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 fore. You have come for the truth. The truth? Do you expect to find it here? Do you suppose that men are sincere when they are among themselves? Why, nobody is sincere with himself! Gonzalo may laugh at your love, and play the sceptic. He may say that he is going to marry for money, or to be comfortable, or else out of mere cynicism. He might even go so far as to boast that he will deceive you, that he is completely indifferent whether you deceive him or not. Of course any statement of that nature you would accept as pure truth?

. If he ever made such a statement

. He may very easily do so. In fact, I have no doubt but that he has done it already.

. Pepe!

. All of us do such things. We make light of what is most precious, of patriotism, family, love. If anybody were to hear us, and to judge us by appearances, we should surely be set down as depraved. But we are not; we are merely cowards. The hypocrisy of evil is more common, I think, than the hypocrisy of good, yet it has scarcely been studied at all. And no wonder! It is a frank parade of evil, so it does not seem to be hypocrisy. Yet I believe that more good thoughts are concealed, and more good deeds are left undone, because of this hypocrisy which pretends to be evil, than there are evil thoughts and vicious deeds concealed or left undone by hypocrites of the other sort, the hypocrites who pretend to be good. Evil appears to be evil because evil men are evil, and there can be no mistake about it, and so, to seem sincere, the good pretend to be evil, and those who do not pretend to be evil, by contrast appear fools.

. As a result, all men are evil.

. Judged by appearances. Yet, although we are


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With hearts filled with the deepest gratitute, and impressed with the utmost reverence, we, the undersigned native inhabitants of Calcutta and its vicinity, beg to be permitted to approach your Lordship, to offer personally our humble but warmest acknowledgments for the invaluable protection which your Lordship’s government has recently afforded to the lives of the Hindoo female part of your subjects, and for your humane and successful exertions in rescuing us for ever, from the gross stigma hitherto attached to our character as wilful murderers of females, and zealous promoters of the practice of suicide.

Excessive jealousy of their female connexions, operating on the breasts of Hindu princes, rendered those despots regardless of the common bonds of society, and of their incumbent duty as protectors of the weaker sex, insomuch that, with a view to prevent every possibility of their widows forming subsequent attachments, they availed themselvsthemselves [sic] of their arbitrary power, and under the

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/


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 said to live by appearances, it is not the way that we live. In the serious, the important moments of our lives, the truth shines out clearly above all the screen of our lies, and it is idle then for evil to pretend to be good, or for good to pretend to be evil. I have often cried all night over what I have laughed at all day. Nobody saw me cry, but everybody saw me laugh. Where was the truth to be found?

. You just said—in your cowardice; you were afraid to be good. That is mere

. Cowardice; precisely. I shall not apologize. It is almost always cowardice, though at times it may be modesty. No matter how sure we may be of our physical charms, it is not usual to undress before the first stranger who happens along. Here at least you agree?

. Of course not!

. Even the most hardened, and the most hardened invariably are women, offer samples at best, perhaps not altogether insufficient, nor lacking in courage, but anything like an honest, frank revelation…

. You ought to be ashamed of yourself!

. There is also a moral sense of shame. Delicate natures do not expose themselves casually to the chance passer-by.

. I should hope not. Exposure is one thing, but to wrap oneself up is another, until people imagine that one has something to conceal.

. True goodness is sportive and joyous; it loves to masquerade, so it passes for folly. False virtue dresses up to go out socially, and walks at a gait which is dignified and slow. I distrust austere gentlemen with their hands in their bosoms, who enlarge upon their virtue at the slightest excuse, and miss no opportunity to eulogize their honor, their integrity, as the phrase runs nowadays—the word is


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330 cloak of religion, introduced the practice of burning widows alive under the first impressions of sorrow or despair, immediately after the demise of their husbands. This system of female destruction, being admirably suited to the selfish and servile disposition of the populace, has been eagerly followed by them, in defiance of the most sacred authorities, such as the Oopunishuds or the principal parts of the Veds, and the, as well as of the direct commandment of Munoo, the first and the greatest of all the legislators, conveyed in the following words: ‘Let a widow continue till death forgiving all injuries, performing austere duties, avoiding every sensual pleasure,’ &c. (Ch. 5, v. 158.)

While in fact fulfilling the suggestions of their jealousy they pretended to justify this hideous practice by quoting some passages from authorities of evidently inferior weight, sanctioning the wilful ascent of a widow on the flaming pile of her husband, as if they were offering such female sacrifices in obedience to the dictates of the Shastrus and not from the influence of jealousy. It is however, very fortunate that the British government under whose protection the lives of both the males and females of India have been happily placed by Providence, has, after deligent inquiry, ascertained that even those inferior authorities, permitting wilful ascent by a widow to the flaming pile, have been practically set aside, and that, in gross violation of their language and spirit, the relatives of widows have, in the burning of those infatuated females almost invariably used to fasten them down on the pile, and heap over them large quantities of wood and other materials adequate to the prevention of their escape—an outrage on humanity which has been frequently perpetra-


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Rh ted under the indirect sanction of native officers, undeservedly employed for the security of life and preservation of peace and tranquillity.

In many instances, in which the vigilance of the magistrate has deterred the native officers, of police from indulging their own inclination, widows have either made their escape from the pile after being partially burnt, or retracted their resolution to burn when brought to the awful task, to the mortifying disappointment of the instigators: while in some instances the resolution to die has been retracted, on pointing out to the widows the impropriety of their intended undertaking, and on promising them safety and maintenance during life, notwithstanding the severe reproaches liable thereby to be heaped on them by their relatives and friends.

In consideration of circumstances so disgraceful in themselves, and so incompatible with the principle of British rule, your Lordship in Council, fully impressed with the duties required of you by justice and humanity, has deemed it incumbent on you, for the honour of the British name, to come to the resolution, that the lives of your female Hindoo subjects should be henceforth more efficiently protected; that the heinous sin of cruelty to females may no longer be committed, and that the most ancient and purest system of Hindoo religion should not any longer be set at nought by the Hindoos themselves. The magistrates, in consequence, are, we understand, positively ordered to execute the resolution of government by all possible means.

We are, my Lord, reluctantly restrained by the consideration of the nature of your exalted situation, from indicating our inward feelings by presenting any


text:
Des Knaben Wunderhorn

 * Volume 1 (1805)
 * "Erndtelied" ('Harvest Song')
 * "The Reaper" translated by Margarete Münsterberg (1913)
 * "Der Tannhäuser" ('The Tannhäuser') by Heinrich Kornmann
 * "The Ancient Ballad of Sir Tannhauser" translated by William John Thoms (1834)
 * "Der Schweizer" ('The Swiss')
 * "The Swiss Deserter" translated by Margarete Münsterberg (1913)
 * "Wenn ich ein Vöglein wär" ('If I Were a Little Bird') by Johann Gottfried von Herder
 * "Were I a Little Bird" translated by Margarete Münsterberg (1913)
 * "Die Frau von Weissenburg" ('The Lady of Weissenburg')
 * "The Lady of Weissenburg" translated by William John Thoms (1834)
 * Volume 2 (1808)
 * "Lenore" ('Lenore')
 * "Leonora" translated by William John Thoms (1834)
 * "Lenore" translated by John William Weidemeyer (1865)
 * "Rinaldo Rinaldini" ('Rinaldo Rinaldini')
 * "The Tailor in Hell" translated by Margarete Münsterberg (1913)
 * Volume 3 (1808)
 * "Der Berggesell" ('The Mountaineer')
 * "The Mountaineer" translated by Margarete Münsterberg (1913)
 * "Wie oft Gott zu danken sey?" ('How Often Should God Be Thanked?')
 * "As Many as Sand-grains in the Sea" translated by Margarete Münsterberg (1913)

title: Des Knaben Wunderhorn


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 friendship; we are so humble that we crave the sympathy of any man, and hunger and starve for pity and pardon. Do you know why I believe you have come to me for the truth? You do not doubt Gonzalo, the one that you doubt is yourself. You are afraid that he may not be as you would have him, because you would not have him however he may be. The bell is ringing… My friends are here, and he will be with them. Will you stay? You have time to hide. Or will you go without being seen? Do you prefer to listen? Or will you let your heart speak?

. No, I should rather not know; I don't wish to hear. Can I slip out without being seen?

. Yes, come this way. Follow me.

. The gentlemen are in the billiard-room. I asked them to wait.

. No, show them here. [To ] Are you sure? There is still time.

. No… Am I making a mistake?

. A very wise one.

Curtain


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 longer and conceals more, no doubt, like a train. Where did I read that nobody knows what he may be capable of, until he has been an absolute monarch for some hours, and has starved for some days?

. If you are going to believe that, we can never know the truth about anybody or anything.

. The truth? Do you wish the truth about your future husband? All you have to do is to ask. Everybody will tell you the truth as he sees it, and all the truths that they tell you will be lies. It would be wonderful to read the story of our lives written by different people—by our friends, our creditors, our servants. It would be like reading a thousand lives of a thousand different people, and if we were to sit down to write our own lives, the result would not be any more genuine, because, although we are all what we are, we all imagine ourselves to be something quite different.

. Just the same, the truth must be somewhere.

. The truth of our lives is in the hearts of those who love us, whose love remains ours through all the moments of our lives. It may be so great that at times they may think that they hate us, and we may believe it too, because not even love itself, if it is sincere, can be the same every day, nor through all the hours of our lives, because it is like life itself, and moves with us at its own step down all the good and all the miserable highways, whether we are sad or whether we are joyful, not because we are this or that, but however we may be. It is but a mood, a passing phase, for better or for worse; we are a little weaker or a little stronger, more heroic or more cowardly, as the case may be. At times we are unjust, even cruelly, at others we are indulgent, with equal injustice. We are so proud that we imagine ourselves to be superior to all love, above the need of all


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332 valuable offering as commonly adopted on such occasions; but we should consider ourselves highly guilty of insincerity and ingratitude, if we remained negligently silent when urgently called upon by our feelings and conscience to express publicly the gratitude we feel for the overlasting obligation you have graciously conferred on the Hindoo community at large. We, however, are at a loss to find language sufficiently indicative even of a small portion of the sentiments we are desirous of expressing on the occasion; we must therefore conclude this address with entreating that your Lordship will condescendingly accept our most grateful acknowledgments for this act of benevolence towards us, and will pardon the silence of those who, though equally partaking of the blessing bestowed by your Lordship, have through ignorance or prejudice omitted to join us in this common cause.

"The following was the reply of Lord William Bentinck to the above address:—

“It is very satisfactory for me to find that, according to the opinions of so many respectable and intelligent Hindoos, the practice which has recently been prohibited, not only was not required by the rules of their religion, but was at variance with those writings which they deem to be of the greatest force and authority. Nothing but a reluctance to inflict punishment for acts which might be conscientiously believed to be enjoined by religious precepts, could have induced the British government at any time to permit, within territories under its protection, an usage so violently opposed to the best feelings of human nature. Those who present this address are right in suppossing that by every nation in the world, except the Hindoos themselves, this part of their customs has always been made a reproach against them, and nothing so strangely contrasted with the better features of their own national character, so inconsistent with the affections which unite families, so destructive of the moral principles on which society is founded, has ever subsisted amongst a people in other respects so civilized. I trust that the reproach is removed for ever; and I feel a sincere pleasure in thinking that the Hindoos will thereby be exalted in the estimation of mankind, to an extent in some degree proportioned to the repugnance which was felt for the usage which has now ceased.”—."


text: The Truth

title: The Truth


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Mr. Pawle turned sharply on his companion as Viner pulled him up. He saw the direction of Viner's suddenly arrested gaze and looked from him to the two men who had now walked down the steps of the house and were advancing towards them.

"What is it?" he asked. "Those fellows are coming away from Lord Ellingham's house. You seem to know them?"

"One of them," murmured Viner. "The clean-shaven man. Look at him!"

The two men came on in close, evidently absorbed conversation, passed Mr. Pawle and Viner without as much as a glance at them, and went along in the direction of Park Lane.

"Well?" demanded Mr. Pawle.

"The clean-shaven man is the man I told you of—the man who was in conversation with Ashton at that tavern in Notting Hill the night Ashton was murdered," answered Viner. "The other man I don't know."

Mr. Pawle turned and looked after the retreating figures.

"You're sure of that?" he asked.

"Certain!" replied Viner. "I should know him anywhere."


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 Mr. Pawle came to another halt, glancing first at the two men, now well up the street, and then at the somewhat sombre front of Ellingham House.

"Now, this is an extraordinary thing, Viner!" he exclaimed. "There's the man who, you say, was with Ashton not very long before he came to his end, and we find him coming away—presumably—from Lord Ellingham, certainly from Lord Ellingham's house! What on earth does it mean? And I wonder who the man is?"

"What I'd like to know," said Viner, "is—who is the other man? But as you say, it is certainly a very curious thing that we should find the first man evidently in touch with Lord Ellingham—considering our recent discoveries. But—what are you going to do?"

"Going in here," affirmed Mr. Pawle, "to the fountain-head. We may get to know something. Have you a card?"

The footman who took the cards looked doubtfully at them and their presenters.

"His Lordship is just going out," he said, glancing over his shoulder. "I don't know—"

Mr. Pawle pointed to the name of his firm at the corner of his card.

"I think Lord Ellingham will see me," he said. "Tell his lordship I shall not detain him many minutes if he will be kind enough to give me an interview."

The man went away—to return in a few minutes and to lead the callers into a room at the rear of the hall, wherein, his back to the fire, his look and attitude one of puzzled surprise, stood a very young


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 man, dressed in the height of fashion, who, as his servant had said, was obviously just ready to go out. Viner, remembering what had brought him and Mr. Pawle there, looked at Lord Ellingham closely—he seemed to be frank, ingenuous, and decidedly youthful. But there was something decidedly practical and business-like in his greeting of his visitors.

"I'm afraid I can't give you very long, Mr. Pawle," he said, glancing instinctively at the old lawyer. "I've a most important engagement in half an hour, and it won't be put off. But I can give you ten minutes."

"I am deeply obliged to your lordship," answered Mr. Pawle. "As your lordship will have seen from my card, I am one of the partners in Crawle, Pawle and Rattenbury—a firm not at all unknown, I think. Allow me to introduce my friend Mr. Viner, a gentlemen who is deeply concerned and interested in the matter I want to mention to your lordship."

Lord Ellingham responded politely to Viner's bow and drew two chairs forward.

"Sit down, Mr. Pawle; sit down, Mr. Viner," he said. He dropped into a chair near a desk which stood in the centre of the room and looked interrogatively at his elder visitor. "Have you some business to discuss, Mr. Pawle?" he asked.

"Some business, my lord, which, I confess at once, is of extraordinary nature," answered the old lawyer. "I will go straight to it. Your lordship has doubtless read in the newspapers of the murder of a man named Ashton in Lonsdale Passage, in the Bayswater district?"


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 Lord Ellingham glanced at a pile of newspapers which lay on a side-table.

"Yes," he answered, "I have. I've been much interested in it—as a murder. A curious and mysterious case, don't you think?"

"We," replied Mr. Pawle, waving a hand toward Viner, "know it to be a much more mysterious case than anybody could gather from the newspaper accounts, for they know little who have written them, and we, who are behind the scenes, know a great deal. Now, your lordship will have seen that a young man, an actor named Langton Hyde, has been arrested and charged, and is on remand. This unfortunate fellow was an old schoolmate of Mr. Viner—they were at Rugby together; and Mr. Viner—and I may say I myself also—is convinced beyond doubt of his entire innocence, and we want to clear him; we are doing all we can to clear him. And it is because of this that we have ventured to call on your lordship."

"Oh!" exclaimed Lord Ellingham. "But—what can I do! How do I come in?"

"My lord," said Mr. Pawle in his most solemn manner, "I will go straight to this point also. We have reason to feel sure, from undoubted evidence, that Mr. John Ashton, a very wealthy man, who had recently come from Australia, where he had lived for a great many years, to settle here in London, had in his possession when he was murdered certain highly important papers relating to your lordship's family, and that he was murdered for the sake of them!"

The puzzled expression which Viner had noted in Lord Ellingham's boyish face when they entered the room grew more and more marked as Mr. Pawle


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 proceeded, and he turned on the old lawyer at the end with a stare of amazement.

"You really think that!" he exclaimed.

"I shall be very much surprised if I'm not right!" declared Mr. Pawle.

"But what papers?" asked Lord Ellingham. "And what—how could this Mr. Ashton, who, you say, came from Australia, be in possession of papers relating to my family? I never heard of him."

"Your lordship," said Mr. Pawle, "is doubtless well aware that some years ago there was a very strange—shall we call it romance?—in your family. A very remarkable episode, anyway, a most unusual—"

"You mean the strange disappearance of my uncle—this Lord Marketstoke?" interrupted Lord Ellingham with a smile. "Oh, of course, I know all about that."

"Very well, my lord," continued Mr. Pawle. "Then your lordship is aware that Lord Marketstoke was believed to have gone to the Colonies—Australia or New Zealand—and was—lost there. His death was presumed. Now, Ashton came from Australia, and as I say, we believe him to have brought with him certain highly important papers relative to Lord Marketstoke, whom we think to have been well known to him at one time. Indeed, we felt sure that Ashton knew Lord Marketstoke's secret. Now, my lord, we are also confident that whoever killed John Ashton did so in order to get hold of certain papers which, I feel certain, Ashton made a habit of carrying on his person—papers relating to his friend Lord Marketstoke's identity."

Lord Ellingham remained silent for a moment,


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 looking from one visitor to another. It was very clear to Viner that some train of thought had been aroused in him and that he was closely pursuing it. He fixed his gaze at last on the old lawyer.

"Mr. Pawle," he said quietly, "have you any proof—undoubted proof—that Mr. Ashton did possess papers relating to my long-missing uncle?"

"Yes," answered Mr. Pawle, "I have!" He pulled out the bundle of letters which he and Viner had unearthed from the Japanese cabinet. "This! It is a packet of letters written by the seventh Countess of Ellingham to her elder son, the Lord Marketstoke we are talking of, when he was a boy at Eton. Your Lordship will probably recognize your grandmother's handwriting."

Lord Ellingham bent over the letter which Mr. Pawle spread before him.

"Yes," he said, "I know the writing quite well. And—these were in Mr. Ashton's possession?"

"We have just found them—Mr. Viner and I—in a cabinet in his house," replied Mr. Pawle. "They are the only papers we have so far been able to bring to light. But as I have said, we are convinced there were others—much more important ones!—in his possession, probably in his pocketbook."

Lord Ellingham handed the letters back.

"You think that this Mr. Ashton was in possession of a secret relating to the missing man—my uncle, Lord Marketstoke?" he asked.

"I am convinced of it!" declared Mr. Pawle.

Lord Ellingham glanced shrewdly at his visitors.

"I should like to know what it was!" he said.

"Your lordship feels as I do," remarked Mr. Pawle.


text: The English Works of Raja Rammohun Roy/Volume II/Address to Lord William Bentinck


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 "But now I should like to ask a question which arises out of this visit. As we approached your lordship's door, just now, we saw, leaving it, two men. One of them, my friend Mr. Viner immediately recognized. He does not know who the man is—"

"Which of the two men do you mean!" interrupted Lord Ellingham. "I may as well say that they had just left me."

"The clean-shaven man," answered Viner.

"Whom Mr. Viner knows for a fact," continued Mr. Pawle, "to have been in Ashton's company only an hour or so before Ashton's murder!"

Lord Ellingham looked at Viner in obvious surprise.

"But you do not know who he is?" he exclaimed.

"No," replied Viner, "I don't. But there is no doubt of the truth of what Mr. Pawle has just said. This man was certainly with Mr. Ashton at a tavern in Notting Hill from about nine-thirty to ten-thirty on the evening of Ashton's death. In fact, they left the tavern together."

The young nobleman suddenly pulled open a drawer in his desk, produced a box of cigarettes and silently offered it to his visitors. He lighted a cigarette himself, and for a moment smoked in silence—it seemed to Viner that his youthful face had grown unusually grave and thoughtful.

"Mr. Pawle," he said at last, "I'm immensely surprised by what you've told me, and all the more so because this is the second surprise I've had this afternoon. I may as well tell you that the two gentlemen whom you saw going away just now brought me some very astonishing news—yours comes right on


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 top of it! And, if you please, I'd rather not say any more about it, just now, but I'm going to make a proposal to you. Will you—and Mr. Viner, if he'll be so good—meet me tomorrow morning, say at noon, at my solicitors' offices?"

"With pleasure!" responded Mr. Pawle. "Your lordship's solicitors are—"

"Carless and Driver, Lincoln's Inn Fields," answered Lord Ellingham.

"Friends of ours," said Mr. Pawle. "We will meet your lordship there at twelve o 'clock to the minute."

"And—you'll bring that with you?" suggested Lord Ellingham, pointing to the packet of letters which Mr. Pawle held in his hand.

"Just so, my lord," assented Mr. Pawle. "And we'll be ready to tell all we know—for there are further details."

Outside the house the old lawyer gripped Viner's elbow.

"That boy knows something!" he said with a meaning smile. "He's astute enough for his age—smart youngster! But—what does he know? Those two men have told him something. Viner, we must find out who that clean-shaven man is. I have some idea that I have seen him before—I shouldn't be at all surprised if he's a solicitor, may have seen him in some court or other. But in that case I wonder he didn't recognize me."

"He didn't look at you," replied Viner. "He and the other man were too much absorbed in whatever it was they were talking about. I have been wondering since I first saw him at the tavern," he con-


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 tinued, "if I ought not to tell the police what I know about him—I mean, that he was certainly in Ashton's company on the evening of the murder. What do you think?"

"I think not, at present," replied Mr. Pawle. "It seems evident—unless, indeed, it was all a piece of bluff, and it may have been—that this man is, or was when you saw him, just as ignorant as the landlord of that place was that the man who used to drop in there and Ashton were one and the same person. No, let the police go on their own lines—we're on others. We shall hear of this man again, whoever he is. Now I must get back to my office—come there at half-past eleven tomorrow morning, Viner, and we'll go on to Carless and Driver's."

Viner went thoughtfully homeward, ruminating over the events of the day, and entered his house to find his two guests, the sisters of the unlucky Hyde, in floods of tears, and Miss Penkridge looking unusually grave. The elder Miss Hyde sprang up at sight of him and held a tear-soaked handkerchief towards him in pantomimic appeal.

"Oh, Mr. Viner," she exclaimed, "you are so kind, and so clever. I'm sure you'll see a way out of this! It looks, oh, so very black, and so very much against him; but oh, dear Mr. Viner, there must be some explanation!"

"But what is it?" asked Viner, looking from one to the other. "What has happened! Has any one been here?"

Miss Penkridge silently handed to her nephew an early edition of one of the evening newspapers and pointed to a paragraph in large type. And Viner


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 rapidly read it over, to the accompaniment of the younger Miss Hyde's sobs.

Viner read this news twice over. Then a sudden idea occurred to him, and he turned to leave the room.

"I don't think you need be particularly alarmed about this," he said to the weeping sisters. "Cheer up, till I return—I am going round to the police."

.


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 high a pitch, that she one evening came to my lodgings, trembling and shivering, to acquaint me with her woe, and to implore my assistance, which I instantly promised to grant her."

"The rest you very likely know, from the relation of your friend: One of my comrades, who was always ready to execute my commands, acted the ghost, and every thing succeeded, alas! too well"

"But suffer me to drop the dreadful horrid tale; this black infernal deed lays heavy on my conscience, for it has rendered me guilty of the murder of two innocent persons."

"Your friend requested me, soon after, to give him a specimen of my talents, which I readily promised to do as soon as an opportunity should offer; but, God knows, I did not then mean to perform my promise."


text: Plays by Jacinto Benavente - Third series


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 ments in electricity by means of an old bottle, while he was still a working bookbinder. And it is a curious fact that Faraday was first attracted to the study of chemistry by hearing one of Sir Humphry Davy's lectures on the subject at the Royal Institution. A gentleman, who was a member, calling one day at the shop where Faraday was employed in binding books, found him poring over the article 'Electricity' in an encyclopædia placed in his hands to bind. The gentleman, having made inquiries, found that the young bookbinder was curious about such subjects, and gave him an order of admission to the Royal Institution, where he attended a course of four lectures delivered by Sir Humphry. He took notes of them, which he showed to the lecturer, who acknowledged their scientific accuracy, and was surprised when informed of the humble position of the reporter. Faraday then expressed his desire to devote himself to the prosecution of chemical studies, from which Sir Humphry at first endeavoured to dissuade him: but the young man persisting, he was at length taken into the Royal Institution as an assistant; and eventually the mantle of the brilliant apothecary's boy fell upon the worthy shoulders of the equally brilliant bookbinder's apprentice.

The words which Davy entered in his note-book, when about twenty years of age, working in Dr. Beddoes' laboratory at Bristol, were eminently characteristic of him: "I have neither riches, nor power, nor birth to recommend me; yet if I live, I trust I shall not be of less service to mankind and my friends, than if I had been born with all these advantages." Davy possessed the capability, as Faraday does, of devoting the whole power of


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 his mind to the practical and experimental investigation of a subject in all its bearings; and such a mind will rarely fail, by dint of mere industry and patient thinking, in producing results of the highest order. Coleridge said of Davy, "There is an energy and elasticity in his mind, which enables him to seize on and analyse all questions, pushing them to their legitimate consequences. Every subject in Davy's mind has the principle of vitality. Living thoughts spring up like turf under his feet." Davy, on his part, said of Coleridge, whose abilities he greatly admired, "With the most exalted genius, enlarged views, sensitive heart, and enlightened mind, he will be the victim of a want of order, precision, and regularity."

The great Cuvier was a singularly accurate, careful, and industrious observer. When a boy, he was attracted to the subject of natural history by the sight of a volume of Buffon which accidentally fell in his way. He at once proceeded to copy the drawings, and to colour them after the descriptions given in the text. While still at school, one of his teachers made him a present of Linnæus's 'System of Nature'; and for more than ten years this constituted his library of natural history. At eighteen he was offered the situation of tutor in a family residing near Fécamp, in Normandy. Living close to the sea-shore, he was brought face to face with the wonders of marine life. Strolling along the sands one day, he observed a stranded cuttle-fish. He was attracted by the curious object, took it home to dissect, and thus began the study of the molluscæ, in the pursuit of which he achieved so distinguished a reputation. He had no books to refer to, excepting only the great book of Nature


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 which lay open before him. The study of the novel and interesting objects which it daily presented to his eyes made a much deeper impression on his mind than any written or engraved description could possibly have done. Three years thus passed, during which he compared the living species of marine animals with the fossil remains found in the neighbourhood, dissected the specimens of marine life that came under his notice, and, by careful observation, prepared the way for a complete reform in the classification of the animal kingdom. About this time Cuvier became known to the learned Abbé Teissier, who wrote to Jussieu and other friends in Paris on the subject of the young naturalist's inquiries, in terms of such high commendation, that Cuvier was requested to send some of his papers to the Society of Natural History; and he was shortly after appointed assistant-superintendent at the Jardin des Plantes. In the letter written by Teissier to Jussieu, introducing the young naturalist to his notice, he said, "You remember that it was I who gave Delambre to the Academy in another branch of science: this also will be a Delambre." We need scarcely add that the prediction of Teissier was more than fulfilled.

It is not accident, then, that helps a man in the world so much as purpose and persistent industry. To the feeble, the sluggish and purposeless, the happiest accidents avail nothing,—they pass them by, seeing no meaning in them. But it is astonishing how much can be accomplished if we are prompt to seize and improve the opportunities for action and effort which are constantly presenting themselves. Watt taught himself chemistry and


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 mechanics while working at his trade of a mathematical-instrument maker, at the same time that he was learning German from a Swiss dyer. Stephenson taught himself arithmetic and mensuration while working as an engineman during the night shifts; and when he could snatch a few moments in the intervals allowed for meals during the day, he worked his sums with a bit of chalk upon the sides of the colliery waggons. Dalton's industry was the habit of his life. He began from his boyhood, for he taught a little village-school when he was only about twelve years old,—keeping the school in winter, and working upon his father's farm in summer. He would sometimes urge himself and companions to study by the stimulus of a bet, though bred a Quaker; and on one occasion, by his satisfactory solution of a problem, he won as much as enabled him to buy a winter's store of candles. He continued his meteorological observations until a day or two before he died,—having made and recorded upwards of 200,000 in the course of his life.

With perseverance, the very odds and ends of time may be worked up into results of the greatest value. An hour in every day withdrawn from frivolous pursuits would, if profitably employed, enable a person of ordinary capacity to go far towards mastering a science. It would make an ignorant man a well-informed one in less than ten years. Time should not be allowed to pass without yielding fruits, in the form of something learnt worthy of being known, some good principle cultivated, or some good habit strengthened. Dr. Mason Good translated Lucretius while riding in his carriage in the streets of London, going the


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 Thus the Satyagrahis were being imprisoned or deported. There was sometimes a lull and then a storm, but both the parties had somewhat weakened. The Government saw that they could not hope to subdue the Satyagrahi stalwarts by sending them to jail, and the policy of deportations had only put themselves in a false position. The Government also lost some cases which were taken to the courts. The Indians on their part were not in a position to put up a strong fight. There was not a sufficient number of Satyagrahis for the purpose. Some Indians were war-weary, while others had become entirely defeatist and therefore looked upon the staunch Satyagrahis as so many fools. The ‘fools’ however knew themselves to be wise and had full faith in God, in their cause and in the righteousness of the means they had selected to promote it. They were confident that great is Truth and it shall prevail in the end.

Meanwhile, there was continuous movement in South African politics. The Boers and the British were anxious to secure a higher status by effecting a union of the various Colonies in the sub-continent. General Hertzog stood for a total breach of the British connection while others preferred to keep up a nominal association with the British Empire. Englishmen would never agree to a total secession, and any higher status in view could only be attained through the British Parliament. The Boers and the British in South Africa therefore decided that a deputation should visit England on their behalf and present their case before the British Cabinet.

The Indians observed that in case of a union of the Colonies their last state would be worse than their first. All the Colonies were ever desirous of suppressing the

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 Indians, and it was clear in view of their anti-Indian tendency that it would go very hard with the community when they came closer together. In order that not a single avenue might remain unexplored, the Indians resolved to send once again a deputation to England, although there was every likelihood of their small voice being drowned in the loud roar of British and Boer lions. On this occasion Sheth Haji Habib, a Memon gentleman from Porbandar, was appointed as my colleague on the deputation. The Sheth carried on a long established trade in the Transvaal and was a man of wide experience. He had not received English education, yet he easily understood English, Dutch, Zulu and other languages. His sympathies were with the Satyagrahis but he could not be described as a full Satyagrahi himself. Mr Merriman the famous veteran statesman of South Africa was our fellow passenger on board S.S. Kenilworth Castle, which took us to England, leaving Cape Town on June 23, 1909. He was going with a view to the unification of the Colonies. General Smuts and others were already in England. A separate deputation of the Indians in Natal also visited England about this time in connection with their special grievances.

At this time Lord Crewe was Secretary of State for the Colonies and Lord Morley Secretary of State for India. There were many discussions, and we interviewed a large number of people. There was hardly a journalist or member of either House whom it was possible to meet but whom we did not meet. Lord Ampthill rendered us invaluable help. He used to meet Mr. Merriman, General Botha and others and at last he brought a message from the General. Said he: ‘General Botha appreciates your feelings in the matter, and is willing to grant your minor demands. But he is not ready to repeal the Asiatic Act or to amend the Immigrants Restriction Act. He also refuses to remove the colour bar which has been set up in the law of the land. To maintain the racial bar is a matter of principle with the General and even if he felt like doing away with it the South African Europeans

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 would never listen to him. General Smuts is of the same mind as General Botha, and this is their final decision and final offer. If you ask for more you will only be inviting trouble for yourself as well as for your people. Therefore whatever you do, do it after giving due consideration to this attitude of the Boer leaders. General Botha has asked me to tell you this and give you an idea of your responsibility.’

And after delivering the message Lord Ampthill said, ‘You see that General Botha concedes all your practical demands, and in this work-a-day world we must always give and take. We cannot have everything that we desire. I would therefore strongly advise you to close with this offer. If you wish to fight for principle’s sake, you may do so later on. You and the Sheth think over this, and let me have your reply at your convenience.’

Upon hearing this I looked to Sheth Haji Habib, who said, ‘Tell him from me that I accept General Botha’s offer on behalf of the conciliation party. If he makes these concessions, we will be satisfied for the present and later on struggle for principle. I do not like the community to suffer any more. The party I represent constitutes the majority of the community, and it also holds the major portion of the community’s wealth.’

I translated the Sheth’s sentences word by word, and then on behalf of the Satyagrahis I said: ‘We are both highly obliged to you for the trouble you have taken. My colleague is right when he says that he represents a numerically and financially stronger section. The Indians for whom I speak are comparatively poor and inferior in numbers, but they are resolute unto death. They are fighting not only for practical relief but for principle as well. If they must give up either of the two, they will jettison the former and fight for the latter. We have an idea of General Botha’s might, but we attach still greater weight to our pledge, and therefore we are ready to face the worst in the act of abiding by it. We will be patient m the confidence that if we stick to our solemn resolution,

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Rh every-day life, and the comedies by Blanche and others, especially by (born 1818), contributed in a great measure to counteract the narrow idealism. A element was further added, which had essentially the same effect. It was first introduced by Fahlcrantz, whose "Noacks Ark" appeared in 1825, and then in a still more effective form by (1777-1839). The latter particularly excelled in improvisations, and at merry gatherings his verses flowed freely in praise of wine and love, but he has also written both earnest and humorous poems of lasting merit. It must be admitted that he had a keen eye for nature and a fine sense for the idyllic in life, though he was mainly a humorist. In the latter capacity he was exceedingly witty and funny, and it is to be regretted that he has so often marred his compositions by rude and cynic expressions.

But (1813-60) did the most effective work in this direction, and he appeared just at a time when the public had been surfeited with sentimentalism. He was originally a military officer, but in his thirty-third year he abandoned this career in order to devote himself exclusively to literature. His poems and tales have as a rule a keen touch of satire, but there are also found in them frequent effusions of sentiment, as for instance in "Quinnoögat" (a woman's eye), and he sometimes climbs to the heights of genuine humor. The graceful freshness of his songs at once gained him many friends, though some were offended at the uncouth and homely phrases which he was unable to avoid. Still his poetry was so quaint and charming that he has become one of the most popular poets of his time.

(1811-69), known by the nom de plume Orvar Odd, was also a vigorous intellect, and did valuable service in literature to the cause of Scandinavian unity. His feuilleton-like sketches in "Grupper och person-


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 God in Whose name we have made it will see to its fulfilment.

‘I can grasp your position fully. You have done much for us. We will not take it ill if you now withhold your support from a handful of Satyagrahis. Nor will we forget the debt of gratitude under which you have laid us. But we trust that you will excuse us for our inability to accept your advice. You may certainly tell General Botha how the Sheth and myself have received his offer and inform him that the Satyagrahis though in a minority will observe their pledge and hope in the end to soften his heart by their self-suffering and to induce him to repeal the Asiatic Act.’

Lord Ampthill replied:

‘You must not suppose that I will give you up. I too must play the gentleman’s part. Englishmen are not willing at once to relinquish any task they have undertaken. Yours is a righteous struggle, and you are fighting with clean weapons. How possibly can I give you up? But you can realize my delicate position. The suffering, if any, must be borne by you alone, and therefore it is my duty to advise you to accept any settlement possible in the circumstances. But if you, who have to suffer, are prepared to undergo any amount of suffering for principle’s sake, I must not only not come in your way but even congratulate you. I will therefore continue as President of your Committee and help you to the best of my ability. But you must remember that I am but a junior member of the House of Lords, and do not command much influence. However, you may rest assured that what little influence I possess will be continually exerted on your behalf.’

We were both pleased to hear these words of encouragement.

One delightful feature of this interview has perhaps not escaped the reader. As I have already observed Sheth Haji Habib and myself held divergent views, and yet there was such friendship and mutual confidence between us, that the Sheth did not hesitate to communicate his

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 difference of opinion through me. He relied upon me to present his case to Lord Ampthill all right.

I will close this chapter with a not quite relevant paragraph. During my stay in England I had occasion to talk with many Indian anarchists. My booklet Indian Home Rule written during my return voyage to South Africa on board S.S. Kildonan Castle (November 1909) and published soon afterwards in Indian Opinion had its birth from the necessity of having to meet their arguments as well as to solve the difficulties of Indians in South Africa who held similar views. I had also discussed the main points of the book with Lord Ampthill in order that he might not feel for one moment that I had misused his name and his help for my work in South Africa by suppressing my views. This discussion with Lord Ampthill has always remained imprinted on my memory. He found time to meet me in spite of illness in his family, and although he did not agree with my views as expressed in Hind Swaraj, he accorded his support to our struggle till the last, and my relations with him were always cordial.

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 round of his patients. Dr. Darwin composed nearly all his works in the same way while driving about in his "sulky" from house to house in the country,—writing down his thoughts on little scraps of paper, which he carried about with him for the purpose. Hale wrote his 'Contemplations' while travelling on circuit. Dr. Burney learnt French and Italian while travelling on horseback from one musical pupil to another in the course of his profession. Kirke White learnt Greek while walking to and from a lawyer's office; and we personally know a man of eminent position who learnt Latin and French while going messages as an errand-boy in the streets of Manchester.

Daguesseau, one of the great Chancellors of France, by carefully working up his odd bits of time, wrote a bulky and able volume in the successive intervals of waiting for dinner, and Madame de Genlis composed several of her charming volumes while waiting for the princess to whom she gave her daily lessons. Elihu Burritt attributed his first success in self-improvement, not to genius, which he disclaimed, but simply to the careful employment of those invaluable fragments of time called "odd moments." While working and earning his living as a blacksmith, he mastered some eighteen ancient and modern languages, and twenty-two European dialects.

What a solemn and striking admonition to youth is that inscribed on the dial at All Souls, Oxford—"Pereunt et imputantur"—the hours perish, and are laid to our charge. Time is the only little fragment of Eternity that belongs to man; and, like life, it can never be recalled. "In the dissipation of worldly treasure," says Jackson of Exeter,


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86* We shall consider every one of the wicked hordes separately, about how they offend the law of God, in what particular way distinctive from the technique of other hordes they rend the net of faith. But first of all let us look at the two mighty whales which have done the greatest damage to the net of faith and which still keep on tearing it, namely, the chief spiritual lord and the chief earthly lord.

First, consider the spiritual lord, how he has pressed himself into the affairs of this earth and into the pagan play of power, presuming withal to follow the apostolic faith or the apostolic office, while actually desiring to rule over both the world and the faith. This High Priest offended the law of Christ for the first time when he abandoned the honesty and innocence of the apostolic state which he was bound by faith to maintain till death, that is, to remain in poverty and to continue working, preaching, and in any other service appertaining to the apostolic vocation. Therefore, to abandon this laboriousness, simplicity, poverty, and humility, is no easy transgression the Pope.

the Emperor.

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87* of the law of God and the apostolic state. He could not have offended the divine law and the apostolic state so profoundly had he not at the same time been sitting in the place of the apostles, carrying out their office.

Furthermore, he could not have offended the law of God by giving up simplicity, poverty, humility and work, had he not been bound to keep these qualities till death by the law of God. To abandon the law of God, to do things reprehensible to it that is insulting it! We find it clearly written in the Gospel that the apostolic man is bound to poverty, humility, and work, in imitation of the example of Christ and his apostles to whom he said: "Follow me, and I will make you fishers of men." They accepted the words of Christ and kept them till their death, not owning any business, estate or temporal fief. They kept his commandment. Sylvester was duty bound to keep it, too. And he is guilty of transgression because he did not abide by his obligation.

The High Priest has offended the law of Christ and the apostolic office for the second time when he brought distasteful additions into the apostolic state; he thinks to increase the dignity of the apostolic office by accepting imperial domains and worldly honors superior to the Emperor. He is burdened with a monstrous Matt. 4:19.

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Page:Alumni Oxonienses (1500-1714) volume 3.djvu/393

 Pyne, John (Pine), subscribed 4 Nov., 1614.  Pyne, John, s. John, of Alwington, Devon, sacerd. ., matric. 11 Nov., 1636, aged 16; B.A. from 5 April, 1641; perhaps buried at Alwington 1655.  Pyne, John, arm. ., matric. 15 Nov., 1650, student of Middle Temple 1651, as son and heir of John, of Curry Malet, Somerset, esq. See Foster's Inns of Court Reg.  Pyne, John, s. Ph., of Barnstaple, Devon, gent. ., matric 14 March, 1672-3, aged 17; B.A. from 1676, vicar of Yarnscombe, Devon, 1677. See Foster's Index Eccl.  Pyne, John, s. Charles, of Curry Malet, Somerset, gent. , matric. 21 May, 1702, aged 17.  [5]

Pyne, Lionel (Pine), s. Lionel, of Yeovil, Somerset, pleb. ., matric. entry 12 May, 1637, aged 14; scholar Z639, B.A. 4 Dec., 1641, fellow 1643-8, M.A. 12 July, 1644, admitted to practice in medicine 1 Feb., 1647-8. See Gardiner, 137; & Burrows, 560.  Pyne, Philip, s. Edward, of East Downe, Devon, gent. , matric. 8 Feb., 1700-1, aged 17, B.A. 1704; rector of St. Grade 1710, and of St. Martins-juxta-Looe, Cornwall, 1720. See Foster's Index Eccl.  Pyne, Richard, of 1596. See, page 1167.

Pyne, Richard, s. Nicholas, of Mogeley, Cork. Ireland, gent. ., matric. 19 July, 1662, aged 18; bar.-at-law. Middle Temple, Z669. See Foster's Judges and Barristers.

Pyne, Tertullian, of Devon, pleb. ., matric. entry under date 1575, aged 18 ; fellow 1573-8 from Reading, Berks, B.A. 25 June, 1577; LL.D., archdeacon of Sudbury 1591, licenced 22 Jan., 1585-6, to marry Mary, daughter of Peter Charles, late of the city of Antwerp, gent, deceased; rector of Swanscombe, Kent, 1595. See Fasti, i. 206; Foster's Index Eccl.; & London Marriage Licences, ed. Foster.
 [10]
Pyne, Thomas, of Somerset, gent. ., matric. 1 Feb., 1581-2, aged 16; bar.-at-law, Lincoln's Inn, 1591. See Foster's Judges and Barristers.

Pyne, Thomas, s. John, of Bere Ferris, Devon, sac. ., matric. 13 April, 1641, aged 17.

Pyne, Thomas, s. Th., of Tamerton Folliatt, Devon, gent. ., matric. 30 March, 1677, aged 16; B.A. 1680, M.A. 1683. B.Med. 1686, D.Med. 1691.

Pyne, William, s. Malachi, of Exeter, Devon, gent. ., matric. 4 Feb., 1686-7, aged 17; bar.-at-law. Middle Temple, 1698. See Foster's Judges and Barristers.
 [20]

Pyne, William, s. William, of Eddington, Somerset, pleb. , matric. 25 Feb., 1688-9, aged 18; perhaps vicar of Wembdon, Somerset, 1716. See Foster's Index Eccl.

Pynsent. See, page 1167.

Pyott, John. s. Rich., of Strethay, co. Stafford, gent. ., matric 2. Dec., 1706, aged 17.

Pyott, Richard, 1s. Richard, of Strethay, co. Stafford, arm. ., matric. 17 Feb., 1636-7, aged 16; student of Gray's Inn, 1639. See Foster's Gray's Inn Reg.

Pyott, Richard, s. Joh., of Strethay, co. Stafford, gent. ., matric. 28 March, 1679, aged 17.
 [25]

Pyrke, Robert; subscribed 1 Nov., 1594.

Pyrke, Robert, s. John (Jonath. in 4to.), of Stourbridge, co. Worcester, pleb. ., matric. 26 Feb., 1707-8, aged 17 ;B.A. 1711, M.A. 1717, vicar of Lowne or Heath, co. Derby, 1727. See Foster's Index Eccl.

Pyrke, Thomas, s. Nat(haniel 4to.), of Dean Magna, co. Gloucester, gent. ., subscribed 23 May, 1704, aged 17; bar.-at-law, Middle Temple, 1711. See Foster's Judges and Barristers.

Pysing, Benedict, s. Hug., of Wynsant, Somerset, gent. ., matric. 7 March, 1704-5, aged 17; B.A. 1708, M.A. 1711, vicar of East Chinnock, Somerset, 1715-50. See Foster's Index Ecclesiasticus.

Pyeing, John, of Dorset, pleb. ., matric 17 Nov., 1615, aged 15.
 [30]

Pyeing, Robert (Pising), s. Robert, of Helton, Dorset, gent. ., matric. 5 July, 1639, aged 17.

Pyx, William, demy. 1585-91, B.A. 27 June, 1587, M.A. 9 July, 1591, rector of Walton, Bucks, 1598. See Foster's Index Eccl.; & Bloxam, iv. 224.
 Q

Quadring, Gabriel; B.A. 11 May, 1539.

Quadring, Gabriel; fellow ., Cambridge, B.A. 1660-1, M.A. 1664 (incorporated 13 July, 1669); D.D. per Literas Regias 1691, master of his college 1690, rector of Dry Drayton, co. Cambridge, 1691. See Foster's Index Eccl.

Quamerforde. See also, page 314.

Quammerford, Edward (Quemmerford), secular chaplain; B.A. 5 July, 1535, a learned Irishman. See Fasti, i. 100.
 [16]

Quantocke, Francis, pleb. ., matric 1 April, 1656.

Quarles, Benedict; fellow of. 1563-73, from London city; B.A. 10 Oct., 1566, M.A. 5 May, 1570, rector of Graveley-with-Chivesfield, Herts, 1572, of Stilton, Hunts, 1592, and of Waldegrave, Northants, 1592. See Foster's Index Ecclesiasticus.

Quarles, Edward; scholar of ., Cambridge, B.A. 1618-19, fellow, M.A. 1622 (incorporated 13 July, 1624), B.D. 1629, admitted to Merchant Taylors' school 1608; bom in Oct., 1599, vicar of Little Abingdon, co. Cambridge, 1630, and rector of Wyke Regis, co. Dorset, 1631, canon of Southwell 1634, and of York 1637, rector of South Stoke, co. Lincoln, 1638, and of Rushton All Saints, Northants, 1639; perhaps father of Solomon. See Robinson, i. 59; & Foster's Index Eccl.

Quarells, George, s. Ric., of Taunton, Somerset, p.p., matric. 24 Nov., 1698, aged 19.

Quarles, John, s. Francis, of Essex, pleb. ., matric. 9 Feb., 1642-3, aged 18; the poet, bore arms within the gairrison of Oxon for his majesty; died 1665. See Ath. iii. 697.
 [35] [ 1224 ]


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 "the frugality of the future may balance the extravagance of the past; but who can say, 'I will take from minutes to-morrow to compensate for those I have lost to-day'?" Melancthon noted down the time lost by him, that he might thereby reanimate his industry, and not lose an hour. An Italian scholar put over his door an inscription intimating that whosoever remained there should join in his labours. "We are afraid," said some visitors to Baxter, "that we break in upon your time." "To be sure you do," replied the disturbed and blunt divine. Time was the estate out of which these great workers, and all other workers, formed that rich treasury of thoughts and deeds which they have left to their successors.

The mere drudgery undergone by some men in carrying on their undertakings has been something extraordinary, but the drudgery they regarded as the price of success. Addison amassed as much as three folios of manuscript materials before he began his 'Spectator.' Newton wrote his 'Chronology' fifteen times over before he was satisfied with it; and Gibbon wrote out his 'Memoir' nine times. Hale studied for many years at the rate of sixteen hours a day, and when wearied with the study of the law he would recreate himself with philosophy and the study of the mathematics. Hume wrote thirteen hours a day while preparing his 'History of England.' Montesquieu, speaking of one part of his writings, said to a friend, "You will read it in a few hours; but I assure you it has cost me so much labour that it has whitened my hair."

The practice of writing down thoughts and facts for the purpose of holding them fast and preventing


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Runo XXXIX]

, old and steadfast,

Uttered then the words which follow:

“O thou smith, O Ilmarinen,

Unto Pohjola we’ll travel,

And will seize this splendid Sampo,

And behold its pictured cover.”

Thereupon smith Ilmarinen

Answered in the words which follow:

“No, we cannot seize the Sampo,

Cannot bring the pictured cover,

From the gloomy land of Pohja,

Sariola for ever misty.

There the Sampo has been carried,

And removed the pictured cover

Unto Pohjola’s stone mountain,

And within the hill of copper.

There by nine locks is it fastened,

And three roots have sprouted from it,

Firmly fixed, nine fathoms deeply.

In the earth the first is rooted,

By the water’s edge the second,

And the third within the home-hill.”

Said the aged Väinämöinen,

“O thou smith, my dearest brother,

Unto Pohjola we’ll travel,

And will carry off the Sampo.

Let us build a ship enormous,

Fit to carry off the Sampo,

And convey the pictured cover,

Forth from Pohjola’s stone mountain,

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 "Oh, I dare say you don't believe it," said the cobbler, quietly smoking his pipe. "I wouldn't if I was you; but it's true for all that."

"How wos it?" inquired Sam, half induced to believe the fact already, by the look the cobbler gave him.

"Just this," replied the cobbler; "an old gentleman that I worked for, down in the country, and a humble relation of whose I married—she's dead, God bless her, and thank Him for it!—was seized with a fit and went off."

"Where?" inquired Sam, who was growing sleepy after the numerous events of the day.

"How should I know where he went?" said the cobbler, speaking through his nose in an intense enjoyment of his pipe. "He went off dead."

"Oh, that indeed," said Sam. "Well?"

"Well," said the cobbler, "he left five thousand pound behind him."

"And wery gen-teel in him so to do," said Sam.

"One of which," continued the cobbler, "he left to me, 'cause I'd married his relation, you see."

"Wery good," murmured Sam.

"And being surrounded by a great number of nieces and nevys, as was always a quarrelling and fighting among themselves for the property, he makes me his executor, and leaves the rest to me: in trust, to divide it among 'em as the will prowided."

"Wot do you mean by leavin' it on trust?" inquired Sam, waking up a little. "If it ain't ready money, where's t use on it?"

"It's a law term, that's all," said the cobbler.

"I don't think that," said Sam, shaking his head. "There's wery little trust at that shop. Hows'ever, go on."

"Well," said the cobbler: "when I was going to take out a probate of the will, the nieces and nevys, who was desperately disappointed at not getting all the money, enters a caveat against it."


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 imprisonment, so that his having any look approaching to mirth or contentment, was singular enough. He was a little man, and, being half doubled up as he lay in bed, looked about as long as he ought to have been without his legs. He had a great red pipe in his mouth, and was smoking, and staring at the rush-light, in a state of enviable placidity.

"Have you been here long?" inquired Sam, breaking the silence which had lasted for some time.

"Twelve year," replied the cobbler, biting the end of his pipe as he spoke.

"Contempt?" inquired Sam.

The cobbler nodded.

"Well, then," said Sam, with some sternness, "wot do you persevere in bein' obstinit for, vastin' your precious life away in this here magnified pound? Wy don't you give in, and tell the Chancellorship that you're wery sorry for makin' his court contemptible, and you won't do so no more?"

The cobbler put his pipe in the corner of his mouth, while he smiled, and then brought it back to its old place again; but said nothing.

"Wy don't you?" said Sam, urging his question strenuously.

"Ah," said the cobbler, "you don't quite understand these matters. What do you suppose ruined me, now?"

"Wy," said Sam, trimming the rush-light, "I s'pose the beginnin' wos, that you got into debt, eh?"

"Never owed a farden," said the cobbler; "try again."

"Well, perhaps," said Sam, "you bought houses, wich is delicate English for goin' mad: or took to buildin', wich is a medical term for bein' incurable."

The cobbler shook his head and said, "Try again."

"You didn't go to law, I hope?" said Sam, suspiciously.

"Never in my life," replied the cobbler. "The fact is, I was ruined by having money left me."

"Come, come," said Sam, "that von't do. I wish some rich enemy 'ud try to vork my destruction in that 'ere vay. I'd let him."


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 The deputation which now returned from England did not bring good news. But I did not mind what conclusions the community would draw from our conversations with Lord Ampthill. I knew who would stand by us till the end. My ideas about Satyagraha had now matured and I had realized its universality as well as its excellence. I was therefore perfectly at ease. Hind Swaraj was written in order to demonstrate the sublimity of Satyagraha and that book is a true measure of my faith in its efficacy. I was perfectly indifferent to the numerical strength of the fighters on our side.

But I was not free from anxiety on the score of finance. It was indeed hard to prosecute a long protracted struggle without funds. I did not realize then as clearly as I do now that a struggle can be carried on without funds, that money very often spoils a righteous fight and that God never gives a Satyagrahi or mumukshu anything beyond his strict needs. But I had faith in God who did not even then desert me but raised me from the slough of despondency. If on the one hand I had to tell the Indians on our landing in South Africa that our mission had failed, on the other hand God relieved me from the financial difficulty. As I set my foot in Cape Town I received a cable from England that Mr (afterwards Sir) Ratanji Jamshedji Tata had given Rs. 25,000 to the Satyagraha funds. This sum amply sufficed for our immediate needs and we forged ahead.

But this or even the largest possible gift of money could not by itself help forward a Satyagraha struggle, a fight on behalf of Truth consisting chiefly in self-purification and self-reliance. A Satyagraha struggle is impossible

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 reluctant consent to his taking lodgings by the week, of a bald-headed cobbler, who rented a small slip-room in one of the upper galleries. To this humble apartment Mr. Weller moved a mattress and bedding, which he hired of Mr. Roker; and, by the time he lay down upon it at night, was as much at home as if he had been bred in the prison, and his whole family had vegetated therein for three generations.

"Do you always smoke arter you goes to bed, old cock?" inquired Mr. Weller of his landlord, when they had both retired for the night.

"Yes, I does, young bantam," replied the cobbler.

"Will you allow me to in-quire wy you make up your bed under that 'ere deal table?" said Sam.

Cause I was always used to a four-poster afore I came here, and I find the legs of the table answer just as well," replied the cobbler.

"You're a character, sir," said Sam.

"I haven't got anything of the kind belonging to me," rejoined the cobbler, shaking his head; "and if you want to meet with a good one, I'm afraid you'll find some difficulty in suiting yourself at this register office."

The above short dialogue took place as Mr. Weller lay extended on his mattress at one end of the room, and the cobbler on his, at the other; the apartment being illumined by the light of a rush candle, and the cobbler's pipe, which was glowing below the table, like a red-hot coal. The conversation, brief as it was, predisposed Mr. Weller strongly in his landlord's favour; and raising himself on his elbow he took a more lengthened survey of his appearance than he had yet had either time or inclination to make.

He was a sallow man—all cobblers are; and had a strong bristly beard—all cobblers have. His face was a queer, good-tempered, crooked-featured piece of workmanship, ornamented with a couple of eyes that must have worn a very joyous expression at one time, for they sparkled yet. The man was sixty, by years, and Heaven knows how old by


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142

From within the hill of copper,

And the ninefold locks that hold it.”

Said the smith, said Ilmarinen,

“Safest is by land the journey.

Lempo on the lake is brooding,

Death upon its mighty surface,

And the wind might drive us onward,

And the tempest might o’erturn us;

We might have to row with fingers,

And to use our hands for steering.”

Said the aged Väinämöinen,

“Safest is by land the journey,

Safest, but the most fatiguing,

And moreover, full of windings.

Pleasant ’tis in boat on water,

Swaying as the boat glides onward,

Gliding o’er the sparkling water,

Driving o’er its shining surface,

While the wind the boat is rocking,

And the waves drive on the vessel,

While the west-wind rocks it gently,

And the south-wind drives it onward,

But let this be as it may be,

If you do not like the lake-voyage,

We by land can journey thither,

And along the shore can journey.

“First a new sword do you forge me,

Make me now a keen-edged weapon,

So that I with beasts can struggle,

Chase away the folks of Pohja.

Forth I go to seize the Sampo,

From the cold and dismal village,

From the gloomy land of Pohja,

Sariola for ever misty.”

Thereupon smith Ilmarinen

He the great primeval craftsman,

Cast some iron in the fire,

Steel upon the glowing charcoal,

And of gold he took a handful,

And of silver took a handful,

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88* pride, enjoying it when people kneel and fall before him as if he were God, and he is busy with the administration of his domains and with physical pleasures.

And with all this he imagines himself a worthy successor of the apostles when, in truth, he desecrated his priesthood and corrupted his office by these revolting privileges. The more he holds to things contrary to apostolic teaching, the more he defiles his office in which he calls himself vicar. He has the office but does very little officiating: he seldom celebrates mass, he never preaches, and he never works; that is, the only work which he instituted for himself is the blessing of those he loves and the excommunication of those he does not love. And so he lies in luxuries and gorges himself like a hog wallowing in a sty. It is true that Sylvester himself did not live such a debauched life, but it is he who introduced all this paganism by accepting pagan ways of ruling and worldly emperor-like honors; all that evil he planted in the throne which they call the See of Saint Peter (no one has ever seen Peter sitting on so proud a seat!).

He was grafted by the Emperor onto the tree of pagan rule in order to enjoy the most exalted priesthood, and In defending the papal viewpoint, Cappello writes: "Princeps sine territorio non datur.", p.489.

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 "Vell, that's wery true, Sammy," replied Mr. Weller, mollified at once; "but wot are you a doin' on here? Your gov'nor can't do no good here, Sammy. They won't pass that werdick, they won't pass it, Sammy." And Mr. Weller shook his head, with legal solemnity.

"Wot a perwerse old file it is!" exclaimed Sam, "alvays a goin' on about werdicks and alleybis, and that. Who said anything about the werdick?"

Mr. Weller made no reply, but once more shook his head most learnedly.

"Leave off rattlin' that 'ere nob o' yourn, if you don't want it to come off the springs altogether," said Sam impatiently, "and behave reasonable. I vent all the vay down to the Markis o' Granby, arter you, last night."

"Did you see the Marchioness o' Granby, Sammy?" inquired Mr. Weller, with a sigh.

"Yes, I did," replied Sam.

"How wos the dear creetur a lookin'?"

"Wery queer," said Sam. "I think she's a injurin' herself gradivally vith too much o' that 'ere pine-apple rum, and other strong medicines o' the same natur."

"You don't mean that, Sammy?" said the senior, earnestly.

"I do, indeed," replied the junior.

Mr. Weller seized his son's hand, clasped it, and let it fall. There was an expression on his countenance in doing so—not of dismay or apprehension, but partaking more of the sweet and gentle character of hope. A gleam of resignation, and even of cheerfulness, passed over his face too, as he slowly said, "I ain't quite certain, Sammy; I wouldn't like to say I wos altogether positive, in case of any subsekent disappintment, but I rayther think, my boy, I rayther think, that the shepherd's got the liver complaint!"

"Does he look bad?" inquired Sam.

"He's uncommon pale," replied his father, cept about the nose, wich is redder than ever. His appetite is wery so-so, but he imbibes wunderful."


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 without capital in the shape of character. As a splendid palace deserted by its inmates looks like a ruin, so does a man without character, all his material belongings notwithstanding. The Satyagrahis now saw that no one could tell how long the struggle would last. On the one hand there were the Boer Generals determined not to yield even an inch of ground and on the other there was a handful of Satyagrahis pledged to fight unto death or victory. It was like a war between ants and the elephant who could crush thousands of them under each of his feet. The Satyagrahis could not impose a time limit upon their Satyagraha. Whether it lasted one year or many, it was all the same to them. For them the struggle itself was victory. Fighting meant imprisonment or deportation for them. But what about their families in the meanwhile? No one would engage as an employee a man who was constantly going to jail and when he was released, how was he to maintain himself as well as those dependent on him? Where was he to lodge and where was his house rent to come from? Even a Satyagrahi may be excused if he feels troubled at heart from want of his daily bread. There cannot be many in the world who would fight the good fight in spite of being compelled to condemn their nearest and dearest to the same starvation which they suffered in their own person.

Till now the families of jail-going Satyagrahis were maintained by a system of monthly allowances in cash according to their need. It would not have done to grant an equal sum to all. A Satyagrahi who had a family of five persons dependent upon him could not be placed on a par with another who was a brahmachari without any family responsibilities. Nor was it possible to recruit only brahmacharis for our ‘army.’ The principle generally observed was, that each family was asked to name the minimum amount adequate to their needs and was paid accordingly on trust. There was considerable room here for fraud, of which some rogues might not fail to take advantage. Others who were honest but who were accustomed to live in a particular style naturally expected

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 such help as would enable them to keep it up. I saw that at this rate the movement could not be conducted for any length of time. There was always the risk of injustice being done to the deserving, and undue advantage being taken by the unscrupulous. There was only one solution for this difficulty, namely, that all the families should be kept at one place and should become members of a sort of co-operative commonwealth. Thus there would be no scope for fraud, nor would there be injustice to any. Public funds would be largely saved and the families of Satyagrahis would be trained to live a new and simple  life in harmony with one another. Indians belonging to various provinces and professing divers faiths would have an opportunity of living together.

But where was the place suitable for a settlement of this nature? To live in a city would have been like straining at a gnat and swallowing a camel. The house rent alone would perhaps amount to the same sum as the food bill, and it would not be easy to live a simple life amidst the varied distractions of a city. Again in a city it would be impossible to find a place where many families could prosecute some useful industry in their own homes. It was therefore clear that the place selected should be neither too far from nor too near a city. There was of course Phoenix, where Indian Opinion was being printed and where there was also some cultivation being carried on. Phoenix was also convenient in many other ways, but it was three hundred miles away from Johannesburg and to be reached by a journey of thirty hours. It was therefore difficult and expensive to take the families such a distance and bring them back again. Besides, the families would not be ready to leave their homes for such a far off place, and even if they were ready it seemed impossible to send them as well as the Satyagrahi prisoners on their release.

The place required then must be in the Transvaal and near Johannesburg. Mr Kallenbach, whose acquaintance the reader has already made, bought a farm of about 1,100 acres and gave the use of it to Satyagrahis free of any rent or charge (May 30, 1910). Upon the farm there

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Runo XXXIX]

Set the slaves to work the bellows,

And he made the labourers press them.

Worked the slaves the bellows strongly,

Well the labourers pressed the bellows,

Till like soup spread out the iron,

And like dough the steel was yielding,

And the silver shone like water,

And the gold swelled up like billows.

Thereupon smith Ilmarinen,

He the great primeval craftsman,

Stooped to look into the furnace,

At the edges of the bellows,

And he saw a sword was forming,

With a hilt of gold constructed.

From the fire he took the weapon,

Took the work so finely fashioned,

From the furnace to the anvil,

To the hammer and the mallet,

Forged the sword as he would wish it,

And a blade the best of any,

And with finest gold inlaid it,

And with silver he adorned it.

Väinämöinen, old and steadfast,

Entered then to view the weapon,

And he found a keen-edged sword-blade.

Straightway in his hand he raised it,

And he turned it and surveyed it,

And he spoke the words which follow:

“Does this sword befit a hero,

Is the sword to bearer suited?“

And the sword the hero suited,

Well did it befit the bearer.

On its point the moon was shining,

On its side the sun was shining,

On the haft the stars were gleaming,

At the tip a horse was neighing,

On the knob a cat was mewing,

On the sheath a dog was barking.

After this the sword he brandished,

And he cleft an iron mountain,

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 were nearly one thousand fruit-bearing trees and a small house at the foot of a hill with accommodation for half-a-dozen persons. Water was supplied from two wells as well as from a spring. The nearest railway station, Lawley, was about a mile from the farm and Johannesburg was twenty-one miles distant. We decided to build houses upon this Farm and to invite the families of Satyagrahis to settle there.

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 Upon the Farm oranges, apricots and plums grew in such abundance that during the season the Satyagrahis could have their fill of the fruit and yet have a surplus.

The spring was about 500 yards away from our quarters, and the water had to be fetched on carrying poles. Here we insisted that we should not have any servants either for the household work or as far as might be even for the farming and building operations. Everything therefore from cooking to scavenging was done with our own hands. As regards accommodation for families, we resolved from the first that the men and women should be housed separately. The houses therefore were to be built in two separate blocks, each at some distance from the other. For the time it was considered sufficient to provide accommodation for ten women and sixty men. Then again we had to erect a house for Mr Kallenbach and by its side a school house, as well as a workshop for carpentry, shoemaking etc.

The settlers hailed from Gujarat, Tamilnad, Andhradesh and North India, and there were Hindus, Musalmans, Parsis and Christians among them. About forty of them were young men, two or three old men, five women and twenty to thirty children of whom four or five were girls.

The Christian and other women were meat-eaters. Mr Kallenbach and I thought it desirable to exclude meat from the Farm. But how could we ask people, who had no scruples in the matter, who had been habituated to taking meat since childhood and who were coming over here in their days of adversity, to give up meat even temporarily? But if they were given meat, would not that swell our cost of living? Again should those who were accustomed to take beef be given that too? How many

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144

And he spoke the words which follow:

“Thus, with such a blade as this is,

Can I cleave the mountains open,

Cleave the rocky hills asunder.”

After this did Ilmarinen

Speak aloud the words which follow:

“How shall I myself, unhappy,

How shall I, the weak, defend me,

And shall armour me, and belt me,

’Gainst the risks of land and water?

Shall I clothe myself in armour,

In a coat of mail the strongest,

Gird a belt of steel around me?

Stronger is a man in armour,

In a coat of mail is better,

With a belt of steel more mighty.”

Then arrived the time for starting,

And preparing for departure;

First the aged Väinämöinen,

Secondly smith Ilmarinen,

And they went to seek the courser,

And to find the yellow-maned one,

And the one-year old to bridle,

And to see the foal was rough-shod.

Then they went to seek the courser,

Went to seek him in the forest,

And they gazed around them keenly,

And they sought around the blue wood,

Found the horse among the bushes,

Found the yellow-maned in firwood.

Väinämöinen, old and steadfast,

Secondly smith Ilmarinen,

On his head the bit adjusted,

And the one-year old they bridled,

And they drove upon their journey.

On the shore drove both the heroes,

On the shore they heard lamenting,

From the haven heard complaining.

Then the aged Väinämöinen

Spoke aloud the words which follow:

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 separate kitchens must be run in that case? What was my duty on this point? Having been instrumental in giving monetary help to these families, I had already given my support to meat-eating as well as beef-eating. If I made a rule that meat-eaters should not be helped, I would have to prosecute the Satyagraha struggle through vegetarians only, which was absurd as the movement had been organized on behalf of all classes of Indians. I did not take long clearly to visualize my duty in these circumstances. If the Christians and Musalmans asked even for beef, that too must be provided for them. To refuse them admission to the Farm was absolutely out of the question.

But where love is, there God is also. The Musalman friends had already granted me permission to have a purely vegetarian kitchen. I had now to approach Christian sisters whose husbands or sons were in jail. I had often come in such intimate contact with the Christian friends who were now in jail and who had on similar occasions consented to having a vegetarian dietary. But this was the first time that I had to deal at close quarters with their families in their absence. I represented to the sisters the difficulty of housing accommodation as well as of finance and my own deep-rooted sentiment in the matter. At the same time I assured them that even beef would be provided for them if they wanted it. The sisters kindly consented not to have meat, and the cooking department was placed in their charge. I with or without another man was detailed to assist them. My presence acted as a check upon petty bickerings. The food was to be the simplest possible. The time as well as the number of meals was fixed. There was to be one single kitchen, and all were to dine in a single row. Every one was to see to the cleaning of his own dish and other things. The common pots were to be cleaned by different parties in turn. I must state that Satyagrahis lived on Tolstoy Farm for a long time, but neither the women nor the men ever asked for meat. Drink, smoking etc. were of course totally prohibited.

As I have already stated, we wanted to be self-reliant as far as possible even in erecting buildings. Our architect

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 was Mr Kallenbach of course, and he got hold of a European mason. A Gujarati carpenter, Narayandas Damania, volunteered his services free of charge and brought other carpenters to work at reduced rates. As regards unskilled labour, the settlers worked with their own hands. Some of us who had supple limbs literally worked wonders. A fine Satyagrahi of the name of Vihari did half of the carpenter’s work. The lion-like Thambi Naidoo was in charge of sanitation and marketing for which he had to go to Johannesburg.

One of the settlers was Pragji Khandubhai Desai who had never been accustomed to discomfort all his life, but who had here to put up with bitter cold, a hot sun and sharp rains. In the beginning we lived in tents for about two months while the buildings were under construction. The structures were all of corrugated iron and therefore did not take long to raise. The timber too could be had ready made in all sizes required. All we had to do was to cut it to measure. There were not many doors or windows to be prepared. Hence it was that quite a number of buildings could be erected within such a short space of time. But all this labour was a heavy tax on Pragji’s physical constitution. The work on the Farm was certainly harder than in jail. One day Pragji actually fainted thanks to fatigue and heat. But he was not the man to give in. He fully trained up his body here, and in the end he stood abreast as a good worker with the best of us.

Then there was Joseph Royeppen, a barrister free from a barrister’s pride. He could not undertake very hard work. It was difficult for him to take down loads from the railway train and to haul them on the cart, but he did it as best he could.

The weak became strong on Tolstoy Farm and labour proved to be a tonic for all.

Every one had to go to Johannesburg on some errand or other. Children liked to go there just for the fun of it. I also had to go there on business. We therefore made a rule that we could go there by rail only on the public business of our little commonwealth, and then too travel

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89* everything stemming from the grafting of this tree is supposed to be more worthy of respect. Pope Melchiades confesses about the imperial grafting of that See that Constantine, the first Emperor who accepted faith, granted a general permission to all people everywhere in his realm not only to become Christians, but also to build churches and to found church endowments. The same Emperor showered great gifts on the Church and erected the first basilica of Saint Peter. Thus, having left his imperial see, he gave it to Saint Peter and his successors. In this way a deep root was planted, strong and full of poison; from it grew a bush full of all sorts of poisonous fruits. And the world has been poisoned to death by it.

the Pope.

the Emperor.

Matt. 4:19.

In defending the papal viewpoint, Cappello writes: "Princeps sine territorio non datur.", p.489.

Pope Melchiades – or Miltiades – ( A.D.311–313) was the first Pope to live in the Lateran Palace donated to him by Fausta, Constantine's wife, and the last one to be buried in the Catacombs. John Farrow,, p.23. London: Sheed & Ward, 1943. – About the time of his elevation to papacy, an Edict of Toleration signed by the Emperors Galerius, Licinius, and Constantine, put an end to the great persecution of the Christians, and they were permitted to reconstruct their places of worship. (. Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History (Eusebius), VIII, xvii; Lactantius,, xxxiv). The Emperor gave Pope Melchiades in Rome the right to receive back, through the prefect of the city, all ecclesiastical buildings and possessions which had been confiscated during the persecutions. Later, after the victory at the Milvian Bridge (Oct. 27, A.D.312), the Emperor presented the Roman Church with the Lateran Palace belonging to Empress Fausta, and it then became the residence of the Popes. The basilica which ad joined the palace or was afterwards built there became the principal church of Rome. , "Melchiades," New York: Appleton, 1911.

Pope Melchiades – or Miltiades – ( A.D.311–313) was the first Pope to live in the Lateran Palace donated to him by Fausta, Constantine's wife, and the last one to be buried in the Catacombs. John Farrow,, p.23. London: Sheed & Ward, 1943. – About the time of his elevation to papacy, an Edict of Toleration signed by the Emperors Galerius, Licinius, and Constantine, put an end to the great persecution of the Christians, and they were permitted to reconstruct their places of worship. (. Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History (Eusebius), VIII, xvii; Lactantius,, xxxiv). The Emperor gave Pope Melchiades in Rome the right to receive back, through the prefect of the city, all ecclesiastical buildings and possessions which had been confiscated during the persecutions. Later, after the victory at the Milvian Bridge (Oct. 27, A.D.312), the Emperor presented the Roman Church with the Lateran Palace belonging to Empress Fausta, and it then became the residence of the Popes. The basilica which ad joined the palace or was afterwards built there became the principal church of Rome. , "Melchiades," New York: Appleton, 1911.

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Runo XXXIX]

“Perhaps it is a girl complaining,

Or perchance a dove lamenting.

Shall we go to look about us,

Shall we nearer go to listen?”

Therefore to the spot they sauntered,

Nearer went to gaze around them,

But no maiden there was weeping,

And no dove was there lamenting,

But they found a vessel weeping,

And a boat was there lamenting.

Said the aged Väinämöinen

As he went towards the vessel,

“Wherefore weep, O wooden vessel,

Boat with rowlocks, why lamentest?

Dost thou weep that thou art clumsy,

And art dreaming at thy moorings?”

Then the wooden boat made answer,

Thus replied the boat with rowlocks:

“Know, a vessel longs for water,

And its tarry sides desire it,

As a maiden may be longing

For the fine home of a husband.

Therefore weeps the boat unhappy,

And the hapless boat lamenteth,

And I weep to speed through water,

And to float upon the billows.

“It was said when I was fashioned,

When my boards were sung together,

That I should become a warship,

And should be employed for warboat,

And should bear the plunder homeward,

In my hold should carry treasure,

But I have not been in battle,

Neither have been stored with plunder.

“Other boats, and even bad ones,

Always wander forth to battle,

And are led to battle-struggle

Three times in the course of summer,

And return with money loaded,

In their hold they carry treasure,

Rh

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 third class. Any one who wanted to go on a pleasure trip must go on foot, and carry home-made provisions with him. No one might spend anything on his food in the city. Had it not been for these drastic rules, the money saved by living in a rural locality would have been wasted in railway fares and city picnics. The provisions carried were of the simplest: home-baked bread made from coarse wheat flour ground at home, from which the bran was not removed, groundnut butter also prepared at home, and home-made marmalade. We had purchased an iron hand-mill for grinding wheat. Groundnut butter was made by roasting and then grinding groundnuts, and was four times cheaper than ordinary butter. As for the oranges, we had plenty of them on the Farm. We scarcely used cow’s milk on the Farm and generally managed with condensed milk.

But to return to the trips. Any one who wished to go to Johannesburg went there on foot once or twice a week and returned the same day. As I have already stated, it was a journey of 21 miles and back. We saved hundreds of rupees by this one rule of going on foot, and those who thus went walking were much benefited. Some newly acquired the habit of walking. The general practice was that the sojourner should rise at two o'clock and start at half past two. He would reach Johannesburg in six to seven hours. The record for the minimum time taken on the journey was 4 hours 18 minutes.

The reader must not imagine that this discipline operated upon the settlers at all as a hardship. On the other hand it was accepted cheerfully. It would have been impossible to have a single settler if force had been employed. The youngsters thoroughly enjoyed the work on the Farm and the errands to the city. It was difficult to prevent them from playing their pranks while engaged in work. No more work was given to them than what they willingly and cheerfully rendered, and I never found that the work thus done was unsatisfactory either in quantity or in quality.

A paragraph may be devoted to our sanitary arrangements. In spite of the large number of settlers, one could

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 not find refuse or dirt anywhere on the Farm. All rubbish was buried in trenches sunk for the purpose. No water was permitted to be thrown on the roads. All waste water was collected in buckets and used to water the trees. Leavings of food and vegetable refuse were utilized as manure. A square pit one foot and a half deep was sunk near the house to receive the nightsoil, which was fully covered with the excavated earth and which therefore did not give, out any smell. There were no flies, and no one would imagine that nightsoil had been buried there. We were thus not only spared a nuisance, but the source of possible nuisance was converted into invaluable manure for the Farm. If nightsoil was properly utilized, we would get manure worth lakhs of rupees and also secure immunity from a number of diseases. By our bad habits we spoil our sacred river banks and furnish excellent breeding grounds for flies with the result that the very flies which through our criminal negligence settle upon uncovered nightsoil defile our bodies after we have bathed. A small spade is the means of salvation from a great nuisance. Leaving nightsoil, cleaning the nose or spitting on the road is a sin against God as well as humanity, and betrays a sad want of consideration for others. The man who does not cover his waste deserves a heavy penalty even if he lives in a forest.

The work before us was to make the Farm a busy hive of industry, thus to save money and in the end to make the families self-supporting. If we achieved this goal, we could battle with the Transvaal Government for an indefinite period. We had to spend some money on shoes. The use of shoes in a hot climate is harmful, as all the perspiration is absorbed by the feet which thus grow tender. No socks were needed in the Transvaal as in India, but we thought that the feet must be protected against thorns, stones and the like. We therefore determined to learn to make sandals. There is at Mariannhill near Pinetown a monastery of German Catholic monks called the Trappists, where industries of this nature are carried on. Mr Kallenbach went there and acquired the

title: Page:Satyagraha in South Africa.pdf/260


text: Page:Floras Lexicon-1840.djvu/86

title: Page:Floras Lexicon-1840.djvu/86


text:
Page:Kalevala (Kirby 1907) v2.djvu/158

146

But for me, though well constructed,

Of a hundred boards constructed,

Here upon my rests I’m rotting,

Lying idly at my moorings,

And the worst worms of the country

Underneath my ribs are lurking,

While the birds, of all most horrid,

In my masts their nests are building,

All the toads from out the forest

Over all my deck are leaping.

Twice it had been better for me,

Two or three times were it better

Had I been a mountain pine-tree,

Or upon the heath a fir-tree,

With a squirrel in my branches,

Underneath my boughs a puppy.”

Väinämöinen, old and steadfast,

Answered in the words which follow:

“Do not weep, O wooden vessel,

Fret thyself, O boat with rowlocks!

Soon shalt thou go forth to battle,

There to mix in furious conflict.

Boat, who wast by builder fashioned,

’Twas this gift the builder gave thee,

That thy prow should reach the water,

And thy sides the billows traverse,

Even though no hand should touch thee,

Neither arm be thrust against thee,

Though no shoulder should direct thee,

And although no arm should guide thee.”

Then replied the wooden vessel,

Answered thus the boat with rowlocks:

“None of all my race so mighty,

Neither will the boats, my brothers,

Move unpushed into the water,

Nor unrowed upon the billows,

If no hand is laid upon us,

And no arm should urge us forward.”

Said the aged Väinämöinen,

“If I push you in the water,

title: Page:Kalevala (Kirby 1907) v2.djvu/158


text: Page:Madagascar, with other poems - Davenant (1638).djvu/121


text: Flora's Lexicon/Plate 2

title: Flora's Lexicon/Plate 2


text:
Page:Kalevala (Kirby 1907) v2.djvu/159

Runo XXXIX]

Will you make, unrowed, your journey,

Unassisted by the oars,

By the rudder undirected,

When the sails no breeze is filling?”

Answer made the wooden vessel,

Thus replied the boat with rowlocks:

“None of all my race so noble,

Nor the host of other vessels,

Speed along unrowed by fingers,

Unassisted by the oars,

By the rudder undirected,

When the sails no breeze is filling.”

Väinämöinen, old and steadfast,

Answered in the words which follow:

“Can you speed if some one rows you,

If assisted by the oars,

By the rudder if directed,

When the sails the breeze is filling?“

Answered then the wooden vessel,

Thus replied the boat with rowlocks:

“Yes, my race would hasten onward,

All the other boats my brothers,

Speed along if rowed by fingers,

If assisted by the oars,

By the rudder if directed,

When the sails the breeze is filling.”

Then the aged Väinämöinen

Left his horse upon the sandhills,

On a tree he fixed the halter,

Tied the reins upon the branches,

Pushed the boat into the water,

Sang the vessel in the billows,

And he asked the wooden vessel,

And he spoke the words which follow:

“O thou boat, of shape so curving,

O thou wooden boat with rowlocks,

Art thou just as fit to bear us,

As thyself art fair to gaze on?”

Answered thus the wooden vessel,

Thus replied the boat with rowlocks:

title: Page:Kalevala (Kirby 1907) v2.djvu/159


text: Page:Madagascar, with other poems - Davenant (1638).djvu/122