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 forest opened to permit her. A farmhouse up a side lane showed yellow blots for windows, too.

"General Washington's headquarters at the Short Hills, I believe!" speculated the girl. Afterward she found her surmises to have been true.

At last they swung into the more traveled road leading straight to Morris Town, and there Mehitable headed west for a time.

"On, Dulcie, on!" came her monotonous cry, and the old horse responded gamely. "Poor lass!" Mehitable's throat ached at the awful limp the animal was displaying. "Poor lass, ye must be in pain! Amos will ne'er forgive me for this trip!"

They were ascending a rise of the road when Mehitable, peering sharply and watchfully to her left, suddenly pulled sharply in that direction and Dulcie bolted into a woodland trail leading to the ridge that was their destination. But suddenly there came a shout.

"Halt! Who goes there?"

"A messenger!" cried the girl, drawing rein.

"Advance, messenger, and give the countersign!" The sentry's voice came to her through profound darkness now, for the lightning had ceased.

"How can I when I don't know it!" retorted Mehitable impatiently. "Let me pass to see your officer in charge!"

"Nay!" The answer came sternly.


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 "Fool!" Mehitable fidgeted in her saddle. Her impatience grew. "We are wasting valuable time, I tell ye—nay, I will go ahead!"

"Halt!" Again came the command; but Mehitable was riding down the sentry. As he leaped out of the way, there came the flash of his musket, the singing of a bullet, and Mehitable felt her horse quiver beneath her knees. Then poor Dulcie sank to the ground, rolled in agony. Mehitable was thrown clear of the beast and staggered to her feet. She and the sentry met over Dulcie's now motionless body.

"Fool!" said Mehitable furiously. "Fool!" Her voice changed. She sank upon the horse lying quiet between them. "Oh, you have killed her! You have killed my old Dulcie! Why, she—she—be dead!"

"Hitty Condit!" The sentry bent unbelievingly over her.

Mehitable dashed the bitter tears from her eyes and looked up. "Why, Young Cy!" she began. Her face worked. "Oh, Young Cy—how could ye! How could ye!"

"But, Hitty—you—I" Young Cy stammered helplessly and relapsed into aching silence. How could he explain to Mehitable that he had merely done his duty? But presently the girl looked up.

"It was my fault, Young Cy! I—I—killed poor

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 Dulcie! I had no right to ride past ye without the countersign!" she said quietly. "But come"—her voice changed—"now that ye know who I am, lead me to your officer. I have important news!"

It was not long, then, after the girl and the lad had entered the officer's hut, that the cannon given by General Washington for that purpose barked out its warning to the New Jersey countryside. Soon, too, great beacons, ready piled, blazed their message to the militia far and near.

Mehitable could see the scenes that were taking place in almost every home. The men leaping to arms, hurrying forth into the night with wives and children fetching their powder horns, their hats, their coats; the men reporting to their respective captains; the men, gathered together, marching to the point of battalion or regimental mobilization. She stood with clasped hands a little distance away from the cannon, gazing from the Sow's Back across distant valleys, and gloried in the answering beacon fires which sprang out against the darkness of the world, reassuring, magnificent.

"To arms! To arms!" thundered Old Sow.

"To arms! To arms!" came the echoes.

"We have armed! We have armed!" signalled the beacon fires.


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ORSOOTH, nothing nice ever happens at our place any more!" complained Mehitable fretfully, pushing forward her sunbonnet to shade her eyes as she peered down through the blinding sunshine at Charity.

The younger girl, squatting back upon her heels and shaded by the tall corn stalks growing all about her, looked up with a smile.

"What d'ye want to happen?" she asked lazily.

"Oh, anything, Cherry!" Mehitable's tone was impatient. "Isn't that stuff almost ready to pour? Suz, it be hot out here in this field!"

Charity bent over the melting lead which, in a pot suspended from three iron rods, was being made ready for the bullet molds. She was trying to smother and spread the smoke from the fire and, of the two girls, had the most right to be short-tempered, for her task was not a pleasant one. As soon as she attempted to direct the smoke, the fire smoldered angrily and threatened to go out. Yet she did not dare to let its telltale signal rise from


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 the cornfield. The women of those days chose cornfields as splendid places to make bullets, for the tall stalks hid them, and they were not apt to be surprised by the British, as they might have been in their kitchens.

"But, Hitty, since the war started, it has been nice not to have anything happen, for so much of it has been most unpleasant!" Charity reminded her gently. "Besides, it has not been overly many weeks that ye were in the midst o' excitement at Springfield!"

Mehitable stood, slender and tall, in the sunshine. "Oh, that was most glorious!" she cried. "We could almost see from the Sow's Back—see our men drive back the enemy, and as for hearing—why, the Widow Ball told me later that she sat in her kitchen doorway and listened to the noise o' battle all day long, it only dying away toward sunset! And she be away over this way, miles from Springfield! Then, toward sunset, home came our men, limping, wounded, but triumphant." She looked down suddenly at the younger girl who, in turn, was staring up at her, entranced. "Cherry, I would not live i' any other time but this an I could!" she ended solemnly.

Charity, moved in spite of herself by her sister's ringing words, fell to her task of trying to smother the smoke once more. "I don't know, Hitty," she said presently, in a low tone, "I am tired o't! I


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 like not noise o' battles and wounded men limping home!"

"But suppose they did not limp home!" said Mehitable with a laugh. "Suppose they came not at all! Ye would like that less, I'll warrant. Mistress Ball was glad enow to have her three sons return to her, limping or otherwise!"

"Nay, Hitty, I meant not that—I—I" stammered Charity, conscience-stricken. "Ye know I did not"

"I know ye are a dear, silly goose," interrupted Mehitable, "and that the lead be ready to ladle into the molds!"

And the two fell to their wartime task. After all the lead had been used, they stamped out part of the fire, threw earth over the rest of it, and pushed the molds containing the cooling bullets back among the thick-growing corn stalks, out of sight. Then, chatting and laughing, they sauntered slowly back to the Condit farmhouse.

Rounding a corner of the building, however, they stopped and stared. Hitched to a walnut tree beside the road were two horses, and company was rare on that country road.

"It looks like John's horse!" exclaimed Mehitable, hurrying her steps.

"Aye, it be John's horse!" echoed Charity happily.

They entered the kitchen in breathless haste,


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 though they had to stop and blink upon the threshold from that blindness which follows exposure to overbright sunshine and entrance into a darkened room. But as her blurring vision cleared Mehitable sprang forward.

"Nancy! Nancy!" she cried and was locked in the arms of John Condit's betrothed.

"Here, here, Hitty," broke in his voice laughingly, "save some o' the hugs for me, lass!"

"But it—it—has been so long since we saw ye, Nancy!" stammered Mehitable, giving her brother a brief peck upon his cheek and turning back delightedly to the pretty lady who, smiling and blushing, was lovingly greeting Charity. "How long are ye going to stay this time?"

For answer, John Condit and his mother, who was beaming from her chair near by, exchanged happy glances. Then John looked meaningly at Mistress Livingston. "Tell her, Nancy!" he commanded gently.

Mistress Nancy looked up, looked down, blushed, and finally threw her arms again around Mehitable. "I be going to stay for ever this time!" she whispered softly.

"For ever!" Mehitable stared. "Will—will your father and mother let ye?"

"Aye." Mistress Nancy's eyes met those of the tall officer who was looking at her over his mother's chair. "You see, there is to be a wedding here


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 this morrow," she said innocently. "At least, so I've heard!"

"A wedding!" Mehitable looked more and more bewildered. Afterward, she never would admit her stupidity, blandly stating in the face of all the witnesses that she had only been seeing if she could fool them! "Whose wedding, Nancy?" She looked blankly from one smiling face to the other.

"Oh, wake up, Hitty!" Doctor Condit snapped his fingers at her good-naturedly. "Mother, ye never let Hitty fall on her head when a babe to make her a little daft, now, did ye?" he asked, in feigned anxiety, turning to Mistress Condit. At that lady's laughing denial, he looked again at Mehitable.

"But—but" The girl stood looking at them wildly.

"Ye feel a little better, now, don't ye, Hitty?" Her brother hurried to her side in pretended concern and held her pulse. "Quite normal," he said then, to the others' chorus of mirth. "Let's see your tongue, Hitty!"

But sticking it out at him saucily, Mehitable fled to her mother's chair and faced that lady excitedly. "Mother, is it true Nancy and John are to be married here this morrow?" she demanded. "I can get no sense from either one o' them."

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 wide-eyed as she waited for their mother's answer. When Mistress Condit nodded and smiled, both girls uttered a shriek of joy, and, catching each other by the hands, spun around and around the big kitchen.

"But, Nancy, won't your father and mother feel badly not to be at your wedding?" Mehitable presently stopped her mad whirling to ask this, with her usual lack of tact.

Mistress Nancy turned from the window where she was conversing with Squire Condit, who had entered during the confusion. Her eyes darkened and her lips quivered all at once.

"Aye," she nodded soberly. "But—but John dared not come to New York Town, for fear o' capture, and—and my mother could not come on horseback, not being well, so Father stayed home wi' her—and vehicles are not to be obtained for New Jersey trips so—so" The sweet voice thickened, choked, died away into silence.

"So we are to be married the morrow!" finished John tenderly, coming up to clasp his sweetheart in his arms. "And some people," he remarked pointedly, "do not exhibit the consideration they might display an they choose."

"Nay!" Mistress Nancy, drying the tears in her eyes, perceived the hurt ones in Mehitable's. "Nay!" The little bride-to-be ran across to the other girl. "Do not mind him, forsooth! He only


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 assumes airs thus to impress us all! But I do not fear him, though he does scold! See!' She flew back, and while Charity and her mother watched laughingly, she stood a-tiptoe and pulled her lover's nose until he held up his hands in hasty surrender. Then she swaggered gaily back to Mehitable. "I am not afraid o' the man!" she finished. "Now, come, kiss and make up, both o' ye! I was only silly and tired, else I should never ha' felt hurt. And he shall scold ye no more, Hitty!" And pulling brother and sister toward each other, she made them kiss each other, and the little scene ended in laughter.

The next day dawned as lovely as any bride could wish.

"Don't be late for church!" said everyone, rushing around in confusion. And of the ones who said it the most often and the most seriously, Mehitable was that person.

"Mother, where be my silken shirt?" That was Squire Condit's voice shouting down the stairs.

"Oh, Mother—Ram's horn! Someone hath hidden the !" That was John's voice, impatient, nervous.

"Moth-er! Don't pick the white roses—I wish to gather them last—they wilt so quickly!" Charity was to see to the arrangement of the nosegays.

"Mother, I vow someone has sat upon this bonnet! It never had this shape before!" Mehitable


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 entered the Condit kitchen abruptly. "How does my gown look?"

Mistress Condit turned a perspiring face toward her daughter. She had been up long before dawn, preparing the wedding feast and performing the thousand and one endless tasks that only the mother of the family thinks she must do at such times.

"Your bonnet looks very well—of course no one sat on it!—and so does your gown, Hitty!" she gasped. "Go tell Cherry to keep still—she drives me fair distracted! I won't pick her roses—I ha' no time, tell her! Call up to your father and tell him his silken shirt do be in the highboy, second drawer! And take the to John before he shouts us all out o' the house! Mercy, Nancy be the only quiet one beneath this roof! No!" Mistress Condit shook her head as she turned back to lift a furiously boiling pot from the crane and swung another into its place in the fire cavern. "Ye can do naught here, Hitty! I want to get everything ready before we start for church, then we can cool off this room and reheat the food outdoors. Art going out?" She looked up sharply as, her errands done, Mehitable stepped toward the door. "Then tell Amos to watch that roasting-pig he be barbecuing! I'll ne'er forgive him an he lets it burn!"

"Amos does not speak to me," answered Mehitable, a shadow falling over her bright face. "He


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 hath ne'er forgiven me the death o' poor Dulcie!"

"Eh!" Mistress Condit glanced at her absently. "Oh, nonsense, he will get o'er that!" she said comfortably. "Don't go far—do not be late for church, Hitty!"

"As though I would be—my first wedding!" answered Mehitable scornfully. "Besides, please notice that I be the only one ready and dressed, wi' the rest all still adorning themselves!"

She walked out slowly through the shady orchard, where Amos sat beside the trench he had dug. Within the trench, smoking and succulent, the wedding meats were being prepared. But Amos neither answered nor looked up when she stopped to give him her mother's message, and, sighing, Mehitable walked on to the great barn.

Entering the saddle room, from which a ladder led up into the hayloft above, she glanced down dubiously at her best gown. She wanted most intensely to go up into the sweet-smelling hay and there be alone to think over the great event, and wanting to do a thing with Mehitable was almost invariably to do it. Amos, therefore, coming into the barn a second or so later, was not surprised to see a flutter of the best gown disappearing over the top of the ladder into the haymow.

Settling herself upon the fragrant hay, Mehitable sank into luxurious reverie. . . dark eyes. . . cocked hat. . . tall, slender figure


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. . . a buff and blue uniform. . . Aaron Harrison's face when she had told him the pitiful "No." . . . All these became inexplicably mixed up. . . . Then there was Jemima's baby. . . and Nancy's wedding-morn smile. . . . A little time passed. . . alittle more time passed. . . and presently Mehitable became aware of eyes, watching eyes. . . and opened her own.

"Gray Hawk!" she exclaimed, springing to her eet:

The Indian bent his head in stately salutation and moved forward from where he had been standing by the top of the ladder, watching her with folded arms.

"Come danger!" he announced in his guttural voice.

"Danger?" For almost the first time since she had known his relationship to her brother, Mehitable looked skeptical. She glanced around the big, dim, sweet-smelling place. "Danger?" she repeated. "Here, Gray Hawk? Nay, what could happen i' the security o' my father's barn?"

"One night I ride!" said the Indian, changing the subject abruptly. "Horse fall—break leg!"

"Ye mean," Mehitable stared at him with knitted brows, "ye mean—that night before the battle o' Springfield—oh, Gray Hawk, was it ye following me?"


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 "Ugh-huh!" grunted the Indian, nodding. He gave a fatalistic shrug. "No good—horse break leg," he added.

"Oh, me!" Mehitable sighed. "An ye had caught up wi' me—though I should ha' been frightened daft—poor Dulcie might ha' been alive now!"

The Indian moved impatiently. "Danger!" he said again sharply.

"But, Gray Hawk, an there be," Mehitable made a puzzled gesture, "can ye tell me where?"

"Here!" said a new voice. And both Indian and maid whirled around to find Simpson standing at one end of the hayloft, where he had evidently just emerged from a snug, hidden nest in the hay, standing with his arms nonchalantly crossed and a pistol in each hand. Over his shoulder peered Hawtree.

"Come," said Simpson, a malicious smile upon his face at their surprise, "line up where we can see ye—you and yonder redskin, mistress!"

But not for nothing had Mehitable tolnd Charity she loved living in this wartime period. Her whole soul thrilled to meet the present, full of danger as it was. She uttered a shriek of defiance and sprang toward the ladder hole; but Simpson, half laughing and not pulling his pistol-trigger, headed her off. Then she darted toward the low, wide door through which hay was tossed at harvest


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 time; but there Hawtree headed her off—perhaps happily, for she might have broken her neck had she jumped to the ground below.

"Amos! Amos!" The girl's despairing cry rang out, was answered from outside the barn.

"Help! Run for help!" Panting, her hand upon her heart, Mehitable backed against the wall and watched the rogue, Hawtree, closing in upon her.

"They be all at church, mistress!" Apparently Amos did not recognize the extreme stress in the girl's voice. His leisurely footsteps could be heard approaching the foot of the ladder. "What would ye?"

"Back, Amos! Nay, come not up here!" Mehitable threw every ounce she possessed of authority into her voice before it ended in a gurgle as Hawtree's hand closed over her mouth; but, struggling with all her healthy young strength, she heard the farm servant's retreating footsteps and felt oddly disappointed. He had gone, leaving her to her fate! All the years of service in her father's employment, even the gift of his freedom, for Amos had been a bond servant, indentured for many more years than Squire Condit had allowed him to give gratis—all this counted not at all! Mehitable, writhing, twisting in Hawtree's rough grasp, wondered dully if Amos were still angry with her, if he were showing her revenge now!


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 And now she cried out, for Hawtree had given her arm a cruel wrench. This was not to Simpson's liking.

"Nay, Hawtree, think ye be on a prison ship?" he said sternly. His eyes were fixed guardedly upon the Indian, who, arms folded haughtily, had stood immobile all this while; but he shook his head sharply. "Let the maid go free! She cannot escape now!"

Hawtree dropped Mehitable's arm and lounged sullenly away. "Get her down a-horseback, then!" he growled. "My turn shall come later!"

Simpson, his eyes still watching the Indian, bowed ironically. "Will ye descend, mistress? We must away!" he said with mock politeness.

"Nay!" Mehitable shook her head stubbornly and stiffened herself as she leaned against the wall. "I will not go one step until ye tell me what ye would do wi' us!"

"That be none o' your concern, mistress!" Simpson was commencing when Hawtree, with an oath, thrust himself back and once more seized Mehitable's arm.

"Ye will do what we bid!" he snapped brutally. "There be no ruse can help ye now, smart though ye think yourself, mistress!"

Then ensued a pretty struggle indeed between villain and maid! Mehitable's best gown was torn and ripped in a dozen places, yet did Hawtree pay


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 for these rents with an equal number of scratches. Her farm-bred strength made her no mean match, for Hawtree was flabby from easy living, and the girl, for all her slenderness, had the wiry activity and the courage of a tigress.

So the strange combat, with the silent Indian and Simpson guarding him, for witnesses, might have been prolonged indefinitely had not the latter, his glance shifting for the fraction of an instant to the open haymow door, taken a quick step forward toward the two swaying figures.

"Away, fool, before it be too late!" he cried to Hawtree.

But a sardonic grunt from the Indian mingled with one from below, and up the ladder hole came the words, "I fear it be already too late, gentlemen! Ye are our prisoners!"

And now the Indian proved himself also no mean antagonist. In the instant of confusion following these words he saw his chance and took it. There was the flash of a brown arm and Simpson's pistols were no longer in his grasp! One pistol was in Gray Hawk's hand, instead, and the other was lying on the floor in a far corner. Another flash of the brown arm and Simpson's hands were pinned behind his back and he was held, squirming helplessly, before the Indian.

"White man!" Gray Hawk's voice was quiet; but Hawtree looked up to find himself facing the


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 loaded pistol, to find his companion helpless, and with the coldest, cruelest eyes he had ever seen in all his own cruel career gazing at him significantly. Without a word, his hands dropped to his sides, and Mehitable, suddenly released, staggered and sat down unromantically upon a pile of hay.

Not a word more was spoken as the Indian, gesturing, marched his prisoners to the edge of the ladder hole and watched them reluctantly descend to the saddle room below. But he turned courteously at the sound of Mehitable's voice, as she pulled herself stiffly to her feet and approached him.

"Ah, Gray Hawk, it was most wonderful!" she said, with shining eyes, breathlessly. "The brutes might a-murdered us before they descended, had ye not done that which ye did!"

"Go down?" The Indian pointed questioningly toward the ladder hole, apparently ignoring her admiration; but Mehitable saw a flash of pleasure in the redman's eyes before his lids dropped mysteriously over them, and she knew he had accepted her praise.

"Aye! Let us go down!" And jauntily she climbed down the ladder, following close upon the redman's heels, for his training did not permit him to let the white squaw go first.

But, at the ladder foot, Mehitable faltered. She knew that help of some sort had arrived; but she


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 had not counted upon such a number of blue-uniformed men as awaited her in the saddle room, though their grim gaze softened at sight of her slim, ragged figure.

"Captain Littell!" she stammered. "Ah—ever—ever the—the—'Jersey Blues' are at hand in time o' need!" She stopped and her eyes swept gratefully the band of men, patriot farmers and neighbors, who had formed themselves into a company under the leadership of Captain Littell, to protect their homes and to avenge Tory outrages during the war. "Ah, gentlemen!" Her hands fluttered out to them, while the tears sprang to her eyes. "How can I thank ye?" She turned tremulously to Gray Hawk. "And ye?"

As though the sight of those tears, then, had swept aside a barrier, a tall figure in buff and blue, who had been hovering unnoticed behind the "Jersey Blues," came forward.

"Art—art—hurt?" stammered Anthony Freeman.

After an uncontrollable start, Mehitable paused, bowed hesitatingly. Then she glanced down humorously at her torn gown. "Only this," she said unsteadily. "Oh—and this!" In spite of herself, she uttered a stifled groan when she tried to lift her wrenched arm and her glance went to Hawtree, standing in the midst of a guard of four men.


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 Captain Freeman's gaze followed hers and, reading its meaning, he flushed angrily and turned impulsively to Captain Littell.

"Sir, have I your permission to deal wi' one o' the prisoners as I see fit?" he asked.

"Aye, sir!" responded Captain Littell.

"S-s-sir!" sputtered Simpson wildly.

No one paid the slightest attention. Every pair of eyes was fixed upon Hawtree's face who, aware of what was coming, looked at the floor in pretended unconcern.

"Hawtree"—Anthony Freeman spoke so sharply that involuntarily the rogue looked at him—"I charge ye briefly wi' being a spy, a traitor to New Jersey, a man who mistreats women and children, and a being no longer fit to live. I, therefore, sentence ye to immediate death by hanging!"

There was a breathless silence. Then, slowly, Hawtree's face turned to a dirty yellow, and there was an audible gasp from Simpson. Before any of the Tories could speak, however, Mehitable swept forward with her head up.

"Captain Littell," she said in a ringing voice, "I demand trial at Morris Town for this man Hawtree and a sentence not given in anger!"

Captain Littell, painfully embarrassed, glanced at the younger officer. Before he could speak, however, the other man bowed.

"May it please ye, sir, to do as the lady re-


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 quests," said Anthony Freeman coldly. He turned away as the "Jersey Blues" surrounded the down-cast Tories and marched them out of the barn, followed by Gray Hawk.

But, once outside, there was a great hue and cry. Mehitable flew to the open door, to stare and point.

Tis Simpson!" she gasped. "He is escaping! How did he e'er get away? Run, Simpson," she screamed. "Run!"

Captain Freeman came hastily to the door and looked over her shoulder. "Why do ye bid the rogue run?" he demanded harshly.

"For Tabbie's sake!" Mehitable wrung her hands. "There, he has leaped upon one o' the horses—see how he rides! Oh, don't shoot!" Her hands flung themselves outward in a gesture of pleading, though no one but Anthony could hear her. "He be so young!" she half sobbed. "Don't shoot! Ah!"

As flame spat out from several muskets at once, Mehitable screamed again; then, as Simpson, galloping madly, reeled in his saddle, swayed headlong to the ground, so did Mehitable sink weeping to the floor of the saddle room, and for a little while only the sound of her sobs broke the stillness. Then Amos's voice spoke briskly.

"What be weeping for, mistress? The lad be not dead!" As Mehitable glanced up through her tears, the old farm servant nodded at her reassur-


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 ingly. "Nay, he was more scared than wounded! And Captain Littell, who did recognize the lad, did say his aunt—a lady o' wealth i' New York—hath been searching frantically for him, and that she hath promised, an he be found, to ship him and his sister, too, over to England!"

Good old Amos, who had sped help to her for all her having caused Dulcie's death! But here Amos stopped prattling abruptly. It was almost as though he were being pushed away, pushed right out of the barn by someone's dark eyes! Silence dribbled by for a few moments. Then Mehitable glanced up sideways through her curls.

"Ye—ye—did not leave any word at all—when ye left Newark!" she stammered reproachfully.

Now this was not at all what she had planned to say upon meeting Anthony Freeman again! But the blaze of hope and happiness that leaped into his dark eyes showed that it was exactly the right thing to have said! Before he could speak, however, two shadows slanted across the threshold, and Charity and a tall, awkward figure in Continental uniform came flying into the barn.

"Hitty!" gasped Charity. "Wherever ha' ye been! Why, the wedding is o'er! We thought ye had gone on to the church when ye did not come at Mother's call! How could you"—she looked at her sister wide-eyed—"how could you miss John's wedding!"


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 Twas a rare fine sight!" chimed in Young Cy eagerly. He looked at Mehitable with a more observant gaze than the excited Charity could bestow. "Whate'er has happened?" he asked, amazed. "What happened your gown?"

But Mehitable did not answer until, "Miss John's wedding!" she said, in a low voice. She looked away from them. "All—all—my life have I wanted to see a—a—wedding!"

Charity, about to hurry to her side, happened to glance at Captain Freeman and suddenly turned to Young Cy.

"C-come, Young Cy!" she stammered. "We—we—had better return! Mother might need me!" And slipping her hand through the young soldier's arm, she led him away, back through the sunflecked orchard toward the old farmhouse.

Again there was silence; then Mehitable, whose eyes had dropped to the floor, uttered a joyful cry. She made a pounce forward.

"Cousin Eliza's buckle!" she gasped, holding up something that glittered. "Why, it must have dropped from Simpson's pocket! Oh, I do be so glad!"

But here she felt her hands being taken gently—oh, very gently, because of the wrenched arm—into someone's warm grasp.

"Little love," said Anthony Freeman, "look at me!"


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 Mehitable tried to raise her eyes—strange, what weight upon her lids!

"Nay, Captain Freeman," she began precipitately.

"Ye called me Anthony that night i' Newark!" interrupted the young man impetuously. "Oh, my dear—won't ye tell me wherein I ha' offended?"

Mehitable spoke in a very small voice. "Ye—ye did not say farewell i' Newark! Ye left without a word!"

"Why, my dear," Anthony stared at her in real surprise, "I left a note! Did ye not receive it at Mistress Hedden's? I told ye then I had to return to Morris Town at once!"

"Did—did you, indeed?" faltered Mehitable. She made a forgiving gesture. "Ah, well, it must have been o'erlooked in that despairing household, for they heard that Master Hedden did freeze his feet that dreadful night the British marched him clear to New York without shoes and he was cast into the Sugar House prison without proper medical attention! He can only come home to die, now, an he does get freed!"

Anthony made a gesture of sympathy to match Mehitable's; but his own affairs were too hang-fire for him to pause long over others' troubles.

"And—what else am I to be forgiven for?" he asked eagerly.

"Those ladies," murmured Mehitable.


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 "What ladies?" asked Anthony, puzzled.

"All"—Mehitable's voice dropped to a whisper—"all the ladies ye ha' kissed!"

"But," said Anthony Freeman reproachfully, "that was before I met you, sweetheart!"

And now what could Mehitable do but surrender her hands to his. Yet, even as he drew her into his arms, poor Anthony made a mistake!

"Little Mistress Madcap!" he murmured.

At that, Mehitable backed away, snatched her hands out of his grasp.

"Nay, sir!" she stormed, as he gaped at her. "I am no child! Name me no ridiculous names! "And she turned and fled out of the door.

With a gesture of laughing despair, Anthony strode after the slender, flying figure. Perhaps because he could take two steps to her one, perhaps for no reason at all, he caught up with her in the loveliest spot in the orchard, a place of green leaves and soft grass and bird songs. Anthony halted her by stepping smartly into her path.

"An ye do not want to be called Mistress Madcap?" he asked her anxiously, "what do ye want to be called? Hitty?"

Mehitable glanced down at the buckle in her hand, meditatively flipped it, grinned to herself as she caught it dexterously, looked up at him provokingly as eighteen years of satin-cheeked, curly-haired maidenhood can.


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 "N-nay, I never liked the name o' Hitty nor yet that o' Mehitable," she said softly.

"How," he stepped a little closer, "how like ye the name o' Mistress—Anthony Freeman?"

"I—I—like it!" admitted honest Mehitable.

A little later, Mistress Condit looked thoughtfully along the wedding table and sighed, though merriment reigned its length, from the bride's and bridegroom's ecstatic faces to Gray Hawk's kind eyes. How like Mehitable, thought her mother, to be up long before dawn to make ready for the wedding, to miss it, then to linger, carefree, in the orchard with John's friend, as Charity, after peeping, had informed her!

"What can be delaying the madcap!" wondered Mistress Condit. But the next instant she smiled, for the two missing young people strayed in the kitchen door.

It was not until they were standing before her that she saw they came hand in hand!


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title: Mistress Madcap Surrenders


text: Mistress Madcap Surrenders/Chapter 1

title: Mistress Madcap Surrenders/Chapter 1


text: Mistress Madcap Surrenders/Chapter 2

title: Mistress Madcap Surrenders/Chapter 2


text: Mistress Madcap Surrenders/Chapter 3

title: Mistress Madcap Surrenders/Chapter 3


text: Mistress Madcap Surrenders/Chapter 4

title: Mistress Madcap Surrenders/Chapter 4


text: Mistress Madcap Surrenders/Chapter 5

title: Mistress Madcap Surrenders/Chapter 5


text: Mistress Madcap Surrenders/Chapter 6

title: Mistress Madcap Surrenders/Chapter 6


text: Mistress Madcap Surrenders/Chapter 7

title: Mistress Madcap Surrenders/Chapter 7


text: Mistress Madcap Surrenders/Chapter 8

title: Mistress Madcap Surrenders/Chapter 8


text: Mistress Madcap Surrenders/Chapter 9

title: Mistress Madcap Surrenders/Chapter 9


text: Mistress Madcap Surrenders/Chapter 10

title: Mistress Madcap Surrenders/Chapter 10


text: Mistress Madcap Surrenders/Chapter 11

title: Mistress Madcap Surrenders/Chapter 11


text: Mistress Madcap Surrenders/Chapter 12

title: Mistress Madcap Surrenders/Chapter 12


text: Mistress Madcap Surrenders/Chapter 13

title: Mistress Madcap Surrenders/Chapter 13


text: Mistress Madcap Surrenders/Chapter 14

title: Mistress Madcap Surrenders/Chapter 14


text: Mistress Madcap Surrenders/Chapter 15

title: Mistress Madcap Surrenders/Chapter 15


text: Mistress Madcap Surrenders/Chapter 16

title: Mistress Madcap Surrenders/Chapter 16


text: Mistress Madcap Surrenders/Chapter 17

title: Mistress Madcap Surrenders/Chapter 17


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MP/pt 22 (Ms. Rasi, Finland) At this early-morning hour, I do not intend to take much of the Council's time: The dangerous situation between Iraq and Kuwait does not require lengthy statements.

We learned with shock and dismay about the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait. This act of aggression is a gross violation of the United Nations Charter. Finland has always condemned the use of force or the threat of its use in relations between States and we continue to do so. In conformity with this policy, Finland has agreed to co-sponsor the draft resolution before the Security Council. We urge Iraq to withdraw its forces from the territory it has occupied. We urge the parties to settle their dispute in a peaceful manner.

The President: I thank the representative of Finland for her kind words addressed to me.

Mr. Lozinsky (Union of Soviet Socialist Republics) (interpretation from Russian): Mr. President, allow me first of all to congratulate you upon your shouldering the responsibilities of President of the Security Council at this difficult hour and to wish you success in your responsible work.

The Soviet delegation would also like to express its gratitude to the Permanent Representative of Malaysia for having successfully discharged the duties of President of the Security Council last month.

The Soviet delegation expresses its profound concern and alarm over the reports of the invasion by Iraqi armed forces into Kuwait. On several occasions recently the Soviet Union has spoken out in favour of a peaceful solution of all of the problems that have arisen between those two States. We look forward to positive results from the negotiations and mediation efforts undertaken by the Arab States of the region. We are even more concerned by reports to the effect that battles are still caging in Kuwait and that blood is being shed.


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MP/pt 21 (Sir Crispin Tickell, United Kingdom) There have been differences between Iraq and Kuwait for a long time. Why a violent crisis now? Negotiations were in train. We greatly welcome the efforts of President Mubarak and other Arab leaders in that respect. The negotiations have not broken down: they should have been resumed. Instead, we have seen that while the negotiations were taking place men were being mobilized and arrangements made to launch the invasion we are discussing today.

We have co-sponsored a strong draft resolution to condemn an unquestionable act of aggression. We welcome the invocation of articles 39 and 40. Iraqi forces must now withdraw unconditionally to where they were only yesterday.

I particularly pick out the points made by our colleague from Colombia when he said that the Security Council must protect, as one of its primary duties, the small, the vulnerable and the defenceless. The Security Council represents a focus of world opinion. It is the way in which the international community can mobilize itself to maintain the purposes and ideals of the Charter and ensure that acts of this kind do not succeed.

In conclusion, I want to express not just a sense of dismay but also a sense of disgust that this kind of thing can still happen in 1990 in the world community in which we all live and breathe.

The President: I thank the representative of the United Kingdom for his kind words addressed to me.

Ms. Rasi (Finland): Mr. President, allow me first to thank Ambassador Razali of Malaysia for the excellent way he guided our work throughout the month of July.

It is indeed a pleasure, Sir, for me to extend my warmest congratulations and best wishes to you on your assumption of the presidency of the Council.


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RG/8 20 (Sir Crispin Tickell, United Kingdom) Now we seen the already precarious stability of the region bled by a long and painful war dangerously upset. We have seen destruction of property and, more important, we have seen dangerous destruction of human life among our friends, the Kuwaitis.


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RG/8 19 (Mr. Redzuan, Malaysia) We had been following with great interest the negotiations held earlier between Kuwait and Iraq and we had hoped that any differences would have been settled through peaceful brotherly negotiations.

This is indeed a very grave situation, and urgent and forthright action by the Security Council is required. We should like to call upon Iraq to withdraw its forces immediately and unconditionally from Kuwaiti territory and respect the sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity of Kuwait. We appeal to both sides to begin immediately intensive negotiations to resolve their differences, and we should like to support the efforts of all concerned, especially those of the Arab League, in bringing about a peaceful settlement between the two countries.

Under the circumstances, Malaysia has agreed to co-sponsor the draft resolution before the Council.

The President: I thank the representative of Malaysia for the kind words he addressed to me.

Sir Crispin Tickell (United Kingdom): Mr. President, our best wishes to you and our warmest thanks to your predecessor in office.

This is an ugly moment in world affairs. We strongly condemn a clear breach of the Charter of the United Nations, as indeed of the Charter of the Arab League. The Security Council must today take its responsibilities.

In the last few hours the Iraqi Government has launched a full-scale invasion of the territory of its small and vulnerable neighbour. I should add that this is not the first time that Iraq has invaded the territory of a neighbour. We have so far seen formulas which recall in dismaying fashion the kind of totalitarian remarks made in history on many occasions. Thus we have a invasion from outside; we have a phoney coup d'état from within; and we have the purported establishment of a puppet government. Like my United States colleague, I have noted that the plot was botched because the timing was back to front.


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RG/8 18 (Mr. Blanc, France) We most firmly deplore the fact that Iraq has chosen to use force, all the more so since we are dealing with a region that has just emerged from a particularly lengthy and bloody conflict.

That is why we fully approve of the emergency meeting of our Council. Ne unreservedly condemn the invasion of Kuwait by Iraq and we demand the immediate withdrawal from the territory of Kuwait by Iraqi forces.

For those reasons, we have decided to co-sponsor the draft resolution submitted to us.

The Resident: I thank the representative of France for the kind words he addressed to me.

Mr. Redzuan (Malaysia): On behalf of my delegation, I should like to congratulate you, Sir, and express our best wishes on your assumption of the presidency of the Council for this month. I wish also to take this opportunity to thank you and others for the kind words expressed to Ambassador Razali.

Malaysia considers the principles embodied in the Charter of the United Nations as sacrosanct in the conduct of relations between sovereign States. We are against acts of external interference, aggression and the use of force and the threat of force in inter-State relations without exception. This is particularly important to protect the sovereignty of small States.

Malaysia deeply regrets that this situation has taken place, involving two members of the Organization of the Islamic Conference (OIC) and the Non-Aligned Movement with which we have good relations. This is particularly sad when this event is taking place during the annual Foreign Ministers' meeting of the OIC in Cairo. We are saddened at the loss of lives and the destruction brought about by this invasion.


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RG/8 17 (Mr. Fortier, Canada) dangerous situation in Kuwait, which has been caused by the naked Iraqi invasion of its territory, There can be no question that the brutal Iraqi aggression against Kuwait is totally unacceptable and represents a flagrant violation of the Charter of the United Nations as well as international law.

The international response to this aggression must be clear and unambiguous. The Secretary of State for External Affairs of Canada, the Right Honourable Joe Clark, earlier this morning strongly condemned the Iraqi military action against Kuwait, which he called "a totally unacceptable aggression". Mr. Clark called for the immediate cessation of hostilities and the complete and immediate withdrawal of Iraqi forces from Kuwaiti territory.

The draft resolution now be fore us is in complete accordance with the position already adopted by the Government of Canada. For this reason, Canada has agreed to co-sponsor this draft resolution, and we hope that it will enjoy the full support of all members of the Council.

The President: I thank the representative of Canada for the kind words he addressed to me.

Mr. Blanc (France) (interpretation from French): First of all, I should like to congratulate you, Sir, on your country's accession to the presidency, and I should like to take this opportunity to thank our colleague, His Excellency Ambassador Razali, who quided our work during the month of July.

The Government of Prance has during the past few days been following with the keenest of concern the rising tension resulting from the threats made by Iraq against Kuwait. We had welcomed the efforts at Arab mediation and the holding of a first-round meeting at Jiddah between the two parties. In fact, we believe that dialogue is the only possible means for resolving the dispute between Iraq and Kuwait.


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RG/8 16 The President: I thank the representative of the United States for the kind words he addressed to me.

Mr. Peñalosa (Colombia) (interpretation from Spanish): On behalf of my delegation, I should like to congratulate you, Sir, on your assumption of the presidency of the Security Council for the month of August. I also express our thanks to Ambassador Razali for the outstanding job he did as President of the Security Council last month.

The position taken by the Colombian Government over more than a century in support of the principle of non-interference in the internal affairs of other States is well known. Whatever the circumstances, we have always opposed the use of force and, indeed, the very threat of use of force, regardless of excuses or arguments employed to justify the use of force. We are convinced that, particularly in the near future, the sovereignty and self-determination of small States, which make up the majority of Members of the United Nations, will be jeopardized if in one fashion or another we were to condone the use of force to intervene in the internal affairs of other States.

That is why, for the same reasons we condemned the invasion of Panama in December, we are now co-sponsoring the draft resolution before the Council, a text which condemns the intervention in Kuwait.

The President: I thank the representative of Colombia for the kind words he addressed to me.

Mr. Fortier (Canada): May I begin by congratulating you, Sir, on your assumption of the presidency and wishing you well during the month of August. I should also like to thank our colleague, the Ambassador of Malaysia, for his stellar performance during the month of July.

Our presence here this morning at this early hour is evidence of the deep concern of the members of this Council and the international community about the


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BCT/fc 14-15 (Mr. Pickering, United States) We have been in touch with many States in the region in an effort to seek their additional support for the action of the international community to bring about an end to this heinous act of the use of military force, contrary to the Charter, international law, and all the fully accepted norms of international behaviour.

The Security Council has seldom faced a more blatant use of force. The Council should act immediately in dealing with this problem. The United States is pleased to be joining with eight other members of the Council in proposing the text of a draft resolution for immediate adoption tonight by the Council. The Council can certainly do no less in this time of present crisis than to deal effectively and rapidly with this transcendental problem of the aggressive use of force.

We ask the Council to accept its full responsibilities and to support Kuwait in its hour of need. It is the time for peace and diplomacy, not the time for war and aggression. The world is now watching what we do here and will not be satisfied with vaccilation or procrastination.

In this time of most serious crisis, I ask all the members of the Security Council carefully to contemplate the serious issues before us and to act in the way in which they as Members of the Organization and as States committed to act under the Charter should act.


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BCT/fc 13 (Mr. Pickering, United States) invasion, they got it the wrong way around: they invaded Kuwait and then staged the coup d'état in a blatant and deceitful effort to justify their action the effort they have just made here.

It was with great happiness that I learned in recent hours of reports that the Emir, the Crown Prince and the Foreign Minister of Kuwait are safe and are continuing to direct the Government of Kuwait despite the efforts from Baghdad to install its own régime in that country.

Within the last few hours the White House has issued the following statement:

"The United States strongly condemns the Iraqi military invasion of Kuwait and calls for the immediate unconditional withdrawal of all Iraqi forces. We have conveyed this message to the Iraqi Ambassador in Washington and to the Iraqi Government through our Embassy in Baghdad. We deplore this blatant use of military aggression and violation of the United Nations Charter. Together with Kuwait, we are calling for an emergency session of the United Nations Security Council."

The United States has made it clear that it will stand shoulder to shoulder with Kuwait in this time of crisis.

It is our understanding that the present aggression was completely unprovoked. United States policy has been to support every diplomatic effort to resolve the present crisis. Thus we did not arrive lightly at our position of calling for a Security Council meeting or seeking an immediate resolution which would condemn the Iraqi invasion, call for the immediate unconditional withdrawal of Iraqi troops, and support a process of negotiated solution to the differences between Iraq and Kuwait, and particularly the efforts being undertaken by the Arab League in this regard.


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Rh complete, and on January 1, 1838, he forwarded the translation of the two paragraphs to the Royal Asiatic Society, where it was received on March 14. In April a copy was submitted to the Asiatic Society in Paris, where it excited great interest, and Rawlinson was at once elected an Honorary Member. Steps were at the same time taken to put him in possession of the latest results of European investigation. M. Burnouf sent him his 'Mémoire ' of 1836. M. Mohl shortly afterwards forwarded him a copy of the Yaçna. Sir Gore Ouseley, the Vice-President of the Asiatic Society, introduced him to the notice of Lassen, who wrote to him from Bonn in August (1838) to acquaint him with his alphabet and with the corrections made since its appearance in 1836 'as well by others as by myself. 'With the valuable assistance thus placed at his disposal, Rawlinson continued to work at his translations during the remainder of 1838 and till the autumn of 1839. So early as January 1839, we learn from Mrs. Rich that he had already succeeded in deciphering a large part of the two hundred lines. He derived the greatest assistance from Burnouf's 'Commentaire sur le Yaçna.' 'To this work,' he says, 'I owe in great measure the success of my translations.' During his stay at Bagdad in 1839 he was in correspondence with Lassen and Burnouf, who informed him of the progress recently made by Beer and Jacquet. Rawlinson, on his part, was rapidly completing his alphabet, and he lost no time in making his friends acquainted with the result. He was surprised to find that the European scholars just about kept pace with his own progress, and that he had little to learn from them,


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BCT/fc 12 (Mr. Kadrat, Iraq) Sixthly, my Govemment rejects the flagrant intervention by the United States of America in these events. This intervention is further evidence of the co-ordination and collusion between the United States Government and the previous Government of Kuwait.

My country's Government hopes that order will be swiftly restored in Kuwait and that the Kuwaitis themselves will decide upon their future, free from any outside intervention.

Mr. Pickering (United States of America): I want first, Sir, to take this opportunity to express my thanks to Ambassador Ismail Razali of Malaysia, your predecessor, for the splendid work he did in leading the Security Council last month, and to extend to you our congratulations and good wishes on your assumption of the presidency of the Council.

At about 6.30 p.m. yesterday Eastern Daylight Saving time, or shortly after midnight today in Kuwait and in Iraq, Iraqi forces moved into Kuwaiti territory, according to reports received from the United States Embassy in Kuwait. These military forces crossed over into Kuwaiti territory all along the frontier, according to these reports. They rapidly proceeded to Kuwait City and they are currently present in that city.

There was opposition to the movement of these military forces, firing and combat. We are not aware yet of the extent of casualties, but we are informed that Kuwaiti forces are resisting the advance of the Iraqis.

While the Iraqi invasion was carefully planned and professionally executed, the Iraqis at one salient point made a serious mistake. Instead of staging their coup d'état and installing this so-called free provisional government before the


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 Jesus, consubstantial with us according to his manhood, is like us in all but sin. This sinlessness of Christ the Saviour the church has since antiquity understood not merely in the sense that he is free from the original and all voluntary sin, but also in the sense that he cannot even sin and that he is free from all sensuous desires or propensities to sin, free from all inward temptation. Therefore, when Theodore of Mopsuestia took the liberty to assert, among other things, that our Lord Jesus was not exempt from inward temptations and the struggle of the passions, the fifth Ecumenical Council (in the year 553) condemned this heresy as one of the most important ones.” (pp. 77 and 78.)

II. On the unity of the hypostasis in Jesus Christ.

137. The actuality of the union in Christ of two natures in one hypostasis. “In professing two natures, a divine and a human, in Jesus Christ our Lord, we at the same time profess that there is in him but one person and that the two natures are in him combined into one hypostasis of God the Word, for we believe that the Son of God assumed in his own hypostasis the human flesh which was conceived in the womb of the Virgin Mary from the Holy Ghost and became incarnate (Epistle of the Eastern Patriarchs on the Orthodox Faith, section 7), and that, consequently, his humanity has in him no especial personality and does not form a separate hypostasis, but was accepted by his divinity into a union with his divine hypostasis. Or, let us say with the words of St. John Damascene, The hypostasis of God the Word became incarnate, having received from the Virgin the beginning of our composition, the flesh animated by a reasoning and rational soul, so that it itself became a hypostasis of flesh One and the same hypostasis of the Word, having become a hypostasis of two essences, does not permit any one of them to be anhypostatic, nor does it permit them to be variously hypostatic among themselves; nor is it the hypostasis


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BCT/fc 11 The President: I thank the representative of Kuwait for his kind words addressed to me. I now call on the next speaker, the representative of Iraq.

Mr. Kadrat (Iraq) (interpretation from Arabic): I should first like to congratulate you, sir, on your assumption of the presidency of the Security Council. I wish also to express our thanks and congratulations to the Permanent Representative of Malaysia, who presided over the Council's work last month.

The position of my country's Government with respect to the item before the Council is the following.

First, the events taking place in Kuwait are internal matters which have no relation to Iraq.

Secondly, the Free Provisional Government of Kuwait requested my Government to assist it to establish security and order so that the Kuwaitis would not have to suffer. My Government decided to provide such assistance solely on that basis.

Thirdly, the Iraqi Government energetically states that Iraq is pursuing no goal or objective in Kuwait and desires cordial and good-neighbourly relations with Kuwait.

Fourthly, it is the Kuwaitis themselves who in the final analysis will determine their future. The Iraqi forces will withdraw as soon as order has been restored. This was the request made by the Free Provisional Government of Kuwait. We hope that it will take no more than a few days, or at the most a few weeks.

Fifthly, there are reports that the previous Kuwaiti Government has been overthrown and that there is now a new Government. Hence, the person in the seat of Kuwait here represents no one, and his statement lacks credence.


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JB/6 9-10 (Mr. Abulhasan, Kuwait) Kuwait's request is very simple and clear. We ask the Security Council to put an immediate halt to this invasion and to exercise its duty to ensure, by every means available, that Iraq withdraw immediately and unconditionally to the international boundaries that existed before the invasion. Kuwait appeals to and urges the Council in the name of justice and the sovereignty of the United Nations Charter to adopt a resolution in conformity with the Charter and with international laws and norms.


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 though perhaps he might be in a position to add something to their knowledge. He observed that Lassen's newest version of the alphabet 'coincided in all essential points with my own,' but that his labours 'have been of no farther assistance to me than in adding one new letter to my alphabet and in confirming opinions which were sometimes conjectural.' Rawlinson had indeed succeeded in working out the whole of the alphabet by his own unaided ingenuity, so that he was accustomed to say that there were only two letters he owed to others: k, No. 4, which he learned from Burnouf, and y,   No. 27, from Lassen, who got it from Jacquet.

On the other hand, his contributions to the general advance of the study were necessarily limited. By the time he became known to European scholars they had on their part advanced so far that only four letters of Niebuhr's list remained for which a correct or approximate value had not been found. These were:

The appearance of Rawlinson did not, therefore, take place till after the difficulty of the decipherment had been almost completely surmounted without his assist- ance. When his correspondence with Burnouf and Lassen l)egan, in the autumn of 1838, he was, however, still in time to rectify two out of the four incorrect values.

He found 32 in the name of Cambyses, where it occurs as the fourth sign, which he transliterated correctly as j; Kₐbujᵢy. Hincks afterwards read the


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JB/6 7 (Mr. Abulhasan, Kuwait) We discussed all points of view and all disagreements between our two countries. Through its Crown Prince and Prime Minister, Kuwait has expressed its willingness to continue bilateral negotiations in Kuwait and Baghdad in order to reach a just and honourable solution that would take into account the legitimate rights of both countries.

The only way to deal with this matter, which has already been dealt with through all international norms, instruments, and laws — first and foremost the Charter of the United Nations — is to solve the problem by peaceful means and negotiations, and not through the use of force. The solution can be found in the Charters of the United Nations and the Arab League, and the principles of non-alignment and of Islam, righteousness and justice. In this matter, however, we are faced with the Iraqi invasion, which represents a flagrant violation of the Charter of the United Nations, particularly in paragraphs 3 and 4 of its Article 2.

It is now incumbent on the Council to shoulder all its responsibilities and to maintain international peace and security. The Council is responsible for the protection of Kuwait and its security, sovereignty, and territorial integrity, which have been violated. In order to shoulder all its responsibilities and to carry out its tasks, the Council is urgently requested to demand that Iraq withdraw immediately and unconditionally all its forces to the positions in which they were located on 1 August 1990.

Kuwait, a small country, draws its strength and support in international legitimacy, represented by the Security Council and its role in implementing the provisions of the Charter. This is a test for and the responsibility of the Council vis-à-vis peace and security in that vital area of the world and towards all small nations that are defenceless and helpless.


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JB/6 6 (Mr. Abulhasan, Kuwait) In the early hours of 2 August, Iraqi forces crossed Kuwait's internationally recognized boundaries, penetrated Kuwait's territory and reached its populated area. The Kuwaiti Govemment issued a statement a few hours ago.

"Iraq occupied Kuwait at dawn today. The Iraqi forces have penetrated and occupied ministries, and the headquarters of the Government has been shelled. Crossroads have been occupied. A short time ago, Baghdad Radio announced that the aim of the invasion of Kuwait is to stage a coup d'état to overthrow the régime and establish a new régime and a Government friendly to Iraq".

In that respect, I should like to assure the Council that Sheikh Jaber Al-Ahmed Al-Sabah, Amir of Kuwait, Sheikh Sa'ad Al-Abdulla Al-Sabah, the Prime Minister, and the Government of Kuwait remain in control in Kuwait and are defending the country's security.

Iraq's pretext for invading an independent, sovereign State is false and unwarranted. This matter is a cause for surprise in terms of international relations and particularly of relations between friendly, sisterly countries. If not deterred in a decisive manner by the Council, such action will threaten all international relations. No country will be safe after this, and the security, sovereignty and territorial integrity of every State will be jeopardized.

It is indeed alarming that the invasion should come from Iraq, an Arab country with which we share a number of ties rooted in history. It is equally appalling that the invasion should come less than one day after a round of talks between our two countries in Jiddah, Saudi Arabia, at the very high political level of deputy leader of each country. In those talks, the Kuwaiti delegation was headed by Sheikh Sa'ad Al-Abdulla Al-Sabah, the Prime Minister, and the Iraqi delegation was headed by Mr. Izzat Al-Doury, the Deputy Chairman of the Revolutionary Command Council.


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 century has been the discovery of microscopic parasites in the blood and tissues. It is but fifty years since Davaine demonstrated the Bacillus anthracis in the blood, and the facts of a similar order since accumulated have bewildered us by their number and varicty. To take only one example, we have attained to a certain knowledge of the physical cause of the plague, which in times past has numbered its victims by hundreds of millions. This discase has been isolated and cultivated. It has been sent half round the world in a tube, and has been re-inoculated in animals. Some of these animals accidentally transmitted the disease to their keeper, who, in his turn, infected his medical atten- dant and nurses. The disease manifested all its ancient virulence, but a knowledge of the cause enabled the plague to be staid. The much honoured and lamented victims of Vienna have demonstrated to the world at large how the pestilence which walketh in darkness has been illuminated by the full light of science.

We are full of hope as to the good which will follow on the discovery of the malaria parasites in the blood, and their transference by means of mosquitos. The part which insects play in the causa- tion of the diseases of mon and animals is proving to be a fertile field of research, and it is not impossible that those who are called upon to take up the white man's burden in the tropies may learn to


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 appreciate the labours of those who have sought out the secrets of Nature by way of experiment.

There can be no doubt that the rational and methodical observation of disease, assisted by ex- periment, has had an enormous influence for good on manners and morals. It is to the leaders of medicine that we owe the recognition of the fact that much conduct which we once regarded as sin, calling for cruel and engeful punishments, is in reality disease, which must indeed be controlled with firmness, but firmness tempered with mercy rather than vengeance. It is probable that one of the causes which has led to the decrease of our prison population and the increase of our asylum population has been the gradual appreciation by the educated public that much disorderly conduct is, in reality, disease. We are more ready now than heretofore to "forgive those that trespass against There can be no doubt that our increased power of recognising the carly stages of brain disease, a power which we largely owe to those who have sought out the secrets of Nature by way of experiment, has made for mercy. 18,"

The average man regards medicine as merely the art of curing disease, and judges of its progress by the degree to which it enables him to enjoy life, often in defiance of common sense and morality. The higher aim of medicine, however, is to point out man's true relationship to his surroundings in this world. Our relationship to our fellow men,


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JP/pt 4-5 (Mr. Abulhasan, Kuwait) justice and righteousness; the Council is responding to the provisions of the Charter, whose authors wanted it to provide security not only to big nations, but — primarily — to small nations.

I feel unparalleled bitterness and embarrassment to be in the situation in which I find myself in the Council, dealing with a military invasion by a sisterly country with which we had previously always enjoyed close links; we have always been linked by our pure Arab blood, and we have always defended sacred rights and dedicated ourselves to them.

The Council is meting to discuss an invasion of which members undoubtedly already know the details from the flood of news from the mass media — radio and television.

As I address the Council, the people of Kuwait of all ages, the old and the young, men, women and children, are all suffering. Everybody throughout the world knows how much we love peace, that we are a peaceful people, that we are faithful to our ties with others and believe in honouring commitments and covenants. The people of Kuwait have played a positive role throughout their existence; this positive contribution has distinguished Kuwait internationally at all levels.

Our people and our sacred land have been subjected to attack in an armed military invasion by a sister country, Iraq. The whole world knows that Kuwait and its Government have played a positive role in solving regional problems by peaceful means and through negotiation. International forums have praised it for that positive role. We always co-operate and we offer aid to all; we share our bread with all friendly countries that have accepted this constructive, civilized coexistence. Yet now we are exposed to military invasion of the whole of our territory and to the overthrow of all our constitutional institutions.


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JP/pt 3 The President: The Security Council will now begin its consideration of the item on its agenda. The Security Council is meeting in response to the requests contained in letters dated 2 August 1990 from the Permanent Representative of Kuwait to the United Nations addressed to the President of the Security Council (S/21423), and from the Permanent Representative of the United States of America addressed to the President of the Security Council (S/21424). Members of the Council have before them document S/21425, which contains the text of a draft resolution submitted by Canada, Colombia, Côte d'Ivoire, Ethiopia, Finland, France, Malaysia, the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland and United States of America.

The first speaker is the representative of Kuwait, whom I invite to make his statement.

Mr. Abulhasan (Kuwait) (interpretation from Arabic): Even at this hour, which is not at all convenient, and even in the very dangerous circumstances in which the Council is now meting, I do not want to miss the opportunity to congratulate you, Sir, on yow assumption of the presidency of the Security Council for this month. Despite your very short term of office in this very important international body, we know your ability and efficiency.

I should also like to express my thanks and appreciation to your predecessor, my friend, Mr. Ismail Razali, the Permanent Representative of Malaysia, who was the Council's President last month. We thank him for his fine performance and for his achievements last month.

I wish also to express my personal thanks and those of the Government of Kuwait to all the members of the Council for agreeing to hold this meeting so promptly. The Council’s quick response is in keeping with the principles of


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JP/pt 2 The meeting was called to order at 5.10 a.m.

Expression of thanks to the retiring president

The President: As this is the first meeting of the Security Council for the month of August, I should Like to take this opportunity to pay tribute on behalf of the Council to His Excellency Mr. Ismail Razali, Permanent Representative of Malaysia to the United Nations, for his service as President of the Security Council for the month of July 1990. I am sure I speak for all members of the Security Council in expressing deep appreciation to Ambassador Razali for the great diplomatic skill and unfailing courtesy with which he conducted the Council's business last month.

Adoption of the agenda

The agenda was adopted.

The situation between Iraq and Kuwait

Letter dated 2 August 1990 from the Permanent Representative of Kuwait to the United Nations addressed to the President of the Security Council (S/21423)

Letter dated 2 August 1990 from the Permanent Representative of the United States of America to the United Nations addressed to the President of the Security Council (S/21424)

The President: I should like to inform the Council that I have received letters from the representatives of Iraq and Kuwait in which they request to be invited to participate in the discussion of the item on the Council's agenda. In conformity with the usual practice, I propose, with the consent of the Council, to invite those representatives to participate in the discussion without the right to vote, in accordance with the relevant provisions of the Charter and rule 37 of the Council's provisional rules of procedure.

There being no objection, it is so decided.

At the invitation of the President, Mr. Kadrat (Iraq) took place at the Council table; Mr. Abulhasan (Kuwait) took place at the Council table.


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150 Christ, they should be saved; and now to be told, that that was not enough to save them, except they were circumcised, and kept the law of Moses—this was such a discouragement to them at setting out, and would be such a stumbling-block in their way, as might almost tempt them to think of returning into Egypt again; and therefore they set themselves against it.

III. The expedient pitched upon for the preventing of the mischief of this dangerous notion, and the silencing of those that vented it, and the quieting of the minds of the people with reference to it. They determined that Paul and Barnabas, and some others of their number, should go to Jerusalem to the apostles and elders, concerning this doubt. Not that the church at Antioch had any doubt concerning it, they knew the liberty wherewith Christ had made them free; but they sent the case to Jerusalem,

1. Because those who taught this doctrine came from Jerusalem, and pretended to have directions from the apostles there, to urge circumcision upon the Gentile converts; it was therefore very proper to send to Jerusalem about it, to know if they had any such direction from the church there. And it was soon found to be all wrong, which yet pretended to be of apostolical right. It was true that these went out from them, (v. 24.) but they never went out with any such orders from them.

2. Because those who were taught this doctrine, would be the better confirmed in their opposition to it, and in the less danger of being shocked and disturbed by it, if they were sure that the apostles and elders at Jerusalem (which was that Christian church that of all other retained the most affection to the law of Moses) were against it; and if they could but have that under their hands, it would be the likeliest means to silence and shame these incendiaries who had pretended to have it from them.

3. Because the apostles at Jerusalem were fittest to be consulted in a point yet not fully settled; and being most eminent for an infallible Spirit, peculiar to them as apostles, their decision would be likely to end the controversy. It was owing to the subtlety and malice of the great enemy of the church's peace, (as it appears by Paul's frequent complaints of these judaizing teachers, these false apostles, these deceitful workers, these enemies of the cross of Christ,) that it had not that effect.

IV. Their journey to Jerusalem upon this errand, v. 3. Where we find,

1. That they were honoured at parting; They were brought on their way by the church; which was then much used as a token of respect to useful men, and is directed to be done after a godly sort, 3 John 6. Thus the church shewed their favour to them who witnessed against these encroachments on the liberties of the Gentile converts, and stood up for them.

2. That they did good as they went along; they were men that would not lose time, and therefore visited the churches by the way; they passed through Phenice and Samaria, and as they went declared the conversion of the Gentiles, and what wonderful success the gospel had had among them; which caused great joy to all the brethren. Note, The progress of the gospel is and ought to be a matter of great joy. All the brethren, the faithful brethren in Christ's family, rejoice when more are born into the family; for the family will be never the poorer for the multitude of its children. In Christ and heaven there is portion enough, and inheritance enough for them all.

V. Their hearty welcome at Jerusalem, v. 4.

1. The good entertainment their friends gave them; They were received of the church, and of the apostles and elders; were embraced as brethren, and had audience as messengers of the church at Antioch; they received them with all possible expressions of love and friendship.

2. The good entertainment they gave their friends; They declared all things that God had done with them; gave them an account of the success of their ministry among the Gentiles, not what they had done, but what God had done with them; what he had by his grace in them enabled them to do; and what he had by his grace in their hearers enabled them to receive. As they went they had planted, as they came back they had watered; but in both they were ready to own it was God that gave the increase. Note, It is a great honour to be employed for God, to be workers for him; for those that are so, have him a Worker with them, and he must have all the glory.

VI. The opposition they met with from the same party at Jerusalem, v. 5. When Barnabas and Paul gave an account of the multitude of the Gentiles, and of the great harvest of souls gathered in to Christ there, and all about them congratulated them upon it, there rose up certain of the sect of the Pharisees, who received the tidings very coldly, and, though they believed in Christ, yet were not satisfied in the admission of those converts, but thought it was needful to circumcise them. Observe here,

1. That those who have been most prejudiced against the gospel, yet have been captivated by it; so mighty has it been through God to the pulling down of strong-holds. When Christ was here upon earth, few or none of the rulers and of the Pharisees believed on him, but now there are those of the sect of the Pharisees which believed, and many of them, we hope, in sincerity.

2. That it is very hard for men suddenly to get clear of their prejudices; those that had been Pharisees, even after they became Christians, retained some of the old leaven. All did not so, witness Paul, but some did; and had such a jealousy for the ceremonial law, and such a dislike of the Gentiles, that they could not admit the Gentiles into communion with them, unless they would be circumcised, and thereby engage themselves to keep the law of Moses. This was, in their opinion, needful; and for their parts, they would not converse with them unless they submitted to it.

6. And the apostles and elders came together for to consider of this matter. 7. And when there had been much disputing, Peter rose up, and said unto them, Men and brethren, ye know how that a good while ago God made choice among us, that the Gentiles by my mouth should hear the word of the gospel, and believe. 8. And God, which knoweth the hearts, bare them witness, giving them the Holy Ghost, even as he did unto us; 9. And put no difference between us and them, purifying their hearts by faith. 10. Now therefore why tempt ye God, to put a yoke upon the neck of the disciples, which neither our fathers nor we were able to bear? 11. But we believe that through the grace of the Lord Jesus Christ we shall be saved, even as they. 12. Then all the multitude kept silence, and gave audience to Barnabas and Paul, declaring what miracles and wonders God had wrought among the Gentiles by them. 13. And


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Provisional

S/PV.2932 2 August 1990

English

Provisional Verbatim Record of the Two Thousand Nine Hundred and Thirty-Second Meeting Held at Headquarters, New York, on Thursday, 2 August 1990, at 4.45 am

This record contains the original text of speeches delivered in English and interpretations of speeches in the other languages. The final text will be printed in the Official Records of the Security Council.

Corrected should be submitted to original speeches only. The should be sent under signature of a member of the delegation concerned, within one week, to the Chief, Official Records Editing Section, Department of Conference Services, room DC2-750, 2 United Nations Plaza, and incorporated in a copy of the record.

90-60865/AB381V (E)


text: United Nations Security Council Meeting 2932


text: Index:Letter from the Permanent Representative of Kuwait to the United Nations addressed to the President of the Security Council (S-21423).pdf


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Page:Letter from the Permanent Representative of Kuwait to the United Nations addressed to the President of the Security Council (S-21423).pdf/1

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Distr. General

S/21423 2 August 1990

Original: English

Letter dated 2 August 1990 from the Permanent Representative of Kuwait to the United Nations addressed to the President of the Security Council

Upon instructions from my Government, I have the honour to request an immediate meeting of the Security Council to consider the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait in the early morning of 2 August 1990.

90-178841706e (E)


text: Letter from the Permanent Representative of Kuwait to the United Nations addressed to the President of the Security Council (S-21423)


text: Index:Draft resolution - Canada, Colombia, Côte d'Ivoire, Ethiopia, Finland, France, Malaysia, United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland and United States of America (S-21425).pdf


text: Draft resolution - Canada, Colombia, Côte d'Ivoire, Ethiopia, Finland, France, Malaysia, United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland and United States of America (S-21425)


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Distr. General

S/21425 2 August 1990

Original: English

Canada, Colombia, Côte d'Ivoire, Ethiopia, Finland, France, Malaysia, United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland and United States of America: draft resolution

The Security Council,

Alarmed by the invasion of Kuwait on 2 August 1990 by the military forces of Iraq,

Determining that there exists a breach of international peace and security as regards the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait,

Acting under Articles 39 and 40 of the Charter of the United Nations, - - - - - 90-178722374Z (E)
 * 1) Condemns the Iragi invasion of Kuwait;
 * 2) Demands that Iraq withdraw immediately and unconditionally all its forces to the positions in which they were located on 1 August 1990;
 * 3) Calls upon Iraq and Kuwait to begin immediately intensive negotiations for the resolution of their differences and supports all efforts in this regard, and especially those of the League of Arab States;
 * 4) Decides to meet again as necessary to consider further steps to ensure compliance with the present resolution.


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Page:The Art of War in the Middle Ages (Chadwick, 1885, artofwarinmiddle00omanuoft).pdf/17

the middle of the fourth and the end of the sixth century lies a period of transition in military history, an epoch of transformations as strange and as complete as those contemporary changes which turned into a new channel the course of political history and civilisation in Europe. In war, as in all else, the institutions of the ancient world are seen to pass away, and a new order of things develops itself.

Numerous and striking as are the symptoms of that period of transition, none is more characteristic than the gradual disuse of the honoured name of 'Legion,' the title intimately bound with all the ages of Roman greatness. Surviving in a very limited acceptance in the time of Justinian, it had fifty years later become obsolete. It represented a form of military efficiency which had no completely vanished. That wonderful combination of strength and flexibility, so solid and yet so agile and easy to handle, had ceased to correspond to the needs of the time. The day of the sword and pilum had give place to that of the lance and bow. The typical Roman soldier was no longer the iron legionary, who, with shield fitted close to his left shoulder and sword-hilt sunk low, cut his way


text: Page:Poems, chiefly lyrical.pdf/26

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text: Page:Poems, chiefly lyrical.pdf/27

title: Page:Poems, chiefly lyrical.pdf/27


text: Index:United Nations Security Council Resolution 660.pdf


text: Poems, Chiefly Lyrical/Madeline

title: Poems, Chiefly Lyrical/Madeline


text: Index:Letter from the Permanent Representative of the United States of America to the United Nations addressed to the President of the Security Council (S-21424).pdf


text: Poems, Chiefly Lyrical/To — (1)

title: Poems, Chiefly Lyrical/To — (1)


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Page:Letter from the Permanent Representative of the United States of America to the United Nations addressed to the President of the Security Council (S-21424).pdf/1

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Distr. General

S/21424 2 August 1990

Original: English

Letter dated 2 August 1990 from the Permanent Representative of the United States of America to the United Nations addressed to the President of the Security Council

In light of the invasion of Kuwait by Iraqi forces and the request of the Permanent Representative of Kuwait (S/21423), the United States urgently requests an immediate meeting of the Security Council.

(Signed) Thomas R. Pickering - - - - - 90-178902179a (E)


text: Letter from the Permanent Representative of the United States of America to the United Nations addressed to the President of the Security Council (S-21424)


text:
To — (Tennyson, 1)

 * "To ", in Poems, Chiefly Lyrical (1830)
 * "To ", in Poems, Volume I (1843)

title: To — (Tennyson, 1)


text:
Page:The Czechoslovak Review, vol3, 1919.djvu/73

It is now three months, since the states men of the Allied countries met in Paris to formulate terms of peace. Today peace is still far away, and gui-sses as to the date on which even the preliminary peace may be signed vary by many weeks and even months. It is difficult to restrain oneself from criticism. To be sure the peace conference has to settle the affairs of the whole world, and there is only so much that a man can do in a day. And yet every day’s delay increases the danger of a new conflagration in Central Europe and imposes terrible hardships on the newly liberated countries.

The most pressing need of the Czechoslovak Republic is an early peace. As long as the state of war exists, Bohemia is separated from her allies and from the entire outside world by a belt of enemy countries. In the meantime the internal situation of the country is growing more desperate every day. America loaned the Czechoslovaks money with which they bought food from Mr. Hoover, but all Mr. Hoover could do was to unload his food in Trieste, and there it lies in the warehouses, because the Italians have closed their frontier against the Jugoslavs and because there is fear that German Austria will take for its own use Bohemian railroad cars sent into its territory. According to most recent reports food conditions in Prague are really desperate, for insufficient nutrition is killing thousands of the weaker people, especially children. Lack of food and warm clothing is bound to result in a decrease of energy and lack of will to work, and while in Bohemia exultation over victory and gaining of independence still constitutes a tremendous driving force, its momentum is being dissipated and return to normal economic life is demanded more and more loudly.

Resumption of productive work is also hampered by lack of cotton, copper, steel alloys, tools and machinery; coal, too, is scarce. A still greater problem is regulation of currency and the disposition which is to be made of the Austro-Hungarian war debts. There are 36 billion crowns in paper with a gold reserve of just one-half of one percent; the crown is quoted in Switzerland at less than 30 per cent of its normal value. The total debt of Austria-Hungary on December 1st at the close of fighting amounted to nearly 127 billion crowns of which sum 101 billion crowns was incurred during the war. Who will pay that tremendous sum which amounts to practically one-half of the entire wealth of the former monarchy? The Czechs refuse to pay more than the amount held by their own citizens, and naturally they are eager to close the frontiers of their republic at the earliest possible moment water-tight, until all the bank notes and all the war bonds in their territory are checked up and identified or exchanged for new securities. That is the only way they can prevent an unfair measure of the obligations of Austria and Hungary from being dumped on them. But before that can be done, they must know what their boundaries will be, and that depends on the peace conference.


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Page:The Czechoslovak Review, vol3, 1919.djvu/74

It is very unfortunate that the conflicting claims of the Czechs and the Poles to a part of the former Austrian duchy of Silesia should have resulted in a clash of arms and a temporary bitterness between the two peoples who are so nearly related in blood and whose interests are so closely interwoven.

Fortunately good sense prevailed on both sides, and Prague and Warsaw agreed to abide by the decision of their big Allies, a decision which may be announced at any time now. During the heat of the controversy, at the end of January and early in February, the Polish side was fully presented to the American people. There is an Associated Press representative in Warsaw who cables several dispatches a day to America, and there are in addition a number of correspondents in the Polish capital, representing American newspaper syndicates. In Prague there is no Associated Press man, and as far as is known, just one American and one English newspaper correspondent. And so the Czechoslovak side of the quarrel did not get a fair hearing in the American press. We give herewith the story of the Czech-Polish conflict about Teschen, as set forth in the Prague papers and Czech official documents.

Teschen—which by the way is the German name of the district, the Czech name being Tesin and the Polish name Cieszyn—is a part of Austria Silesia which again is but a small part of the old Duchy of Silesia. The greatest part of this rich province was taken from Maria Theresa by Frederick of Prussia in 1742. The duchy of Teschen has an area of only 2282 square kilometers, or approximately 900 square miles, with a population which in 1910 numbered 434,821. Historically Teschen has been connected with the kingdom of Bohemia since 1291; it as not a part of Poland, when that unhappy kingdom was three times divided among its neighbors, but its eastern boundary marches with Galicia or that part of Poland which fell to the share of Austria. Racially the district is mixed, being inhabited by Czechs, Poles and Germans; the language boundary is particularly difficult to draw as between the Poles and Czechs, since the people speak their own dialects marking a gradual transition from Czech to Polish, as one goes east. There are no statistical figures available as to the percentage of the three races in Teschen, because Teschen was not recognized in Austria as a distinct political unit or subdivision of the state. But in all Austrian Silesia with its 756,949 people there lived according to statistical figures of 1910, grossly favoring the Germans, 180,348 Czechs, 235,224 Poles and 325,523 Germans.

During the war, when co-operation among the Czechs and Poles of Austria was effected for purposes of a common revolution, an understanding was reached by their respective leaders as to Teschen. During thePrague celebrations of May 16 and 17, 1918, Polish leaders agreed that in the event of a revolution each people would occupy its historical territory and hold it until the final decision of the peace conference on the boundaries with due regard to the self-determination of the people. A similar understanding was reached by Masaryk and Dmowski, when they were both in Washington in the fall oi 1918. But all these agreements went into the discard, when Austria fell to pieces. Two days after the successful revolution in Prague on Oct. 30, Polish guards from Cracow took forcible possession of the greater part of Teschen, and a note of protest by the Prague government remained unanswered. The chief apple of discord were the important coal mines of Ostrava-Karvin; the Czechs were in the possesion of part of the coal district close to the Moravian boundary, while the Poles had their headquarters in Bohumin (Oderberg) on the frontier of Prussian Silesia. The way this divided control of the important district worked out is best described in a speech delivered in the Prague National Assembly on January 24 by Anton Švehla, minister of the interior and acting Czech premier.

Minister Švehla stated expressly that the occupation of the Karvin mines was undertaken after notice had been sent to the Warsaw government. He declared further that the Czechoslovaks were employing force to obtain aims to which they were fully entitled or which they were compelled by circumstances to do. Circumstances similar to those which developed in Slovakia in the first days of the revolution have


text: Index:United Nations Security Council Meeting Record 2933.pdf


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Page:The Czechoslovak Review, vol3, 1919.djvu/75

 arisen from different causes in Teschen after the Polish occupation. Delegations of the miners from the Ostrava district came here almost daily, even here into the Assembly, to declare that disorder in administration and civic life prevailing in territory held by the Poles was overflowing into districts administered by us and that our public administration may succumb to those disorders. Czechs, Poles and Germans called upon our republic to help them against a disorganization in which it was impossible to live. The government is in a position to furnish official evidence of the truth of the danger that the Moravian-Ostrava district would have fallen prey to disorder.

When the government became convinced that the territory which is of vital importance to the state was in truth lacking all public authority, that it was the headquarters of Bolshevik agitators and bands that invaded territory administered by us and incited people living under our rule to disturbances, when the government saw that the production of coal in the Ostrava-Karvin coal district fell off from 6,768,912 quintals (220.46 lbs. each) a month to 3,069,120, it decided to send troops to introduce administrative order through the entire Teschen area and secure for the people all the benefits of an orderly government. This step would not have been necessary, if Teschen had not been occupied by the Poles against the agreements which we had concluded in Russia, Moscow and Kiev, in Washington and Prague, all to the effect that questions relating to Silesia would be settled by the Czechoslovak government in agreement with the Poles, or in case an agreement could not be reached by them, then by the peace conference and until then status quo should prevail.

That the entire Silesia in its historical boundaries belongs to us is confirmed by the Allied Note of January 19, 1919 to the Budapest Government and by an English Note replying to an appeal of the German-Austrian Government. The Poles cannot claim that a majority of the people are of the Polish nationality or that the right of self-determination is violated. As far as language is concerned, it is well-known that experts disagree, whether the inhabitants of Teschen speak the Czech or the Polish language.

The question of Teschen has for us the utmost economic importance and this importance is not merely local, but affects a large part of Europe. Karvin and Ostrava cannot be separated from each other, as the Poles have done by their occupation. The evil effects of the Polish occupation may be best seen from this: in two or three weeks great steel mills of Vítkovice would have to close down, and that would mean loss of employment for 17,000 mill hands and as a result of that 70,000 more workers in factories which must have steel would also be thrown out of work. We could not supply coal to Italy, Slovakia, to our own beet sugar mills and railroads. Even today we adhere to our original proposal that the dispute about Teschen should be settled by Prague and Warsaw governments with friendly offices of the peace conference. We proposed to the Government of Warsaw to create a Czech-Polish commission of experts to take up this problem. In taking the above important steps we are only doing our duty, and no one, not even the Poles can justly complain, if in our own state and on our own territory we enforce, order and peace and secure law and civic liberty.

This declaration of the acting Czechoslovak premier is supplemented by the following bulletin issued by the Czechoslovak Press Bureau: The government of the Czechoslovak Republic has followed for a long time with serious fears the developments of events in Teschen, but it refrained from every action of a political character. But when recently an English mission returning from Breslau and passing through Teschen declared the conditions prevailing there to be unsupportable and called at tention to the danger of Bolshevism which disseminates from this region into all Central Europe, representatives of the military forces of the entente stationed in Prague determined that they would immediately undertake the reforms necessary to secure the lives of the peaceful inhabitants who are in danger of being murdered and also to secure production of coal from the Karvin mines which during the present coal crisis is of immense importance.

The character of the entire action is best seen from a manifesto by which it was opened: To the inhabitants of the duchy of SiliesiaSilesia [sic]. Deplorable conditions of public safety and danger of economic catastrophe in Silesia compelled the government of the Czechoslovak Republic to send a part of Allied armies coming from France to in


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Provisional

S/PV.2933 6 August 1990

English

Provisional Verbatim Record of the Two Thousand Nine Hundred and Thirty-Third Meeting Held at Headquarters, New York, on Monday, 6 August 1990, at 1.35 p.m.

This record contains the original text of speeches delivered in English and interpretations of speeches in the other languages. The final text will be printed in the Official Records of the Security Council.

Corrected should be submitted to original speeches only. The should be sent under signature of a member of the delegation concerned, within one week, to the Chief, Official Records Editing Section, Department of Conference Services, room DC2-750, 2 United Nations Plaza, and incorporated in a copy of the record.

90-60929/AB413V (E)


text:
To — (Tennyson, 2)

 * "To —, with the following Poem", in Poems (1833)
 * "To ", in Poems, Volume I (1843)

title: To — (Tennyson, 2)