any subject taken from the lives of the saints, or from the holy scriptures. Thus authorised, they hired a large room in Trinity hospital, near the Porte St. Denis, and there they established their theatre.

It may then be literally said, that the French stage was born in the bosom of the church; and the latter acknowledged her maternity so well, that when the theatre of Trinity Hospital was regularly established, some parishes agreed that vespers should be celebrated at an earlier hour, that the people might not be prevented from attending such edifying spectacles.

Liverpool.

,—I am glad to see this subject brought forward; the absurdity of modern education cannot be too often exposed. The aptest part of our lives is wholly taken up in learning two dead languages, with the old accent of which we have no more notion at this day than the Jew has of that of Hebrew. Let clergymen study them as much as they like, or even let physicians continue to write death-warrants in Latin. An English boy may learn the proprieties of grammar and elegant composition from standard works in his own language. In what way are long classical sentences, with the most material word affectedly put at the end, a guide to him more than English ones? When grown up, he laments the time wasted in learning languages merely to enable him to understand a parcel of fusty ancient authors, and finds out then that there are very faithful translations of them all, had he been allowed to possess them. I was, when very young, several years at the great school at Winchester, where, as the Edinburgh Review says, we were continually fagging at Latin, as if we were all intended to set up afterwards as schoolmasters. Whatever we learned we also needlessly got off by heart like parrots, so that many could repeat the Latin grammar all through without half a dozen mistakes. We also had to write all the Greek grammar out, ornamenting it with text, and illuminating it with red ink. In short, we were continually ploughing the ground and never allowed to sow any thing but a few useless flowers. Of geography we learnt only so far as copying maps went, accompanied by a few sentences to be got off by heart. Two play hours on Saturday afternoon only we were at liberty to devote to drawing, fencing, music, French, and Italian. As I grew up, there was the same dull digging and fagging at dead languages, and the same eternal getting off by heart in Homer, Horace, and Virgil. We never had a whole holiday, nor even a half one, unless some man of rank came to see his eldest hopes. On leaving school, I found all the world was reading and speaking French, while I could hardly translate a page of Telemachus. Of geography and English history I knew little or nothing. I had been drilled all the time in dead languages, under the frown of a tyrant, who used to flog us by way of exercise, and to get an appetite for his own


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 Rh "Great is Thy greatness!"

"There is no deity but Thee!"

The Tʾauuz is then said as follows:—

"I seek refuge from God from cursed Satan."

After which the Tasmíyah is repeated:—

"In the name of God, the compassionate, the merciful."

"Praise be to God, Lord of all the worlds!"

"The compassionate, the merciful!"

"King on the day of reckoning!"

"Thee only do we worship, and to Thee only do we cry for help."

"Guide Thou us in the straight path,"

"The path of those to whom Thou hast been gracious;"

"With whom Thou art not angry,"

"And who go not astray."—Amen.

After this the worshipper can repeat as many chapters of the Qurán as he may wish; he should, at least, recite one long or two short verses. The following chapter is

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/


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 108 usually recited, namely, the Surat-ul-Ikhlás, or the 112th chapter:—

"God is great!"

The Tasbih-i-Rukuʾ, said in the same posture.

"I extol the holiness of my Lord, the Great!"

"I extol the holiness of my Lord, the Great!"

"I extol the holiness of my Lord, the Great!"


text: Translation:Administrative Procedure Act 2539 BE


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34 fool. Ask your solicitors, they will soon tell you. Your conduct has been notorious, the talk of London."

"Ruth has been kicking up a row about Mirelle, I suppose. Very foolish of her. I don’t interfere with her friends."

"What do you mean?" said Van Aldin sharply.

Derek Kettering laughed.

"I see you don’t know everything, sir," he said. "You are, perhaps naturally, prejudiced."

He took up his hat and stick and moved towards the door.

"Giving advice is not much in my line." He delivered his final thrust. "But, in this case, I should advise most strongly perfect frankness between father and daughter."

He passed quickly out of the room and shut the door behind him just as the millionaire sprang up.

"Now, what the hell did he mean by that?" said Van Aldin as he sank back into his chair again.

All his uneasiness returned in full force. There was something here that he had not yet got to the bottom of. The telephone was by his elbow; he seized it, and asked for the number of his daughter’s house.

"Hallo! Hallo! Is that Mayfair 81907? Mrs. Kettering in? Oh, she’s out, is she? Yes, out to lunch. What time will she be in? You don’t know? Oh, very good; no, there's no message."

He slammed the receiver down again angrily. At two o’clock he was pacing the floor of his room waiting expectantly for Goby. The latter was ushered in at ten minutes past two.


text: Page:Books on Egypt and Chaldaea, Vol. 32--Legends of the Gods.pdf/165


text: Sunset Gun/Second Love

title: Sunset Gun/Second Love


text: Sunset Gun/Fair Weather

title: Sunset Gun/Fair Weather


text: Sunset Gun/The Whistling Girl

title: Sunset Gun/The Whistling Girl


text: Sunset Gun/Story

title: Sunset Gun/Story


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Column 1, last paragraph, line 17: is the first word "accident;"? -- Yodin T 22:51, 24 January 2024 (UTC)

Column 3, paragraph 2, lines 22–23 : should "house-/keepers" be "housekeepers" or "house-keepers"? -- Yodin T 22:51, 24 January 2024 (UTC)


text: Index talk:The Kaleidoscope; Or, Literary and Scientific Mirror (1824-04-13; Vol 4 Iss 198).djvu


text: Sunset Gun/Frustration

title: Sunset Gun/Frustration


text: Sunset Gun/Healed

title: Sunset Gun/Healed


text: Sunset Gun/Landscape

title: Sunset Gun/Landscape


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Rh


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18 plans; and as soon as the tent was up they gathered together and began to think up ways and means. But Mr. Eigleen said: "Let us go on an exploration and discover some of Eepersip's habits. Let us all wander around a while, and when we discover what sort of habits Eepersip has got into, we can make our plans accordingly; for we can't make plans until we do know some of her habits."

All approved of what he had said, and everybody prepared himself for a long walk, interrupted at times by hiding and lurking, peeping and sneaking. So each person had a bite to eat and set off to explore the surroundings. They hunted high and low, but never saw a sign of Eepersip--never had a chance to peep and sneak. That evening however, while they were talking things over, they heard another burst of singing. They leaped to their feet and, taking a big lantern, all started out of the tent. In the direction of the singing they went on, trying to walk rather fast, but also trying not to step on many leaves or dry twigs so as to make a noise; and when they talked it was in the softest whisper. The singing sounded nearer and nearer; but they could not see very well without the lantern (which they didn't light yet for fear of frightening Eepersip away); it was darkening rapidly, and things were very dim. At last the singing

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Rh him, and Autonoe made the other side like unto it; and the other women wrought out the rest of the butchery. And so bedabbled all with blood they carried with them into Thebes in the stead of a kindred wight a kindred woe.

And I care not if they did, and pray no other may take thought for any that is hated of Dionysus, nay, not if such an one suffer a worse fate than Pentheus and be but a child nine years old or going ten years. As for me, may I be pure and do the will of them that are pure. Thus hath the eagle honour of the Aegis-Bearer. To the children of pious fathers belong the good things rather than to those that come of impious men.

All hail to Dionysus, whom most high Zeus took forth from his mighty thigh and laid down in snowy Dracanus; and all hail to beauteous Semele and her heroine sisters, the far-honoured daughters of Cadmus who did at Dionysus’ bidding this deed that none may blame. Where ‘tis a God’s will let no man cavil. Rh


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Rh grew so loud and so near that they felt almost as if they were about to run into it. And so they actually did; for Eepersip, who had all the time been approaching them as they approached her, went right between the Ikkisfields, startling them so that they didn’t know what to do! Mr. Ikkisfield managed to put out his hand and grab her dress, calling for someone to come and help him hold her. But by this time Eepersip had discarded her real dress and had woven one of ferns for herself; and, the ferns being interlaced rather loosely, the one Mr. Ikkisfield caught hold of tore away. Quick as a flash Eepersip bounded away into the night. Thus their first chance of catching her slipped between their fingers. They went back to the tent rather discouraged.

Now the deer in the great field knew Eepersip, and they all loved her, because she was so kind to them. Even the little fawns loved her and made no attempt to run away when she appeared. Twilight and dawn, when the deer were all lying down, were her favourite times in the field. Then she would dance about in her fern dress, singing so sweetly that all the birds watched her. She began to love

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20 the birds and butterflies even more than in the first days of her wildness, and almost worshipped them.

The morning after this curious face-to-face meeting with Eepersip, Mr. Eigleen spoke about another plan. "Eepersip every morning comes up from wherever she sleeps to get a drink of water from the little pool. Now do you know that big pine-tree that stands beside the pool?"

"Yes," said Mrs. Eigleen.

"Well, I will go and hide behind that tree tomorrow morning, and when she comes up to the pool I will try to catch her by jumping out at her when she comes by."

"Why do you not do it this morning?" inquired Mrs. Ikkisfield.

"Well, you see," replied Mr. Eigleen, "she has had her morning drink, for I saw her as was getting out of bed."

"I see," said Mrs. Ikkisfield. "But be sure that you get up in time next morning."

"I will," said Mr. Eigleen. "But if you're up and awake before I am, be sure to pull me by my left ear."

Eepersip was becoming more wary, now she had discovered that they were trying to catch her. But still she took it as a sort of joke. In the first place, she thought she could easily escape again if they

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File:The House at Pooh Corner (1961) (page 76-2 crop).jpg

Summary
A 1961 printing of the 1928 books. Re-upload with proper capitalization in title.


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Rh did catch her. But she very much doubted if they could do it. For hours every day she practised running, leaping, dancing, and prowling, until she was as fleet as a deer and as soft on her feet as a lynx. She had practised leaping over high objects, and if someone were chasing her she could now escape being cornered by jumping a fence. She had trained herself until, even without a running start, she could clear the back of a standing fawn, or, with a start, a large buck standing full height. All these exercises made her light as a feather and graceful as a fern.

The next morning when Mr. Eigleen woke up, there was hardly a ray of light, but dawn was breaking out here and there. Mr. Eigleen got all ready for an exciting morning. Without waking anybody, he seated himself out in front of the tent, on the side next the field, in such a position that he could see Eepersip when she came up, and where he could pull-to the front flap immediately and bolt out the back way to the tree by the pool without her seeing him. He waited a few minutes, and then he saw her head bobbing up the bank. Hurriedly he closed the front flap before she saw him. Slipping out the other end and round in a long curve, he ran at full speed to the pool and hid behind the big pine.

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text: Page:Books on Egypt and Chaldaea, Vol. 32--Legends of the Gods.pdf/167


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law consists of two divisions, Rawá and Nárawá, i.e., Things lawful and Things unlawful.

I.—That which is lawful is divided into five classes.

1. Farz.—That which has been enjoined in the Qurán.

2. Wájib.—That of which there is some doubt as to its Divine institution.

3. Sunnat.—The example of Muhammad, which consists of three kinds:—


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 138 4. Mustahab.—That which Muhammad sometimes did and sometimes omitted.

5. Mubáh.—That which may be left unperformed without any fear of Divine punishment.

II.—Things unlawful are of three classes:—

1. Harám.—That which is distinctly forbidden in the Qurán and Hadís.

2. Makrúh.—That of which there is some doubt as to its unlawfulness, but which is generally held to be unclean or unlawful.

3. Mufsid.—That which is corrupting and pernicious.

The divisions of lawful and unlawful do not merely apply to food, but also to ablutions and other customs and precepts.


text: Notes on Muhammadanism/Chapter 23

title: Notes on Muhammadanism/Chapter 23


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22 Now it was at the foot of the pine that Eepersip usually stooped over to drink, because there the water was deeper and clearer. When Eepersip came up the bank, she stared curiously at the ten, thinking: "What! are my parents still here?" Then on she went to the pool. She approached it in a roundabout direction, her face drawn with suspicion; but, as usual, her route ended at the gnarled roots of the big pine--no instinct could draw her away from it.

Mr. Eigleen stirred the leaves gently as she bent over. She lay down flat by the tree, cupped her hands, and began to drink. Very quietly Mr. Eigleen put his hands on her, one on either shoulder, knowing that her dress of ferns would tear. She started, and struggled so violently that his hands relaxed their grip on her shoulders, sliding down her arms, so that they were now hand in hand. That was all Eepersip needed. With a tremendous sweep she took her feet off the ground, dragging down on his arms with all her weight and strength. Mr. Eigleen couldn't relax either of his hands, for she now held them fast. With another sweep she put her feet up on his shoulders and over his head; then, wrenching her own hands free, she slid down his back and slipped before he could seize her.

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Muhammadan doctors divide sins into two classes, very much as the Roman Catholic divines do; the usual Roman designation being that of mortal and venial sin, whilst Muhammadans use the expressions Kabíra and Saghíra, "Great" and "Little." Kabíra are those great sins, of which, if a Musalman do not repent, he will go to the purgatorial hell reserved for sinful Muslims. The divines of Islám are not agreed amongst themselves as to the exact number of Kabíra sins, but they are generally considered to be seventeen (vide Fawáid-us-Shariʾat).

1. Kufr, or infidelity.

2. Constantly committing Saghíra, or little sins.

3. Despairing of the mercy of God.

4. Considering one's self safe from the wrath of God.


text:
The New York Times/1894/02/11/John A. Morris, Lottery King

John A. Morris, Lottery King. '''History Of The Great Louisiana Gambling Concern. Florida Had Best Beware Before Giving Him a Foothold. Within Its Borders. How He Obtained Control of the Greatest Incorporated Swindle that Ever Disgraced a State, Millions of Profit on a Hundred-Thousand-Dollar Investment.''' New-Orleans, Louisiana; February 10, 1894. On the last day of 1893 the Louisiana Lottery, as a chartered corporation of this State, died. Nominally this blotch on the State has been removed from the United States to carry on its disreputable work and exert its baleful influences in one of the Central American States. Its removal, unfortunately, is but nominal, for John A. Morris of New-York, New-Orleans, Maryland, and Texas, the actual head of the concern since its inception, has simply lifted the curse, with all its influences for evil, across the Gulf of Mexico and planted it on the western shore of that charming "Land of Flowers," Florida. John A. Morris knows too well how good a thing for the pockets of an unscrupulous man the lottery is. He knows, too, how rapacious are the political Governors of a Central American State, and how they would force him to disgorge the major part of his enormous profits if he would carry on his nefarious business under their protection. So, banished from this State, refused a harbor in at least two of the extreme Western States, and even denied a local habitation in Hawaii, Morris has pounced upon Florida. There he and his crew, despite the laws of the State and the Union, and in defiance of the wishes of the decent people of Florida and of the United States, will try to get a resting place for the disreputable concern, and carry on there the work of corruption and ruin that marked the history of the gambling concern in this State. A sketch of how this corporation made Louisiana its plaything for a quarter of a century, and coerced men of hitherto good repute into becoming its menials, will be interesting Just at this time as a horoscope of what the future will certainly have in store for the people of Florida, unless they at once cut out the sore that has appeared at Port Tampa. A marvel among chartered swindles is the Louisiana Lottery. The Mississippi Company conceived by the canny Scotchman, John Law, which was a wonder as a swindle in its days, was as nothing compared to the concern that got its fangs on this State and city during the "flush times" in Louisiana politics, the period from 1865 to 1876. It corrupted courts, both State and national, the Church, the financial and commercial institutions of the city, and bought Legislatures and office holders, national, State, and municipal, just as slaves were once sold in the marts here, and all to what end? To the enrichment of John A. Morris and about a half dozen of his associates, some of whom had been reputable citizens until they felt the touch of his contaminating hand. The presumable creator of the Louisiana Lottery was one Charles Tilghman Howard, who claimed to be of good birth, and a cadet of the once great family of Howards of Maryland, who came hither from Norfolk in England years ago. Howard's right to claim this sort of lineage is based on his own statement, but nothing more is known in this city than the way in which he first appeared here. John A. Morris had for years been supposed to be a descendant of the Morris family of which Gov. Morris and Lewis Morris, the latter one of the signers of the Declaration of Independence, and the former a famous Senator, were members, until some busy investigator discovered that he was not allied to them, but came of grosser stock. Whatever may have been the cause of Howard's coming, why or when he came, does not fully appear. Nor is it of special moment in this connection. He was here before the war, it is claimed, as a seller of lottery tickets. After the war he established himself nominally as a bookseller and stationer. He was, however, a typical chevalier d'industrie, and his nominal business was but a cloak for his regular business, the sale of lottery tickets for concerns in Kentucky, New-York, and Havana. It was a fertile field he had planted him-self in, and when he saw with what avidity the freedmen and the whites of the Latin race indulged in gambling, he decided that here was the place for a lottery of all places on earth. He had but a local affair in mind. But even to establish that he lacked money. Full of his scheme and its possibilities, he went to New-York City, and there met Zachariah Ephraim Simmons, variously known as "Zach" or "Eph" by gamblers of those days. Simmons was one of the Trustees of the lottery trust organized in 1803 to control the lottery and policy business of the country, and known as C. H. Murray & Co. John A. Morris was the residuary legatee of Simmons, according to the agreement signed by the parties to the trust thirty years ago last September. It is possible he was the principal. He was such in the Louisiana Lottery from its inception, but took good care that no one should know of it. He was socially ambitious. and masqueraded here as a gentleman of wealth and leisure until such time as his concern was sanctioned by the constitutional law of the State. It was through Howard's attempt to get C. H. Murray & Co. to indorse and furnish capital for his swindle that he met Morris, and the two formed the partnership to debauch the State in such fashion as no political division of the earth was ever before debauched. After Howard had unfolded his plans to the lottery trust, John A. Morris went to New-Orleans to look over the ground. He found Howard a shrewd, sharp man of his type, with an unusual degree of business capacity added thereto. A union of forces was decided on, and Morris is said to have advanced $100,000 of his own money for a greater interest than his partners of the lottery trust were willing to risk. That money was used to buy the Legislature of the State and thus secure a charter. That Legislature of 1867 was about the most corrupt the State was ever cursed with. It was made up mainly of negroes, one-half the body, a majority of which was Republican, being composed of enfranchised slaves. Their moral sense was as completely dulled then as that of men of birth and education later became under the manipulation of Morris and Howard. As a stranger in the State, Morris remained in the background, and so the fiction has ever existed that it was Charles T. Howard who was responsible for the infliction of the Louisiana Lottery on the State. Without Morris's money he would, however, have been helpless. A ring of a half dozen white carpet-baggers, at the head of which was one "Al" Harris, was formed as a lobby. They openly bought the necessary number of votes to secure the charter. Gov. Warmoth vetoed the measure, and it was then promptly passed over the veto. This was the step that led the lottery people to have Warmoth impeached and succeeded four years later by Pinchback, a scheming negro, who was one of the largest holders of lottery stock outside the Morris-Howard party, which owned and controlled more than one-half of it. The concern was capitalized at $1,000,000, and was exempted from all taxation because it agreed to pay the mere bagatelle of $40,000 yearly to the educational fund of the State. This is the only direct tax ever paid the State on a business that ran from $20,000,000 to $28,000,000 a year for the main lottery. Indirectly it was, of course, a gold mine from which State and municipal officers drew whatever, and whenever, they wanted so long as they were of use to Morris and protected his monopoly from competitors. As the representative of Morris, this man Howard used money when and where he would and without stint, so long as he was the managing director of the concern. He figured as its President up to the time he was thrown from his carriage and killed at his country seat, up the Hudson, some eight years ago. The handsomest building in New-Orleans, the "Howard Memorial," a fine public library, was erected in his memory. Of this building one writer has very truly said: "It is the single unselfish memorial that lottery money has conferred on New-Orleans." Howard's other memorial is the beautiful cemetery where stands a monument to his memory, greeted by the children to whom he was, it must be said, a good father. Howard once applied to the jockey club, of which his partner, Morris, was an honored member, for membership. He was blackballed by the proud Southrons and Creoles who had not yet been made slaves by handling the lottery money, and who did not suspect John A. Morris of being Howard's partner in the lottery. "Black-balled me, have they?" said Howard, when the news was brought him, ac-cording to the story told by the late Capt. Conner of the St. James Hotel, in New-York City, and then connected with the jockey club. "I never forgive an insult; I'll turn their — racetrack into a cemetery.", he did it. There he lies buried today. As soon as the charter for the lottery was obtained, Morris began scheming to get possession of the lion's share of it, and this he did speedily. Less than two weeks after the scheme was bought through the Legislature, the charter was assigned, with all its rights and privileges, to John A. Morris, Z. E. Simmons, and C. H. Murray. Later Howard, in accordance with a previous understanding, was given a fifth interest in the concern, and the curse to the city and State was launched as the property of Howard, Simmons & Co. When it began to pour a stream of gold into the pockets of its owners, Morris in some way "froze out" all his partners except Howard. The story of how he did it is buried in the grave or Charles T. Howard and in the bosom of John A. Morris. Morris is supposed to have obtained possession of more than one-half the stock of the concern before, in 1871, it had become a mine richer than Golconda, a fountain of wealth to which that of Monte Cristo was but a mere bagatelle. Since then he has acquitted all that he could buy at any price, and its shares were more valuable at one time than those of any other concern in America. The stock of the Chemical Bank in New-York City is alone in having been quoted as high, possibly higher, in the market. The ruling price here for years was $1,400 a share for one-hundred-dollar shares, and none was to be had at that figure, so that the quotation was merely nominal. As the concern has paid as high as 170 per cent in dividends annually, and has averaged 80 per cent. during the twenty-four years of its existence, the quotation was even below its actual worth. But 1,700 per cent would more nearly represent the actual yearly dividends to John A. Morris and to Howard while he lived. Their profits under the arrangement by which they secured the assignment of the lottery to themselves from a concern-in which they were the principal owners was favorable beyond the dreams of avarice. C. T. Howard & Co. became sole owners, with Howard as the " managing partner " of John A. Morris. who still wore the mask of respectability and kept under cover. But over the building where the concern was situated he flew to the breeze his blood-red "barbarity colors " — those which are now his racing colors, emblazoning on them his creed: "Every man is at heart a gambler and every man has his price." That has been the motto of the Morris crest, is now, and always will be, judging from the re-cent attempt at a political career by his son, Alfred Hennen Morris, in New-York State. Financially, it has been a good creed, for it has won for Morris a fortune conservatively estimated at $25,000,000, and which some say may be fully double that amount. The way in which Morris froze his fellow gamblers out of the Louisiana Lottery gave rise to the institution of a considerable number of suits against him in his corporate name. To stave them off he had recourse to the golden flood that poured into the lottery coffers. Litigants were bought off just as adverse legislation was crushed, one conversant with the affairs of the concern asserting that over $300,000 was paid to members of the Legislature for bribes to kill such legislation. What litigants were paid is a sealed book, but it reached over a million. Morris and Howard agreed with the minority stockholders to run the concern for one-half the profits and divide the other half between the shareholders, after all the running expenses were paid and a snug sum set aside each year as a reserve, or fund for corruption purposes. This latter sum was kept constantly at about $500,000, so it is said, though this has never been certainly known. Morris demanded from his stock-holders absolute freedom from investigation of any kind into the affairs of the concern, and each signed a release to that effect when he drew his dividends. A petty lottery with daily drawings, and so a policy attachment, very like the "free field" annex to his race-track scheme in Westchester County, New York, was adopted. That was Morris and Howard's private property. It paid all the expenses of the monthly lottery scheme, and left a handsome margin of profit, for New-Orleans and Louisiana became lottery-mad, and men, women, and children paid their pennies to help fill the pockets of John A. Morris. As this petty annex paid all the bills for the big concern, Morris and Howard got not only the dividends on the stock they held, on which dividends were paid, but presumably the entire half of the profits which were set aside for them before the shareholders came in, and all the money which was charged to what was unquestionably the most liberal expense account that was ever charged up on the books of a chartered corporation. This was the scheme which was run while the lottery was in existence here, and which will be in existence in Florida and Honduras or wherever this money-eating devil fish may find a holding place for its far-reaching and everlastingly clinging tentacles. A monthly drawing ten months in the year, with a capital prize of $300,000, and a capital prize of $600,000 for the other two months. A total of 100,000 tickets issued each month at $20 a ticket, save on the two months when the capital prize was doubled, when the tickets were made $40 each. These tickets were subdivided into twentieths, so that the poorest could be drawn into the game. The very poor were especially to be catered to, for it is from these patrons of pawnshops and frequenters of charity organizations all over the country that John A. Morris has drawn his millions. If each ticket was sold in all its portions the lottery would receive $2,000,000 in cash ten months in the year, and $4,000,000 on each of the other two months. Assuming a fair drawing and a fair distribution of the prizes advertised to be drawn, the concern would pay out 52 per cent. of its receipts, or $1,054,600, every ten months, and $2,109,200 the other two months. Total receipts, $28,000,000; total payments, $14,764,400; total profits, $13,235,000. That would look like a fair enough return for an original investment of $100,000 by John A. Morris, under the terms of the peculiar contract he held. But all the tickets were not sold in any one month — rarely, if ever. So there was a little joker devised which was sure to keep the ratio of profits up to the standard of 48 per cent. of profit on the face of the scheme. Such tickets or portions of tickets as were not sold were held by Morris & Howard as their share of the possibility of the prize drawings. Hundreds and probably thousands of the prize-winning tickets were held in whole or in part by Morris & Howard as competitors against the poor devils who had bought the gayly-colored bits of paper at $1 or $2 the bit, according to the value of the capital prize. All this was clear gain to Morris. There is believed to be no record of the whole of any capital prize being paid to any person or sets of persons since the lottery was inaugurated twenty-four years ago. Here and there all over the country persons were known to have drawn twentieths. or occasionally tenths of the prize, and whenever the holder of such tickets could be found, Morris had the fact advertised as widely as possible, so long as he was permitted to advertise in the press of the country and play on the cupidity of the masses of the country through the mails. Morris wanted at least a part of the capital prize drawn. It was the best possible advertisement for his swindle. So there was no necessity for fraud in the drawing. An honest draw-ins, better served his purpose. Even the sending of the entire capital prize to some one person would pay ultimately. It is stated as a fact, however, that the Morris gang always had a string tied to the capital. and most of the other prizes in the unsold fractions of tickets, and that no ticket was sold in its entirety if it could be helped during the existence of the lottery here. This can the more readily be believed when the scheme involved the sale of 2,000,000 tickets instead of 100,000, as each of the latter was cut into twenty parts. The reason was that if a gambler was going to invest $20 in lottery tickets he would rather have twenty chances to draw a part of the capital prize than one chance in 100,000 to draw the whole of it. The result was that Morris had a certain chance of keeping for his own pocket a portion of every prize, large or small, and that was the plan that was pursued with success and to certain profit. Thus The New-York Times first gives to the public the real reason for the division of the scheme of lottery tickets into twentieths. This has been in itself a source of a certain income of probably a couple of million dollars a year. And Morris, by his shrewd scheme of dividing profits with his share-holders, got all this surplus. For this source of phenomenal money getting without entailing a single cent of risk, Morris paid to Louisiana the beggarly sum of $40,000 a year not a tithe of the sum the people of this city, with its annual list of thousands of delinquent taxpayers — all of whom bought lottery tickets — paid into John A. Morris's pockets. Is it to be wondered at that he willingly offered to pay to Louisiana $1,250,000 annually for a renewal of the charter for such a money-making concern as this? That people here who happened to own stock should took with favor on the scheme is hardly strange, for it appears from one of the many suits brought against Morris that. $3,400,000 was divided among the stockholders in 1889 as their half of the profits. This after Morris had taken his 50 per cent. commissions to ticket agents had been paid. and contributions made to the campaign funds of all political parties, shareholders taxed enormous sums for salaries, the bribery fund fattened, the National, State, county, and city officials paid their monthly allowances, advertising bills paid, and the newspaper proprietors, editors, and reporters that were allowed to feed at the Lottery crib had all got their fill. There was a confessed profit of $6,800,000 in that one year, and one familiar with lottery affairs asserts that the unconfessed profit witch fully as much more, including, of course, the undivided share of the prize-drawing tickets that were held in the treasury of John A. Morris, assignee of the Louisiana Lottery Company and owner of its charter. So far as can be learned, Morris is to pay Florida nothing at all save what he undoubtedly paid the last Legislature for the change of the lottery laws for the planting of his million-producing scheme. It is now wholly his own property, as with the death of the Louisiana Lottery here there also passed out of existence all obligations to divide his spoils with any person on earth. From what is known of Morris here there is no danger of his offering to divide, except when it comes to bribing the newspapers and lawmakers of the State. Early in the career of his gigantic swindle, Morris and his figurehead, Charles T. Howard, had recognized the necessity of having persons superintend the lottery's month-13r drawings whose names should be a guarantee for their honest management. Howard is credited with having conceived the idea of getting a prominent general officer of the Union Army in the late war and one from the Confederate Army to take charge jointly of the monthly drawings and see that they were conducted fairly. He tried to get a Union officer first; but although he at first offered a salary of $15,000 per year, which was later increased to $30,000, and the person need to be in New-Orleans but five days of each month, the right man could not be found. Howard wanted an ex-corps commander, are least. Gen. Rosecrans was tried; then Gen. Don Carlos Buell, and half a dozen others. But the man who would fill the bill was never found. They frankly said they would not have their names and memories connected with an institution concerning which all respectable people had but one opinion, the Northern General feature of the matter was relinquished. Gen. G. T. Beauregard was a creole. Like so many of his blood, he did not object to lotteries per se. He speciously argued that, if properly conducted, the lottery and policy scheme might add to the wealth of the city and State. So, with the understanding that he should be allowed to choose his associate, he agreed to take charge of the lottery drawings, under a condition that he and his associate were not to be interfered with by the President of the company or by the autocrat of the concern, John A. Morris. If any sign of fraud were discovered, the two directors of the drawings, Gen. Beauregard and Gen. Jubal A. Early, whom the former chose as his associate, were clothed with authority to stop the drawings at once. report the matter to the Attorney General, and proceed to criminally prosecute the offenders. As has been shown, it was business policy to have the drawings conducted with fair-ness, so as to better advertise the thing. But even if there was reason for a crooked drawing, there was no chance of detecting it. Even had there been, the fact that Morris paid the two Generals an annual salary variously reported at from $20,000 to $30,000. they were men who would not throw overboard, so good a thing as a means of existence by taking the action they were empowered to take. But as Morris never had even one cent at risk in the :affair after the return in one year of his original one-hundred-thousand-dollar investment, there was no reason for fraud and probably none was attempted, at least after 1871, when the dividend reached 48 per cent. The Beauregard-Early investment was a good one for the lottery, for within three months after they took charge the sales of tickets in the Southern States were doubled. It was a further fortunate investment for the lottery that it had Gen. Beauregard in its interest when it made its successful at-tempt to have its charter incorporated in the State's new Constitution, and so brought the crowning shame to this State. This atrocious proposition crystallized all the elements of opposition to the lottery that for years had been growing in strength and power in the city and State. Finally, when, in 1879, the company's charter was actually repealed, its enemies leaped into the breach. The churches — except the Roman Catholic — were nominally against it, and fighting it, some actively, but most listlessly, for the ministry had been contaminated in many instances by the lottery contributions 'to church charities and building funds. It seemed that the opposition would be triumphant, and that the colossal fraud, with all its money and influence, must at last go down. Then it was that Gem Beau-regard's influence was most effective. Morris sent him to Baton Rouge, the capital, and there he worked with might and main. Morris's money and Beauregard's influence were powerful with the creole members of the Legislature. He changed many of them from active enemies of the concern to its supporters. When all seemed lost and the charter was actually repealed, Morris, through Howard, played his last and strongest card. And therein is a most interesting story. In 1877, when President Hayes sent down a committee of four leading Northern Republicans and one Southern Democrat to break up the Packard. or Republican, Legislature, and install the Democratic Government In power In its stead, agreeable to a pledge he had given certain Southern men in and out of Congress when they allowed him to be installed as President, the scheme of dissolution included the payment of the salaries and mileage of the Republicans lawfully elected who would leave the Packard Legislature and go over to the Nicholls Legislature, until a majority of those declared elected by the Returning Board should be in the latter body. This was the plan by which the Republican Legislature of a State was to be broken up, whose forged Electoral vote had been counted for Hayes. About fifty of these members from both branches of the Packard Legislature were wanted to make the Democratic body safe. The President had promised to "recognize" it as soon as this should be had. A. sufficient number were found who would go over for their pay and mileage. but they must have both assured before they entered the Democratic hall. They were nearly starved out, for Packard could not give them a penny. The Democrats wore him out by a long siege. The money, in cash, had to be got in an hour. Gov. Nicholls could not raise it in so short a time. The sum was large, for over $1,000 was due each of the members from the Packard body, to say nothing of whets was to be paid the Clerks of the Republican Legislature, who had the legal journals of proceedings. It was 11 o'clock April 7, 1877. At noon the sometimes bloody drama that had been going on since Nov. 4, 1876—election day—would be ended, if the needed money could be had. The Democratic leaders looked at each other with pallid faces. They had made no money provision, for so sudden a conclusion of their troubles was unexpected, though they must have known the money would be needed soon. But this was Nicholls's way. He was always too slow. "Let us try Mr. Howard," said Lieut. Gov. L. A. Wiltz, a creole of about thirty, with the quick wit and readiness of expedient of his French blood. Wiltz stated the case to Howard while the others listened. "The safety of the State is at stake," said Lieut. Gov. Wiltz. " You can save it, Mr. Howard, if you will, but you must act quickly." "How will I get my money back?" Howard asked. It was 11:15. Time was everything. No one answered this very pertinent question. To hand over the vast sum in cash necessary to save the State without some guarantee that it would be returned was rather too much to ask of even the staunchest patriot. Yet the gambler was ready. " If you gentlemen will prepare and sign a statement reciting the circumstances of your visit to me to-day, its purpose, and my reply, I will give the State the money necessary to its salvation," Howard said. Fifteen minutes later Morris packed $65,000 in five and ten-dollar bills in three traveling bags, and placed them in the hands of the Clerks and Sergeant at Arms of the Nicholls Legislature. Each member of the Packard body was shown the money as he came. and when he had been sworn in, he went and got his pay. By night the Republican Party of Louisiana was dead. Its Governor, elected when Mr. Hayes was, but running 2,000 votes ahead of him, was a fugitive from the State- The President recognized the Nicholls Government that night. The "visiting statesmen" left for Washington. Their work was done. John A. Morris held the State prostrate and at his mercy. His man Howard had done him the best turn of his career. When. two years later, at Baton Rouge, it seemed again as if the lottery monopoly was beaten, Morris played his trump card. He still had the writing, given Howard by the Democratic committee, which got the money it had to have. This communication he caused to be read in the legislative caucus that was to settle the lottery company's assets, his money has never been returned to Mr. Howard," said Lieut. Gov. Wiltz, after reciting the circumstances under which it had been obtained. "I was one of those who sold the State's honor to get it. There would be no Democratic Governor or Legislature hero to-night but for that money. Will you ruin the men who saved us the State? I will never be a party to any such act." Wiltz was a good talker, young, handsome, and full of magnetism. He felt that his personal honor and reputation were at stake in the matter. His speech turned the scale. The lottery company's charter went into the Constitution of the State. The worst blow the lottery ever received prior to that which wiped it out of existence in spite of its proffered annual bribe to the State of $1,250,000, was when Postmaster General Wanamaker prohibited it from circulating its printed matter through the mails. This was a terrific blow to the local Post Office as well, for in the last year that business was transacted through the mail the lottery company received nearly $20,000,000 in postal notes, money orders, and registered letters. The Louisiana Lottery is in liquidation, and its shareholders will receive about $700 for $1 in the distribution, it is said, Morris, as the known holder of 4,200 shares and the trustee of Howard's 2,000 shares. getting the lion's share. The Honduras-Florida Lottery takes its place, with .Morris as the only holder of stock, except such shares as he shall pre-sent to politicians, newspaper owners, and such others as will help him to keep his scheme afloat in Florida. That the stock will be placed judiciously, every one who knows Morris knows perfectly well. In Florida, thanks to the kindliness of the last Legislature in changing the laws of the State will be situated the John A. Morris Kindergarten and University of Gambling. It will stay there if money will buy a foothold for it, for John A. Morris is prodigally liberal with lottery money if he knows every dollar expended will bring back two or more, or will silence opposition that is feared. His main ambition now is to get once more the right to use the mails. To this end he will bend all his marvelous and wholly unscrupulous energies. His lawyers have advised him that the anti-lottery post-al law is absolutely unconstitutional, because it is an interference with State and personal rights guaranteed by the Constitution. On this ground he is preparing to make the most vigorous fight of his life. All the masks are now removed, and John A. Morris as the Lottery King stands revealed in all his disreputableness. Florida had best beware before clasping him to her bosom.


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 140 5. False witness.

6. Qazaf, or falsely charging a Musulman with adultery.

7. Taking a false oath.

8. Magic.

9. Drinking wine.

10. Appropriation of the property of orphans.

11. Usury.

12. Adultery.

13 Unnatural crimes.

14. Theft.

15. Murder.

16. Fleeing in battle before the face of an infidel.

17. Disobedience to parents.


text: Notes on Muhammadanism/Chapter 24

title: Notes on Muhammadanism/Chapter 24


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 but her occupation was not sufficient food for her great forces of intellect, and they cried out perpetually, "Give, give," while the flat and comparatively stagnant air of Dewsbury Moor told upon her health and spirits more and more. On August 27, 1837, she writes:—

"I am again at Dewsbury, engaged in the old business,—teach, teach, teach When will you come home? Make haste! You have been at Bath long enough for all purposes; by this time you have acquired polish enough, I am sure; if the varnish is laid on much thicker, I am afraid the good wood underneath will be quite concealed, and your Yorkshire friends won't stand that. Come, come. I am getting really tired of your absence. Saturday after Saturday comes round, and I can have no hope of hearing your knock at the door, and then being told that 'Miss E. is come.' Oh dear! in this monotonous life of mine, that was a pleasant event. I wish it would recur again; but it will take two or three interviews before the stiffness—the estrangement of this long separation—will wear away."

About this time she forgot to return a work-bag she had borrowed, by a messenger, and in repairing her error she says:—"These aberrations of memory warn me pretty intelligibly that I am getting past my prime." Ætat 21! And the same tone of despondency runs through the following letter:—

"I wish exceedingly that I could come to you before


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Summary
A 1961 printing of the 1928 books. Re-upload with proper capitalization in title.


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Column 2, paragraph 2, lines 20–21: should "money-/less" be "moneyless" or "money-less"? -- Yodin T 23:54, 24 January 2024 (UTC)


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Rh When Mr. Eigleen went home everyone was surprised at this acrobatic adventure.

Mrs. Eigleen made a plan now. "Sometime at midnight," she said, "we could take a covered lantern and go down on the meadow to try to find out where Eepersip sleeps. I know the meadow is very large, but common sense tells me that she would sleep near the woods; so to-morrow night let's go and try to find her."

"Er--er--I don't know," replied Mr. Eigleen. "I’m a little bit afraid of that meadow, such curious things are happening there all the time."

"What has happened yet?" snapped Mrs. Eigleen. "You're an old coward, you are. I'd go in a minute, to save Eepersip."

"So’d I, so’d I," said Mr. Eigleen, hurriedly. "T only think that there is some curious magic about that field."

"I agree with you there," said Mrs. Eigleen. "But, as I said before, when it comes to saving Eepersip I'd go into thicker magic than there is in the field."

So they planned to get up a little after midnight and circle the field near the edge of the woods; and as there were six of them, Eepersip wouldn't have much chance of escaping if they once got their hands on her. That evening they ate a light

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 Christmas, but it is impossible; another three weeks must elapse before I shall again have my comforter beside me, under the roof of my own dear quiet home. If I could always live with you, and daily read the Bible with you—if your lips and mine could at the same time drink the same draught, from the same pure fountain of mercy—I hope, I trust, I might one day become better, far better than my evil, wandering thoughts, my corrupt heart, cold to the spirit and warm to the flesh, will now permit me to be. I often plan the pleasant life which we might lead together, strengthening each other in that power of self-denial, that hallowed and glowing devotion, which the first saints of God often attained to. My eyes fill with tears when I contrast the bliss of such a state, brightened by hopes of the future, with the melancholy state I now live in, uncertain that I ever felt true contrition, wandering in thought and deed, longing for holiness, which I shall never, never obtain, smitten at times to the heart with the conviction that ghastly Calvinistic doctrines are true—darkened, in short, by the very shadows of spiritual death. If Christian perfection be necessary to salvation, I shall never be saved; my heart is a very hot-bed for sinful thoughts, and when I decide on an action I scarcely remember to look to my Redeemer for direction. I know not how to pray; I cannot bend my life to the grand end of doing good; I go on constantly seeking my own pleasure, pursuing the gratification of my own desires. I forget God, and will not God forget me? And, meantime, I know the greatness of Jehovah; I


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Summary
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 acknowledge the perfection of His word; I adore the purity of the Christian faith; my theory is right, my practice horribly wrong."

The Christmas holidays came, and she and Anne returned to the parsonage, and to that happy home circle in which alone their natures expanded; amongst all other people they shrivelled up more or less. Indeed, there were only one or two strangers who could be admitted among the sisters without producing the same result. Emily and Anne were bound up in their lives and interests like twins. The former from reserve, the latter from timidity, avoided all friendships and intimacies beyond their sisters. Emily was impervious to influence; she never came in contact with public opinion, and her own decision of what was right and fitting was a law for her conduct and appearance, with which she allowed no one to interfere. Her love was poured out on Anne, as Charlotte's was on her. But the affection among all the three was stronger than either death or life.

E. was eagerly welcomed by Charlotte, freely admitted by Emily, and kindly received by Anne, whenever she could come amongst them; and this Christmas she had promised to visit Haworth, but her coming had to be delayed on account of a little domestic accident detailed in the following letter:—

"Dec. 29, 1837.

"I am sure you will have thought me very remiss,


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 in not sending my promised letter long before now; but I have a sufficient and very melancholy excuse in an accident that befell our old faithful Tabby, a few days after my return home. She was gone out into the village on some errand, when, as she was descending the steep street, her foot slipped on the ice, and she fell; it was dark, and no one saw her mischance, till after a time her groans attracted the attention of a passer-by. She was lifted up and carried into the druggist's near; and, after the examination, it was discovered that she had completely shattered and dislocated one leg. Unfortunately, the fracture could not be set till six o'clock the next morning, as no surgeon was to be had before that time, and she now lies at our house in a very doubtful and dangerous state. Of course we are all exceedingly distressed at the circumstance, for she was like one of our own family. Since the event we have been almost without assistance—a person has dropped in now and then to do the drudgery, but we have as yet been able to procure no regular servant; and, consequently, the whole work of the house, as well as the additional duty of nursing Tabby, falls on ourselves. Under these circumstances I dare not press your visit here, at least until she is pronounced out of danger; it would be too selfish of me. Aunt wished me to give you this information before, but papa and all the rest were anxious I should delay until we saw whether matters took a more settled aspect, and I myself kept putting it off from day to day, most bitterly reluctant to give up all the pleasure I had anticipated so long. However, remem-


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Summary
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 bering what you told me, namely, that you had commended the matter to a higher decision than ours, and that you were resolved to submit with resignation to that decision, whatever it might be, I hold it my duty to yield also, and to be silent; it may be all for the best. I fear, if you had been here during this severe weather, your visit would have been of no advantage to you, for the moors are blockaded with snow, and you would never have been able to get out. After this disappointment, I never dare reckon with certainty on the enjoyment of a pleasure again; it seems as if some fatality stood between you and me. I am not good enough for you, and you must be kept from the contamination of too intimate society. I would urge your visit yet—I would entreat and press it—but the thought comes across me, should Tabby die while you are in the house, I should never forgive myself. No! it must not be, and in a thousand ways the consciousness of that mortifies and disappoints me most keenly. And I am not the only one who is disappointed. All in the house were looking to your visit with eagerness. Papa says he highly approves of my friendship with you, and he wishes me to continue it through life."

A good neighbour of the Brontës—a clever, intelligent Yorkshire woman, who keeps a druggist's shop in Haworth, and from her occupation, her experience, and excellent sense, holds the position of village doctress and nurse, and, as such, has been a friend, in many a time of trial, and sickness, and death, in the households


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 round—told me a characteristic little incident connected with Tabby's fractured leg. Mr. Brontë is truly generous and regardful of all deserving claims. Tabby had lived with them for ten or twelve years, and was, as Charlotte expressed it, "one of the family." But, on the other hand, she was past the age for any very active service, being nearer seventy than sixty at the time of the accident; she had a sister living in Haworth; and the savings she had accumulated, during many years' service, formed a competency for one in her rank of life. Or if, in this time of sickness, she fell short of any comforts which her state rendered necessary, the parsonage could supply them. So reasoned Miss Branwell, the prudent, not to say anxious aunt; looking to the limited contents of Mr. Brontë's purse, and the unprovided-for future of her nieces; who were, moreover, losing the relaxation of the holidays, in close attendance upon Tabby.

Miss Branwell urged her views upon Mr. Brontë as soon as the immediate danger to the old servant's life was over. He refused at first to listen to the careful advice; it was repugnant to his liberal nature. But Miss Branwell persevered; urged economical motives; pressed on his love for his daughters. He gave way. Tabby was to be removed to her sister's, and there nursed and cared for, Mr. Brontë coming in with his aid when her own resources fell short. This decision was communicated to the girls. There were symptoms of a quiet, but sturdy rebellion, that winter afternoon, in the small precincts of Haworth Parsonage. They made one


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dames led three meinies to the mountain, Ino, Autonoë, and apple-cheeked Agavè, and gathering there wild leaves of the shag-haired oak, and living ivy and groundling asphodel, wrought in a lawn of the forest twelve altars, unto Semelè three and unto Dionysus nine. Then took they from a box offerings made of their hands and laid them in holy silence upon those altars of their gathering, as was at once the precept and the pleasure of the great Dionysus. Meanwhile Pentheus spied upon all they did from a steepy crag, being crept into an ancient mastich-tree such as grow in that country. Autonoe saw him first and gave a horrible shriek, and made quick confusion of the sacred things of the madding Bacchus with her feet, for these things are not to be seen of the profane. Mad was she now, and the others were straightway mad also. Pentheus, he fled afraid, and the women, girding their kirtles up about their thighs, they went in hot pursuit. Pentheus, he cried ‘What would you, ye women?” Autonoe, she cried “That shall you know ere you hear it.’’ Then took off the mother the head of her child and roared even as the roar of a milch lioness, while Ino setting foot upon his belly wrenched shoulder and shoulder-blade from the one side of Rh


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 268 The Legates further announced that the conditional votes would be taken into consideration, and reported upon in the next Congregation. Ninety-one Bishops also abstained from voting, although in Rome at the time. When the members re-assembled on Saturday, 16th July, a report was made on the conditional votes and the amendments; but so far from anything being done to conciliate the minority, the wording of the decree was made somewhat more uncompromising than before. To the definition voted on the 13th, that the decrees of the Roman Pontiff were irreformable of themselves, it was now added "and not by consent of the Church," thus emphasising still more strongly that the dogmatic authority of the Papacy was independent of the entire Episcopate. After this stupendous achievement the Presidents informed the Bishops that, although the Council was not prorogued, a general permission was granted them to return to their dioceses until 11th November (St Martin's Day).

The final Public Session at which the Pope proposed to convert the formula into dogma of faith was fixed for Monday, 18th July. There was for the minority certainly no time to lose. They made one last attempt. On the Saturday evening a deputation of the opposition, including two Cardinals and the Archbishops of Paris and Milan, went to the Vatican and sought an audience with the Pope. After waiting an hour, they were admitted at nine o'clock. The Archbishop of Paris was their representative. In his own name, and in that of his associates, he declared his submission to the doctrine of Infallibility, but requested the insertion of the phrase, "relying on the testimony of the Churches." This phrase would have acknow-


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 unanimous and stiff remonstrance. Tabby had tended them in their childhood; they, and none other, should tend her in her infirmity and age. At tea-time, they were sad and silent, and the meal went away untouched by any of the three. So it was at breakfast; they did not waste many words on the subject, but each word they did utter was weighty. They "struck" eating till the resolution was rescinded, and Tabby was allowed to remain a helpless invalid entirely dependent upon them. Herein was the strong feeling of Duty being paramount to Pleasure, which lay at the foundation of Charlotte's character, made most apparent; for we have seen how she yearned for her friend's company; but it was to be obtained only by shrinking from what she esteemed right, and that she never did, whatever might be the sacrifice.

She had another weight on her mind this Christmas. I have said that Dewsbury Moor was low and damp, and that the air did not agree with her, though she herself was hardly aware how much her life there was affecting her health. But Anne had begun to suffer just before the holidays, and Charlotte watched over her younger sisters with the jealous vigilance of some wild creature, that changes her very nature if danger threatens her young. Anne had a slight cough, a pain at her side, a difficulty of breathing. Miss Wooler considered it as little more than a common cold; but Charlotte felt every indication of incipient consumption as a stab at her heart, remembering Maria and Elizabeth, whose places once knew them, and should know them no more.


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 Stung by anxiety for this little sister, she upbraided Miss Wooler for her fancied indifference to Anne's state of health. Miss Wooler felt these reproaches keenly, and wrote to Mr. Brontë about them. He immediately sent for his children, who left Dewsbury Moor the next day. Meanwhile, Charlotte had resolved that Anne should never return as a pupil, nor she herself as a governess. But, just before she left, Miss Wooler sought for the opportunity of an explanation of each other's words, and the issue proved that "the falling out of faithful friends, renewing is of love." And so ended the first, last, and only difference Charlotte ever had with good and kind Miss Wooler.

Still her heart had received a shock in the perception of Anne's delicacy; and all this winter she watched over her with the longing, fond anxiety, which is so full of sudden pangs of fear.

Miss Wooler had entreated her to return after the holidays, and she had consented. But, independently of this, Emily had given up her situation in the Halifax school, at the expiration of six months of arduous trial, on account of her health, which could only be reestablished by the bracing moorland air and free life of home. Tabby's illness had preyed on the family resources. I doubt whether Branwell was maintaining himself at this time. For some unexplained reason, he had given up the idea of becoming a student of painting at the Royal Academy, and his prospects in life were uncertain, and had yet to be settled. So Charlotte had


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 ] ledged that the witness of the Church and of the Episcopate was essential to any doctrine which claimed to be part of the Catholic faith. It would have made the dogma much less difficult to many members of the Roman Church. It would have relieved the strange and incredible isolation in which the new formula had placed the Pope—as apart from, independent of, the universal consciousness of Christendom. It would have suggested that the Pope represented and voiced the collective conviction of the Church, on whose testimony he was relying. But this was not the Ultramontane idea. And there is no occasion for surprise if Pius IX. rejected it. One more appeal was made to him. Ketteler, Bishop of Maintz, threw himself on his knees before the Pope, and with his eyes full of tears implored Pius to make some concession which would restore peace to the Church and to the Episcopate. It is a striking scene. Two conceptions of the Church are embodied in these two men: in Pius, the modern Ultramontane conception of absolute authority centralised and condensed in one individual; in his suppliant, the ancient Cyprianic conception of authority residing in the Collective Episcopate. In the attitude of the two men, the historian may see the old vainly pleading with the new for permission to exist; lifelong believers reduced to self-contradiction as the price of permission to remain. It was this scene which provoked a Roman contemporary to say:—

"Pius is firm and immovable, smooth and hard as marble, infinitely self-satisfied, merciless and ignorant, without any understanding of the mental conditions and needs of mankind, without any notion of the


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 quietly to take up her burden of teaching again, and return to her previous monotonous life.

Brave heart, ready to die in harness! She went back to her work, and made no complaint, hoping to subdue the weakness that was gaining ground upon her. About this time, she would turn sick and trembling at any sudden noise, and could hardly repress her screams when startled. This showed a fearful degree of physical weakness in one who was generally so self-controlled; and the medical man, whom at length, through Miss Wooler's entreaty, she was led to consult, insisted on her return home. She had led too sedentary a life, he said; and the soft summer air, blowing round her home, the sweet company of those she loved, the release, the freedom of life in her own family, were needed, to save either reason or life. So, as One higher than she had over-ruled that for a time she might relax her strain, she returned to Haworth; and after a season of utter quiet, her father sought for her the enlivening society of her two friends, Mary and Martha T. At the conclusion of the following letter, there is, I think, as pretty a glimpse of a merry group of young people as need be; and like all descriptions of doing, as distinct from thinking or feeling, in letters, it saddens one in proportion to the vivacity of the picture of what was once, and is now utterly swept away.

"Haworth, June 9, 1838.

"I received your packet of despatches on Wednesday; it was brought me by Mary and Martha, who have been


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 staying at Haworth for a few days; they leave us to-day. You will be surprised at the date of this letter. I ought to be at Dewsbury Moor, you know; but I stayed as long as I was able, and at length I neither could nor dared stay any longer. My health and spirits had utterly failed me, and the medical man whom I consulted enjoined me, as I valued my life, to go home. So home I went, and the change has at once roused and soothed me; and I am now, I trust, fairly in the way to be myself again.

"A calm and even mind like yours cannot conceive the feelings of the shattered wretch who is now writing to you, when, after weeks of mental and bodily anguish not to be described, something like peace began to dawn again. Mary is far from well. She breathes short, has a pain in her chest, and frequent flushings of fever. I cannot tell you what agony these symptoms give me; they remind me too strongly of my two sisters, whom no power of medicine could save. Martha is now very well; she has kept in a continual flow of good humour during her stay here, and has consequently been very fascinating

"They are making such a noise about me I cannot write any more. Mary is playing on the piano; Martha is chattering as fast as her little tongue can run; and Branwell is standing before her, laughing at her vivacity."

Charlotte grew much stronger in this quiet, happy period at home. She paid occasional visits to her two


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 great friends, and they in return came to Haworth. At one of their houses, I suspect, she met with the person to whom the following letter refers; some one having a slight resemblance to the character of "St. John," in the last volume of "Jane Eyre," and, like him, in holy orders.

"March 12, 1839.

"I had a kindly leaning towards him, because he is an amiable and well-disposed man. Yet I had not, and could not have, that intense attachment which would make me willing to die for him; and if ever I marry, it must be in that light of adoration that I will regard my husband. Ten to one I shall never have the chance again; but n'importe. Moreover, I was aware that he knew so little of me he could hardly be conscious to whom he was writing. Why! it would startle him to see me in my natural home character; he would think I was a wild, romantic enthusiast indeed. I could not sit all day long making a grave face before my husband. I would laugh, and satirize, and say whatever came into my head first. And if he were a clever man, and loved me, the whole world, weighed in the balance against his smallest wish, should be light as air."

So that—her first proposal of marriage—was quietly declined and put on one side. Matrimony did not enter into the scheme of her life, but good, sound, earnest labour did; the question, however, was as yet undecided in what direction she should employ her forces. She


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 had been discouraged in literature; her eyes failed her in the minute kind of drawing which she practised when she wanted to express an idea; teaching seemed to her at this time, as it does to most women at all times, the only way of earning an independent livelihood. But neither she nor her sisters were naturally fond of children. The hieroglyphics of childhood were unknown language to them, for they had never been much with those younger than themselves. I am inclined to think, too, that they had not the happy knack of imparting information, which seems to be a separate gift from the faculty of acquiring it; a kind of sympathetic tact, which instinctively perceives the difficulties that impede comprehension in a child's mind, and that yet are too vague and unformed for it, with its half-developed powers of expression, to explain by words. Consequently, teaching very young children was anything but a "delightful task" to the three Brontë sisters. With older girls, verging on womanhood, they might have done better, especially if these had any desire for improvement. But the education which the village clergyman's daughters had received, did not as yet qualify them to undertake the charge of advanced pupils. They knew but little French, and were not proficients in music; I doubt whether Charlotte could play at all. But they were all strong again, and, at any rate, Charlotte and Anne must put their shoulders to the wheel. One daughter was needed at home, to stay with Mr. Brontë and Miss Branwell; to be the young and active member in a household of four,


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 whereof three—the father, the aunt, and faithful Tabby—were past middle age. And Emily, who suffered and drooped more than her sisters when away from Haworth, was the one appointed to remain. Anne was the first to meet with a situation.

"April 15th, 1839.

"I could not write to you in the week you requested, as about that time we were very busy in preparing for Anne's departure. Poor child! she left us last Monday; no one went with her; it was her own wish that she might be allowed to go alone, as she thought she could manage better, and summon more courage, if thrown entirely upon her own resources. We have had one letter from her since she went. She expresses herself very well satisfied, and says that Mrs. is extremely kind; the two eldest children alone are under her care, the rest are confined to the nursery, with which and its occupants she has nothing to do I hope she'll do. You would be astonished what a sensible, clever letter she writes; it is only the talking part that I fear. But I do seriously apprehend that Mrs.  will sometimes conclude that she has a natural impediment in her speech. For my own part, I am as yet 'wanting a situation,' like a housemaid out of place. By the way, I have lately discovered I have quite a talent for cleaning, sweeping up hearths, dusting rooms, making beds, &c.; so, if everything else fails, I can turn my hand to that, if anybody will give me good wages for little labour. I won't be a cook; I hate


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 cooking. I won't be a nurserymaid, nor a lady's maid, far less a lady's companion, or a mantua-maker, or a straw-bonnet maker, or a taker-in of plain work. I won't be anything but a housemaid With regard to my visit to G., I have as yet received no invitation; but if I should be asked, though I should feel it a great act of self-denial to refuse, yet I have almost made up my mind to do so, though the society of the T.s is one of the most rousing pleasures I have ever known. Good-bye, my darling E., &c.

"P.S.—Strike out that word 'darling;' it is humbug. Where's the use of protestations? We've known each other, and liked each other, a good while; that's enough."

Not many weeks after this was written, Charlotte also became engaged as a governess. I intend carefully to abstain from introducing the names of any living people, respecting whom I may have to tell unpleasant truths, or to quote severe remarks from Miss Brontë's letters; but it is necessary that the difficulties she had to encounter in her various phases of life, should be fairly and frankly made known, before the force "of what was resisted" can be at all understood. I was once speaking to her about "Agnes Grey"—the novel in which her sister Anne pretty literally describes her own experience as a governess—and alluding more particularly to the account of the stoning of the little


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 nestlings in the presence of the parent birds. She said that none but those who had been in the position of a governess could ever realize the dark side of "respectable" human nature; under no great temptation to crime, but daily giving way to selfishness and ill-temper, till its conduct towards those dependent on it sometimes amounts to a tyranny of which one would rather be the victim than the inflicter. We can only trust in such cases that the employers err rather from a density of perception and an absence of sympathy, than from any natural cruelty of disposition. Among several things of the same kind, which I well remember, she told me what had once occurred to herself. She had been entrusted with the care of a little boy, three or four years old, during the absence of his parents on a day's excursion, and particularly enjoined to keep him out of the stable-yard. His elder brother, a lad of eight or nine, and not a pupil of Miss Brontë's, tempted the little fellow into the forbidden place. She followed, and tried to induce him to come away; but, instigated by his brother, he began throwing stones at her, and one of them hit her so severe a blow on the temple that the lads were alarmed into obedience. The next day, in full family conclave, the mother asked Miss Brontë what occasioned the mark on her forehead. She simply replied, "An accident, ma'am," and no further inquiry was made; but the children (both brothers and sisters) had been present, and honoured her for not "telling tales." From that time, she began to gain influence over all, more or less, according


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 to their different characters; and as she insensibly gained their affection, her own interest in them was increasing. But one day, at the children's dinner, the small truant of the stable-yard, in a little demonstrative gush, said, putting his hand in hers, "I love you, Miss Brontë." Whereupon, the mother exclaimed, before all the children, "Love the governess, my dear!"

The family into which she first entered was, I believe, that of a wealthy Yorkshire manufacturer. The following extracts from her correspondence at this time will show how painfully the restraint of her new mode of life pressed upon her. The first is from a letter to Emily, beginning with one of the tender expressions in which, in spite of "humbug," she indulged herself. "Mine dear love," "Mine bonnie love," are her terms of address to this beloved sister.

"June 8th, 1839.

"I have striven hard to be pleased with my new situation. The country, the house and the grounds are, as I have said, divine; but, alack-a-day, there is such a thing as seeing all beautiful around you—pleasant woods, white paths, green lawns, and blue sunshiny shysky [sic]—and not having a free moment or a free thought left to enjoy them. The children are constantly with me. As for correcting them, I quickly found that was out of the question; they are to do as they like. A complaint to the mother only brings black looks on myself, and unjust, partial excuses to screen the chil-


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 dren. I have tried that plan once, and succeeded so notably, I shall try no more. I said in my last letter that Mrs. did not know me. I now begin to find she does not intend to know me; that she cares nothing about me, except to contrive how the greatest possible quantity of labour may be got out of me; and to that end she overwhelms me with oceans of needlework; yards of cambric to hem, muslin nightcaps to make, and, above all things, dolls to dress. I do not think she likes me at all, because I can't help being shy in such an entirely novel scene, surrounded as I have hitherto been by strange and constantly changing faces I used to think I should like to be in the stir of grand folks' society; but I have had enough of it—it is dreary work to look on and listen. I see more clearly than I have ever done before, that a private governess has no existence, is not considered as a living rational being, except as connected with the wearisome duties she has to fulfil One of the pleasantest afternoons I have spent here—indeed, the only one at all pleasant—was when Mr. walked out with his children, and I had orders to follow a little behind. As he strolled on through his fields, with his magnificent Newfoundland dog at his side, he looked very like what a frank, wealthy, Conservative gentleman ought to be. He spoke freely and unaffectedly to the people he met, and, though he indulged his children and allowed them to tease himself far too much, he would not suffer them grossly to insult others."


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"July, 1839.

"I cannot procure ink, without going into the drawing-room, where I do not wish to go I should have written to you long since, and told you every detail of the utterly new scene into which I have lately been cast, had I not been daily expecting a letter from yourself, and wondering and lamenting that you did not write; for you will remember it was your turn. I must not bother you too much with my sorrows, of which, I fear, you have heard an exaggerated account. If you were near me, perhaps I might be tempted to tell you all, to grow egotistical, and pour out the long history of a private governess's trials and crosses in her first situation. As it is, I will only ask you to imagine the miseries of a reserved wretch like me, thrown at once into the midst of a large family—proud as peacocks and wealthy as Jews—at a time when they were particularly gay—when the house was filled with company—all strangers—people whose faces I had never seen before. In this state I had charge given me of a set of pampered, spoilt, turbulent children, whom I was expected constantly to amuse, as well as to instruct. I soon found that the constant demand on my stock of animal spirits reduced them to the lowest state of exhaustion; at times I felt—and, I suppose, seemed—depressed. To my astonishment, I was taken to task on the subject by Mrs., with a sternness of manner


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 and a harshness of language scarcely credible; like a fool, I cried most bitterly. I could not help it; my spirits quite failed me at first. I thought I had done my best—strained every nerve to please her; and to be treated in that way, merely because I was shy and sometimes melancholy, was too bad. At first I was for giving all up and going home. But, after a little reflection, I determined to summon what energy I had, and to weather the storm. I said to myself, 'I have never yet quitted a place without gaining a friend; adversity is a good school; the poor are born to labour, and the dependent to endure.' I resolved to be patient, to command my feelings, and to take what came; the ordeal, I reflected, would not last many weeks, and I trusted it would do me good. I recollected the fable of the willow and the oak; I bent quietly, and now, I trust, the storm is blowing over me. Mrs. is generally considered an agreeable woman; so she is, I doubt not, in general society. Her health is sound, her animal spirits good, consequently she is cheerful in company; but, oh! does this compensate for the absence of every fine feeling—of every gentle and delicate sentiment? She behaves somewhat more civilly to me now than she did at first, and the children are a little more manageable; but she does not know my character, and she does not wish to know it. I have never had five minutes' conversation with her since I came, except while she was scolding me. I have no wish to be pitied, except by yourself; if I were talking to you I could tell you much more."


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"Mine bonnie love, I was as glad of your letter as tongue can express: it is a real, genuine pleasure to hear from home; a thing to be saved till bed-time, when one has a moment's quiet and rest to enjoy it thoroughly. Write whenever you can. I could like to be at home. I could like to work in a mill. I could like to feel some mental liberty. I could like this weight of restraint to be taken off. But the holidays will come. Coraggio."

Her temporary engagement in this uncongenial family ended in the July of this year; not before the constant strain upon her spirits and strength had again affected her health: but when this delicacy became apparent in palpitations and shortness of breathing, it was treated as affectation—as a phase of imaginary indisposition, which could be dissipated by a good scolding. She had been brought up rather in a school of Spartan endurance than in one of maudlin self-indulgence, and could bear many a pain and relinquish many a hope in silence.

After she had been at home about a week, a proposal was made to her to accompany her friend in some little excursion, having pleasure alone for its object. She caught at the idea most eagerly at first; but her hope stood still, waned, and had almost disappeared before, after many delays, it was realized. In its fulfilment at last, it was a favourable specimen of many a similar air-bubble dancing before her eyes in her brief career,


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Rh herself knew. One afternoon she called her friends round her and bade them take her over to the meadow, where they would surely see Eepersip. They took her out, but never a trace of Eepersip did they see. And Mrs. Eigleen kept on having her fits of weeping all through the summer, even more frequently than before.

Now, by this time Mrs. Eigleen, her husband, and all her neighbours had found out that Eepersip had taken White away from the Brunios; for once they had been out in the field and seen Eepersip. She was crowned with a wreath on which butterflies were clustering in bunches, like grapes; and Chippy and Snowflake were frolicking about her. The Eigleens, the Ikkisfields, and the Wraspanes went down the meadow and to Mr. Brunio's house (for some of them knew the Brunios and recognized the kitten), and he related his adventures. That very afternoon they went back to the meadow and chased Eepersip, but they couldn't catch her, for she took up Snowflake and Chippy and mounted a doe, who bore them off like the wind.

The next day they tried again: It was dawn, and Eepersip was lying in the centre of the meadow with Snowflake and Chippy by her side. She had had her breakfast, but she lay on the grass

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 in which stern realities, rather than pleasures, formed the leading incidents.

"July 26th, 1839.

"Your proposal has almost driven me 'clean daft'—if you don't understand that ladylike expression, you must ask me what it means when I see you. The fact is, an excursion with you anywhere,—whether to Cleathorpe or Canada,—just by ourselves, would be to me most delightful. I should, indeed, like to go; but I can't get leave of absence for longer than a week, and I'm afraid that would not suit you—must I then give it up entirely? I feel as if I could not; I never had such a chance of enjoyment before; I do want to see you and talk to you, and be with you. When do you wish to go? Could I meet you at Leeds? To take a gig from Haworth to B., would be to me a very serious increase of expense, and I happen to be very low in cash. Oh! rich people seem to have many pleasures at their command which we are debarred from! However, no repining.

"Say when you go, and I shall be able in my answer to say decidedly whether I can accompany you or not. I must—I will—I'm set upon it—I'll be obstinate and bear down all opposition."

"P.S.—Since writing the above, I find that aunt and papa have determined to go to Liverpool for a fortnight, and take us all with them. It is stipulated, however, that I should give up the Cleathorpe scheme. I yield reluctantly."


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58 over and over, sometimes ringingly, sometimes in a murmur.

Buttercups are smiling

To see the butterflies

Feathering so softly,

Rainbowing the skies....

The wind is snowing butterflies,

Fairy golden showers;

Misty the air with dancing wings;

The sun is raining flowers.

She told the deer that she felt like a butterfly, and that the wind was snowing her when she danced. And then she gave them handfuls of lush grass.

At the end of that first winter Mrs. Eigleen began to feel ill. No one knew what was the matter with her. She spent the spring in continual weeping and hysterics. Towards the summer she began to feel seriously ill. They had had several different doctors in to see her, but none of them could find out exactly what the matter was, for she refused to tell anyone anything, even though she said she

title: Page:The House Without Windows.djvu/50


text:
The Bee is not afraid of me

 * "The bee is not afraid of me" in Poems (1890)
 * "The bee is not afraid of me" in The Complete Poems of Emily Dickinson (1924)

title: The Bee is not afraid of me


text: Poetical works of William Cullen Bryant/Upon the Mountain's Distant Head


text:
The Daisy follows soft the Sun—

 * "The daisy follows soft the Sun" in Poems (1890)
 * "The daisy follows soft the sun" in The Complete Poems of Emily Dickinson (1924)

title: The Daisy follows soft the Sun—