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 old Latin-speaking Imperialism in the rule of the pontifex maximus. There was, and there remains to this day, a profound disregard of local dialect and race in the Roman Catholic tradition, which has made that Church a persistently disintegrating influence in national life. Equally spacious and equally regardless of tongues and peoples is the great Arabic-speaking religion of Mahomet. Both Christendom and Islam are indeed on their secular sides imperfect realisations of a Utopian World State. But the secular side was the weaker side of these cults; they produced no sufficiently great statesmen to realise their spiritual forces, and it is not in Rome under pontifical rule, nor in Munster under the Anabaptists, but rather in Thomas à Kempis and St. Augustine's "City of God" that we must seek for the Utopias of Christianity.

In the last hundred years a novel development of material forces, and especially of means of communication, has done very much to break up the isolations in which nationality perfected its prejudices and so to render possible the extension and consolidation of such a world-wide culture as mediæval Christendom and Islam foreshadowed. The first onset of these expansive developments has been marked in the world of mind by an expansion of political ideals—Comte's "Western Republic" (1848) was the first Utopia that involved the synthesis of numerous States—by the development of "Imperialisms" in the place of national policies, and by the search for a basis for wider political unions in racial traditions and linguistic affinities. Anglo-Saxonism, Pan-Germanism, and the like are such synthetic ideas. Until the eighties, the


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 and then by an even steeper ascent, till at last we gain the summit of the mountain.

Stand here. The limit of vision is wide; you will scarce find a grander spectacle in this Peninsula. We are nearly 5,000 feet above the sea, and from north to south the eye travels over a distance not far short of two hundred miles. Eastward, those distant hills are fully a hundred miles away, and soon on the western horizon the sun will meet the sea in a blaze of glory, as though kindling at the touch of loving arms long waiting for his coming.

That faint blue peak in the north, hazy and indistinct, is Gûnong Jerai in Kedah, and the island to the westward, which smiles through a golden veil, is Penang. A grey streak of water shot with gleams of sunlight divides it from the mainland, and the forty miles of country thence to the foot of this hill, and far south again to those blue islets off the Dinding coast, lie flat and fertile, a feast for the eyes. Vivid green patches mark thousands of acres of sugar-cane and rice-field, but the general effect is an unbroken expanse of dark jungle, mostly mangrove, for all this land from hill-base to sea-shore is of comparatively recent formation, the erosion from the hills carried down seawards and covered with a wealth of foliage ever renewed by the excessive

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 general tendency of progressive thought was at one with the older Christian tradition which ignored "race," and the aim of the expansive liberalism movement, so far as it had a clear aim, was to Europeanise the world, to extend the franchise to negroes, put Polynesians into trousers, and train the teeming myriads of India to appreciate the exquisite lilt of "The Lady of the Lake." There is always some absurdity mixed with human greatness, and we must not let the fact that the middle Victorians counted Scott, the suffrage and pantaloons among the supreme blessings of life, conceal from us the very real nobility of their dream of England's mission to the world

We of this generation have seen a flood of reaction against such universalism. The great intellectual developments that centre upon the work of Darwin have exacerbated the realisation that life is a conflict between superior and inferior types, it has underlined the idea that specific survival rates are of primary significance in the world's development, and a swarm of inferior intelligences has applied to human problems elaborated and exaggerated versions of these generalisations. These social and political followers of Darwin have fallen into an obvious confusion between race and nationality, and into the natural trap of patriotic conceit. The dissent of the Indian and Colonial governing class to the first crude applications of liberal propositions in India has found a voice of unparalleled penetration in Mr. Kipling, whose want of intellectual deliberation is only equalled by his poetic power. The search for a basis for a new political synthesis in adaptable sympathies based on


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 heat and excessive moisture of this forcing tropical climate. No rocks, no bare hills, no arid plains, everything covered with vegetation: new graves look old in a month, the buildings of a year, for all their seeming, might have stood for half a century.

Only at our feet does the hand of man make any mark on the landscape. There, amid trees and gardens, nestle the red roofs of Taiping. You might cover the place with a tablecloth for all its many inhabitants, its long wide streets, open spaces, and public buildings.

And those pools of water all around the town, what are those?

They are abandoned tin-mines, alluvial workings from which the ore has been removed, and water mercifully covers, in part, this desolation of gaping holes and upturned sand.

The shore, due west and distant some twenty miles from the foot of the range on which we stand, is deeply indented by three great bays, They are the mouths of three rivers, short, shallow and insignificant in themselves ; it is difficult to understand why they should make such an imposing entry on the sea. A mile or two inland from the coast the eye is caught by twenty little lakes, on which the sun loves to linger, burnishing them to gold when

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text: History of Utah, 1540-1886/Chapter 11

title: History of Utah, 1540-1886/Chapter 11


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 linguistic affinities, was greatly influenced by Max Müller's unaccountable assumption that language indicated kindred, and led straight to wildly speculative ethnology, to the discovery that there was a Keltic race, a Teutonic race, an Indo-European race, and so forth. A book that has had enormous influence in this matter, because of its use in teaching, is J. R. Green's "Short History of the English People," with its grotesque insistence upon Anglo-Saxonism. And just now, the world is in a sort of delirium about race and the racial struggle. The Briton forgetting his Defoe, the Jew forgetting the very word proselyte, the German forgetting his anthropometric variations, and the Italian forgetting everything, are obsessed by the singular purity of their blood, and the danger of contamination the mere continuance of other races involves. True to the law that all human aggregation involves the development of a spirit of opposition to whatever is external to the aggregation, extraordinary intensifications of racial definition are going on; the vileness, the inhumanity, the incompatibility of alien races is being steadily exaggerated. The natural tendency of every human being towards a stupid conceit in himself and his kind, a stupid depreciation of all unlikeness, is traded upon by this bastard science. With the weakening of national references, and with the pause before reconstruction in religious belief, these new arbitrary and unsubstantial race prejudices become daily more formidable. They are shaping policies and modifying laws, and they will certainly be responsible for a large proportion of the wars, hard-


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 PREFACE

This work is practically an enlarged edition of the Instructions for the Prevention of Malarial Fever, written by me some years ago, and published by the Liverpool School of Tropical Medicine. As many thousand copies of that little book were disposed of, it evidently met a public requirement; and I am, therefore, encouraged to believe that a further exposition of the subject, including notes regarding the treatment of the disease as well as its prevention, will be not inacceptable to those who are called upon to reside in malarious countries.

The part dealing with Prevention is written chiefly for the use of the individual. Measures for the pre- vention of malaria on a large scale, as for instance by municipalities, are discussed in my work on Mosquito Brigades.

It should be added that most of the principles given here for the prevention of Malarial Fever will suffice for that of Yellow Fever and Elephantiasis- diseases which are communicated in the same manner.


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 ships, and cruelties the immediate future holds in store for our earth.

No generalisations about race are too extravagant for the inflamed credulity of the present time. No attempt is ever made to distinguish differences in inherent quality—the true racial differences—from artificial differences due to culture. No lesson seems ever to be drawn from history of the fluctuating incidence of the civilising process first upon this race and then upon that. The politically ascendant peoples of the present phase are understood to be the superior races, including such types as the Sussex farm labourer, the Bowery tough, the London hooligan, and the Paris apache; the races not at present prospering politically, such as the Egyptians, the Greeks, the Spanish, the Moors, the Chinese, the Hindoos, the Peruvians, and all uncivilised people are represented as the inferior races, unfit to associate with the former on terms of equality, unfit to intermarry with them on any terms, unfit for any decisive voice in human affairs. In the popular imagination of Western Europe, the Chinese are becoming bright gamboge in colour, and unspeakably abominable in every respect; the people who are black—the people who have fuzzy hair and flattish noses, and no calves to speak of—are no longer held to be within the pale of humanity. These superstitions work out along the obvious lines of the popular logic. The depopulation of the Congo Free State by the Belgians, the horrible massacres of Chinese by European soldiery during the Pekin expedition, are condoned as a painful but necessary part of the civilising process of the world. The world-wide


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 than by the means employed in Perak. It is not however, perfectly easy to spear even drugged fish without both skill and practice.

In Pǎhang, also, the pageant is conducted with much state and ancientry, and, as the nature of the pastime requires only a moderate effort, the ladies of the Harîm smile on the proceedings and, armed with silken nets on hafts of gold, themselves essay to scoop up the scaly quarry. Amongst the ladies of the Court are some the exceeding fairness of whose skin, the perfect oval of their faces, and the glances of their liquid eyes so embarrass the men of the party that many a spear flies wide of its mark.

There are some things still hidden, from the ken of Cook and the race of Globe trotters, and I do not fear to reveal the secrets of this remote corner of the earth, for, if any be thereby induced to visit the Peninsula in search of such displays as I have tried to describe, he will meet with disappointment.

You cannot, in the language of Western culture, put a penny in the slot and set in motion the wheels of this barbarous Eastern figure.

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Larvae of Anopheles floating on the Surface of a Bowl of Water, AND SEEN FROM ABOVE. From

a photograph by Dr. C.

W.

Daniels


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 new, with a further purpose or different character, altering the first with new expression, meaning, or message.”, 510 U.S. at 579, 114 S.Ct. 1164 (internal quotations and alterations omitted);, 755 F.3d 87, 96 (2d Cir. 2014) (“A use is transformative if it does something more than repackage or republish the original copyrighted work.”). “In other words, the would-be fair user of another’s work must have justification for the taking.”, 804 F.3d 202, 214–15 (2d Cir. 2015), , — U.S. —, 136 S.Ct. 1658, 194 L.Ed.2d 800 (2016).

It is well-established that “[a]mong the best recognized justifications for copying from another’s work is to provide comment on it or criticism of it.” Indeed, the Second Circuit has held “there is a strong presumption that factor one favors the defendant if the allegedly infringing work fits the description of uses described in section 107,” including “criticism” and “comment.”, 953 F.2d 731, 736 (2d Cir. 1991);  , 839 F.3d 168, 179 (2d Cir. 2016) (“[T]he uses identified by Congress in the preamble to § 107—criticism, comment, news reporting, teaching, scholarship, and research—might be deemed ‘most appropriate’ for a purpose or character finding indicative of fair use.”); , 364 F.3d 471, 477 (2d Cir. 2004) (“Where the defendants’ use is for the purposes of criticism [or] comment … factor one will normally tilt in the defendants’ favor.”) (internal quotation omitted). Accordingly, courts have regularly found fair use after holding that the purpose or character of an allegedly infringing work was criticism and/or comment. ,, 364 F.3d at 482 (affirming district court denial of preliminary injunction after finding that defendants’ allegedly infringing writings were “undoubtedly transformative secondary uses intended as a form of criticism”); , 156 F.Supp.3d 425, 444–45 (S.D.N.Y.), , 674 Fed.Appx. 16 (2d Cir. 2016) (holding defendant’s line of tote bags made fair use of plaintiff’s copyright in part because “[p]arody, like other forms of comment or criticism, has an obvious claim to transformative value”) (internal quotations omitted);, 97 F.Supp.3d 512, 531 (S.D.N.Y. 2015) (holding the play “3C” makes fair use of the television series “Three’s Company” in part because the play “criticizes and comments upon Three’s Company by reimagining a familiar setting in a darker, exceedingly vulgar manner.”).

The second factor, which is “rarely found to be determinative,” “call for recognition that some works are closer to the core of intended copyright protection thatthan [sic] others;” a work that “is in the nature of an artistic creation … falls close” to that core. , 246 F.3d at 174 (quoting, 510 U.S. at 586, 114 S.Ct. 1164). Thus, a determination that an allegedly infringed work is fictional or creative weights against a finding of fair use.

The third factor is a consideration of the “amount and substantiality of the portion [of the copyrighted work] used in relation to the copyrighted work as a whole.” 17 U.S.C. § 107(3). This requires courts to “consider not only the ‘quantity of the materials used’ but also ‘their quality and importance.’ ”, 839 F.3d at 185 (quoting , 510 U.S. at 587, 114 S.Ct. 1164). “[T]he extent of permissible copying varies with the purpose and character of the use.”, 714 F.3d 693, 710 (2d Cir. 2013) (quoting , 448 F.3d 605, 613 (2d Cir. 2006);

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32 old tubs should be broken up, small puddles should be drained or filled up with stones and gravel; drains should be made good, gutters on the roof should be seen to, and so on.

The householder should go round his house and garden once a week and look into every place likely to harbour larvae. Of course the water must stand for at least a week before it will breed mosquitoes; and such water must be removed or treated with oil at the weekly visit.

In my experience, if all the stagnant water is re- moved from the premises, the adult mosquitoes inside the house which must have water to drink and lay their eggs in-soon fly away to the premises of more hospitable neighbours.

It is, in my opinion, possible to rid a whole town of mosquitoes by adopting concerted action against them. It is necessary to employ a sufficient gang of men con- stantly for the purpose of collecting old tins and bottles, etc.; draining and filling up pools and marshes; and training' the banks of streams and large bodies of water. In large towns in the tropics this should be done by the municipality; and I have been urging the measure on British Colonial Governments for some years. It is obvious that if in a town which contains, say, a thousand breeding places of mosquitoes, we reduce these to one or two, then we shall also re uce the total number of mosquitoes in the place by a large percentage. Of course a few insects may wander into the town from outside, and a few may continue to breed in collections of water, such as wells and large lakes, which we cannot get rid of; but these facts need not prevent us from putting a stop to the proliferation of the insects as much as we can within the area with which we are dealing.

As Dr. Harford-Battersby says in Climate To


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Two 8-inch pipelines and one 11-inch pipeline carry refined products eastward from the Zaluzi refinery 35 miles to an underground storage facility in Hnevice, near Roudnice nad Labem. A pipeline from the Hnevice storage facility serves the Prague area. An 8-inch pipeline from Hnevice to Brno has been reported under construction, and a line of unknown diameter has been built from Bratislava to the Prague area. Although reported as separate construction projects, the latter two lines may have a common section between Brno and Prague and together constitute a single line. The total length of the refined product pipelines is about 500 miles.

The most significant natural gas pipeline system consists of two trunklines, the Bratstvo (Brotherhood) I and II, which bring gas from the U.S.S.R. The 28-inch Bratstvo I extends from the U.S.S.R. border to Bratislava. The Bratstvo II line has recently been completed. The first segment, with a 48-inch diameter, parallels the Bratstvo I to Zlate Moravce and then continues to Jablonica. At Jablonica the pipeline divides into two 36-inch lines. One branch goes to Austria via Vysoka pri Morave and will eventually be extended to Italy; the other branch goes to Zlonice. From Zlonice a 36-inch branch runs to West Germany via Rozvadov; another 36-inch branch extends from Zlonice to East Germany via Litvinov. Figure 10 gives details on selected pipelines.

G. Merchant marine (C)

The small merchant fleet of landlocked Czechoslovakia uses maritime port facilities in Poland, East Germany, West Germany, Yugoslavia, and Romania. The merchant marine was established in 1952 because of political pressures and a desire to reduce hard-currency expenditures through utilization of Czechoslovak skips for seaborne trade.

As of 31 August 1973 the merchant fleet consisted of 12 (all cargo types) ships over 1,000 gross register tons (g.r.t.)—totaling 107,223 g.r.t. and 156,912 dead-weight tons (d.w.t.). Although the number of ships remained the same, the fleet realized a 10% g.r.t. and 13% d.w.t. increase since 21 January 1971. The 1973 inventory includes the dry-cargo river-seagoing ship Lednice, which has been blocked in the Suez Canal since June 1967. More than 81% (127,428 d.w.t.) of the fleet's deadweight tonnage is represented by five ships, each of which is over 13,000 d.w.t.; the seven other ships are in the 1,200-6,000 d.w.t. range. The fleet is relatively new, no unit being over 10 years old. All ships are diesel powered, and nine have speeds which range from 15 to 18 knots; the others have speeds of 12 to 13 knots. All 12 ships were built in foreign shipyards: 6 in Poland, 2 in Hungary, and 1 each in Bulgaria, East Germany, Japan, and the United Kingdom. There are no known plans for expansion of the fleet; details on the fleet are given in Figure 11.

The government-owned merchant fleet is controlled administratively by three ministries: the Ministry of Transportation, which is responsible for the operation of the Czechoslovak Danube Navigation Co. (CSPD), in Bratislava, and also the technical operation and logistic support of the Czechoslovak Ocean Shipping Co. (COSCO), in Prague; the Ministry of Foreign Trade, which administers COSCO in matters other than those assigned the Ministry of Transportation; and the Ministry of Interior, which directs political and personnel matters related to inland-waterway and maritime shipping.

In addition to its membership in the Council of Mutual Economic Assistance (CEMA) with main offices in Moscow, and the International Shipowners Association (INSA) with its secretariat in Gdynia; Czechoslovakia is a member of the Inter-Governmental Maritime Consultative Organization (IMCO), a specialized agency of the United Nations in London. The Czechoslovaks also hold a broker membership in the Baltic and International Maritime Conference (BIMCO), whose headquarters is in Copenhagen.

Operational control of the merchant fleet is exercised by two shipping companies: COSCO, which operates 10 (154,364 d.w.t.) of the fleet's vessels; and CSPD, which controls the remaining two vessels (2,548 d.w.t.), both river-seagoing craft.

The fleet is used primarily in tramp operations, being employed in international shipping to Cuba, Canada, the United States, South America, northern Europe, Africa, and the Mediterranean and Indian Ocean areas.

Czechoslovakia is a party to two joint-service shipping lines. One, the Cuban-Baltic Shipping Co. (CUBALCO), was established jointly by Czechoslovakia, East Germany, Poland, and Cuba in November 1962. The second line, the Czechofracht-Arab-Black Sea Joint Service Line, was established around March of 1967; additional details on its organization and operations are not available.

In 1972, Czechoslovak ships carried less than 10% of the 4.5 million tons total foreign seaborne trade. Of this total, almost 50% was shipped through Poland—Gdynia, Gdansk and Stettin; 25% through Hamburg, West Germany; the remainder through Rostock, East Germany; Constanta, Romania; and Rijeka, Yugoslavia. An estimated 10% of this trade moved via inland waterways to the maritime ports for further shipment. Having insufficient tonnage under its own

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 THE

HARVEIAN ORATION

1885


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 NOTE.

The references in

parenthesis

are

to

Notes at

the

end.


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 THE HARVEIAN ORATION 1885.

Foundation of the Harveian

PRESIDENT AND GENTLEMEN,-It is known to the majority of those, or even to all, whom I have now the honour to address, that our great ancestor Harvey, when he conveyed Oration. by indenture his patrimonial estate to our College, made that conveyance subject to certain trusts. One of these trusts, Sir, had reference to the duty of to-day, which, at your request, I am about to endeavour to discharge.

Save for a few brief periods of intermission, this duty has been fulfilled annually since the year 1656, when the first Harveian Oration was delivered by Dr. Edward Emily. In the lengthy roll of those who have succeeded this first Harveian Orator we find the names of many Fellows who have been highly distinguished, not only in the annals of our College, but also in the still wider annals of English science and literature. To follow such eminent men in the discussion of subjects on which little that is new can now remain to be said, is an undertaking from which I should naturally have recoiled. But, remember- ing, Sir, that the request proceeded from you, the dis- tinguished President of our College, once a fellow-student, always a friend, I felt that it was no longer open to me even to hesitate. I felt that I must adopt the words of 112


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 the Controller Calonne, who, when asked by Queen Marie Antoinette to undertake a duty which her Majesty con- sidered to be difficult, replied, 'If it be only difficult, it is done if it be impossible, it shall be done (se fera).' In the spirit which suggested this answer I am here; and I crave the indulgence of my hearers whilst I address myself to my task.

For more than twenty years I have listened with atten- tion to successive Harveian Orations, and I have read with care those which have been published during the same period. I have scarcely known which most to admire the patient research on which these orations have been founded, the philosophic spirit which has breathed through them, or the eloquent and impressive manner in which the conclusions of the authors have been laid before the College. Some of my predecessors have reminded us of Harvey's personal history and surroundings. By others we have been told what was known of the circulation of the blood before his time; and his method of research and his calm inductive reasoning have been admirably por- trayed. By others, again, Harvey's claims to originality in relation to his great discovery have been fully set forth, and have been established with a certainty which can never be disturbed. In one of these brilliant discourses, his observations on Generation found an able and fitting exponent. On another occasion his philosophy, more especially with reference to the doctrine of final causes, was most ably discussed. On another, the bearing of his discovery upon the improved knowledge of therapeutics and the better practice of medicine which have resulted from it was fully described; and the great philosopher was regarded in the light of a physician as well as in that of a physiologist; while we seem still to listen to the oration of last year, in which Harvey was represented as having anticipated some of the great discoveries which mark the


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 present period. Reflecting on these admirable discourses, I felt that it would be impossible for me to retraverse such familiar ground, otherwise than at the risk of reminding many of my audience how often they had already heard the same story, related in a more eloquent and a more impressive form. a subject.

Meditating, then, on the subject on which I should Choice of address you to-day, I remembered that I should have before me the portrait of our great predecessor, who might for a moment be assumed to animate the picture, and to be pre- pared to listen to what I had to say. And venturing then to ask myself what the founder of this Oration would most de- sire to hear, it seemed to me that he would say-as might be anticipated from a character so unassuming, so simple, so opposed to ostentation and display-Of myself I have heard much I appreciate the honour, the esteem, and the regard entertained for me by my successors. My work las accomplished all that I could have hoped for or desired. Tell me, then, if you can, something of the profession which I love so well.' out the secrets of

Anxious to fulfil this unselfish and disinterested wish, and remembering that Harvey had assigned to the Har- veian Orator the duty of encouraging his fellows to search To scarc out the secrets of nature, it occurred to me that there are two of these secrets which, though not strictly of the kind nature. to which our benefactor's words were intended to apply, are yet of sufficient interest and importance to justify me in asking your attention to them for a brief time to-day.

The first of these secrets has reference to the past: Why is it that amongst a vast number of persons, alike in ancient and in modern times, medicine has not enjoyed that high estimate of its value, as an art and as a science, to which it is justly entitled? The other problem requires the exercise of the prophetic spirit; since I seek to ascer- tain whether we have any grounds for anticipating a more Why is medicine depre- ciated?


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 February (1651). On this occasion he delivered his Panegyric of the true method. The second, or Janual class, followed on the 14th of March, and was inaugurated in turn by a lecture On the advantage of an exact nomenclature of objects. The opening of the Atrial class, occasion for a lecture on The elegant study of style, had to be postponed until the January of 1652.

In spite of the enthusiasm with which he had been welcomed on his arrival at Saros-Patak, Comenius’ path of reform was a thorny one. In asking for a seven-class Gymnasium, he had, like a practical man, probably asked for a good deal more than he expected to get, but he experienced great difficulty in obtaining that even the three classes opened should be arranged in accordance with his didactic principles. The teachers of the school, who had been vaguely anxious for an improved method that promised to make their work lighter, were mutinous when they understood the details of the scheme. The introduction of so much orderliness meant for them regular attendance and continuous application, and to this they objected strongly. Chosen from “the crowd of students,” accustomed to attend the lectures of professors and to come into class only in their spare hours, and then with their minds full of other matters, it is small wonder that reform was more congenial to them in principle than in practice. “The task of a schoolmaster needs the whole man, since it consists in fashioning and refashioning the countenance, the hands, the minds, and the hearts of the little ones”; but how could this be expected from men who only intended to remain in the profession for one year, who looked on their occupation as degrading, and meant to leave it as soon as they could find any more lucrative employment? It need scarcely cause surprise


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 satisfactory future for our profession, either in the extension of our knowledge and the security of the foundations on which it rests, or in the consequent appreciation of it by the public.

Why then is it that both in ancient and modern times medicine has been so often regarded with scepticism and want of confidence, and so often treated with satire, and even with contempt?

In seeking an answer to this question, we cannot be surprised that scepticism as to the powers of the healing art should be rife, both within and without the profession, when we regard the nature of the problems with which we have to deal. The want of faith may be traced to two sources: one intrinsic, and due to the inherent complexity and difficulties of the subject; the other accidental, ex- ternal, to be found amongst the people at large. In its scientific aspect, medicine possesses this peculiar difficulty and source of uncertainty that the individuals or units, with which we have to deal, not only differ from each other, but also vary constantly, each one within itself. They are subject to endless influences from within and from without, mental or physical, inherited or acquired. This ceaseless change of circumstances, and the variations con- sequent upon it, complicate and confuse the problems pre- sented to the scientific physician, increase the labour of his investigations, and render his conclusions so far uncertain that only repeated verification can bring satisfaction to his mind. This source of difficulty is, however, so fully appre- ciated by those whom I now address, and by all indeed who are interested in the pursuit of science, that I do not pro- pose to dwell upon it here, but rather to turn to what I have called the external causes, which, by affecting the feelings and judgment of the masses, have frequently thrown doubt and discredit upon our professional pro- ceedings.


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 that masters of this stamp were little in sympathy with the most striking features of the new method. “Of what use is a complete nomenclature of objects to us? we are not going to be philosophers,” they said, when the Janua was placed in their hands. “Of what use is style to us? we are not going to be Ciceros,” they remarked, when they saw the Atrium. With such unpromising material it needed a stronger man than Comenius to achieve success.

He was probably at a loss to know how to treat their opposition. The publication at this time of the De Ratione Studii of Joachim Fortius, and of the similarly named treatise of Erasmus, seems due to his desire to avoid odium by sheltering himself behind the authority of former writers. These treatises, however, produced no effect, so he followed them up by a pamphlet of his own, entitled Fortius redivivus, sive de pellenda Scholis ignavia, and, that he might enlist the sympathy of the boys on his side, began to sketch out the work that he called the Vestibuli et Janue Lucidarium or the Ocular demonstration of the nomenclature of Objects, afterwards famous as the Orbis Pictus or World in pictures, and to write his dramatic arrangement of the Janua, published later as the Schola Ludus.

But this brings us back to the text-books. Count Rakoczy had provided a printing-press and other requisites. Their publication was thus rendered a matter of comparative ease, and some of the masters in the school fitted a Hungarian version to the Latin text. They appear in Part III. of the Amsterdam Folio, arranged in order of usage.

First comes the Vestibulum, remodelled as already described. This is followed by a very simple and practical child’s grammar, occupying only thirteen folio columns, after which comes a complete index to the Vestibulum, referring each word to the number of the section in which it occurs. A few hints to the teacher express Comenius’ views as to the method to be adopted. The boy is first


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 Evidence of the existence of such doubt, both in the Extrinsic past and in the present, is to be found in the judg- discredit ments of men of science, not excluding indeed members on our pro. of our own profession; in the sarcasms of dramatists and satirists, and still more in the daily action and behaviour of many amongst the sick, who, by submitting themselves to the treatment and by accepting the nostrums of char- latans and quacks, in the same spirit in which they would have recourse to the aid of the rational physician, manifest the like esteem in which they hold us all.

I can best address myself to my argument by recall- Expres- sions of, ing to your memory some of the oft-quoted sentiments, adverse which, in the half-truths they have expressed, indicate opinion. the aspect in which our art has appeared to thoughtful minds.

Quot Themison ægros autumno occiderit uno? asks Juvenal satirically, in reference to the leading practi- tioner of his day-an expression which has been parodied in our own times by an eminent statesman who asked his friend and physician how many deer he had killed during his autumnal holiday; and, on being told a dozen or more, exclaimed, 'I congratulate you: you could not have had more success amongst your patients!' Turning to our profession, we find Celsus asserting that 'optima medicina est non uti medicinâ.' Even Hoffmann exclaimed Fuge medicos et medicamenta si vis esse salvus.' Dr. Gregory half a century ago expressed a remarkable opinion, not more discouraging to his profession as a physician than damaging to his reputation as a prophet, when he said, 'I think it more than possible that in fifty or a hundred years the business of physician will not be regarded even in England as either a learned or a liberal profession.' Ma- jendie once stated that the doctor is often superfluous, sometimes mischievous, and occasionally fatal.'

It was not likely we should escape from Shakespeare's


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 criticism. Trust not the physician,' said Timon to the banditti; his antidotes are poisons, and he slays more than you rob.' The opinion entertained of our profession by Molière is too familiar to need repetition; whilst Vol- taire tersely described our practice as 'pouring drugs of which we know little into bodies of which we know less." The late Dr. Arnold wrote not so long ago: "The philosophy of medicine, I imagine, is almost at zero; our practice is empirical, and seems hardly more than a course of guessing more or less happy.' (1) I might easily extend this list, but there is probably no question more comprehensive and more damaging in its inference than that asked by the late Sir William Hamilton: 'Has the practice of medicine made a single step since Hippocrates?' Embodying as it does the essence of adverso criticism, and coming from so high an authority, I nevertheless hope to succeed in showing how utterly unfounded is the suggestion which it embodies. The tone of low esteem which runs throughout these quotations, often the reflex of current opinion, as well as of that of the individual, compels an attempt on our part to trace the causes to which it may be attributed. These, I think, may be considered as threefold in their cha- racter: first, the very course and progress of the science and art of medicine itself from the earliest times to the present day; secondly, the amazing credulity of the mass of mankind; and thirdly, the obstinate and unreasoning incredulity of no inconsiderable minority.

In looking back on the history of our art we may remember how it was believed to have emerged from the clouds, and how those who practised it were regarded as gods; how subsequently in the hands of Hippocrates the art first assumed the form of a science, and was by him and his immediate successors pursued on a line of careful observation, influenced by, but not entirely subjugated to, the prevailing philosophical speculations on the nature of


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 to learn, in the vernacular, the names of all the objects mentioned; an hour’s instruction being arranged as follows. In the first quarter of an hour, the master reads over a portion of the Vestibulum to his class, and makes the boys read it aloud in turn. In the second, they copy out what he has read to them. In the third, the master explains the meaning of each word and examines the boys to see if they understand. In the fourth they learn the portion off by heart.

Two months should suffice for learning the whole of the Vestibulum in the vernacular, and then the Latin version may be placed in the pupils’ hands. The same method as before may be adopted, and it is estimated that in four months the class should know their task thoroughly. The grammar may then be commenced, care being taken to translate each rule into the vernacular before the boys learn it. For this, three months are allotted, after which the pupils proceed to the lexicon or index. This should be read through in a fortnight, and with a fourfold object: (1) the boys will thus become accustomed to the abbreviations that they will find in the lexicon of the Janua; (2) it will be an excellent opportunity for seeing how well they know the meaning of the words; (3) by referring to the text from the words that they do not know, they will learn the numbers up to 500; (4) an examination in grammar can be instituted by asking them to parse each word as they come to it.

The pupil is now sufficiently advanced to leave the Vestibular and enter the Janual class. In the method that he suggests for this class, Comenius by no means rises to his own level, making the extraordinary proposal that the lexicon (100 folio pages) should be learned first, that then the grammar (twenty-five folio pages) should be mastered, and that then only should the text of the Janua be given to the boys.

Of course he had his reasons for this method, though


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 things; how further, impeded at its origin, it becamo for centuries the prey of rival systems, which, based on a priori speculations, and founded on ignorance, were made to fit in with notions engendered by imperfect knowledge. The mere mention of some of these systems is sufficient to suggest the absurdities they propoundod, and to justify the taunts and sneers of those who, even could they accept the doctrines set forth, were shaken in their faith when they witnessed rival sects strenuously contending each for its own infallibility. Even Galen strongly condemned the distinctions made by these sects as leading to intermin- able hypotheses and disputes; in which each individual supported his own theory to the disparagement of others, and to the great injury of medicine in general.

How, then, can we blame the critics, who were bewild- ered by the rival factions of dogmatists, empirics, method- ists, pneumatists, eclectics, together with the many others in whose hands medicine was reduced to a mere depart- ment of speculative philosophy, involved in futile disputa- tions and in forinulas based on no substantial facts,' and who for six centuries practically monopolised the healing art? Through the dark ages, during which medicine was largely under Arabic influence, our science consisted for the most part of wordy commentaries on the writings of the ancients; and the practice, mainly confined to the priest- hood, was regulated by the grossest superstition. Those were the days of the astrologer and miracle-worker, of cures by prayers, relics, and royal touch, and of the search for the elixir vitae; the time when surgery was in the hands of the barbers. of science and learn-

But it must not be forgotten that during this very Revival period, when all science was at a standstill, and when we can scarcely point to a single observation or discovery, ing. the universities were founded, and in the hands of a few, in small and scattered schools, the light of investigation,


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 and many others. To Sydenham, Baglivi, and notably Boerhaave, may be ascribed the merit of applying to medicine the method of observation which may be said to have been dormant since the days of Hippocrates. Morbid anatomy, which first took shape in the hands of Bonetus, and was developed by the labours of Mor- gagni, more than sustained its position by the labours of the Hunters, of our illustrious Fellow, Matthew Baillie, and of many eminent French pathologists. Thus, then, did every branch of our science make progress. Unfor- tunately, however, incidental to this progress, often in- separable from it, and always detrimental to it, there has continued a tendency to system-making and speculating of the shallowest and most specious character. I am not concerned with the causes which occasioned the delusions hence arising, nor with the justification they might plead for their existence in times when superstition and credulity were rife: it is sufficient for my argument that they existed, and that they contributed, not without reason, to the low esteem in which the efforts of even the foremost of our profession were held. But, whilst the true science which budded forth with Hippocrates was stifled by the systems of his successors, its revival with Harvey and his contem- poraries was too powerful to suffer the same fate; hence- forth the vain imaginings ran their course side by side with the progress of scientific truth, frequently to its hin- drance and injury, but still more frequently to be cast aside and forgotten.

The sources of the various superstitions which degraded Sources our science, and which even still afford some ground for and phases scepticism, are to be sought not only in the inherent ten- of super- dency of the human mind to accept the marvellous and supernatural, to court deception, and to be pleased rather than otherwise with the result of its quest- stition.

Quandoquidem populus decipi vult, decipiatur (3)—


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 they are scarcely convincing. Under the old system, he says, when the beginner was introduced straight to the Janua, he had three difficulties to contend with, ignorance of the words, of their constructions, and of the objects to which many of them referred. These difficulties he hopes to overcome by adopting the order indicated. “First, rising from its roots, comes the forest of Latin words, the lexicon. Then we give you the tools for cutting this forest down, sawing the trees into planks, and fastening these together, namely, the grammar. Finally we place before you a short universal history of objects, fashioned out of all the words in Latin properly fitted together, namely, the text of the Janua.”

This is a good example of Comenius’ habit of running a fanciful illustration to death. It is quite true, as he points out, that in making any construction it is necessary to have, first the materials, and then the tools to work them into shape; but the result of his reasoning on these lines is grotesque. He places a ponderous dictionary in the child’s hand, saying, “Learn this and I will let you read Latin.” The older grammarians, with their seven genders and their multitudinous rules, never attained this pitch of absurdity.

The grammar, if not quite a model, from the modern standpoint, is yet extremely good. It is far shorter than that written in Elbing, and the rules are terse and to the point. It may interest the reader to see how Comenius introduces the prepositions that govern the ablative.

Cum lupus nollet cedere de i via, nec ille fugere posset ab 2 eo, aut stare diu coram 3 eo, et sic fuit haud procul 4 morte, nisi pugnaret pro 5 vita: licet esset sine 6 socio (absque 7 socio) vibravit tamen hastam cum 8 impetu et transverberavit lupum, distractasque ex 9 illo exuvias ostentat, præ 10 gaudio, palam omnibus.

The edition of the Janua, that follows, is considerably


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 enlarged. It occupies fifty folio pages, and treats at some length of everything in heaven and earth, as the following extracts indicate:—

Sec. 518 (Geometria). Ex concursu linearum fit angulus qui est vel rectus, quem linea incidens perpendicularis efficit, ut est (in subjecto schemate) angulus ACB; vel acutus, minor recto, ut BCD; vel obtusus, major recto, ut ACD.

Sec. 578 (Chronologia cum Historia). Circa A. ch. 1300, coepit innotescere vis magnetis, qua se obvertit ad polos mundi; quod dedit ansam fabricandi Pyxidem nauticam, cujus ope detectum est alterum hemispherum orbis, totusque mundus navigationibus factus pervius; ut gentes (prius seclusæ et ignoratæ sibi invicem), jam possint colere communicationem utilitatum.

Sec. 717 (Theologia). Theologia tota fundatur super Revelationes Dei; quarum nihil ignorare, universalem sensum tenere catholice et posse vindicare qua inde torquentur hæretice, Theologica est exactio.

The pupil of the Janual class had thus the opportunity of acquiring a very fair knowledge of the world in which he lived. Armed with this, he proceeded to the study of the Atrium, and turned his attention to “style.” Commencing with a Grammatica Elegans, which presupposes a knowledge of the rudiments of grammar and deals with subjects such as the transposition of sentences and prosody, he is then introduced to the Atrium Latinitatis. This is the Janua writ large (it covers eighty folio pages), and is composed with a view to illustrating the ornate capacities of the Latin language. The lexicon, written for use with it, was not printed in Hungary, and was first published by


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 Janson at Amsterdam in 1657. It was a Latin-Latin and not a Latin-Vernacular dictionary, as, by the time he reached the Atrial class, the pupil was supposed to possess a competent knowledge of the language. The Saros-Patak classbooks, with the exception of the grammars for the Vestibulum and the Janua, were all inferior to the first editions previously published at Lissa. In his effort to be scientific Comenius fell into the very trap that he wished to avoid, and became complicated and tedious. But this relapse was more than compensated for by the celebrated Orbis Pictus, or World in Pictures. It was impossible to publish this work at the printing-office of the Patak Gymnasium, as no engraver competent to execute the illustrations could be found, and it was therefore sent to Nuremberg, where it was brought out at the cost of Michael Endter in 1658. In the preface, Comenius states the philosophic principles by which he was guided in the composition of the work. “There is nothing in the intellect that has not first existed in the senses,” says he, with an airy assumption of the materialistic standpoint that he rejects whenever he philosophises about things in general, but which yet plays such a living part in his pedagogy. “It is because schools commonly neglect this truth, and give the pupils things to learn that they do not understand and which have never been properly placed before their organs of sense-perception, that the tasks of the teacher and of the learner are so irksome, and that so little result is produced.” When dealing with objects that are in the school room it is easy enough to point them out to the beginner, but, when the range of the boys’ vocabulary becomes more extended, the “object-lesson” process can only be effected by means of a picture-book. Such a book will serve several purposes. Small boys generally imagine that the operations of the school-room must necessarily be of a most dismal character. “Now it is well known that, from their


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 earliest childhood, boys delight in pictures and feast their eyes upon them greedily. If we can thus free the gardens of wisdom from their terrors, our labour will have been well employed.” In the second place, the book will excite the boy’s interest and help him to fix his attention; and, thirdly, it will serve as a stepping-stone to the Vestibulum and the Janua, with which end in view it was primarily written.

Imagine the Janua Linguarum considerably shortened, simplified, and illustrated, and you have before you the Orbis Pictus. Each section has a picture corresponding to it, and numbers, affixed to individual words in the text, enable the boy to pick out in the picture the exact object to which the word refers. For example:—

Translated into the vernacular, it was to serve as a first reading-book. Even the letters and the manner of pronouncing them might be learned from a kind of picture


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 for his didactic principles. They found that children liked the pictures and picked up their alphabet, and a few words, easier in that way than in any other. That was sufficient for them, and they paid no attention to pedantic detractors who insisted that pictures should have been given only of those objects that could not be submitted to direct inspection. The Orbis Pictus was the first picture-book ever written for children, and exercised a softening influence on the harshness with which, in an unsympathetic age, the first steps in learning were always associated. For years it remained unequalled. Basedow’s Elementarwerk mit Kupfern (1773) was the first attempt, not altogether successful, to improve upon it. “Apart from the Orbis Pictus of Amos Comenius,” wrote Goethe, “no book of this kind found its way into our hands.”

It is impossible to pass such a favourable criticism on the Schola Ludus, or dramatised form of the Janua. These plays were to be acted at the end of each term, and put the subject-matter of the Janua into the mouths of the dramatis personæ. These were generally about fifty in number, so that the greater part of the school could take part in the performances. The plays were intended to interest the pupils, but, if the boys of Saros-Patak in the seventeenth century were like those of the present day, they must have looked upon them as an unmitigated nuisance, and have objurgated the name of Comenius when they had to get up the dreary screed. In one of them, the mathematical section of the Janua is worked into a dialogue between Mathematicus, Metrito, and Trytanio.

Math. And so you are seized with a desire to learn mathematics?

Num. We are, sir. We seek for information, and promise you our gratitude.

Mathematicus then proceeds, in the most stilted manner, to expound the elements of mathematics, occasionally interrupted by expressions of wonder on the part of his pupils. Were it not wholly contrary to Comenius’ character


text: Constantinople: A Sketch of its History from its Foundation to its Conquest by the Turks in 1453/Chapter 10


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, 471 U.S. 539, 565, 105 S.Ct. 2218, 85 L.Ed.2d 588 (1985)).

Finally, the fourth factor “focus[es] on whether the secondary use usurps demand for the protected work by serving as a market substitute[.]”, 839 F.3d at 186 (citing , 510 U.S. at 592, 114 S.Ct. 1164). This factor is concerned with a secondary use that, “by offering a substitute for the original, usurp[s] a that properly belongs the copyright holder.”, 150 F.3d 104, 110 (2d Cir. 1998) (emphasis added). “In weighing this factor, a court properly looks to ‘not only the extent of market harm caused by the particular actions of the alleged infringer, but also whether unrestricted and widespread conduct of the sort engaged in by the defendant would result in a substantially adverse impact on the potential market for the original.’ ”, 839 F.3d at 186 (quoting , 510 U.S. at 590, 114 S.Ct. 1164).

The question is whether the allegedly infringing work serves as a “market substitute” for the allegedly infringed work, not merely whether the market for the allegedly infringed work was harmed. , 510 U.S. at 592, 114 S.Ct. 1164 (nothing that critical parodies may legitimately aim at harming the market for a copyrighted work, and that “a lethal parody, like a scathing theater review, kills demand for the original [but] does not produce a harm cognizable under the Copyright Act.”);, 246 F.3d at 175 (“[I]f the secondary work harms the market for the original through criticism or parody, rather than by offering a market substitute for the original that supersedes it, it does not produce a harm cognizable under the Copyright Act.”); , 235 F.3d 18, 24 (1st Cir. 2000) (“[T]o the extent that the copying damages a work’s marketability by parodying it or criticizing it, the fair use finding is unaffected.”). Accordingly, “the role of the courts is to distinguish between biting criticism that merely suppresses demand and copyright infringement, which usurps it.”, 510 U.S. at 592, 114 S.Ct. 1164 (internal quotations and alterations omitted). If the allegedly infringing work is not properly considered a “market substitute” for the allegedly infringed work, the fourth factor weighs in favor of the defendant. ,, 804 F.3d at 223–24 (holding that the “snippet view” of books digitized as part of the Google Books project did not constitute an effectively competing substitute to the original works); , 364 F.3d at 482 (“[A]s a general matter, criticisms of a seminar or organization cannot substitute for the seminar or organization itself or hijack its market.”).

 * c.

The Digital Millennium Copyright Act (“DMCA”) governs the means by which copyright holders can notify online service providers that their sites host or provide access to allegedly infringing material. The DMCA provides that such notices, commonly referred to as “takedown notices,” must include,, a “statement that the complaining party has a that use of the material in the manner complained of is not authorized by the copyright owner[.]” 17 U.S.C. § 512(c)(3)(A)(v) (emphasis added). The DMCA further provides a mechanism, commonly referred to as a “counter notification,” through which creators of allegedly infringing work can effectively appeal a service provider’s decision to remove or otherwise disable access to their work. Similar to a takedown notice, a counter notification must include,, “a statement under penalty of perjury that the subscriber has a that

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RV 979 (Rh)


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 to jest with a subject so sacred as education, we might almost suspect that the following was intended to be humorous:—

“This demonstration,” says Mathematicus, referring to Archimedes’ calculation dealing with the sand on the sea-shore, “is very accurate. But I am unwilling to waste time.”

“Marvellous, marvellous!” breaks in Numeriano, evidently afraid that Mathematicus may think better of it, and enter on a long discourse. “Let us proceed to addition.”

The plays occupy 100 folio pages, and are dismal stuff. If the audiences were as delighted with them as Comenius assures us they were, they must have been easily satisfied.

Of more interest are the hints as to their production, by which they are preceded.

Great care is to be taken that all the boys are present at the performances (attendentibus decurionibus ne quis absit). The actors are to be praised, if they acquit themselves successfully, and any of the poorer students who are among them may be presented with a prize of books. Finally, he adds, evidently mindful of reluctance on the part of all concerned, it will be a great stimulus if the actors and their masters are invited to supper after the play.

Of the Patak publications it only remains to mention the little tract On Manners, and the Laws of a well-ordered School.

These are both so full of interest that we greatly regret that lack of space prevents our giving them in full. Comenius, in this respect in accord with William of Wykeham, was evidently a great stickler for good manners. “He who excels in learning, but lacks manners, is deficient rather than proficient,” he writes at the head of his precepts. These treat of dress, of how to stand and how to walk, of speech, of manners toward the master and toward school-fellows, of behaviour in school, in church, at table, and in the playground. The following are some of the rules for behaviour at meals.


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92 football game, not a national calamity. I enjoy the game myself, but why weep over it? I don’t think I ever saw anything more absurd than those boys singing with tears running into their mouths.”

Shocked, the boys looked at each other. They started to make angry remarks but paused as Ailing spoke.

“Of course, what you say, Jones, is quite right,” he remarked calmly, “quite right. But, do you know, I pity you.”

“Ailing’s a good guy,” Hugh told Carl later; “he’s human.”


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220 disgraceful that he had never visited the “Big City,1 as New York was always known at Sanford.

Norry met him at Grand Central, a livelier an« more robust Norry than Hugh had ever seen. Th boy actually seemed like a boy and not a sprite; hi cheeks were tanned almost brown, and his gray eye danced with excitement when he spotted Hugh i the crowd.

“Gee, Hugh, I’m glad to see you,11 he exclaimec shaking Hugh’s hand joyously. “I’m tickled t death that you could come.”

“So am I,” said Hugh heartily, really happy t see Norry looking so well, and thrilled to be in Ne York. “Gosh, you look line. I hardly know yoi [Where’d you get all the pep?”

“Swimming and sailing. This is the first sun mer I’ve been well enough to swim all I want tt Oh, it’s pretty down where we are. You ’ll kn the nights, Hugh. The Sound is wonderful.”

“I’ll bet. Well, where do we go from here Say, this is certainly a whale of a station, is n’t il It makes me feel like a hick.”

“Oh, you ’ll get over that soon enough,” Norr the seasoned New Yorker, assured him easi! “We ’re going right out to the cottage. It’s t< hot to-day to run around the city, but we ’ll cor in soon and you can give it the once-over.” I: took Hugh’s arm and led him out of the station.

It had never entered Hugh’s mind that Norn


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Talk:Catholic Encyclopedia (1913)/Reinmar of Hagenau

Form over Content?
Where is a proper source for this statement: "In a society, however, where form was valued more than contents, such poetry was bound to meet with favour"? In fact, maybe except for Britain, the opposite had been true. Reinmar von Hagenau had been successful due to fine connotations in his poems rather than crude language. 2001:9E8:AA86:C100:7431:925E:5AF8:636E 16:44, 19 October 2023 (UTC)
 * This is just transcription of the article from the 1913 Catholic Encyclopedia. For the source see here. --Jan Kameníček (talk) 17:15, 19 October 2023 (UTC)


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RV 980 (Rh)


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RV 38 (Rh)


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San Francisco Declaration on Research Assessment

There is a pressing need to improve the ways in which the output of scientific research is evaluated by funding agencies, academic institutions, and other parties. To address this issue, a group of editors and publishers of scholarly journals met during the Annual Meeting of The American Society for Cell Biology (ASCB) in San Francisco, CA, on December 16, 2012. The group developed a set of recommendations, referred to as the San Francisco Declaration on Research Assessment. We invite interested parties across all scientific disciplines to indicate their support by adding their names to this Declaration.

The outputs from scientific research are many and varied, including: research articles reporting new knowledge, data, reagents, and software; intellectual property; and highly trained young scientists. Funding agencies, institutions that employ scientists, and scientists themselves, all have a desire, and need, to assess the quality and impact of scientific outputs. It is thus imperative that scientific output is measured accurately and evaluated wisely.

The Journal Impact Factor is frequently used as the primary parameter with which to compare the scientific output of individuals and institutions. The Journal Impact Factor, as calculated by Thomson Reuters*, was originally created as a tool to help librarians identify journals to purchase, not as a measure of the scientific quality of research in an article. With that in mind, it is critical to understand that the Journal Impact Factor has a number of well-documented deficiencies as a tool for research assessment. These limitations include: A) citation distributions within journals are highly skewed  ; B) the properties of the Journal Impact Factor are field-specific: it is a composite of multiple, highly diverse article types, including primary research papers and reviews  ; C) Journal Impact Factors can be manipulated (or “gamed”) by editorial policy ; and D) data used to calculate the Journal Impact Factors are neither transparent nor openly available to the public. Below we make a number of recommendations for improving the way in which the quality of research output is evaluated. Outputs other than research articles will grow in importance in assessing research effectiveness in the future, but the peer-reviewed research paper will remain a central research output that informs research assessment. Our recommendations therefore focus primarily on practices relating to research articles published in peer-reviewed journals but can and should be extended by recognizing additional products, such as datasets, as important research outputs. These recommendations are aimed at funding agencies, academic institutions, journals, organizations that supply metrics, and individual researchers.

A number of themes run through these recommendations:

 * the need to eliminate the use of journal-based metrics, such as Journal Impact Factors, in funding, appointment, and promotion considerations;
 * the need to assess research on its own merits rather than on the basis of the journal in which the research is published; and
 * the need to capitalize on the opportunities provided by online publication (such as relaxing unnecessary limits on the number of words, figures, and references in articles, and exploring new indicators of significance and impact).

We recognize that many funding agencies, institutions, publishers, and researchers are already encouraging improved practices in research assessment. Such steps are beginning to increase the momentum toward more sophisticated and meaningful approaches to research evaluation that can now be built upon and adopted by all of the key constituencies involved. The signatories of the San Francisco Declaration on Research Assessment support the adoption of the following practices in research assessment.

General Recommendation
1. Do not use journal-based metrics, such as Journal Impact Factors, as a surrogate measure of the quality of individual research articles, to assess an individual scientist’s contributions, or in hiring, promotion, or funding decisions.

For funding agencies
2. Be explicit about the criteria used in evaluating the scientific productivity of grant applicants and clearly highlight, especially for early-stage investigators, that the scientific content of a paper is much more important than publication metrics or the identity of the journal in which it was published.

3. For the purposes of research assessment, consider the value and impact of all research outputs (including datasets and software) in addition to research publications, and consider a broad range of impact measures including qualitative indicators of research impact, such as influence on policy and practice.

For institutions
4. Be explicit about the criteria used to reach hiring, tenure, and promotion decisions, clearly highlighting, especially for early-stage investigators, that the scientific content of a paper is much more important than publication metrics or the identity of the journal in which it was published.

5. For the purposes of research assessment, consider the value and impact of all research outputs (including datasets and software) in addition to research publications, and consider a broad range of impact measures including qualitative indicators of research impact, such as influence on policy and practice.

For publishers
6. Greatly reduce emphasis on the journal impact factor as a promotional tool, ideally by ceasing to promote the impact factor or by presenting the metric in the context of a variety of journal-based metrics (e.g., 5-year impact factor, EigenFactor,, SCImago , h-index, editorial and publication times, etc.) that provide a richer view of journal performance.

7. Make available a range of article-level metrics to encourage a shift toward assessment based on the scientific content of an article rather than publication metrics of the journal in which it was published.

8. Encourage responsible authorship practices and the provision of information about the specific contributions of each author.

9. Whether a journal is open-access or subscription-based, remove all reuse limitations on reference lists in research articles and make them available under the Creative Commons Public Domain Dedication.

10. Remove or reduce the constraints on the number of references in research articles, and, where appropriate, mandate the citation of primary literature in favor of reviews in order to give credit to the group(s) who first reported a finding.

For organizations that supply metrics
11. Be open and transparent by providing data and methods used to calculate all metrics.

12. Provide the data under a licence that allows unrestricted reuse, and provide computational access to data, where possible.

13. Be clear that inappropriate manipulation of metrics will not be tolerated; be explicit about what constitutes inappropriate manipulation and what measures will be taken to combat this.

14. Account for the variation in article types (e.g., reviews versus research articles), and in different subject areas when metrics are used, aggregated, or compared.

For researchers
15. When involved in committees making decisions about funding, hiring, tenure, or promotion, make assessments based on scientific content rather than publication metrics.

16. Wherever appropriate, cite primary literature in which observations are first reported rather than reviews in order to give credit where credit is due.

17. Use a range of article metrics and indicators on personal/supporting statements, as evidence of the impact of individual published articles and other research outputs.

18. Challenge research assessment practices that rely inappropriately on Journal Impact Factors and promote and teach best practice that focuses on the value and influence of specific research outputs.


text: Talk:San Francisco Declaration on Research Assessment


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 ordinary occasions, I can swagger about and smoke my pipe, and lie about my Channel experiences with the best of them. But when there is what the captain calls "a bit of a sea on," I feel sad, and try to get away from the smell of the engines and the proximity of people who smoke green cigars.

There was a man smoking a peculiarly mellow and unctuous cigar on deck when I got there. I don't believe he smoked it because he enjoyed it. He did not look as if he enjoyed it. I believe he smoked it merely to show how well he was feeling, and to irritate people who were not feeling very well.

There is something very blatantly offensive about the man who feels well on board a boat.

I am very objectionable myself, I know, when I am feeling all right. It is not enough for me


text: The New Monthly Magazine and Universal Register/Volume 11/Number 63/The Vampyre


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RV 39 (Rh)

/ž/ and /j/ are usually interchangeable.

Use the proper Noun Suffix ('Possessive') Pronoun as indicated by the English pronouns listed to the right of the following sentences.

Change the form of the underlined verb (equivalent to the English 'I have, you have,' etc. or 'I don't have, you don't have,' etc.) to agree with the pronouns listed to the right of each sentence.


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 that I am not ill. I want everybody to see that I am not ill. It seems to me that I am wasting myself if I don't let every human being in the vessel know that I am not ill. I cannot sit still and be thankful, like you'd imagine a sensible man would. I walk about the ship—smoking, of course—and look at people who are not well with mild but pitying surprise, as if I wondered what it was like and how they did it. It is very foolish of me, I know, but I cannot help it. I suppose it is the human nature that exists in even the best of us that makes us act like this.

I could not get away from this man's cigar; or when I did, I came within range of the perfume from the engine-room, and felt I wanted to go back to the cigar. There seemed to be no neutral ground between the two.

If it had not been that I had paid for saloon, I should have gone fore. It was much fresher there, and I should have been much happier there altogether. But I was not going to pay for first-class and then ride third—that was not business. No, I would stick to the swagger part of the ship, and feel aristocratic and sick.

A mate, or a boatswain, or an admiral, or one of those sort


text: The New Monthly Magazine and Universal Register/Volume 11/Number 63/Extract of a Letter from Geneva


text: The New Monthly Magazine and Universal Register/Volume 11/Number 63


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276 profession; whereas in bestowing money-rewards it will be difficult, although not impossible, to ascertain the amount that will have the effect of stimulating the zeal of teachers without checking the exertions and sacrifices of parents. An additional consideration is this that if the other forms of reward and distinction I am about to suggest are found to be ineffectual, or effectual in too limited a degree, we may afterwards have recourse to money-rewards, but if we begin with the latter we cannot afterwards so easily discontinue them without abandoning the whole plan. We may ascend from weaker to stronger motives, not descend from stronger to weaker ones. It might be admissible, however, even from the first to give, according to the price of grain in the district, one, two, or three annas per day to each approved teacher as travelling expenses and subsistence-money,—the amount of the former to be determined by the number of days’ journey in coming from and returning to his home, and that of the latter by the number of days he remains in attendance on the examiner.

The first reward I would hold out to teachers is the gift of books. Each will receive a copy of the first book of the series already described with an engagement to return it in six months; and he will make it his own only by studying its contents, and undergoing a thorough and satisfactory examination on the subject which it treats. This examination will also entitle him to receive a copy of the second book of the series, at first on loan and for use only, but ultimately to become his own property in the same way. Still further the same examination will entitle him to receive three, six, or twelve copies of the first book of the series for the use of his scholars, to be accounted for in the manner hereafter described. That these books will be received not as mere compliments, but as substantial gifts equivalent to money, is probable, because the use and possession of them will both raise the qualifications of the teacher and afford him increased facilities for the instruction of his scholars in his own increased knowledge, for which he will naturally demand and receive increased compensation from their parents.

The next reward I would propose to hold out would be one tending to gratify the love of distinction, common to all and strong in them. The names and designations of those who have sustained the examination may be enrolled in a separate register, transmitted to the General Committee of Public Instruction, on the approval and recommendation of that body published in the official gazette, and on their appearance in the gazette proclaimed by the order of the magistrate throughout the district as the names and designations of persons constituting an approved class of native vernacular teachers. A written certificate may also be given to each, stating the extent of his qualifications and signed by the president and Secretary of the Committee of Instruction, or a


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 of people—I could not be sure, in the darkness, which it was—came up to me as I was leaning with my head against the paddle-box, and asked me what I thought of the ship. He said she was a new boat, and that this was her first voyage.

I said I hoped she would get a bit steadier as she grew older.

He replied: "Yes, she is a bit skittish to-night."

What it seemed to me was, that the ship would try to lie down and go to sleep on her right side; and then, before she had given that position a fair trial, would suddenly change her mind, and think she could do it better on her left. At the moment the man came up to me she was trying to stand on her head; and before he had finished speaking she had given up this attempt, in which, however, she had very nearly succeeded, and had, apparently, decided to now play at getting out of the water altogether.

And this was what he called being a "bit skittish!"

Seafaring people talk like this, because they are silly, and do not know any better. It is no use being angry with them.

I got a little sleep at last. Not in the bunk I had been at such pains to secure: I would not have stopped down in that stuffy saloon, if anybody had offered me a hundred pounds for doing so. Not that anybody did; nor that anybody seemed to want me there at all. I gathered this from the fact that the first thing that met my eye, after I had succeeded in clawing my way down, was a boot. The air was full of boots. There were sixty men sleeping there—or, as regards the majority, I should say trying to sleep there—some in bunks, some on tables, and some under tables. One man was asleep, and was snoring like a hippopotamus—like a hippopotamus that


text: The New Monthly Magazine and Universal Register/Volume 11


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 It is ill-mannered for boys:—

In the playground, boys are urged to run, to jump, and to play games with balls, since it is necessary to put the body in motion and allow the mind to rest. Forbidden pastimes are games played with dice, wrestling, boxing, and swimming, since these are either useless or dangerous.

On getting up in the morning, a boy is first to say his prayers, then to comb his hair, wash his hands and face, and dress neatly. He must remember to wish good morning to all whom he may meet. At night, he is to go straight to bed after evening prayers, and should not forget his private devotions. Once in bed, he should take care not to lie on his back, but must sleep half the night lying on his right and the other half lying on his left side. If several boys are sleeping in one room, there must be no talking after a given hour, and in any case all conversation out of school must be carried on in Latin.

The Laws of a well-ordered School repeat many of what we may call the commonplaces of the Comenian method, but also contain much that is new and to the point. Each class must have a separate class-room, and this should contain a raised desk for the master and a suffi-


text:
The Vampyre (Polidori)

 * "The Vampyre" in The New Monthly Magazine and Universal Register (1819)
 * The Vampyre published by Sherwood, Neely, and Jones (1819)

title: The Vampyre (Polidori)


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 cient number of seats for the boys, so arranged that the master can see all his pupils at once. The boys should sit with their backs to the window, that the light may fall on the master as he works at the blackboard. In addition to the class-rooms there must also be a big school for dramatic performances and speech-days. Once a month the headmaster, accompanied by the clergyman of the parish or by one of the school-managers, should examine the class to see if fitting progress has been made. At the end of the year an examination on a larger scale is to be held, but, as it is impossible to examine the whole class, boys should be selected haphazard and questioned on their year’s work. Promotions must be arranged in accordance with this examination.

Flogging is allowed, but with certain restrictions. On the first hour of Sunday, the whole school shall be called together, and, after the headmaster has read the rules, each master shall chastise those of his own pupils who have broken any of them during the previous week.

Comenius had evidently been a sufferer at the hands of that scourge of schoolmasters, the unreasoning parent. Before any boy is admitted to the school, his father must sign a document by which he undertakes to abide by the rules of the institution, and promises that his son’s attendance shall be as regular as possible.

In the boarding-house, no meals are allowed out of hours, and such a thing as a tuck-shop is evidently not to be tolerated for a moment. Boys go to bed at eight o’clock and get up at four, and must make their own beds as soon as they rise.

The masters are reminded that their position is one of dignity and of great importance. For the headmaster, in particular, special duties are laid down. He should be a model to the whole school of virtue, piety, and diligence. As he has no class of his own he ought to go through all the classes daily, “as the sun courses through the heavens.” He is to look after the school archives, and to keep an exact record of each boy’s entrance to and


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 had caught a cold, and was hoarse; and the other fiftynine were sitting up, throwing their boots at him. It was a snore, very difficult to locate. From which particular berth, in that dimly-lighted, evil-smelling place, it proceeded nobody was quite sure. At one moment, it appeared to come, wailing and sobbing, from the larboard, and the next instant it thundered forth, seemingly from the starboard. So every man who could reach a boot picked it up, and threw it promiscuously, silently praying to Providence, as he did so, to guide it aright and bring it safe to its desired haven.

I watched the weird scene for a minute or two, and then I hauled myself on deck again, and sat down and went to sleep on a coil of rope; and was awakened, in the course of time, by a sailor who wanted that coil of rope to throw at the head of a man who was standing, doing no harm to anybody, on the quay at Ostend.


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 departure from the school. He is to be hospitable, and should give testimonials of good conduct to deserving boys who leave the school. If other schools or cities send to him for masters, he may send them some of his best pupils.

It may seem surprising that Comenius remained for any length of time in Hungary. With his colleagues he was not a persona grata. His patron, Sigismund Rakoczy, died in 1652, and there was no prospect that the Gymnasium would be increased beyond the three classes already in existence. The Protestants in Lissa were continually urging him to return to them, and enemies whispered that his only object in staying at Saros-Patak was to line his own purse.

The Countess Susanna herself, a lady of a thrifty disposition and not particularly enthusiastic about Comenius, was the best refutation of this latter charge, and any disinclination to return to Poland must probably be ascribed to the influence of his evil genius Drabik.

Drabik, though living at Lednic, was in constant correspondence with Comenius and paid several visits to Saros-Patak, with the object of inducing the Rakoczy family to take some interest in his prophecies. In this he was not very successful, although Comenius did his best to impress on George Rakoczy that the revelations deserved careful attention, if not credence.

Were it not that Sludge is still with us and that scientific men of our own day still fall victims to the spirit-rapper, it would be difficult to understand how a man of Comenius' practical gifts, and not Comenius only but a host of Protestants throughout Europe, could for one minute have given any credence to this wretched impostor. Kotter may possibly have believed in his own revelations; Christina Poniatowska was a weak-minded and weak-bodied girl, subject to genuine fits of hysteria; but Drabik was a cunning calculator, who took stock of the material with which he had to deal and saw that, in


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 their present state of despair combined with superstitious expectation, the struggling Protestant communities would swallow almost any prophetic farrago that he chose to deliver to them. Count Rakoczy was to overthrow the house of Hapsburg, and Comenius was to anoint him king at Pressburg. In combination with Sweden, the Count was then to make Protestantism the faith of Europe. In this operation the Turks, of all people in the world, were to assist him, and, by the translation of the Bible into Turkish, for which the Countess Susanna was to supply the funds, were to be made cognisant of the exact grounds of dispute between the Reformed and the Catholic Church.

The transparency of Drabik’s motives was only equalled by his brazen-facedness. In ignorance of the events that were taking place in the Rakoczy family, he continued to receive and to impart revelations concerning the future actions of Sigismund Rakoczy for months after his death. The shout of laughter that the scoffers raised at this unfortunate mistake would have been sufficient to induce most prophets to retire from business, but Drabik, with the greatest calmness, created George Rakoczy his brother’s prophetic heir, and had the impudence to announce repeatedly that in a few weeks so he was informed from heaven-he would be summoned to Saros-Patak, and taken on by the Rakoczys as a kind of family seer; a hint that produced no effect of the kind intended.

Comenius was as yet indisposed to give these revelations full credence, but he thought them well worth considering, and, as events of a peculiarly startling character were foretold for the year 1653, he remained in Hungary, thinking that it might be as well to encounter a social upheaval under the protection of the powerful Rakoczy family. Needless to say, nothing remarkable occurred at the prescribed date, and, as the Church in Lissa needed his presence urgently, he finally (1654) made up his mind to leave Saros-Patak. The non-fulfilment of the prophecies had, strange to say, not diminished his interest in Drabik, whose hold upon him grew firmer daily.


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 On the 2nd of June he delivered a farewell oration in the great hall of the Gymnasium. All the circumstances that had led to friction between himself and his colleagues were forgotten, and, in an eloquent speech, he wished prosperity to the school, and reminded its governors and patrons of the golden rules by which it might be attained. Shortly afterwards he left Saros-Patak.

He did not, however, go straight back to Lissa, but stayed for a few weeks at Lednic, where he was in daily communication with Drabik. During the last few months of his residence in Hungary he had redoubled his efforts to induce George Rakoczy to take an interest in the Revelations, and had actually been invited to go to Siebenbürgen and expound them in person. This he had been unable to do, but, with the object of retaining the Count’s interest, he wrote the tractate Gentis felicitas, in which, after discussing the general essentials of good and successful government, he treats of Hungary in particular, and urges the Count, as the perfect ruler and saviour of the Hungarian nation, to place himself in opposition to the house of Hapsburg and uphold the cause of Evangelism.

Under the fire of so much exhortation, George Rakoczy was unable to make up his mind. From a letter to Count Jonas Mednyanszky it appears that he did not attach very much importance to the prophecies, though, for other reasons, he was decidedly disposed to take the line suggested by them. To Comenius he wrote that his difficulties were immense, as he had to cope with the Emperor, the king of Poland, the Turks, and the fickleness of his own subjects. If, however, another defender of Evangelism were to arise, he would be quite willing to assist him.

The occasion was not far to seek. The succession of Charles Gustavus to the throne of Sweden introduced a new element into the political situation, and may have induced Rakoczy to think that Drabik’s forecast of striking events in the near future was, after all, a divine communication. That he was greatly tempted to abandon the cautious pro-


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 cedure of diplomacy, and show his hand with the careless indifference of a passionate enthusiast, seems beyond a doubt. In sending an ambassador to the young king he was acting in conjunction with and under the direct influence of Comenius. Constantine Schaum, to whom the task of conducting the negotiations with Charles and with Oxenstierna was entrusted, had orders to go to Lissa on his way to Sweden, and the Count begged Comenius to give his envoy what advice he could.

For the Protestant exiles in Lissa the position was now greatly altered. Though Count Bohuslaw, on embracing the Catholic faith, had not withdrawn his protection from Comenius and the Brethren under his spiritual charge, it was evident that, in case of war, their situation was precarious. The undisguised sympathy that they displayed for Sweden did not mend matters, and, when Charles Gustavus, in the August of 1657, actually crossed the Polish frontier and marched as a victor on Warsaw and Cracow, danger stared them daily in the face. It was distinctly the moment when Comenius should have preserved a discreet silence, and have suffered himself and his compatriots to remain screened by their political insignificance; instead of this, with his habitual simplicity, he published a Panegyric on Charles Gustavus, in which he hailed him as “the liberator of humanity, the comfort of the afflicted, and the pattern for kings.” The work, which had a considerable vogue, cannot have failed to embitter the feelings of the Poles against the aliens in their midst, and, as Comenius’ enemies afterwards declared, may have been partly responsible for the calamities that befell Lissa. During his victorious march through Poland, Charles had spared a town that contained so many non-Catholics, and merely left a Swedish garrison to maintain the footing that he had acquired in the district. On the 17th of April, a large body of Polish troops came down unexpectedly, compelling the garrison to withdraw and leave Lissa at the mercy of the infuriated Poles. A large number of Protestants sought safety by fleeing into the forests on the


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 Silesian frontier, but Comenius and some of his friends scorned this course, and, with confidence inspired by Drabik’s prophecies, calmly awaited the development of events. They were not left long in suspense. On the the 29th of April, the Poles burst once more into the defenceless town, sacked it, and reduced it to ashes. It was with the greatest difficulty that any of the Protestants who had remained there saved their lives. Comenius succeeded in escaping to Silesia, where he took refuge with a wealthy nobleman, the Freiherr of Budova. He was once more homeless, and his worldly assets consisted of the clothes in which he stood, a few good friends, and a reputation somewhat damaged by the fanatical views to which he had committed himself.

Some days afterwards, his host sent Comenius’ amanuensis over to Lissa with an escort to see if anything had escaped the conflagration; nothing could be found, however, but a few pages of the Pansophia that he had buried before his flight. Amongst other things he had lost his library, and promissory notes to the value of 1000 thaler; though these he valued but little in comparison with his precious manuscripts, into which he had put the best part of his energy, and with which his fondest hopes were bound up. His Sylva Pansophiæ, containing “the definitions of all things”; his Dictionary of the Bohemian Language, on which he had been engaged for thirty years; his Harmony of the Evangelists; his refutations of Descartes of the Copernican theory, and his collected sermons of forty years, all had been devoured by the flames, and he filled the air with his lamentations. “Had God only spared me the Sylva Pansophiæ,” he cried, “all else would have been easier to bear, but even this is destroyed.” Was ever such irony? With the exception of the Bohemian dictionary, the works that were lost could have elicited little but contempt from subsequent generations. Those, on which his fame to a large extent rests, were already in the hands of half the


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 school-boys in Europe, and beyond the reach of any casual conflagration.

A letter of Pell’s, dated July 17th, shows that Comenius’ friends in England were kept well informed as to the state of his affairs. “Five days ago,” writes Pell, “I received a letter dated Dantzig, June 17th, containing a letter from Mr. Comenius, dated 22nd of May, wherein he describes the sad estate of those Protestants that escaped from Lesna, where he, for his own part, besides his writings, lost in money, books, and household stuff, above 3000 reichs-dalers (about £700 sterling). He had with incredible labour and no small journeys gotten the favour of some liberal persons, and hoped perhaps to leave his children £200 apiece, which among so many poor exiles would have seemed great riches. I hear he is sixty-five years old, and, it seems, hath nothing left but the clothes on his back. Those papers which have been found in the ashes and rubbish of Lesna are little worth in comparison of those which he accounts irrevocably lost I should have been willing to read over his refutations of the Copernicans and Cartesians, but with that prejudice that I do not believe him to be a competent judge of all the differences between them and other writers. And therefore of all his papers, there is none for whose loss I am less sorry, though he say of them, ‘Me valde dolet, siquidem in iis multum posueram operæ et diligentiæ.’

“I have caused his letter to be fairly written out and have sent it to the divines (pastors and professors) of Zurich, who esteem him and have introduced his Janua into their higher school some years ago. I make no question but they will do something for him.”

The terrible calamity that had befallen the Protestant community at Lissa excited the sympathy of non-Catholics throughout Europe. On every side collections were made