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22 INDIAN PHILOSOPHY yielded abundant food, and man was relieved of the toil and struggle for existence. The Indian never felt that the world was a field of battle where men struggled for power, wealth and domination. When we do not need to waste our energies on problems of life on earth, exploiting nature and controlling the forces of the world, we begin to think of the higher life, how to live more perfectly in the spirit. Perhaps an enervating climate inclined the Indian to rest and retirement. The huge forests with their wide leafy avenues afforded great opportunities for the devout soul to wander peacefully through them, dream strange dreams and burst forth into joyous songs. World-weary men go out on pilgrimages to these scenes of nature, acquire inward peace, listening to the rush of winds and torrents, the music of birds and leaves, and return whole of heart and fresh in spirit. It was in the āśramas and tapovanas or forest hermitages that the thinking men of India meditated on the deeper problems of existence. The security of life, the wealth of natural resources, the freedom from worry, the detachment from the cares of existence, and the absence of a tyrannous practical interest, stimulated the higher life of India, with the result that we find from the beginnings of history an impatience of spirit, a love of wisdom and a passion for the saner pursuits of the mind.

Helped by natural conditions, and provided with the intellectual scope to think out the implications of things, the Indian escaped the doom which Plato pronounced to be the worst of all, viz. the hatred of reason. “Let us above all things take heed,” says he in the Phdo, “that one misfortune does not befall us. Let us not become misologues as some people become misanthropes; for no greater evil can befall men than to become haters of reason.” The pleasure of understanding is one of the purest available to man, and the passion of the Indian for it burns in the bright flame of the mind.

In many other countries of the world, reflection on the nature of existence is a luxury of life. The serious moments are given to action, while the pursuit of philosophy comes up as a parenthesis. In ancient India philosophy was not an auxiliary to any other science or art, but always held a prominent position of independence. In the West, even

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INTRODUCTION 28 in the heyday of its youth, as in the times of Plato and Aristotle, it leaned for support on some other study, as politics or ethics. It was theology for the Middle Ages, natural science for Bacon and Newton, history, politics and sociology for the nineteenth-century thinkers. In India philosophy stood on its own legs, and all other studies looked to it for inspiration and support. It is the master science guiding other sciences, without which they tend to become empty and foolish. The Muṇḍaka Upaniṣad speaks of Brahma-vidyā or the science of the eternal as the basis of all sciences, sarva-vidyā-pratiṣṭhā. “Philosophy,” says Kautilya, “is the lamp of all the sciences, the means of performing all the works, and the support of all the duties.”

Since philosophy is a human effort to comprehend the problem of the universe, it is subject to the influences of race and culture. Each nation has its own characteristic mentality, its particular intellectual bent. In all the fleeting centuries of history, in all the vicissitudes through which India has passed, a certain marked identity is visible. It has held fast to certain psychological traits which constitute its special heritage, and they will be the characteristic marks of the Indian people so long as they are privileged to have a separate existence. Individuality means independence of growth. It is not necessarily unlikeness. There cannot be complete unlikeness, since man the world over is the same, especially so far as the aspects of spirit are concerned. The variations are traceable to distinctions in age, history and temperament. They add to the wealth of the world culture, since there is no royal road to philosophic development any more than to any other result worth having. Before we notice the characteristic features of Indian thought, a few words may be said about the influence of the West on Indian thought.

The question is frequently raised whether and to what extent Indian thought borrowed its ideas from foreign sources, such as Greece. Some of the views put forward by Indian thinkers resemble certain doctrines developed in ancient Greece, so much that anybody interested in discrediting this

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text: Author:Thomas Clark

title: Author:Thomas Clark


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 a crown—As richly, as a thief a halter; shouted Trim.

My uncle Toby knew the corporal's loyalty;—otherwise the comparison was not at all to his mind—it did not altogether strike the corporal's fancy when he had made it—but it could not be recall'd—so he had nothing to do, but proceed.

As the number of wounded was prodigious, and no one had time to think of any thing, but his own safety—Though Talmash, said my uncle Toby, brought off the foot with great prudence—But I was left upon the field, said the corporal. Thou wast so; poor fellow! replied my uncle Toby—So that it was noon the next day, continued the cor-


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 poral, before I was exchanged, and put into a cart with thirteen or fourteen more, in order to be convey'd to our hospital.

There is no part of the body, an' please your honour, where a wound occasions more intolerable anguish than upon the knee

Except the groin; said my uncle Toby. An' please your honour, replied the corporal, the knee, in my opinion, must certainly be the most acute, there being so many tendons and what-d'ye-call-'ems all about it.

It is for that reason, quoth my uncle Toby, that the groin is infinitely more sensiblethere being not only as ma-


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 ny tendons and what-d'ye-call-'ems (for I know their names as little as thou do'st)—about it—but moreover ***

Mrs. Wadman, who had been all the time in her arbour—instantly stopp'd her breath—unpinn'd her mob at the chin, and stood up upon one leg

The dispute was maintained with amicable and equal force betwixt my uncle Toby and Trim for some time; till Trim at length recollecting that he had often cried at his master's sufferings, but never shed a tear at his own—was for giving up the point, which my uncle Toby would not allow'Tis a proof of nothing, Trim, said he, but the generosity of thy temper


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 So that whether the pain of a wound in the groin (cæteris paribus) is greater than the pain of a wound in the kneeor

Whether the pain of a wound in the knee is not greater than the pain of a wound in the groinare points which to this day remain unsettled.

anguish of my knee, continued the corporal, was excessive in itself; and the uneasiness of the cart, with the roughness of the roads which were terribly cut up—making bad still worse—every step was death to me: so that with the loss of blood, and the


text: Author:Thomas Hewlett

title: Author:Thomas Hewlett


text: The Life and Opinions of Tristram Shandy, Gentleman/Volume 8/Chapter 19


text: Author:John Darwall (1731-1789)

title: Author:John Darwall (1731-1789)


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 alike was mainly to preserve a catalogue of the most celebrated wares with their dates and places of manufacture and occasionally some meagre details of their nature. M. Julien, then, however conscientious as a linguist, could not fail to be misled and to mislead. He was followed, in 1875, by M. Jacquemart, an over-speculative connoisseur, who, great as was the debt of gratitude under which he placed collectors, wrote unfortunately in such a way as to mix the keramics of China, Korea, and Japan in confusion. Taking some of the choicest specimens of Chinese work, he allotted them to Korea or Japan; content to assume, in the one case, that Chinese artists never depicted Mandarins on their vases, and that, consequently, all vases thus decorated must be Japanese; and in the other, that any piece the decoration of which seemed to him to possess both Chinese and Japanese characteristics must come from a country between the two empires, namely, from Korea. Thus wherever Julien had led the public astray, Jacquemart helped to render the aberration permanent. One example is conspicuous:—Julien, falsely rendering a single word, said that the most esteemed variety of the Kuan-yao (Imperial ware) manufactured under the Sung dynasty (960-1279) was blue. Jacquemart thereupon wrote, "Le décor le plus ancien et le plus estimé au Céleste-Empire est celui en camaïeu bleu. Il s'exécute sur la pâte simplement séchée après le travail du tournage, et crue; on pose la couverte ensuite, on cuit, et dès lors la peinture devient inattaquable. Dans les temps les plus anciens, le cobalt n'était pas d'une pureté irréprochable; son plus ou moins grand éclat peut donc aider à fixer des dates approximatives. Pour prouver jusqu'à quel


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 point les porcelaines bleues étaient estimées, il suffit de rappeler qu'on les appelait Kuan-ki, vases des magistrats." Now, the fact is that decoration in blue under the glaze retained all the characteristics of a most rudimentary manufacture throughout the Sung dynasty; that the colour erroneously translated "blue" by Julien, referred to the glaze itself, not to the decoration, and that the Kuan-ki never included ware having blue designs sous couverte. The whole import of these misconceptions will be presently appreciated by the reader. Their number, and the very false conclusions to which they led Julien, Jacquemart, and other less notable writers, have contributed to obscure a subject already sufficiently perplexing.

The annals of the Middle Kingdom attribute the infancy of the keramic art either to the reign of Huang-ti, or to that of Shun, semi-mythical sovereigns who are supposed to have flourished some twenty-five centuries before the Christian era. Of these very early wares tradition does not tell anything that can be taken seriously or that need be recorded here. They were doubtless rude, technically defective and inartistic types. At a later date it is stated that Wu Wang, founder of the Chou dynasty (12th century ), appointed a descendant of the Emperor Shun to be director of pottery, and in a record of the same dynasty the processes of fashioning on the wheel and moulding are described. The pieces produced appear to have been funeral urns, libation jars, altar dishes, cooking utensils, and so forth. The same annals add that these manufactures were earthen vessels, and that they were called pi-ki, or vases of pottery. More than nine hundred years later ( 202), there is talk of another species of ware called tao-ki which


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 differed in some respects from its predecessor, and to which Western interpreters of Chinese history apply the term "porcelain." According to this theory, the manufacture of pottery commenced in China 2698, and that of porcelain between 202  and 88  It is to be observed, however, that among Chinese writers themselves some confusion exists on this subject. Julien reflects their bewilderment. Of four ideographs each translated "porcelain" by him, the first, tao, is used sometimes generically for all keramic wares, sometimes in the sense of pottery alone; the second, yao, signifies anything stoved or fired, and has no more specific signification than "ware;" the third, ki, simply means utensil, and is applicable to stone, iron or pottery; and the fourth, tsu, is written in two ways, the latter of which, according to some scholars (whose dictum is open to much doubt), was originally employed to designate porcelain proper, though both subsequently came to be used in that sense. When the fact is recalled that even among Western authors it is a common habit to employ the word "porcelain" in reference to baked and glazed vessels, whether translucid or opaque, there is no difficulty in supposing that Chinese writers were at least equally inaccurate. As for M. Julien's nomenclature, the impossibility of relying implicitly on its evidence is shown by the fact that, speaking of a so-called "porcelain" manufactured by the elder of two brothers (Chang), who flourished under the Sung dynasty (960-1277), he says that it was made of "une argile brune"; that a variety of the Chûn ware (also of the Sung dynasty) which he equally describes as "porcelain," was of "une argile jaune et sablonneuse;" and that in other instances the pâte of his so-called


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N former years France stood alone in her appreciation of Chinese keramic productions. By French amateurs only was properly understood the double triumph of æstheticism and technique achieved in the monochromatic vases of the Ching-tê-chên factories. In England, the popular idea of Chinese porcelain was a highly decorated, formally painted ware. So little valued were monochromatic or even blue-and-white pieces, that if any such found their way to London, they were deemed unsaleable until their surface had received pictorial additions at the hands of Anglo-Saxon potters. Such sacrileges are no longer perpetrated. All Western collectors have now learned to appreciate the incomparable beauty of the Kang-hsi and Chien-lung blues. These fine pieces, as well as their contemporaries of the monochromatic and polychromatic orders, derive additional value from the fact that, so far as human foresight can reach, the potters of the Middle King-


text: Author:Johann Hermann Schein

title: Author:Johann Hermann Schein


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 "porcelain" was of an iron-red colour. Plainly the term "porcelain" cannot properly be applied to such wares, and it becomes evident that both in the original of the distinguished sinologue's translation and in the translation itself, the same looseness of phraseology occurs.

Turning now for information to the neighbouring empire of Japan, it appears that in the middle of the fifth century of the Christian era, a Japanese Emperor, Yuriaku, issued a sumptuary decree requiring that a class of ware called seiki should be substituted for the earthen utensils hitherto employed at the Court. Ancient Japanese commentators interpret this seiki as another expression for tao-ki, the so-called "porcelain" of China. Now it is known that, despite the importation of Chinese wares into Japan which had taken place either directly or through Korea from the earliest times, and despite the tolerably regular trade carried on by Chinese merchants with the neighbouring empire, not so much as one piece of ware to which the term "porcelain" could be accurately applied, reached Japan before the twelfth century. The seiki of Yuriaku's time cannot, therefore, have been anything better than glazed pottery, and the same is doubtless true of its synonym, the tao-ki, said to have been invented in China at the beginning of the Christian era. In addition to this negative evidence, there are the positive statements of Japanese antiquarians, who unhesitatingly ascribe the invention of porcelain proper to the keramists of the Sung dynasty (960-1279). It was then, they aver,—whatever value the assertion may have—that the ideograph tsu was first written in such a way as to indicate the presence of kaolin in the ware; and it


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 was then that Japan began to receive from China specimens of coarse porcelain, some of which are still preserved and venerated by collectors.

That the manufacture of translucid porcelain in China should have preceded its manufacture in Europe by only seven centuries, instead of seventeen as has hitherto been maintained, will not be readily admitted. Yet there is much to support the Japanese view. It is known that before and after the time to which the invention of porcelain is commonly attributed, the Chinese were in commercial communication with the eastern countries of the Roman Empire, and that they received from thence various kinds of glass which they ranked with the seven Buddhist gems. For this glass—of which there were two principal classes, lu-li or opaque glass, and po-li or transparent—they paid immense prices. They had no suspicion that it was artificial, regarding it rather as ice a thousand years old, a precious stone second only to jade. By the Japanese, also, it was held in scarcely less esteem. Beads, probably made on the coast near Sidon, were treasured by Japanese Emperors, buried in their tombs, or preserved among their relics. The Chinese supplied the Japanese with glass, and were themselves supplied by the Syrians, but all the while no Chinese porcelain found its way either to Rome or Japan. Its invention was still in the lap of a distant future. Dr. Hirth, in his recently published work, "China and the Roman Orient," says:—"During the Tats'in period (i.e. the period of China's commercial intercourse with the Roman Orient), "that peculiar fancy for objets de vertu which in Chinese life have at all times taken the place of other luxuries, was not yet absorbed by the porcelain industry, which prob-


text: Author:Friedrich Ferdinand Flemming

title: Author:Friedrich Ferdinand Flemming


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 ably did not begin to assume large dimensions previous to the Tang dynasty. Clumsy copper censers and other sacrificial implements, imitating the then archaic style of the Chan dynasty, monopolised the attention of the rich, together with the so-called precious materials. A large portion of the latter came from Tats'in, and glass is in all the older records mentioned among them." Had Dr. Hirth written "keramic," instead of "porcelain," industry, there would have been nothing to question in this opinion. The Chinese do not seem to have turned their attention seriously to keramics until, as in Japan four centuries later, the growing popularity of tea, under the Tang dynasty (618-907), provided a new function for vessels of faïence. Glass was then comparatively out of fashion. Its composition had become known to the Chinese about 430, and they already excelled in its manufacture. Thenceforth glazed pottery or fine stone-ware became the national taste, until, in the tenth or eleventh century, porcelain was discovered.

Du Sartel, in his "Porcelaine de Chine," says that under the Tang dynasty (618-907), the term yao was substituted for tao in describing the keramic productions of the era, and concludes that the substitution may be taken as indicating the first manufacture of true porcelain. Neither the fact upon which this inference is founded nor the inference itself can be accepted. As far back as the Wei dynasty (220-265), the ideograph yao was used with reference to pottery; and in comparatively modern times, when the distinctive meaning of the two ideographs—did any distinction really exist in the sense indicated by M. du Sartel—would have been fully recognised, the term yao was applied to boccaro ware, which cannot for a


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 moment be confounded with porcelain. It is unsafe to attach much chronological importance to differences of terms and ideographs about which confusion still exists.

There are two pieces of evidence which, whatever may be their real value, seem opposed to the verdict of Japanese antiquarians as to the earliest manufacture of porcelain in China. The first is furnished by the Cha Ching, a treatise on tea, written by Liu Yu, in the middle of the eighth century of the Christian era. In this book descriptions are given of various kinds of tea-cups, the merits of which are judged rather by the effect of their coloured glazes in contrast with the colour of infused tea, than by their keramic qualities. Of the best, which are said to have been made at a place called Yueh-chou (now Shao-hsing-fu) in the province of Chikiang, it is related that they were as transparent as jade, and that, owing to the sweetness of their timbre, they were used like musical glasses. The second piece of evidence is the story told by an Arab traveller, Solyman, who visited China in the middle of the ninth century. He wrote:—"There is in this country a very fine clay with which they make vases that have the transparence of glass. Water can be seen through them." This account has been held to indicate the existence of translucid ware; that is to say, the existence not only of porcelain proper, but even of the finest and thinnest description of porcelain. There seems little hope now of determining exactly what was meant by the author Liu Yu or the traveller Solyman. But their language does not necessarily refer to porcelain proper. Translucidity alone is not an absolute proof of real porcelain. Witness, for example, the so-called "porcelain" of Persia, a


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 ware which, by being exposed to an unusual degree of temperature in the kiln, often acquired a certain transparency though his pâte remained soft enough to be marked with a knife.

Recently Dr. Hirth discovered two interesting pieces of evidence. The first is a statement by a writer (Tao Yin-chü) who flourished in the early part of the sixth century, to the effect that a substance called pai-ngo was then much used for painting pictures. The second is an assertion in the pharmacopaia of the Tang dynasty (compiled about 650 ) that this same substance had been employed to make keramic ware during recent generations. Now pai-ngo is nothing more or less than kaolin, and Dr. Hirth concludes that the silence of the former writer—a celebrated authority on pharmaceutical and scientific subjects—as to the use of this mineral for keramic purposes, may be taken to prove that it had not yet begun to be thus employed; or, in other words, that the manufacture of true porcelain proper had not yet been commenced. Assuming the correctness of this inference, and combining it with the statement in the Tang pharmacopoeia, it would follow that the first production of porcelain in China dates from the close of the sixth century of the Christian era. In further confirmation of this opinion, the same writer quotes the following passage from an essay on flower-pots by Chang Chien-tê, published about the year 1620:—"In ancient times no vases were made of porcelain. Up to the Tang dynasty (i.e. the beginning of the 7th century) all such vessels (for flowers) were made of copper: it was not till then that pottery came into vogue." But Chang's statement proves nothing as to true porcelain and Dr. Hirth's inferences are not conclusive.


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 From all this it will be seen that little hope remains of arriving at an accurate decision as to the first manufacture of translucid porcelain in China. It seems fair to conclude, however, that although the keramic art was tolerably widely practised from the beginning of the Tang dynasty (618), it scarcely emerged from a mediocre condition until the tenth century; that for any purpose higher than the rôle of ordinary household utensils, vessels of glass, jade, or bronze were chiefly employed, and that porcelain did not make its appearance among the keramic productions of the Middle Kingdom until the beginning of the Sung dynasty (960 ). By and by, evidence will be adduced to show that Chinese experts, though thorough masters of the processes of porcelain manufacture, deliberately chose fine stone-ware or semi-porcelain, in preference to hard-paste porcelain, for some of their greatest tours de force.


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N the following remarks the term "early" is applied to all ware manufactured prior to the Sung dynasty (960-1279).

It is recorded that under the Wei dynasty (220-265 ) keramic ware for the use of the Imperial Palace was supplied by two factories, but no tradition exists as to the nature of the manufactures. Under the next dynasty (the Tsin 265-419) it is stated that a ware called Tung-ngeu-tao was produced in the littoral province now named Chêkiang, at Wen-chou-fu. It was green in colour, and much esteemed for the brilliancy of its glaze. A treatise on tea says that the best known vessels of this ware were shallow, with straight rims and spreading bases. The greatest capacity of the vessels is also mentioned: according to M. Julien's calculation it was from $45/100$ to $6/10$ of a litre. The ware was probably green stoneware of comparatively crude technique.

In the Sui dynasty (581-618), tradition speaks of a species of green ware called Liu-tsu. It was the work of an expert named Ho Chou, or Ho Kuei-lin, President of the Board of Works in the beginning of the seventh century and an antiquarian of established reputation. Ho's object was to imitate a sort of opaque glass (Liu-li), the secret of manufacturing


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220

Colonel Henry Bunbury brought seeds from India in 1851, from which plants were raised by Sir Charles J.F. Bunbury at Barton in Suffolk. The large tree now flourishing on the lawn at Barton (Plate 65) is one of the original seedlings, and measured, in 1904, 66 feet high by 7 feet 9 inches in girth. Another tree in the arboretum at Barton measured 65 feet high by 7 feet 2 inches in girth; and divides into two main stems at 7 feet above the ground. This tree flowered for the first time in 1858, producing twelve panicles, being then only seven years old from seed, and 16 feet in height. It did not suffer in the least from the terrible winter of 1860, and flowered as usual in the summer following. In 1868 it ripened fruit, and four thriving plants were raised from its seed. There are no records of the tree on the lawn, which is now the finer of the two. Other trees were planted apparently at Mildenhall, which is about fifteen miles distant from Barton; but these never throve, and none remain. The soil at Mildenhall is a light loam on chalk, and probably did not suit the tree.

I saw the beautiful tree at Barton in full flower on June 24, 1905, when it did not seem to have received the least injury from the severe frosts and cold north-east winds which had occurred a month previously, and which ruined the flowers and destroyed the fruit of the common horse-chestnut in many places.

It seems incredible that this species should be so rare and have remained so little known in England, where it ought to be planted generally in the south and west. Mr. Bean says that the seeds soon lose their vitality if kept dry, and that of some scores received in ordinary paper packets from India in recent years, not one has germinated at Kew. He recommends that the seeds should be gathered as soon as ripe, and be sent packed in fairly moist soil. Mr. Walker, the gardener at Barton, informed me that it ripens seed in good years, and showed me several seedlings raised from them which appeared to grow as well as the common horse-chestnut,

The only other place except Kew, however, where we have seen it, is at Tortworth, where the Earl of Ducie planted in 1890 a few seeds which were sent to him by the late Duke of Bedford. The seedlings were planted at first in sunny places in the open, but did not thrive until moved to a sheltered dell in 1900, where they are now growing well, the best being about 12 feet high.

At Kew there are two or three small trees which have flowered a few times. It seems, therefore, that it only requires a good deep soil and a sheltered situation to succeed as well as it has done at Barton. The late Lord Morley informed me that there was a tree recently planted, but growing very well at Saltram, his place in Devonshire.

According to Jouin, this tree is quite hardy at Metz.


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 which had been lost. He succeeded in producing green stone-ware, for which some have claimed the distinction of having been the first céladon manufactured in China, though no reason is apparent for thus differentiating it from the faïence of the Wei dynasty. Beyond this meagre account, however, nothing is known of the nature or quality of this production.

Contemporaneous with Ho Chou, that is to say, living at the beginning of the seventh century, was an expert called Tao Yü, a name signifying "keramic jade," and therefore probably derived from the nature of the man's productions. For he succeeded in turning out stone-ware so closely resembling green jade—the Chinese beau-ideal of precious substances—that his pieces were distinguished as Chia-yü-ki, or vases of artificial jade. This man seems to have peddled his wares himself, from which fact an idea may, perhaps, be gathered of the insignificance of the industry in his time. His example nevertheless imparted such an impetus to the art that the district of Changnan, where he resided, became famous for its keramic wares. Chang-nan was known in later times as Ching-tê-chên, the great keramic capital of the Middle Kingdom. It had already acquired a name for such work. Some twenty-five years before Tao Yü's time, the first emperor of the Sui dynasty had ordered (583 ) the people of Chang-nan-chin to send him, by way of impost, vases of the products yao and tsu, that is to say keramic ware. It would therefore seem that the potters of Chang-nan-chin (afterwards Ching-tê-chên) had become sufficiently expert, at the close of the sixth century, to be distinguished by the receipt of an order from the Palace; that their first keramist of note (Tao Yü) flourished at the beginning


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222 and the great size of the leaves on the young trees give it a striking and distinctive appearance.

In Japan I saw this tree planted in gardens and parks near Tokyo, where it does not seem to grow so large as in its native forests and in higher, colder situations. Sargent says that in the forests of the interior of Hondo, at 2000 to 3000 feet, it attains 80 to 100 feet high, with trunks 3 to 4 feet in diameter, and that these were perhaps the largest deciduous trees that he saw growing wild in the forest. It reaches its most northern point of distribution near Mororan in Hokkaido at sea-level, and I did not see it near Sapporo, in the Aomori district, or near Nikko. At a tea-house called Hideshira, near the village of Sooga on the Nakasendo road, Central Japan, I saw the largest trees of this species growing in a dense grove with Zelkova acuminata, They attained over 80 feet high, with clean trunks qo to 50 feet long, and a girth of 14 feet.

On the Torii-toge Pass, between Wada and Yabuhara, at about 3300 feet, there were many fine trees growing by the side of the road, of one of which I give an illustration from a photograph taken for me by Masuhara of Tokyo in November (Plate 66).

The timber of this tree, though not highly valued in Japan on account of its softness and want of strength, is used for boat and bridge building, furniture making, house-fittings, and for the groundwork of lacquer. It often shows a waved figure, and when old assumes a pale reddish-brown colour, which makes it very ornamental. Such wood, which I procured at Aomori, has been used with good effect in my Japanese wardrobe, and takes a good polish. It is also much used for trays, and from the large burrs and swellings near the root very handsome trays, as much as 18 or 20 inches square, are carved by the Japanese and sold in the villages at a low price. Its value in Tokyo is given at 60 to 100 yen per 100 cubic feet. I saw a plank of this wood in a timber merchant's shop in Osaka measuring 15 feet long and 58 inches wide, showing wavy figure all through. For this plank 90 yen, equal to about ₤9, was asked, these immense planks being much valued by Japanese connoisseurs for house decoration.


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 of the seventh century, and that his chef d'œuvre was green stone-ware, or céladon, intended to imitate jade.

At or about the time (615 circa) when Tao Yü flourished in Kiang-si, an artist by name Ho Chungchu was working with success at the same factories. His ware—known as Ho-yao—was intended to imitate white jade. It is said to have been made of fine clay, to have been comparatively thin, and to have rivalled its original in softness and lustre. Beyond this there is no record of its qualities. Probably it was stone-ware with fairly manipulated pâte, but depending chiefly on the brilliancy and solidity of its glaze. It attracted so much attention that an order was issued for the supply of certain quantities to the Palace.

Coming now to the Tang dynasty (618-907), the first keramic production of note is the Sheu-yao, a yellowish ware of inferior quality. Japanese traditions describe this as stone-ware of crude technique and inartistic appearance. Its place of manufacture was Sheu-chou in the province of Kiang-nan. A still more meritless ware, which may be passed over without further mention, is ascribed to the neighbouring province of Kiang-si.

During the same dynasty there was manufactured in the province of Chêkiang—which borders Kiangnan and Kiang-si on the east—the Yueh-yao. This is somewhat enthusiastically mentioned. Two varieties are spoken of; the one resembling jade; the other, ice. The colour of the former was green; that of the latter, greenish white. Tradition assigns to the Yueh-yao, the first place among keramic productions of the Tang dynasty. Similar but inferior to the second variety of it was the Hing-yao, manu-


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 factured in the northern province of Pechili. At its best it had uniform muddy white glaze, compared to ice or silver by the author of an early treatise on tea-drinking. Another contemporary production was the Shu-yao, manufactured in the province of Szechuen. The eulogies of this ware are sung by a poet of the time who says that it was light yet solid; that the lustre of the glaze exceeded the brilliancy of snow, and that its timbre resembled that of jade. There is, however, no valid reason to suppose that the Shu-yao excelled its predecessors so greatly as to indicate any marked advance in the keramic art. It was probably semi-porcelain at best. One other ware deserves to be included in the catalogue of Tang productions; namely, the Tsin-yao, manufactured in the province of Kiang-su. Bowls and cups alone are said to have been produced. They are described as pure white, sometimes having fishes moulded in relief or wave pattern incised in the pâte; fashions of decoration that occur frequently in choice wares of later date.

The closing years of the Tang dynasty being only eleven centuries distant from the present time, it might reasonably be expected that some specimens of the wares of that age should still survive. On the other hand, if the conclusions reached above be correct, no great inducement can have existed for preserving such wares as objects of attractive art of remarkable technique. A few, however, are to be found in the hands of Chinese collectors, and there is no apparent reason to doubt their authenticity. They support in every respect the views thus far expressed. Their pâte, not very carefully manipulated, is of dark colour, coarse in grain, and although nearly heavy enough to be called stone-ware belongs rather


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 to the pottery class, being without timbre and distinctly soft. The glaze is grass green, lustrous but entirely without the depth and richness that characterise subsequent productions of celebrated kilns. The potter seems to have taken shapes and decorative designs from ancient bronzes such as are depicted in the pages of the Pok-ku Tou-lok (Illustrated Catalogue of Antiquities). The technique is mediocre, indicating an art not yet enlisting earnest effort, and the glaze shows a tendency to blister in the furnace and subsequently to "flake away" from the pâte. This ware is identified by Chinese connoisseurs as the Yueh-yao of the Tang dynasty. How to reconcile the actual qualities of such ware with the poetic eulogies it evoked is a perplexing problem.

It seems improbable that the potter's art should have progressed much during the five dynasties succeeding one another in rapid sequence after the fall of the Tang. The period covered by the five was only sixty years, and during the whole time the country had no respite from internecine wars. To this epoch, however, (i.e. the beginning of the tenth century), is referred the Pi-seh-yao, or "secret-colour ware." The peculiarity of this name has given rise to some conjecture. M. du Sartel, for example, concludes that the Pi-seh-yao was porcelain decorated with blue under the glaze, the term "hidden" or "seeretsecret [sic]" being used to denote that the glazing material covered the colour of the decoration. This ingenious conjecture seems inadmissible. The name was used simply in the sense of "private," or "manufactured for special purposes." Whether the Pi-seh-yao was only an improved variety of the Yueh-yao—mentioned above—or whether it was a distinct pro-


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224

A tree attaining in America 90 feet inheight and 9 feet in girth of stem. Bark of trunk ¾ inch thick, dark brown, slightly fissured, separating on the surface into thin small scales. Leaves with long slender petioles. Leaflets five, occasionally seven, elliptical or obovate-oblong, cuneate at the base, acuminate, finely serrate, pubescent beneath; petiolules short. Terminal leaflet with twenty or more pairs of nerves. Flowers in pubescent panicles, 4 to 6 inches long; calyx campanulate; petals four, yellow, coming into contact at the tips, very unequal, the upper pair much longer than the lateral pair, claws villose within and much exceeding the calyx, limb of lateral pair obovate or round with a subcordate base, limb of upper pair spathulate, minute. Stamens usually seven, shorter than the petals, villose. Ovary pubescent. Fruit 2 to 3 inches long, brown, smooth or slightly pitted.

In summer distinguished from Æsculus glabra by the leaflets being pubescent beneath and devoid of cilia in the serrations; from Æsculus Pavia, by the larger leaves, which have petioles with smooth ridges on their upper surface. In winter the twigs show the following characters:—Branchlets glabrous, shining, with a few scattered lenticels. Leaf-scars flat on the twigs (there being no cushion), obovate, with usually three groups of bundle-dots; opposite scars joined by a linear ridge. Pith large, circular, green or white. Buds not viscid, terminal much larger than the lateral, the latter arising at an angle of 45°, long-oval, pointed at the apex; scales brown, the cilia on the exposed margins minute or absent, upper scales rounded at the apex and on the back, lower pair pointed at the apex and keeled on the back.

1. Var. hybrida, Sargent (Var. purpurascens, A. Gray; Æsculus discolor, Pursh). This is a form occurring wild in the Alleghany mountains. The flowers are purple or red in colour, and the under surfaces of the leaves, as well as the petioles and panicles, are clothed with a dense pale pubescence.

2. Æsculus versicolor, Dippel. This is a hybrid between Æsculus octandra and Æsculus Pavia, and is intermediate in character, the flowers varying in


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 exchanging products with the Middle Kingdom. Without assuming that these specimens in the Shôsôin collection are to be regarded as chefs d'œuvre of Chinese keramists during the eighth century, it will at all events be justifiable to infer that the general character of the ware produced at the time was faïence of mediocre quality, and that the favourite colour was green, a conclusion already established, as stated above, by examination of specimens that Chinese connoisseurs refer to the Tang dynasty.


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 duction, the evidence of Chinese and Japanese writers goes to prove that it was green faïence or stone-ware—céladon, in fact.

A more celebrated ware than any of the above is also said to have had its origin under one of these five lesser dynasties—the later Chou (954-960). The Keramists of Honan, who at that time enjoyed the distinction of supplying utensils for the Imperial Court, petitioned the Emperor Shih-tsung to designate a colour for the ware thus supplied. The Emperor in reply desired them to imitate the blue of the firmament after rain (Yu-ko-tien-ching). The result was the fabrication of a ware called Ch'ai-yao, Chai being the Emperor's sovereign name. There has been much confusion about the colour of this ware. Julien renders it literally "bleu du ciel après la pluie," a natural interpretation. But there is no doubt that the colour indicated by the Emperor was something much more than "blue," in the ordinary meaning of the term. It was azure of peculiar lightness and delicacy, with a marked tinge of green. Such a colour could not have been produced without great difficulty or with any certainty. It is the tint of the choicest céladon; essentially a connoisseur's colour, not to be appreciated by the uneducated eye. As for the nature of the Chai-yao, it was faïence or stoneware. The Tao-lu alleges that specimens were often disfigured by coarse yellow clay adhering to the base; a fact showing that the processes of manufacture were still more or less crude. The Chai-yao enjoyed an immense reputation. A Chinese poet says that it was thin as paper, sonorous as a musical instrument, polished, lustrous, and remarkable alike for its cerulean colour and the beauty of its crackle. Exagge-


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title: Author:Leighton George Hayne


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226

A tree, attaining in America 40 feet in height, with a short trunk occasionally g feet in girth, Bark smooth, grey or white. Leaves with slender grooved petioles. Leaflets five to seven, stalked, oblong lanceolate, acuminate at the apex, cuneate or obtuse at the base, shallowly and crenately serrate, pale glabrescent beneath. Terminal leaflet, with ten to twelve pairs of nerves. Flowers in dense pubescent panicles, 3 to 8 inches long. Calyx two-lipped, upper lip with three teeth, lower lip with two teeth much shorter than the four narrow oblong petals, which are white or pale rose in colour. Stamens five to seven, long, erect, exserted. Ovary pubescent. Fruit pear-shaped, two to three inches long, smooth, pale brown.

In summer it is readily distinguished from the other species with viscid buds by the small leaves, pale beneath. In winter the twigs are slender, grey, glabrous, with numerous lenticels. Leaf-scars wide apart, joined by a linear ridge, flat on the twig, without a leaf-cushion, crescentic or semicircular, with a row of five to seven bundle-dots. Pith large, circular, white. Terminal buds, larger than the lateral buds, which arise at an,acute angle, oval, pointed, glistening with white resin; scales gaping at the apex of the bud, broadly ridged on the back, ciliate in margin, with a tuft of hairs at the apex.

The species is a native of California, where it grows on the banks of streams. A very striking picture of a tree, at San Mateo, California, is given in Garden and Forest, iv. 523. It shows a very short forked bole, nearly 20 feet in girth at 2 feet from the ground, and an immense umbrella-shaped head only 32 feet high and 60 feet in diameter, densely covered all over with flowers.

It was introduced in 1855 by Messrs. Veitch, and flowered in their nursery at Exeter in 1858. It fruited at the Bath Botanic Gardens in 1901, and again in 1905, though it remains a shrub. It is perfectly hardy in the south of England, and is remarkable for the beauty of its flowers, which appear in June and July. The best specimen we know of in the country is one which Elwes found growing in a shrubbery at Hutley Towers near Ryde, Isle of Wight. It is about 30 feet high, and was in flower on June 22, 1906.


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 rated as this eulogy would seem from a modern point of view, the ware unquestionably attracted great admiration at the time of its manufacture; such admiration that, according to a competent connoisseur of six centuries later, the Chai dynasty was the first to become celebrated for its keramic productions, and fragments of Chai-yao were eagerly sought for by subsequent generations. No specimen survived intact. Probably the manufacture was conducted on a very small scale, and the only representative pieces—those supplied for use at the Imperial Court—were destroyed in the wars that interrupted their production at the fall of the Chou dynasty. In fact, of all the keramic achievements prior to the commencement of the Sung dynasty (960) little is known beyond what may be learned from very meagre records and from a few scarcely identifiable specimens. The details here given about them have practical interest chiefly for the sake of the general conclusion they lead to, namely, that up to the middle of the tenth century the choicest keramic manufacture of China was stone-ware, or semi-porcelain, having two principal varieties of glaze—céladon and white. An ancient Japanese writer, summing up the most celebrated early wares of the Middle Kingdom, says that they may be classified under four heads; namely, "grass-green" ware of the Tsin dynasty (265-419); "green of the thousand hills" of the Tang dynasty (618-907); "greenish cerulean of the sky after rain," and "secret-colour ware" of the Chou dynasty (954-960), and Ju ware of the Sung dynasty (960-1260). The term "green of the thousand hills" is explained by another renowned Japanese dilettante who describes the colour as "the tint given by the breezes


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 and dews of nine autumns to the thousand verdure-clad hills." In short, it may be confidently asserted that from the days of Ho Chou and Tao Yü, who imitated green opaque glass and green jade respectively, down to the potters of the Chai-yao, who sought to reproduce the greenish cerulean of the sky between clouds after rain, the beau-ideal of these early keramists was a céladon monochrome, the more excellent in proportion as its colour partook less of green and more of blue, without, however, losing a nuance of the former. Another fact established by these records is that the keramic industry was practised over a very wide area. Throughout the belt of provinces extending from Chien-si in the north-west to Chêkiang and Kiang-si in the east of the empire, potteries were more or less frequent.

In view of the references made above to Japanese antiquarian literature, the reader will naturally be disposed to enquire whether specimens of early Chinese ware do not survive in Japan. The collections of the latter country have always enjoyed comparative immunity from the dangers of war or political iconoclasm. Fire has been their great enemy. Many a storehouse of objects of art has been destroyed in conflagrations which, from time to time, sweep away whole acres of Japan's wooden cities. But of her temples some have survived, and among the ruins of others modern research has discovered specimens of great interest. The late Mr. Ninagawa Noritane, one of Japan's most painstaking antiquarians, personally conducted investigations at the site of Bonshaku-ji, a temple in the province of Omi, which was built in the year 786. and destroyed within a decade by fire. Among the ruins were found shards of hard


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 Rh pleasure in watching how things were done. She was a child of great resolution and natural courage. For instance, in taking medicine, it was only necessary to say, "Now, dear, it is proper for you to take this;" or, Such a thing "must be done;" and there was seldom any further trouble. I never saw a child more devoid of selfish feeling; a propensity so common to most young people. When playing with others, she was ever ready to give them the best of every thing, and always seemed more happy in pleasing her little companions than in gratifying herself. Often when the poor old women came in, she would ask them if they were hungry; and then run and tell me, saying, "Shall I give them some food?" At other times she would beg for halfpence; and when asked what she wanted them for, would say, "I want to give them to an old woman," mentioning her name, "because I think she is poor." This lovely principle of generosity was carried out in her daily practice, so much so as at times to require a little check. Her heart was large, and she wanted all to share the comforts she enjoyed. She was also very kind and grateful to servants: they loved her, and were glad to do any thing for her; because she always spoke in a proper manner, and never gave them unnecessary trouble. She had a "place for every


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 16 thing, and kept every thing in its place." By this means she preserved her little gifts, which were highly prized. Not like many children, who are never at rest till they have destroyed them, Elizabeth took great delight in keeping them neat and clean: and if children knew how much of their happiness and comfort depended on habits of order, they would be more particular in cultivating these good qualities.

When I first took the entire charge of Elizabeth, she could only spell words of three letters; but such was her natural quickness, and laudable ambition for improvement, that in a few weeks she could read several little stories. Having a good ear and retentive memory, she soon spelt words of three syllables, learned Watts's First Catechism, and many of his beautiful hymns for children, with a number of others that were commonly sung at the chapel. She took great delight in hearing Bible stories, and often asked me to tell her about good children: their example had a most desirable influence over her. When reading, she would seldom pass over a word that she did not understand without asking its meaning; and in this interesting way she was continually adding to her little store of knowledge: and it was encouraging to find that what was told her was not soon forgotten. On the contrary, she would often draw


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 Rh comparisons, and say, "That is like what I was reading about;" or, "That reminds me of such an one you were telling me of." She was not able to read with the first class in the Sunday-school, but she would stand up and answer questions with any of them. In mentioning this, I do not wish to depreciate the merit of many of the other children, being fully aware that circumstances gave Elizabeth advantages which they did not possess: but her rapid improvement and desire of information will show what the capacities of Indian children are; and I think prove that they only need the same privileges and blessings that English children enjoy, to make them equally clever and useful members of society.

Another fine trait in Elizabeth's character was a love of truth. I could always depend on her word. She had only to promise and I felt quite satisfied obedience would follow. O, dear children, what a lesson is this! I can truly say that to have the care of such a child was a privilege as well as a pleasure; and to part with her, a trial greater than can be realized till the affliction comes.


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 18

given this brief account of the lovely moral traits displayed in dear Elizabeth's character, I shall now endeavour to show how all these were heightened and polished by the sweet influence of the grace of God on her heart; at once causing her to act from love to him, and evidencing her early piety.

She was very particular in offering up her morning and evening prayers; but this alone did not satisfy Elizabeth. Often during the day have I known her go by herself and pray. She would sometimes say to me, "Aunt, I want God to give me a clean heart and a good spirit: shall I go and pray to him, and then perhaps he will give it to me?" And that gracious Saviour who inspired this prayer fulfilled in her his own precious promise, "They that seek me early shall find me." At other times she would say, "Aunt, do you know what I am thinking about?" "No, my dear; what?" "I am thinking about God and Jesus Christ."

Once, when on a visit, the lady with whom


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 Rh she was staying said to her, when putting her to bed, "Elizabeth, as the night is cold, you may say your prayers in bed." She immediately answered, "O no; do you think it is right for me to get into bed to say my prayers? As I am in bed now, I will say them this time in bed." But after this, were the night ever so cold, she would pray and repeat her hymn before getting into bed.

She was very fond of singing, and had a sweet voice. Often would she go about the house, or when in the garden we would hear her, singing the pretty hymns she had learned; and many a morning the first sounds that have saluted our ears have been the praises of God from her tuneful lips.

It was also a great delight to her to go to the house of God; and when there she evidenced by her behaviour that she had a proper sense of the solemnity of the services in which she was engaged. During prayer she would kneel, and, covering her face with her hands, show all the outward signs of worship; and who can doubt but that a child so sensible of the importance of prayer, did often in spirit send up petitions to her heavenly Father? Once observing she was carelessly gazing about like too many other children, being reproved, she appeared quite ashamed, and I do not remember to have observed the like inattention


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 20 ever after. When she knew the hymns, she always united her praises with the congregation; and when she did not, she would eagerly look over the Hymn-book, and try to catch the words. During the sermon, I think all who ever watched her must have been struck with her fixed attention and quiet behaviour. She would look up with her fine bright eyes to the Preacher, apparently indifferent to all around. And here I would remark that this is not the common way in which Indians show their interest in what is going forward. When attending their councils, they just look to see who is going to speak, and then cast their eyes down for the rest of the time. Likewise in a place of worship they consider that looking down is a more favourable attitude for attention, and that to fix their eyes on the speaker would be a mark of rudeness. So that in this respect Elizabeth, having been differently taught, was an exception to the general rule.

This dear child was not only good herself, but anxious that other children should be so also. When between three and four years old, she expressed considerable anxiety about a little boy who lived with her parents, and said, "Papa, I wish you would make a good boy, so that when he dies he may go up to heaven. Papa, you must punish him if he is not good." At another


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 Rh Modifications for the purposes of these Regulations to Part V of the Data Protection Act 1998 and Schedules 6 and 9 to that Act as extended by Regulation 31 1. In section 40—
 * (a) in subsection (1), for the words “data controller” there shall be substituted the word “person”, for the words “data protection principles” there shall be substituted the words “requirements of the Privacy and Electronic Communications (EC Directive) Regulations 2003 (in this Part referred to as “the relevant requirements”)” and for the words “principle or principles” there shall be substituted the words “requirement or requirements”;
 * (b) in subsection (2), the words “or distress” shall be omitted;
 * (c) subsections (3), (4), (5), (9) and (10) shall be omitted; and
 * (d) in subsection (6)(a), for the words “data protection principle or principles” there shall be substituted the words “relevant requirement or requirements.”

2. In section 41(1) and (2), for the words “data protection principle or principles”, in both places where they occur, there shall be substituted the words “relevant requirement or requirements”.

3. Section 42 shall be omitted.

4. In section 43—
 * (a) for subsections (1) and (2) there shall be substituted the following provisions—
 * “(1) If the Commissioner reasonably requires any information for the purpose of determining whether a person has complied or is complying with the relevant requirements, he may serve that person with a notice (in this Act referred to as “an information notice”) requiring him, within such time as is specified in the notice, to furnish the Commissioner, in such form as may be so specified, with such information relating to compliance with the relevant requirements as is so specified.
 * (2) An information notice must contain a statement that the Commissioner regards the specified information as relevant for the purpose of determining whether the person has complied or is complying with the relevant requirements and his reason for regarding it as relevant for that purpose.”
 * (b) in subsection (6)(a), after the word “under” there shall be inserted the words “the Privacy and Electronic Communications (EC Directive) Regulations 2003 or”;
 * (c) in subsection (6)(b), after the words “arising out of” there shall be inserted the words “the said Regulations or”; and
 * (d) subsection (10) shall be omitted.

5. Sections 44, 45 and 46 shall be omitted.

6. In section 47—
 * (a) in subsection (1), for the words “an information notice or special information notice” there shall be substituted the words “or an information notice”; and
 * (b) in subsection (2) the words “or a special information notice” shall be omitted.

7. In section 48—
 * (a) in subsections (1) and (3), for the words “an information notice or a special information notice”, in both places where they occur, there shall be substituted the words “or an information notice”;

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 :(b) in subsection (3) for the words “43(5) or 44(6)” there shall be substituted the words “or 43(5)”; and
 * (c) subsection (4) shall be omitted.

8. In section 49 subsection (5) shall be omitted.

9. In paragraph 4(1) of Schedule (6), for the words “(2) or (4)” there shall be substituted the words “or (2)”.

10. In paragraph 1 of Schedule 9—
 * (a) for subparagraph (1)(a) there shall be substituted the following provision—
 * “(a) that a person has contravened or is contravening any of the requirements of the Privacy and Electronic Communications (EC Directive) Regulations 2003 (in this Schedule referred to as “the 2003 Regulations”) or”;
 * and
 * (b) subparagraph (2) shall be omitted.

11. In paragraph 9 of Schedule 9—
 * (a) in subparagraph (1)(a) after the words “rights under” there shall be inserted the words “the 2003 Regulations or”; and
 * (b) in subparagraph (1)(b) after the words “arising out of” there shall be inserted the words “the 2003 Regulations or”.

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 Rh Transitional provisions Interpretation 1. In this Schedule “the 1999 Regulations” means the Telecommunications (Data Protection and Privacy) Regulations 1999 and “caller” has the same meaning as in regulation 21 of the 1999 Regulations. Directories 2.—(1) Regulation 18 of these Regulations shall not apply in relation to editions of directories first published before 11th December 2003.

(2) Where the personal data of a subscriber have been included in a directory in accordance with Part IV of the 1999 Regulations, the personal data of that subscriber may remain included in that directory provided that the subscriber—
 * (a) has been provided with information in accordance with regulation 18 of these Regulations; and
 * (b) has not requested that his data be withdrawn from that directory.

(3) Where a request has been made under subparagraph (2) for data to be withdrawn from a directory, that request shall be treated as having no application in relation to an edition of a directory that was produced before the producer of the directory received the request.

(4) For the purposes of subparagraph (3), an edition of a directory, which is revised after it was first produced, shall be treated as a new edition. Notifications 3.—(1) A notification of consent given to a caller by a subscriber for the purposes of regulation 22(2) of the 1999 Regulations is to have effect on and after 11th December 2003 as a notification given by that subscriber for the purposes of regulation 19(2) of these Regulations.

(2) A notification given to a caller by a corporate subscriber for the purposes of regulation 23(2)(a) of the 1999 Regulations is to have effect on and after 11th December 2003 as a notification given by that subscriber for the purposes of regulation 20(1)(b) of these Regulations.

(3) A notification of consent given to a caller by an individual subscriber for the purposes of regulation 24(2) of the 1999 Regulations is to have effect on and after 11th December 2003 as a notification given by that subscriber for the purposes of regulation 20(2) of these Regulations.

(4) A notification given to a caller by an individual subscriber for the purposes of regulation 25(2)(a) of the 1999 Regulations is to have effect on and after the 11th December 2003 as a notification given by that subscriber for the purposes of regulation 21(1) of these Regulations. Registers kept under regulations 25 and 26 4.—(1) A notification given by a subscriber pursuant to regulation 23(4)(a) of the 1999 Regulations to the Director General of Telecommunications (or to such other person as is discharging his functions under regulation 23(4) of the 1999 Regulations on his behalf by virtue of an arrangement made under regulation 23(6) of those Regulations) is to have effect on or after 11th December 2003 as a notification given pursuant to regulation 25(1) of these Regulations.

(2) A notification given by a subscriber who is an individual pursuant to regulation 25(4)(a) of the 1999 Regulations to the Director General of Telecommunications (or to such other person as is discharging his functions under regulation 25(4) of the 1999 Regulations on his behalf by virtue of an arrangement made under regulation 25(6) of those Regulations) is to have effect on or after 11th December 2003 as a notification given pursuant to regulation 26(1) of these Regulations. 17


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 References in these Regulations to OFCOM 5. In relation to times before an order made under section 411(a) of the Communications Act 2003 brings any of the provisions of Part 2 of Chapter 1 of that Act into force for the purpose of conferring on OFCOM the functions contained in those provisions, references to OFCOM in these Regulations are to be treated as references to the Director General of Telecommunications.

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Runo L]

the petted damsel

In her home long time was growing,

In the home of her great father,

In her tender mother’s dwelling,

And five chains wore out completely,

And six rings she wore out likewise;

For her father’s keys she used them,

Which around her waist were hanging.

And she wore out half the threshold,

With her skirts as she was passing,

And she half destroyed the rafters

Where she hung her silken ribands,

And she half destroyed the door-posts

As her fine sleeves rubbed against them,

And the planking of the flooring

Wore away beneath her slippers.

Marjatta the petted damsel

Was a very little damsel,

And was always pure and holy,

And was ever very modest,

And she fed on fish the finest,

And the soft bark of the fir-tree,

title: Page:Kalevala (Kirby 1907) v2.djvu/271


text:
Page:Method for constructing the natural scale of pure color (Nutting, 1909).djvu/13

 A METHOD FOR CONSTRUCTING THE NATURAL SCALE OF PURE COLOR.

The color sensation is known to vary far from uniformly with the wave length of the exciting radiation. In a normal spectrum the variation is much more rapid in the yellowish-orange and bluish-green regions than in the midgreen or in the extreme red and violet. Hence, a color scale of say one unit for each 10 μμ difference in wave length would represent far from equal color steps. The difference in wave length just perceptible as a difference in color is roughly 5 μμ in the two most sensitive regions, 15 μμ in the midgreen, and much greater in the violet and red. The method here described makes use of data on this difference limen.

Given the least perceptible difference (difference limen) for an eye throughout the visible spectrum, the reciprocal will be proportional to color sensibility as a function of wave length. But sensibility is the derivative of a scale-reading curve, in this case the color scale desired. A method based on this principle will be applied to some of the best recent data on difference limen to illustrate the construction of a color scale.

Steindler has recently published data on the difference limen of twelve subjects having normal color vision. The characteristics of the color limen curve are shown in the figure. It has two deep minima at about 490 μμ and 580 μμ, a maximum in the green at 535 and a slight maximum and minimum at either end. The location and heights of these seven maxima and minima are given for each of the twelve subjects in the following table: 89


text:
Page:Kalevala (Kirby 1907) v2.djvu/272

260

But the eggs of hens ate never,

Over which the cocks were crowing,

And the flesh of ewe she ate not,

Had the ewe with ram been running.

If her mother sent her milking,

Yet she did not go to milking,

And she spoke the words which follow:

“Never such a maid as I am

Udders of the cows should handle,

Which with bulls have been disporting,

If no milk from calf is flowing,

Or from calf it is not running.”

If her father sent her sledging,

In a stallion’s sledge she went not,

If a mare her brother brought her,

Then these words the maiden uttered:

“Never will I sit in mares’ sledge,

Which with stallion has been running,

If no foals the sledge are drawing,

Which have numbered six months only.”

Marjatta the petted damsel,

She who always lived a virgin,

Always greeted as a maiden,

Modest maid with locks unbraided,

Went to lead the herds to pasture,

And beside the sheep was walking.

On the hill the sheep were straying,

To the top the lambs were climbing,

On the plain the maiden wandered,

Tripping through the alder bushes,

While there called the golden cuckoo,

And the silvery birds were singing.

Marjatta the petted damsel,

Looked around her and she listened,

Sitting on the hill of berries,

Resting on the sloping hillside,

And she spoke the words which follow,

And in words like these expressed her:

“Call thou on, O golden cuckoo,

Sing thou still, O bird of silver,

title: Page:Kalevala (Kirby 1907) v2.djvu/272


text:
Page:The Privacy and Electronic Communications (EC Directive) Regulations 2003 (UKSI 2003-2426 qp).pdf/19

 EXPLANATORY NOTE (This note is not part of the Regulations) These Regulations implement Articles 2, 4, 5(3), 6 to 13, 15 and 16 of Directive 2002/58/EC of the European Parliament and of the Council of 12 July 2002 concerning the processing of personal data and the protection of privacy in the electronic communications sector (Directive on privacy and electronic communications) (“the Directive”).

The Directive repeals and replaces Directive 97/66/EC of the European Parliament and of the Council of 15 December 1997 concerning the processing of personal data and the protection of privacy in the telecommunications sector which was implemented in the UK by the Telecommunications (Data Protection and Privacy) Regulations 1999. Those Regulations are revoked by regulation 3 of these Regulations.

Regulation 2 sets out the definitions which apply for the purposes of the Regulations.

Regulation 4 provides that nothing in these Regulations relieves a person of any of his obligations under the Data Protection Act 1998.

Regulation 5 imposes a duty on a provider of a public electronic communications service to take measures, if necessary in conjunction with the provider of the electronic communications network by means of which the service is provided, to safeguard the security of the service, and requires the provider of the electronic communications network to comply with the service provider’s reasonable requests made for the purposes of taking the measures (“public electronic communications service” has the meaning given by section 151 of the Communications Act 2003 and “electronic communications network” has the meaning given by section 32 of that Act).

Regulation 5 further requires the service provider, where there remains a significant risk to the security of the service, to provide subscribers to that service with certain information (“subscriber” is defined as “a person who is a party to a contract with a provider of public electronic communications services for the supply of such services”).

Regulation 6 provides that an electronic communications network may not be used to store or gain access to information in the terminal equipment of a subscriber or user (“user” is defined as “any individual using a public electronic communications service”) unless the subscriber or user is provided with certain information and is given the opportunity to refuse the storage of or access to the information in his terminal equipment.

Regulations 7 and 8 set out certain restrictions on the processing of traffic data relating to a subscriber or user by a public communications provider. “Traffic data” is defined as “any data processed for the purpose of the conveyance of a communication on an electronic communications network or for the billing in respect of that communication”. “Public communications provider” is defined as “a provider of a public electronic communications network or a public electronic communications service”.

Regulation 9 requires providers of public electronic communications services to provide subscribers with non-itemised bills on request and requires OFCOM to have regard to certain matters when exercising their functions under Chapter 1 of Part 2 of the Communications Act 2003.

Regulation 10 requires a provider of a public electronic communications service to provide users of the service with a means of preventing the presentation of calling line identification on a call-by-call basis, and to provide subscribers to the service with a means of preventing the presentation of such identification on a per-line basis. This regulation is subject to regulations 15 and 16. Regulation 11 requires the provider of a public electronic communications service to provide subscribers to that service with certain facilities where facilities enabling the presentation of connected line identification or calling line identification are available. 19


text:
Page:Kalevala (Kirby 1907) v2.djvu/273

Runo L]

Sing thou from thy breast of silver!

Tell me true, O Saxon strawberry,

Shall I long remain unhooded,

Long among the flocks as herd-girl,

On the wide-extending heathlands,

And the far-extending woodlands,

For one summer, for two summers,

Or for five or six of summers,

Or perchance for ten long summers,

Or the time fulfilled already?”

Marjatta the petted damsel,

For a while lived on as herd-girl.

Evil is the life of shepherd,

Far too heavy for a maiden;

In the grass a snake is creeping,

In the grass the lizards wriggling.

But not there a snake was writhing,

Nor in grass the lizards wriggling.

From the hill there cried a berry,

From the heath there cried a cranberry,

“O thou maiden, come and pluck me,

Rosy-cheeked one, come and gather,

Come with breast of tin to pluck me,

With thy copper belt to choose me,

Ere the slug should come to eat me,

Or the black worm should disturb me.

“There are hundreds who have seen me,

Thousands more have sat beside me,

Girls by hundreds, wives by thousands,

Children, too, that none can number;

None among them yet has touched me,

None has gathered me, the wretched.”

Marjatta the petted damsel,

Went a very little distance,

Went to look upon the berry,

And the cranberry to gather,

With her skilful hands to pluck it,

With her beauteous hands to pluck it.

On the hill she found the berry,

On the heath she found the cranberry;

title: Page:Kalevala (Kirby 1907) v2.djvu/273


text:
Page:The Privacy and Electronic Communications (EC Directive) Regulations 2003 (UKSI 2003-2426 qp).pdf/20

 Regulation 12 requires a public electronic communications service provider to provide certain information to the public for the purposes of regulations 10 and 11, and regulation 13 requires communications providers (the term “communications provider” has the meaning given by section 405 of the Communications Act 2003) to co-operate with reasonable requests made by providers of public electronic communications services for the purposes of those regulations.

Regulation 14 imposes certain restrictions on the processing of location data, which is defined as “any data processed in an electronic communications network indicating the geographical position of the terminal equipment of a user of a public electronic communications service, including data relating to the latitude, longitude or altitude of the terminal equipment; the direction of travel of the user; or the time the location information was recorded.”

Regulation 15 makes provision in relation to the tracing of malicious or nuisance calls and regulation 16 makes provision in relation to emergency calls, which are defined in regulation 16(1) as calls to the national emergency number 999 or the European emergency call number 112.

Regulation 17 requires the provider of an electronic communications service to a subscriber to stop, on request, the automatic forwarding of calls to that subscriber’s line and also requires other communications providers to comply with reasonable requests made by the subscriber’s provider to assist in the prevention of that forwarding.

Regulation 18 applies to directories of subscribers, and sets out requirements that must be satisfied where data relating to subscribers is included in such directories. It also gives subscribers the right to verify, correct or withdraw their data in directories.

Regulation 19 provides that a person may not transmit communications comprising recorded matter for direct marketing purposes by an automated calling system unless the line called is that of a subscriber who has notified the caller that he consents to such communications being made.

Regulations 20, 21 and 22 set out the circumstances in which persons may transmit, or instigate the transmission of, unsolicited communications for the purposes of direct marketing by means of facsimile machine, make unsolicited calls for those purposes, or transmit unsolicited communications by means of electronic mail for those purposes. Regulation 22 (electronic mail) applies only to transmissions to individual subscribers (the term “individual” means “a living individual” and includes “an unincorporated body of such individuals”).

Regulation 23 prohibits the sending of communications by means of electronic mail for the purposes of direct marketing where the identity of the person on whose behalf the communication is made has been disguised or concealed or an address to which requests for such communications to cease may be sent has not been provided.

Regulation 24 sets out certain information that must be provided for the purposes of regulations 19, 20 and 21.

Regulation 25 imposes a duty on OFCOM, for the purposes of regulation 20, to maintain and keep up-to-date a register of numbers allocated to subscribers who do not wish to receive unsolicited communications by means of facsimile machine for the purposes of direct marketing. Regulation 26 imposes a similar obligation for the purposes of regulation 21 in respect of individual subscribers who do not wish to receive calls for the purposes of direct marketing.

Regulation 27 provides that terms in certain contracts which are inconsistent with these Regulations shall be void.

Regulation 28 exempts communications providers from the requirements of these Regulations where exemption is required for the purpose of safeguarding national security and further provides that a certificate signed by a Minister of the Crown to the effect that exemption from a requirement is necessary for the purpose of safeguarding national security shall be conclusive evidence of that fact. It also provides for certain questions relating to such certificates to be determined by the Information Tribunal referred to in section 6 of the Data Protection Act 1998. 20


text: Page:The Privacy and Electronic Communications (EC Directive) Regulations 2003 (UKSI 2003-2426 qp).pdf/22


text:
Page:The Privacy and Electronic Communications (EC Directive) Regulations 2003 (UKSI 2003-2426 qp).pdf/21

 Regulation 29 provides that a communications provider shall not be required by these Regulations to do, or refrain from doing, anything if complying with the requirement in question would be inconsistent with a requirement imposed by or under an enactment or by a court order, or if exemption from the requirement is necessary in connection with legal proceedings, for the purposes of obtaining legal advice or is otherwise necessary to establish, exercise or defend legal rights.

Regulation 30 allows a claim for damages to be brought in respect of contraventions of the Regulations.

Regulations 31 and 32 make provision in connection with the enforcement of the Regulations by the Information Commissioner (who is the Commissioner appointed under section 6 of the Data Protection Act 1998).

Regulation 33 imposes a duty on OFCOM to comply with any reasonable request made by the Commissioner for advice on technical matters relating to electronic communications.

Regulation 34 amends the Telecommunications (Lawful Business Practice) (Interception of Communications) Regulations 2000 and regulation 35 amends the Electronic Communications (Universal Service) Order 2003.

Regulation 36 provides for the transitional provisions in Schedule 2 to have effect.

A transposition note setting out how the main elements of the Directive are transposed into law and a regulatory impact assessment have been placed in the libraries of both Houses of Parliament. Copies are also available from the Department of Trade and Industry, Bay 202, 151 Buckingham Palace Road, London SW1W 9SS and can also be found on www.dti.gov.uk. 21


text: Page:The Privacy and Electronic Communications (EC Directive) Regulations 2003 (UKSI 2003-2426 qp).pdf/23


text:
Page:The Privacy and Electronic Communications (EC Directive) Regulations 2003 (UKSI 2003-2426 qp).pdf/24

£4.00

© Crown copyright 2003

Printed and published in the UK by The Stationery Office Limited under the authority and superintendence of Carol Tullo, Controller of Her Majesty’s Stationery Office and Queen’s Printer of Acts of Parliament.

E1323 9/2003 131323 19585


text: Privacy and Electronic Communications (EC Directive) Regulations 2003


text:
Page:Kalevala (Kirby 1907) v2.djvu/274

262

’Twas a berry in appearance,

And it seemed to be a cranberry,

But from ground too high for eating,

On a tree too weak for climbing.

From the heath a stick she lifted,

That she might pull down the berry;

Then from ground the berry mounted

Upward to her shoes so pretty,

From her pretty shoes arose it,

Upward to her knees of whiteness,

Rising from her knees of whiteness

Upward to her skirts that rustled.

To her buckled belt arose it,

To her breast from buckled girdle,

From her breast to chin arose it,

To her lips from chin arose it,

Then into her mouth it glided,

And along her tongue it hastened,

From her tongue to throat it glided,

And it dropped into her stomach.

Marjatta the petted damsel,

After this had chanced grew pregnant,

And it soon increased upon her,

And her burden soon was heavy.

Then she cast aside her girdle,

Loosely dressed, without a girdle,

Secretly she sought the bathroom,

And she hid her in the darkness.

Always was her mother thinking,

And her mother pondered ever:

“What has chanced to our Marjatta,

What has happened to our house-dove,

That she casts aside her girdle,

Always dresses loosely, beltless,

Goes in secret to the bathroom,

And she hides her in the darkness?”

And a baby gave her answer,

And the little child made answer:

“This has chanced to our Marjatta,

This befel the wretched creature,

title: Page:Kalevala (Kirby 1907) v2.djvu/274


text: Page:The poetical works of Robert Burns.djvu/109


text: The Poetical Works of Robert Burns/To a Mouse, on turning her up in her nest, with the plough


text:
Page:Method for constructing the natural scale of pure color (Nutting, 1909).djvu/14

90 {|
 * rowspan=2|
 * colspan=2|First Minima
 * colspan=2|First Maxima
 * colspan=2|Second Minima
 * colspan=2|Second Maxima
 * colspan=2|Third Minima
 * colspan=2|Third Maxima
 * colspan=2|Fourth Minima
 * λ||δλ
 * λ||δλ
 * λ||δλ
 * λ||δλ
 * λ||δλ
 * λ||δλ
 * Dr. O.St||435||23.6||454||37.6||495||11.6||535||32.8||585||7.6||626||40.0||638||31.0
 * Dr. E||434||25.7||450||38.0||488||11.0||532||36.4||587||8.0||630||47.0||651||34.5
 * Prof. E|||430||14.5||444||18.0||480||5.0||523||34.2||586||9.0||624||34.2||637||28.6
 * Dr. Sch||435||16.0||462||21.6||498||12.0||535||20.4||582||12.4||612||26.0||628||24.0
 * Dr. A. St||446||26.0||465||34.0||494||25.5||540||49.5||585 ||22.4||620||38.0||637||32.0
 * Dr Ma|| || || || ||488||15.9||520||22.0||572||9.1||622||24.0||638||17.2
 * Dr.Me||436||13.8||448||24.2||478||5.2||545||37.2||598||11.2||630||36.0||646||20.0
 * Dr. Bi||447||18.0||462||24.0||505||12.0||540||22.2||583||11.2||608||21.2||614||19.2
 * Hr. B||454||30.4||462||35.5||492||19.6||530||46.0||568||24.0||605||44.0||618||43.0
 * Frl. M|||442||14.0||468||24.4||490||16.0||540||32.0||572||20.0||633 ||60.0||642||45.5
 * Dr H||450||51.0||460||54.6||497||7.6||530||46.0||583||19.2
 * Dr. G||437||39.3||435||39.3||501||22.4||536||22.1||571||12.8||625||42.4||640||34.6
 * Means||440||24.7||455||29.3||492||13.6||534||33.4||581||13.9||621||37.5||635||30.0
 * }
 * Dr.Me||436||13.8||448||24.2||478||5.2||545||37.2||598||11.2||630||36.0||646||20.0
 * Dr. Bi||447||18.0||462||24.0||505||12.0||540||22.2||583||11.2||608||21.2||614||19.2
 * Hr. B||454||30.4||462||35.5||492||19.6||530||46.0||568||24.0||605||44.0||618||43.0
 * Frl. M|||442||14.0||468||24.4||490||16.0||540||32.0||572||20.0||633 ||60.0||642||45.5
 * Dr H||450||51.0||460||54.6||497||7.6||530||46.0||583||19.2
 * Dr. G||437||39.3||435||39.3||501||22.4||536||22.1||571||12.8||625||42.4||640||34.6
 * Means||440||24.7||455||29.3||492||13.6||534||33.4||581||13.9||621||37.5||635||30.0
 * }
 * Dr H||450||51.0||460||54.6||497||7.6||530||46.0||583||19.2
 * Dr. G||437||39.3||435||39.3||501||22.4||536||22.1||571||12.8||625||42.4||640||34.6
 * Means||440||24.7||455||29.3||492||13.6||534||33.4||581||13.9||621||37.5||635||30.0
 * }
 * Means||440||24.7||455||29.3||492||13.6||534||33.4||581||13.9||621||37.5||635||30.0
 * }


text:
Page:Kalevala (Kirby 1907) v2.djvu/275

Runo L]

She has been too long a herd-girl,

With the flocks too far has wandered.”

And she bore her heavy burden,

And the pain it brought upon her,

Bore it seven months, bore it eight months,

Bore it through the ninth month also,

By the reckoning of old women,

And for half the tenth month also.

While the tenth month thus was passing,

Then the girl was filled with anguish,

Grievous sufferings came upon her,

And the weight oppressed her sorely.

For a bath she asked her mother,

“O my very dearest mother,

Make a warm place ready for me,

And a warm room ready for me,

Where the girl awhile may rest her.

In the house of suffering women.”

But her mother gave her answer,

Answered thus, the aged woman:

“Woe to thee, O whore of Hiisi,

Tell me now with whom thou restedst,

With a man as yet unmarried,

Or beside a married hero?“

Marjatta the petted damsel,

Then replied to her in thiswise:

“Neither with a man unmarried,

Nor with any married hero,

But I sought the hill of berries,

And I went to pluck the cranberries,

And I took what seemed a berry,

And upon my tongue I laid it,

Quickly in my throat it glided,

And it dropped into my stomach.

Thus it is that I am pregnant,

Thus it comes that I am pregnant.”

For a bath she asked her father,

“O my very dearest father,

Give me now a well-warmed refuge,

Make a warm room ready for me,

title: Page:Kalevala (Kirby 1907) v2.djvu/275


text:
Page:The Net of Faith.pdf/785

289* Sigismund, Emperor,, , , ,

S̄imek, ,

Simon Cananaeus, ,

Simon Magus, ,

Social Inequalities,, , , , ,

Solomon, king,, ,

Soloviev, ,

,, , , , , , , , , ; above and unrestrained by law, f., , ; and moral law , , ; and anarchy, ; justification, ; origin, ; also , , , ,

Spinka, ; ; ; ;

Stanislav of Znojmo, ,

,, , origin, ; possibility of a just one, , ; coërcion, , , ; bureaucracy, , ; state religion, , as punishment, , ; See also , , , , ,

Stēkna, John, ,

, John,, , , ,

Strabo, Walafried,

Straka, ,

Sua̍rez, ,

Superstitions,, ,

Sylvester I, Pope,, , , , , , , , ; ,

Ta̍bor, Ta̍borite Faction,, , , , , , , , ; ; ; ; ,

Taxation,, ; , ;

Tertullian, ,

Thomas S̄ ti̍tny̍Štítný [sic], S̄TI̍TNY̍,

Tolstoy,, , , ,

Toynbee, ; ,

Una sancta, ,

Unitas Fratrum, UNITY OF BRETHREN,

,, , , ,

Utraquists,, , , , ,

Valla, Lorenzo,, , ,

, ,

Vodniany,, ,

Vogl, Carl, ,

Waldensians,, , , , , , ; ,

Waldhauser, Konrad, ,

Wenceslas IV (Va̍clav), king, ,

War,, , ; justification, , , , , , , , , ; origin of, , , , , , ; and exploitation, ; black markets, ; Old Testament, ; New Testament, , –;

Whales, in Chelc̄icky̍'s Allegory,, , , ;

Wyclif,, , , , , , , , , , ; ,

title: Page:The Net of Faith.pdf/785


text:
Page:Kalevala (Kirby 1907) v2.djvu/276

264

Where the suffering one may rest her,

And the girl endure her suffering.”

But her father gave her answer,

Gave her back a shameful answer:

“Go thou forth from here, O strumpet,

Wander forth, O wench for burning,

To the bears’ own rocky caverns,

To the caves where bears are lurking,

Thither forth to bear, O strumpet,

Bear thy children, wench of fire.”

Marjatta the petted damsel,

Then returned submissive answer:

“Not at all am I a strumpet,

Neither am a wench for burning;

I shall bear a mighty hero,

And shall bear a noble offspring,

He shall be a mighty conqueror,

Strong as even Väinämöinen.”

Then the maid was greatly troubled

Where to go, and how to journey,

Where a bath she might provide her,

And she spoke the words which follow:

“O my little damsel Piltti,

Thou the best of all my handmaids,

Find me now a bath in village,

Find a bath near reed-fringed brooklet,

Where the suffering one may rest her,

And the girl endure her suffering.

Go at once, and hasten quickly,

For my need is of the greatest.”

Then the little damsel Piltti,

Answered in the words that follow:

“Where am I to ask a bathroom,

Who will help me to obtain it?”

Thereupon did our Marjatta

Answer in the words which follow:

“Go and ask a bath from Ruotus,

Near where issues forth the Reed-brook.”

Then the little maiden Piltti

Listened to her words obedient,

title: Page:Kalevala (Kirby 1907) v2.djvu/276


text:
Page:Kalevala (Kirby 1907) v2.djvu/277

Runo L]

Always ready, heedless never,

Always quick, avoiding gossip,

Like a mist, away she hurried,

To the yard like snake she hastened,

With her hands her skirts she lifted,

In her hands her dress she twisted,

And upon her course she hastened

Straight unto the house of Ruotus.

Hills re-echoed to her footsteps,

Shook the mountains as she climbed them,

On the heath the cones were dancing,

Gravel scattered o’er the marshes;

Thus she came to Ruotus’ dwelling,

And the house she quickly entered.

In his shirt sat wicked Ruotus,

Eating, drinking like the great ones,

In his shirt at end of table,

In a shirt of finest linen,

And he asked as he was eating,

Grunted, leaning o’er the table,

“What have you to say, you beggar,

Wretch, why come you running hither?”

Then the little damsel Piltti

Answered in the words that follow:

“Here I seek a village bathroom,

Seek a bath near reed-fringed brooklet,

That relief may reach the suffering,

For the need is very pressing.”

Then the wicked wife of Ruotus

Presently with arms a-kimbo,

Slouched along upon the flooring,

Swept to middle of the flooring,

And she asked upon her coming,

Speaking in the words which follow:

“Who is seeking for a bathroom,

Who is seeking for assistance?”

Said the little damsel Piltti,

“Needed ’tis for our Marjatta.”

Then the wicked wife of Ruotus

Answered in the words that follow:

title: Page:Kalevala (Kirby 1907) v2.djvu/277


text:
Page:Kalevala (Kirby 1907) v2.djvu/278

266

“Vacant baths are rare in village,

None at mouth of reed-fringed streamlet.

There’s a bath upon the clearing,

And a stable in the pinewood,

Where the whore may bear her children,

And the vile one cast her offspring,

While the horses there are breathing,

Let her take a bath and welcome.”

Then the little maiden Piltti,

Hurried back with rapid footsteps,

And upon her course she hastened,

And she said on her arrival:

“In the village is no bathroom,

None beside the rush-fringed streamlet,

And the wicked wife of Ruotus,

Only spoke the words which follow:

‘Vacant baths are none in village,

None at mouth of reed-fringed streamlet.

There’s a bath upon the clearing,

And a stable in the pinewood,

Where the whore may bear her children,

And the vile one cast her offspring,

While the horses there are breathing,

Let her take a bath and welcome.’

This was all she said unto me,

This is truly what she answered.”

Marjatta the hapless maiden

When she heard, burst forth in weeping,

And she spoke the words that follow:

“Thither must I then betake me,

Even like an outcast labourer,

Even like a hired servant,

I must go upon the clearing,

And must wander to the pinewood.”

In her hands her skirt she lifted,

With her hands her skirt she twisted,

And she took the bath-whisks with her,

Of the softest leaves and branches,

And with hasty steps went onward,

In the greatest pain of body,

title: Page:Kalevala (Kirby 1907) v2.djvu/278


text:
Page:Kalevala (Kirby 1907) v2.djvu/279

Runo L]

To the stable in the pinewood,

And the stall on hill of Tapio.

And she spoke the words which follow,

And in words like these expressed her:

“Come thou to my aid, Creator,

To my aid, O thou most gracious,

In this anxious time of labour,

In this time of hardest labour.

Free the damsel from her burden,

From her pains release the woman,

That she perish not in torment,

May not perish in her anguish.”

When at length her journey ended,

Then she spoke the words which follow:

“O thou good horse, breathe upon me,

O thou draught-foal, snort upon me,

Breathe a vapour-bath around me,

Send thou warmth throughout the bathroom,

That relief may reach the sufferer,

For the need is very pressing.”

Then the good horse breathed upon her,

And the draught-foal snorted on her,

Over all her suffering body.

When the horse desisted breathing,

Steam was spread throughout the stable,

Like the steam of boiling water.

Marjatta the hapless maiden,

She, the holy little maiden,

Bathed her in a bath sufficient,

Till she had relieved her suffering,

And a little boy was born her,

And a sinless child was given,

On the hay in horses’ stable,

On the hay in horses’ manger.

Then she washed the little infant,

And in swaddling-clothes she wrapped him,

On her knees she took the infant,

And she wrapped her garments round him.

There she reared the little infant,

Thus she reared the beauteous infant,

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268

Reared her little golden apple,

And her little staff of silver,

And upon her lap she nursed it,

With her hands did she caress it.

On her knees she laid the infant,

On her lap she laid the infant,

And began to brush his hair straight,

And began to smooth his hair down,

When from off her knees he vanished,

From her lap the infant vanished.

Marjatta the hapless maiden

Fell into the greatest trouble,

And she hurried off to seek him,

Seek her little boy, the infant,

And she sought her golden apple,

Sought her little staff of silver,

Sought him underneath the millstones,

Underneath the sledge while running,

Underneath the sieve while sifting,

Underneath the lidless basket;

Trees she moved, and grass divided,

Spreading out the tender herbage.

Long the little boy she sought for,

Sought her son, the little infant,

Sought him through the hills and pinewoods,

On the heath among the heather,

Searched through every tuft of heather,

And in every bush she sought him,

Roots of juniper updigging,

And of trees the branches straightening.

Then she thought to wander further,

And she went upon her wanderings,

And there came a star to meet her,

And before the star she bowed her,

“Star, whom Jumala created,

Know you nothing of my infant,

Where my little son is hidden,

Where is hid my golden apple?”

And the star made answer to her:

“If I knew I would not tell it.

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Runo L]

He it was who me created,

Made me, through these days of evil

In the cold to shine for ever,

And to glimmer through the darkness.”

Then she thought to wander further,

And she went upon her wanderings,

And the moon came next to meet her,

And she bowed herself before him.

“Moon, whom Jumala created,

Know you nothing of my infant,

Where my little son is hidden,

Where is hid my golden apple?”

And the moon made answer to her:

“If I knew I would not tell it.

He it was who me created,

Always in these days of evil

Through the night to watch all lonely,

And to sleep throughout the daytime.”

Then she thought to wander further,

And she went upon her wanderings,

And there came the sun to meet her,

And she bowed herself before him.

“Sun, whom Jumala created,

Know you nothing of my infant,

Where my little son is hidden,

Where is hid my golden apple?”

And the sun made answer wisely:

“Well indeed I know your infant.

He it was who me created,

In these days of finest weather,

Golden rays to shed about me,

Silver rays to scatter round me.

“Well indeed I know your infant,

Know your son, unhappy mother!

There thy little son is hidden,

There is hid thy golden apple,

In the swamps to waistband sunken,

To his arm-pits in the marshlands.”

Marjatta the hapless maiden

Sought her infant in the marshes,

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