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 action, and reverie,—displaying itself in contempt for real life and disgust at the beaten tracks of men,—a tendency which in England has been called Byronism, and in Germany Wertherism. Dr. Channing noted the same growth in America, which led him to make the remark, that "too many of our young men grow up in a school of despair." The only remedy for this green-sickness in youth is physical exercise—action, work, and bodily occupation.

The use of early labour in self-imposed mechanical employments may be illustrated by the boyhood of Sir Isaac Newton. Though a comparatively dull scholar, he was very assiduous in the use of his saw, hammer, and hatchet—"knocking and hammering in his lodging-room"—making models of windmills, carriages, and machines of all sorts; and as he grew older, he took delight in making little tables and cupboards for his friends. Smeaton, Watt, and Stephenson were equally handy with tools when mere boys; and but for such kind of self-culture in their youth it is doubtful whether they would have accomplished so much in their manhood. Such was also the early training of the great inventors and mechanics described in the preceding pages, whose contrivance and intelligence were practically trained by the constant use of their hands in early life. Even where men belonging to the manual labour class have risen above it, and become more purely intellectual labourers, they have found the advantages of their early training in their later pursuits. Elihu Burritt says he found hard labour necessary to enable him to study with effect; and more than once he gave up school-teaching and study, and, taking to his leather apron


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is necessary that we should clearly understand what is meant by the psychological conception of insanity, the relation it bears to the physiological conception, and the nature of its aims and methods. The consideration of these problems involves some preliminary acquaintance with the fundamental propositions upon which modern science is based, and inevitably leads to questions which are, strictly speaking, beyond the limits of our subject. But as no clear thinking in psychology is possible unless precise notions about these elcmentary matters have been previously acquired, we may perhaps be pardoned for temporarily trespassing upon the domain of philosophy.

It has been pointed out that modern science is attacking the problem of insanity along two different routes. The psychological conception treats the phenomena as states of mind, whereas the physiological conception treats them merely as manifestations of changes occurring in the brain. Now in this statement we are confronted with certain terms which, although loosely and erroneously used in ordinary language, have nevertheless a precise and

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/


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 Other documents reveal further ambiguous financial interactions between the IND and other companies from Zhu’s prior network and UMI. For example, UMI used a packaging company affiliated with and previously used by Aide Modern Cattle China to ship materials to California. Moreover, additional documents show that Ai De Diagnostic Co., Ltd. wired $34,980 to UMI on June 26, 2017, for unknown reasons. The Supreme Court of British Columbia found International Newtech Development and Ai De Diagnostic Co, Ltd. to be “own[ed] and control[led]” by Zhu, and IND Dairytech USA Inc. also appears to be tied to Zhu.

''Figure 28 - UMI bank records obtained by the Select Committee. A Cathay Bank account wired $90,000 to UMI in a one month period. Source: Select Committee.''

''Figure 27 - UMI bank records obtained by the Select Committee. AI DE Diagnostic sent UMI tens of thousands of dollars. Source: Select Committee.''

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 own experiences in the workshop, toward which I followed my host. The place was well lighted, both walls and roof being of ualin. Near the centre was what I correctly surmised to be a forge, or blast-furnace. Close by stood anvils, and various contrivances for working in metal.

First, by the mere turning of a handle, Utis produced a roaring gas-flame,—an oxyhydrogen blast, indeed,—capable of reducing the most refractory metals to a liquid state in an incredibly short time. Under his direction I was soon busily engaged in feeding and controlling the movements of a machine for turning out large screw-bolts of a peculiar pattern. The work itself was done by the machine, yet each bolt required the exertion of a certain amount of muscular and mental effort. The temperature was somewhat above that of the previous day: it was such a day, in fact, as may fairly be expected in the middle of July. I was, accordingly, in a profuse perspiration before I had been half an hour at work. Yet as my costume consisted of only two garments, leaving both arms and lower limbs to a great extent exposed to the air, the supply of which was ample, the sensation of heat was by no means so great as I had frequently experienced under far less exertion.

"You are doing well," said Utis, after observing my work for a while. If you find this work too monotonous, you may learn to manage the lathe."

He then left me, and busied himself in turning out and fitting the nuts for the bolts. For my part, I grew so engrossed with my work, viewing with gratification the gradual diminution of the pile of material near my hand,


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 ''Figure 33 - A UMI invoice for a U.S.-based customer purchasing from Ai De Diangostic in the PRC. The invoice, which notes a shipment from the PRC of 100,000 tests, includes a picture of the test cassette. The cassette is identical to the one shown in Figure 26. Source: Select Committee.''

Figure 34 – a China Chamber of International Commerce Certificate for Exportation of medical devices.

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 that it was almost with regret I found the power suddenly shut off, and heard the cheery voice of Utis,—

"Half an hour for bath and toilet, then breakfast."

He pointed to the dial while speaking. The day before, I should have said that the hands pointed to half-past six. A little mental calculation, however, showed me that the time indicated was what, in ancient times, would have been called one o'clock, Greenwich time, or eight o'clock in New York. Throwing on the long upper garments, or dressing-gowns, in which we had descended, we hastened into the house. Utis accompanied me to my room, turned on the water, explained the duodecimal divisions on the thermometer, and said,—

"When the mercury rises to this red mark, the temperature is best for bathing. Do not remain in too long. When you have dried yourself, rub into your skin some of the preparation contained in this flask, especially over muscles that show fatigue. You will find it very refreshing."


text: The Psychology of Insanity

title: The Psychology of Insanity


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 appear upon the stage of events and determine the activity of the state, there is no proletarian revolution. In this sense, the proletarian revolution goes to the heart of things; it means a fundamental change, the reversal of relations in bourgeois society, where the "intellectuals" order and the masses obey. The masses in Russia had become conscious, determining the activity of the government and of the society. Against this new dispensation of things—surely "the end of the world!"—the petite bourgeoisie revolted in dismay and anger, refusing to have anything to do with masses that did not pay it homage. All the pettiness, all the arrogance, all the hypocrisy of the bourgeois system of things, which to the bourgeoisie itself are simply instruments of oppression, become in the souls of the petite bourgeoisie principles, ideals, aspirations of eternal fitness and beauty. "Since the masses refuse our tutelage, let us leave the masses to their fate!"

But the masses are determined, aggressive, uncompromising; Revolution has set loose their latent energy and initiative; they reveal unsuspected reserves of heroism, capacity and daring: the intelligentsia will yet submit to the authority of the masses. …

The moderate Socialists were equally active against the regime of the revolutionary workers and peasants; in fact, they constituted a merciless, inexorable opposition. The Mensheviki, including George Plekhanov, I. G. Tseretelli, and even the "internationalist" Martov, issued declarations branding the Revolution of November 7 and the assumption of power by the Soviets as a "crime." The Social-Revolutionists of the Right, during the week after the Bolshevist coup issued proclamations against the Bolsheviki. These moderate Socialists adopted the policy and attitude of the petite bourgeoisie, proving a relentless enemy of the proletarian revolution. Lenin had said that the institution of the Soviet Republic would pave the way for the peaceful, creative struggle of parties within the Soviets; but the moderates rejected the peaceful struggle within the Soviets, of party against party, program against program: they resorted to conspiracy, force, terrorism against the revolutionary proletarian government of the Soviets. The "old guard" of the struggle against Czarism, animated by the ideology of the petite bourgeoisie, resorted to similar tactics: Vladimir Burtsev conspired as in the old days; Boris Savinkov organized terrorist plots against the Soviet authority as he had organized terrorism against Czarism; Tschaikovsky declared at the Railway Workers' Convention in January that terrorism would be used against the Bolsheviki as in the days of Czarism. Nor was this mere threatening: terror-


text: The Psychology of Insanity/Preface

title: The Psychology of Insanity/Preface


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 ism was actually organized, and only the solidity of the Soviets, the support of the revolutionary masses, rendered the terrorist campaign unsuccessful.

Moderate Socialism has much to atone for. It is the arch-enemy of the proletariat and of Socialism. In all nations it is the curse of the revolutionary movement. Moderate Socialism in Russia might have been forgiven its attitude prior to November 7; its acts thereafter will be forever an indelible brand of shame. The international proletariat will learn from the history of the war, from the history of the Russian Revolution, that the proletarian revolution must necessarily wage a merciless, uncompromising struggle against moderate Socialism, which in its tendency is counter-revolutionary.

The Soviet government used drastic measures against the counter-revolution. Its policy was unwavering and stern; the hesitancy of the coalition regime was a thing of the past. The Provisional Government possessed no solidity because there was no solid class behind it, simply a fictitious unity of parties; it could not, under the conditions, determine upon and adhere to an uncompromising policy. But the Soviet Government was reared upon the solid basis of the revolutionary proletariat; it could, and did, adopt a consistent, courageous and uncompromising; policy. The counter-revolutionary revolts were crushed ruthlessly, not simply by armed force, but by intensifying class antagonism and thereby splitting the opposition; as among the Cossacks, for example, where the solid support of Kaledine was divided by means of Cossacks' Soviets, organizing the propertiless Cossacks against those of property. Against the intelligentsia coercive measures were adopted, the only way to convince them of the futility of their course. The bourgeoisie was attacked by means of the expropriation of large enterprises and by a rigid workers' control of industry, the drastic regulation of the economic activity of the country. Perhaps the most effective measure against the opposition in general was the exclusion of the bourgeoisie from participation in the government,—which is another necessary feature of the dictatorship of the proletariat. And underlying all these measures was the Soviets' merciless use of mass terror against the counter-revolution.

The armed struggle against the counter-revolution raged throughout Russia, and spread into Finland and the Ukraine, where the struggle between the revolutionary workers and peasants and the bourgeoisie assumed a particularly violent form. The revolutionists in Finland and the Ukraine were assisted by the Bolsheviki


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 and the Red Guards, but were unsuccessful because of the intervention of Austro-German troops, who were invited to invade the country in order to strike at the Revolution. The attitude of the Bolsheviki toward Finland and the Ukraine was to grant them their independence, trusting to the natural affinity of proletarian governments to unite; and then did all in their power to produce the victory of the proletarian revolution in Finland and the Ukraine.


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The Constituent Assembly was an important issue in the course of the Revolution. It represented an aspiration of democratic Russia, and particularly precious in the eyes of the petit bourgeois democracy. But Coalition Government after Coalition Government had postponed its convocation; Kerensky called conference after conference, and finally issued a call for the Constituent Assembly only under pressure. The Bolsheviki made much of the postponments of the Assembly, not because they considered it important in itself, but because its postponement was an expression of the counter-revolutionary character of the Provisional Government. The Constituent Assembly was an expression of the bourgeois democratic revolution; after the proletarian revolution, it was superfluous. The Soviet Government, however, allowed the Constituent Assembly to convene on January 18.

The situation was instinct with a fatal logic: if the Constituent Assembly accepted the authority of the Soviet Government, it was as an institution unnecessary, and after ratifying the accomplished fact of November 7 it would disperse; if it set itself against the Soviet authority, it was counter-revolutionary and would have to be dissolved by force, if necessary.

The Constituent Assembly was in session one day. It had a majority of Social-Revolutionists of the Right The chairman of the AU-Russian Soviet Executive Committee, Sverdlov, read a declaration declaring Russia a Federal Soviet Republic, and recognizing the authority and measures of the Soviet Government. The declaration was decisively defeated. The Bolsheviki and Social-Revolutionists of the Left, who were about a third of the delegates, thereupon withdrew from the Assembly, after reading the following proclamation:

"The great majority of toiling Russia, the workers, peasants and soldiers, have demanded that the Constituent Assembly recognize the results of the great November Revolution, the Soviets'


text: Page:Strategy of the Communists - A letter from the Communist International to the Mexican Communist Party.pdf/1


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 proclamation regarding land, peace and control of working conditions, and above all, that it should recognize the Soviet Government. Fulfilling this demand of the great majority of Russian working classes, the All-Russian Executive Committee has proposed to the Constituent Assembly that it should recognize this demand as binding. The majority of the Constituent Assembly has, however, in accordance with the demands of the bourgeoisie, refused to approve this proposition, thereby throwing a challenge of battle to all of toiling Russia. The Social-Revolutionary right wing, the party of Kerensky, Avksentyev and Chernov, has obtained the majority in the Constituent Assembly. This party, which calls itself a Social Revolutionary Party, is directing the fight of bourgeois elements against the workers' revolution and in reality is a bourgeois counter-revolutionary party. The Constituent Assembly in its present state is a result of the relative party power in force before the great November Revolution. The present counter-revolutionary majority of the Constituent Assembly, elected on the basis of the obsolete party lists, is trying to resist the movement of the workers and peasants. The day's discussions have clearly shown that the Social-Revolutionary Party of the Right Wing, as in the time of Kerensky, makes concessions to the people, promising them everything, but in reality has decided to fight against the Soviet Government, against the Socialistic measures to give the land and all its appurtenances to the peasants without compensation, to nationalize the banks and to annul the debts of the nation.

"Without wishing for a moment to conceal the crimes of the enemies of the people, we announce that we are withrawing from the Constituent Assembly in order to let the Soviet power finally decide the question of its relation toward the counter-revolutionary part of the Constituent Assembly."

The very same day the Constituent Assembly was dispersed by the bayonets of the Red Guard; and on January 19 the Soviet Government issued a decree officially dissolving the Assembly. The Revolution, declared the decree of dissolution, created the Workers' and Soldiers' Soviet—the only organization able to direct the struggle of the exploited classes for complete political and economic liberation; this Soviet constituted a revolutionary government through the November Revolution, after perceiving the illusion of an understanding with the bourgeoisie and its deceptive parliamentary organization; the Constituent Assembly, being elected from the old election lists, and intended to be the crown of the bourgeois


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 scious rise. I scarcely heard the Count's question, yet the dubious shake of his head did not escape my notice.

"You don't hear me, dear Carlos!" he resumed. "I fear you are not well?"

"Indeed, I believe you are right," I replied mechanically; "for I feel something here," pointing to the left side.

The Count laughed at that gesture, assumed a cheerful air, and said, "So much the worse, Carlos; for hurts on that side are generally incurable." He expected I should fall in with his merry humour; yet I was entirely mute, and he resumed again:

"Tell me, for Heaven's sake, Marquis, what is the matter with you. You are entirely changed; or do you think that I have not seen the tears which you attempted to disguise by laughing, nor that I have perceived that you did not squeeze my hand when I offered it to you so cordially?"

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 parliamentary republic, necessarily became the authority of the bourgeois republic, setting itself against the Revolution of November and the authority of the Soviet Government; the old bourgeois parliamentarism has had its day and is incompatible with the tasks before Socialism; hence it was unavoidable that the Constituent Assembly, necessarily counter-revolutionary, should be dissolved.

Any other attitude of the Soviet Government would have been self-stultification. The proletarian revolution is relentlessly logical. It is a denial of bourgeois democracy. It is openly a dictatorship. Its practice must be in accord with its theory—otherwise the proletarian revolution limps, degrades itself, and prepares the forces for its destruction. The Soviet Government was organized not as a representative of all classes, but as the representative of the revolutionary masses, the dictatorship of the proletariat. It had to act accordingly.

All democracy is relative, is class democracy. As an historical category, democracy is the instrument of a class: bourgeois democracy is the form of expression of the tyranny of Capitalism, the form of authority of the oppressing class over the oppressed class. The democracy of Socialism annhilates the democracy of Capitalism—relative, authoritarian democracy is superseded by the actuality of the full and free democracy of Communist Socialism. The proletarian revolution does not allow the "ethical concepts" of bourgeois democracy to interfere in its course; it ruthlessly casts aside bourgeois democracy in the process of establishing proletarian democracy. Capitalism hypocritically insisits upon a government of all the classes, which in reality is the government of one class, the capitalist class; the proletarian revolution frankly institutes the government of one class—the proletariat—which ultimately means the end of "government" as hitherto constituted. The state is an instrument of coercion; but where the bourgeois state considers itself as sacrosanct and eternal, the revolutionary proletarian state considers itself a temporary necessity that will gradually become superfluous in the measure that the process of reconstruction


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 "Don't speak of it, dearest Count. I am, indeed, not well."

"Indeed not? And that malady attacks you in the very moment in which I feel myself well again the first time?"

"Dearest, best Count; for God's sake, don't be bitter. I cannot, I cannot bear it to day."

"Bitter!" he exclaimed, with a mien which was ten times more so. "It is, indeed, the first time to day that any person taxes me with it. I was not bitter while I was unfortunate; it must therefore originate in my happiness. "But," added he, in a soothing accent, "do you really think that I am such a bad and inattentive observer, that I should not have seen at whom your tenderest and most burning looks were directed?"

"Pray, tell me, at whom were they directed?"

"The former at my fair neighbour, and the latter at myself. The tears, that

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 emerges definitely into the Socialist Communist society of the organized, self-governing producers.

The Constituent Assembly was an expression of government of all the classes, of the bourgeois regime; it was, accordingly, necessarily and essentially a reaction against the proletarian revolution. Moreover, the Constituent Assembly was a phase of the parliamentary regime of the bourgeois republic. The parliamentary system is not an expression of fundamental democracy, but of the ruling requirements of Capitalism. Parliamentarism, presumably representing all the classes, actually represents the requirements of the ruling class alone,—with due consideration to "concessions" to the subject class. The division of functions in the parliamentary system into legislative and executive has for its direct purpose the indirect smothering of the opposition—the legislature talks and represents "democracy," while the executive acts autocratically. Socalism can not conquer Capitalism by assuming control of and using the parliamentary system: the system must be destroyed; and Socialism, accordingly, actually or potentially, prepares the norms of the proletarian state, the state of the industrually organized producers. The proletarian revolution annhilates the parliamentary system and its division of functions, legislative and executive. being united into one working body,—as in the Soviets of Workers and Peasants. The parliamentary state is purely territorial; the proletarian state, during its period of dictatorship, is territorial and industrial, until it emerges definitely into Socialism, when the state disappears, being replaced by the "administration of things," an industrial "state" functioning through the organized producers.

During its one day's session, the Constituent Assembly adopted a number of resolutions, declaring Russia a Democratic Federated Republic; abolishing "forever … the right to privately own land," placing all land, mines, forests and waters under the control of the Republic, making the use of these "free to all citizens of the Russian Republic, regardless of nationality or creed." Another resolution, "expressing the firm will of the people to immediately discontinue the war and conclude a just and general peace, appeals to the Allied countries proposing to define jointly the exact terms of a democratic peace acceptable to all the belligerent nations, in order to present these terms, in behalf of the Allies, to the Governments fighting against the Russian Republc and her Allies." … "Expressing, in the name of the people of Russia, its regret that the negotiations with Germany, which were started without a prelimi-


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text:
Translation:Letter from the Timucua chiefs to the King of Spain - January 28, 1688 (Spanish version)

mul:Letter from the Timucua chiefs to the King of Spain (January 28, 1688) Carta de los caciques timuquanos a Carlos II (1688)


text:
Translation:Letter from the Timucua chiefs to the King of Spain - January 28, 1688 (Timucua version)

mul:Letter from the Timucua chiefs to the King of Spain (January 28, 1688) Carta_de_los_caciques_timuquanos_a_Carlos_II_(1688)


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Rh He turned again to look at La Pèlerine.

"Stay," he cried; "look there!"

Far away as they were from the unlucky plateau by this time, the practised eyes of the three officers easily made out Marche-à-Terre and others in possession of the place.

"Quick march!" cried Hulot to his troop. "Stir your shanks and make those horses move on faster than that. Are their legs frozen? Have the beasts also been sent over by Pitt and Cobourg?" The pace of the little troop was quickened by the words.

"I hope to Heaven we shall not have to clear up this mystery at Ernée with powder and ball," he said to the two officers; "it is too dark a business for me to see through readily. I am afraid we shall be told that the king's subjects have cut off our communications with Mayenne."

The very strategical problem which made Hulot's moustache bristle, gave anxiety, no whit less keen, to the men whom he had discovered upon the summit of La Pèlerine. The drum of the National Guard from Fougères was hardly out of earshot, the Blues had only reached the bottom of the long steep road below, when Marche-à-Terre cheerfully gave the cry of the screech owl again, and the Chouans reappeared, but in smaller numbers. Some of them must have been occupied in bandaging the wounded at the village of La Pèlerine, on the side of the hills overlooking the valley of the CouësnonTwo or three Chasseurs du Roi came up to Marche-à-Terre.

Four paces away the young noble sat musing on a granite boulder, absorbed by the numerous thoughts to which his difficult enterprise gave rise in him. Marche-à-Terre shaded the sun from his eyes with his hand as he dejectedly followed the progress of the Republicans down the valley of La Pèlerine. His small keen black eyes were trying to discover what was passing on the horizon where the road left the valley for the opposite side.

"The Blues will intercept the mail," said one of the chiefs sullenly, who stood nearest to Marche-à-Terre.


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44 "By St. Anne of Auray!" asked another, "why did you make us fight? To save your own skin?"

Marche-à-Terre's glance at the speaker was full of malignity; he rapped the butt of his heavy carbine on the ground. "Am I in command?" said he. Then after a pause he went on, "If all of you had fought as I did, not one of the Blues would have escaped," and he pointed to the remnant of Hulot's detachment below, "and perhaps then the coach would have come through as far as here."

"Do you suppose," asked a third speaker, "that the idea of escorting it, or stopping it either, would have crossed their minds if we had let them pass peaceably? You wanted to save your own hide, you that would have it the Blues were not on the march. He must save his own bacon," he went on, turning to the others, "and the rest of us must bleed for it, and we are like to lose twenty thousand francs in good gold coin besides."

"Bacon yourself!" cried Marche-à-Terre, drawing back and bringing his carbine to bear on his adversary. "It's not that you hate the Blues, but that you are fond of money. You shall die without confession, do you hear? A damned rascal that hasn't taken the sacrament this twelvemonth past."

The Chouan turned white with rage at this insult, a deep growl came from his chest as he raised his musket and pointed it at Marche-à-Terre. The young leader rushed between them, knocked the firearms out of their hands by striking up their weapons with the stock of his carbine, and demanded an explanation of the quarrel. The dispute had been carried on in Bas-Breton, with which he was not very familiar.

Marche-à-Terre explained, and ended his discourse with, "It's the more shame to them that bear a grudge against me, my lord Marquis, for I left Pille-Miche behind, and very likely he will keep the coach out of these robbers' clutches." He pointed to the Blues, for these faithful defenders of altar and throne were all brigands and murderers of Louis XVI.


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Rh "What?" cried the young man angrily. "Do you mean to say you are waiting here to stop a coach? You cowards, who could not gain the victory in the first encounter with me for your commander! How is victory possible with such intentions? So those who fight for God and the King are pillagers? By St. Anne of Auray! we are making war on the Republic and not on diligences. Any one guilty of such disgraceful actions in future will not be pardoned, and shall not benefit by the favors destined for brave and faithful servants of the King."

A murmur like a growl arose from the band. It was easy to see that the authority of the new leader, never very sure over these undisciplined troops, had been compromised. Nothing of this was lost upon the young man, who cast about him for a means of saving his orders from discredit, when the sound of approaching horse-hoofs broke the silence. Every head was turned in the direction whence the sound seemed to come. A young woman appeared, mounted sideways upon a little horse, her pace quickened to a gallop as soon as she saw the young man.

"What is the matter?" she asked, looking by turns at the chief and the assembled Chouans.

"Would you believe it, madame, they are waiting to plunder the coach that runs between Mayenne and Fougères, just as we have liberated our gars from Fougères in a skirmish which has cost us a good many lives, without our being able to demolish the Blues."

"Very well, but where is the harm?" asked the young lady, whose woman's tact had revealed the secret of this scene to her. "You have lost some men, you say; we shall never run short of them. The mail is carrying money, and we are always short of that. We will bury our men, who will go to heaven, and we will take the money, which will go into the pockets of these good fellows. What is the objection?"

Every face among the Chouans beamed with approval at her words.


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84

{{c|Resedaceae— {Cont.)}}

Reseda pruinosa Del. Fl. Eg. p. 15. Loc. : Taloi Sunt, 11 miles N. of Pasni, about 50 ft. (no. M 43 B) ; near Manguli, 157 miles SSW of Kalat, about 2,450 ft. (no. 239). PL and fr. in Feb. 1918, Sept. 1917. Vern. Name : Mazardum.

Reseda Aucheri Boiss. Diagn. ser. I, part I, p. 5. Loc. : Gwambuk, about 60 miles S. by B. of Panjgur, about 2,700 ft. (no. 43C) ; hills S of Chambar (Kolwa), 26° 9' N, 64° 42' E, about 1,800—2,200 ft. (no. 43D). PI. in April 1918. Vem. Name : Mazardum.

Oligomeris glaucescens Cambess. in Jacq. Voy. Bot. 23, t. 5. Loc. : Kulbar valley, E. of Dagja, 62° 33' E, 26° 15' N, about 1,700 ft. (no. 110). PI. and fr. in March 1918.

Helianthemum Lippii Pers. Syn. II, 78 var. micranthum Boiss. Fl. Or. I, 443. Loc. : Chhuttok, 90 miles S. of Kauat, 4,500 ft. (no. 169, 170). PI. and fr. in Aug. 1917.

Polygala sibirica L. Sp. PI. 987. Loc. : Eari Dan, 170 miles S. by W. of Kalat, 2,300 ft. (no. 283). FI. and fr. in Sept. 1917. Vem. Name : Kaj (Mashna Kaj) (Brah.).

Polygala erioptera DC. Prodr. I, 326. Loc. : Wahir, 25 miles S. by W. of Khozdar, about 4,200 ft. (no. 365). Fl. and fr. in Sept. 1917. Vem. Name : Choghal (Brah.).

Dianthus crinltus Sm. Act. Soc. Linn. II, 300. Loc: Siman river, 15 miles SE of Khozdar, about 3,700 ft. (no. 359). Fl. in Sept. 1917. Vem. Name : Aghud ? (Brah.).


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46 "Is there nothing in this to make you blush?" said the young man in a low voice. "Are you in such straits for money that you have to take the road for it?"

"I am so in want of it, Marquis, that I could put my heart in pledge for it, I think, if it were still in my keeping," she said, smiling coquettishly at him. "Where can you come from to think of employing Chouans without allowing them to plunder the Blues now and again? Don't you know the proverb, 'Thievish as an owl,' and what else is a Chouan? Besides," she went on, raising her voice, "is it not a righteous action? Have not the Blues robbed us, and taken the property of the Church?"

Again a murmur from the Chouans greeted her words, a very different sound from the growl with which they had answered the Marquis. The color on the young man's brow grew darker, he stepped a little aside with the lady, and began with the lively petulance of a well-bred man:

"Will these gentlemen come to the Vivetière on the appointed day?"

"Yes," she answered, "all of them, l'Intimé, Grand Jacques, and possibly Ferdinand."

"Then permit me to return thither, for I canned sanction such brigandage by my presence. Yes, madame, I say it is brigandage. A noble may allow himself to be robbed, but——"

"Very well, then," she broke in; "I shall have your share, and I am obliged to you for giving it up to me. The prize money will put me in funds. My mother has delayed sending money to me for so long that I am fairly desperate."

"Good-bye," said the Marquis, and he disappeared. The lady hurried quickly after him.

"Why won't you stay with me?" she asked, with a glance half tyrannous, half tender; such a glance as a woman gives to a man over whom she exerts a claim, when she desires to make her wishes known to him.

"Are you not going to plunder the coach?"


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Rh "Plunder?" she repeated; "what a strange expression! Let me explain——"

"Not a word," he said, taking both her hands and kissing them with a courtier's ready gallantry. "Listen to me," he went on, after a pause, "if I were to stay here while they stop the coach, our people would kill me, for I should——"

"They would not kill you," she answered quickly; "they would tie your hands together, always with due respect to your rank; and after levying upon the Republicans a contribution sufficient for their equipment and maintenance, and for some purchases of gunpowder, they would again obey you blindly."

"And you would have me command here? If my life is necessary to the cause for which I am fighting, you must allow me to save my honor as a commander. I can pass over this piece of cowardice if it is done in my absence. I will come back again to be your escort."

He walked rapidly away. The young lady heard the sound of his footsteps with evident vexation. When the sound of his tread on the dead rustling leaves had died away, she waited a while like one stupefied, then she hurried back to the Chouans. An abrupt scornful gesture escaped her; she said to Marche-à-Terre, who was aiding her to dismount, "The young man wants to open war on the Republic in regular form!—Ah, well, he will alter his mind in a day or two. But how he has treated me!" she said to herself after a pause.

She sat down on the rock where the Marquis had been sitting, and waited the coming of the coach in silence. It was not one of the least significant signs of the times that a young and noble lady should be thus brought by violent party feeling into the struggle between the monarchies and the spirit of the age, impelled by the strength of those feelings to assist in deeds, to which she yet was (so to speak) not an accessory, led like many another by an exaltation of soul that sometimes brings great things to pass. Many a woman, like her, played a part in those troubled


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48 times; sometimes it was a sorry one, sometimes the part of a heroine. The Royalist cause found no more devoted and active emissaries than among such women as these.

In expiation of the errors of devotion, or for the mischances of the false position in which these heroines of their cause were placed, perhaps none suffered so bitterly as the lady at that moment seated on the slab of granite by the wayside; yet even in her despair she could not but admire the noble pride and the loyalty of the young chief. Insensibly she fell to musing deeply. Bitter memories awoke that made her look longingly back to early and innocent days, and regret that she had not fallen a victim to this Revolution, whose progress such weak hands as hers could never stay.

The coach, which had counted for something in the Chouan attack, had left the village of Ernée some moments before the two parties began skirmishing. Nothing reveals the character of a country more clearly than its means of communication. Looked at in this light, the coach deserves special attention. The Revolution itself was powerless to destroy it; it is going yet in our own day.

"When Turgot resumed the monopoly of conveyance of passengers throughout France, which Louis XIV. had granted to a company, he started the fresh enterprise which gave his name to the coaches or turgotines; and then out into the provinces went the old chariots of Messrs. de Vousges, Chauteclaire, and the widow Lacombe, to do service upon the highways. One of these miserable vehicles came and went between Mayenne and Fougères. They were called turgotines out of pure perversity and by way of antiphrasis; perhaps a dislike for the minister who started the innovation, or a desire to mimic Paris, suggested the appellation.

This turgotine was a crazy cabriolet, with two enormous wheels; its back seat, which scarcely afforded room for two fairly stout people, served also as a box for carrying the mails. Some care was required not to overload the feeble


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CONTRIBUTIONS : A FLORA OF BALUCHISTAN. 91 Stamina 8, exserta. Stylus ovario duplo longior. Capsula trialata globosa, depressa, basi et apice retusa. Differt a Zygophyllo euryptero pedunculis longis, stipulis longe-cuspidatis, capsula trialata. Loc. : Quetta. Fl, and fr. in July 1918.

Zygophyllum simplex L. Mant. 68 Loc. : Las Bela, about 700 ft. (no. 398). Fl. and fr. in Oct. 1917. Vem. Name : Fesul (Sindbi of Bela).

ZygopHyllum fabago L, Sp. FL 551. Loc. : Quetta ; Kulbar vallev above Dagja, 62° 32' E. 26° 15' N. (no. M. 31 A.). Fl. in July 1918. Vem. Name : Shurdu (Bal.).

Zygophyllum coccineum L. Sp. PL 551. Loc. : Junction of Ragbai and Sichk rivers (Kharan), about 3,600 ft. (no. M 31 C) ; Karochi Darkaf, about 60 miles N. by E. of Pasni, about 1,400 ft. (no. M. 31 A.) ; Turbat, about 600 ft. (no. M 3) ; Kaurdat 10 miles N. of Rekin, about 1,900 ft. (no. M. 31 B.) ; NE of Hosbap, about 60 miles ENE of Turbat, about 2,000 ft. (no. M 31) ; near Manguli, 197 miles SSW of Kalat (no. 234). Fl. in Feb. and April 1918. Vem. Names : Shurdu (Bal. Br.), Sohro (Bal ). Note : The leaves seem to vary a good deal. We note the following forms : (a) All leaves unifoliolate, leaflets cylindrical, one only clavate, shorter than the petiole, green ; (b) All leaves unifoliolate, cylindrical, about as long as the petiole, reddish ; (c) Leaves, L-2-foliolate. Leaflets shorter than petiole, generally clavate ; (d) Leaflets 1 or 2, of variable length, sub-cylindrical. »

SEETZENIA'i?. Br.

Seetzenia orientalis Dene. Fl. Sin. 56, tab. 7. Loc. : Near Bazdad, 25 miles E. of Chambar (Kolwa), about 1,850 ft. (no. M 95 C). Fl. in April 1918. Vem. Name : Cheink (Bal.).

Peganum L.

Peganum harmala L. Sp. PL 638. Loc. : Kalat, 7,000 ft. (no. 2); Chahdadzai, 72 miles S. of Kalat, 5,100 ft. (no. 2 C) ; Quetta ; Pirandar, 205 miles SSW of Kalat, about 1,900 ft. ; Sarchib, about 62° 40' E., 26° 16 N (no. M 119) ; Nag (W. Kolwa) about 83 miles E. by N. of Turbat, about 2,300 ft. (no. M 119 A) ; Zayaki Jangal, 27° 54' N, 65° 51' E, about 4,600 ft. (no. M 119 B) : Sitani, 59 miles S. of Kalat, 5,300 ft. (no. 2 B). Fl. in April and July 1918, Sept. 1917.— Fr. in June 1918, Aug. 1917. Uses : The seeds are burnt on charcoal or coal, and their scent, which is pleasant, inhaled by people who are sick in any way. Vem. Names : Kisankur (Bal. Br.), Aspantan, Gandako (Bal.). The seeds are called " harmul ".

Geraniaceae.

MONSONIA L. Monsonia heliotropioides Boiss. Fl. Or. I (1867) 897. Loc. : Hushtar Rahi, 160 miles 8. of Kalat, about 3,700 ft. (no. 303). Fl. in Sept. 1917. Vem. Name : Gudbaher (Br. Bal.).

Erodium IS Her it. Erodium laciniatum Cav. Diss. '128, tab. 113, fig. 3. Loc. : Quetta, Fr. in July 1918.

(To be continued)


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Rh structure; but if travelers carried any luggage, it had to lie in the bottom of the coach, a narrow, box-like hole shaped like a pair of bellows, where their feet and legs were already cramped for room. The original color of the body and the wheels offered an insoluble enigma to the attention of passengers. Two leather curtains, unmanageable in spite of their long service, protected the sufferers from wind and weather. The driver, seated in front on a rickety bench, as in the wretchedest chaises about Paris, was perforce included in the conversation, by reason of his peculiar position among his victims, biped and quadruped. There were fantastic resemblances between the vehicle and some decrepit old man who has come through so many bronchial attacks and apoplectic seizures that Death seems to respect him. It went complainingly, and creaked at every other moment. Like a traveler overtaken by heavy slumber, it lurched backwards and forwards, as if it would fain have resisted the strenuous efforts of the little Breton horses that dragged it over a tolerably uneven road. This relic of a bygone time held three passengers; their conversation had been interrupted at Ernée while the horses were changed, and was now resumed as they left the place.

"What makes you think that the Chouans will show themselves out here?" asked the driver. "They have just told me at Ernée that the commandant Hulot had not yet left Fougères."

"It's all very well for you, friend," said the youngest of the three; "you risk nothing but your own skin. If you were known as a good patriot and carried three hundred crowns about you, as I do, you wouldn't take things so easily."

"In any case, you are very imprudent," said the driver, shaking his head.

"You may count your sheep and yet the wolf will get them," said the second person. He was dressed in black, looked about forty years of age, and seemed to be a recteur thereabouts. His double chin and florid complexion


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Author:Ethelbert Blatter

Works

 * The Journal of Indian Botany/Volume 1/October 1919/Contributions towards a Flora of Baluchistan

 * The Journal of Indian Botany/Volume 1/November 1919/Contributions towards a Flora of Baluchistan

 * The Journal of Indian Botany/Volume 1/December 1919/Contributions towards a Flora of Baluchistan
 * The Journal of Indian Botany/Volume 1/May 1920/Contributions towards a Flora of Baluchistan

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50 marked him out as belonging to the Church. Short and stout though he was, he displayed a certain agility each time he got in or out of the conveyance.

"Are you Chouans?" cried the owner of the three hundred crowns. His voluminous goatskin cloak covered breeches of good cloth and a very decent waistcoat, all signs of a well-to-do farmer. "By the soul of St. Robespierre," he went on, "you shall be well received...."

He looked from the driver to the rector, and showed them both the pistols at his waist.

"Bretons are not to be frightened that way," said the curé; "and besides that, do we look as if we wanted your money?"

Each time the word money was mentioned the driver became silent. The recteur's wits were keen enough to make him suspect that the patriot had no money, and that there was some cash in the keeping of their charioteer.

"Have you much of a load, Coupiau?" he inquired.

"Next to nothing, as you may say, Monsieur Gudin," replied the driver.

Monsieur Gudin looked inquiringly from Coupiau to the patriot at this, but both countenances were alike imperturbable.

"So much the better for you," answered the patriot. "I shall take my own measures for protecting my money if anything goes wrong."

This direct assumption of despotic authority provoked Coupiau into replying roughly:

"I am the master here in the coach, and so long as I take you to——"

"Are you a patriot or a Chouan?" interrupted his adversary sharply.

"I am neither," answered Coupiau; "I am a postilion, and, what is more, a Breton; and therefore I am not afraid of Blues nor of gentlemen."

"Gentlemen of the road, you mean," said the patriot sardonically.


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Rh "They only take what others have taken from them," put in the recteur quickly, while the eyes of either traveler stared at the other as if to penetrate into either's brain. In the interior of the coach sat a third person who remained absolutely silent through the thick of the debate. Neither the driver, the patriot, nor Gudin himself took the slightest heed of this nonentity. As a matter of fact, he was one of those tiresome and inconvenient people who travel by coach as passively as a calf that is carried with its legs tied up to a neighboring market. At the outset they possess themselves of at least the space allotted to them by the regulations, and end by sleeping without consideration or humanity on their neighbors' shoulders. The patriot, Gudin, and the driver had let him alone, thinking that he was asleep, as soon as they had ascertained that it was useless to attempt to converse with a man whose stony countenance bore the records of a life spent in measuring ells of cloth, and a mind bent solely upon buying cheap and selling dear. Yet, in the corner where he lay curled up, a pair of china-blue eyes opened from time to time; the stout, little man had viewed each speaker in turn with alarm, doubt, and mistrust, but he seemed to stand in fear of his traveling companions, and to trouble himself very little about Chouans. The driver and he looked at one another like a pair of freemasons. Just then the firing began at La Pèlerine; Coupiau stopped in dismay, not knowing what to do.

"Oh, ho!" said the churchman, who seemed to grasp the situation; "this is something serious. There are a lot of people about."

"The question is, who will get the best of it, M. Gudin?" cried Coupiau, and this time the same anxiety was seen on all faces.

"Let us put up at the inn down there, and hide the coach till the affair is decided," suggested the patriot.

The advice seemed so sound that Coupiau acted upon it, and with the patriot's help concealed the coach behind a pile of faggots.


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52 The supposed recteur found an opportunity of whispering to Coupiau:

"Has he really any money?"

"Eh, M. Gudin, if all he has found its way into your reverence's pockets they would not be very heavy."

The Republicans, hurrying to reach Ernée, came past the inn without stopping there. The sound of their rapid march brought Gudin and the innkeeper to the door to watch them curiously. All at once the stout ecclesiastic made a dash at a soldier who was lagging behind.

"Eh?" he cried, "Gudin! Are you really going with the Blues? Infatuated boy! Do you know what you are about?"

"Yes, uncle," answered the corporal; "I have sworn to fight for France!"

"But your soul is in danger, scapegrace," cried his uncle, appealing to the religious scruples that are so strong in Breton hearts.

"Well, uncle, I won't say but that if the king had put himself at the head of his——"

"Idiot! Who is talking about the king? Will your Republic give preferment? It has upset everything! What kind of a career do you expect? Stay with us; we shall triumph some day or other, and then you shall be made councillor to some Parliament."

"A Parliament?" asked Gudin mockingly. "Good-bye, uncle!"

"You shall not have the worth of three louis from me; I shall disinherit you," his uncle called angrily after him.

"Thanks," said the Republican, and they parted.

The fumes of cider to which the patriot had treated Coupiau while the little troop was passing had succeeded in obscuring the driver's intelligence somewhat; but he brightened up again when the landlord, having learned the upshot of the struggle, brought the news of a victory for the Blues. Coupiau brought out his coach upon the road again, and they were not long in showing themselves in the bot-


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 have sprung from a single pair of human beings, and the condition of a race to-day therefore to be to its own credit or blame. I remember one day in Cameroons coming across a young African lady, of the age of twelve, who I knew was enjoying the advantages of white tuition at a school. So, in order to open up conversation, I asked her what she had been learning. "Ebberyting," she observed with a genial smile. I asked her then what she knew, so as to approach the subject from a different standpoint for purposes of comparison. "Ebberyting," she said. This hurt my vanity, for though I am a good deal more than twelve years of age, I am far below this state of knowledge; so I said, "Well, my dear, and if you do, you're the person I have long wished to meet, for you can tell me why you are black." "Oh yes," she said, with a perfect beam of satisfaction, "one of my pa's pa's saw dem Patriark Noah wivout his clothes." I handed over to her a crimson silk necktie that I was wearing, and slunk away, humbled by superior knowledge. This, of course, was the result of white training direct on the African mind; the story which you will often be told to account for the blackness and whiteness of men by Africans who have not been in direct touch with European, but who have been in touch with Muhammedan, tradition—which in the main has the same Semitic source is that when Cain killed Abel, he was horrified at himself, and terrified of God; and so he carried the body away from beside the altar where it lay, and carried it about for years trying to hide it, but not knowing how, growing white the while with the horror and the fear; until one day he saw a crow scratching a hole in the desert sand, and it struck him that if he made a hole in the sand and put the body in, he could hide it from God, so he did; but

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 ferently. In us—in some of us—it has made the will to seize upon that chance-born good and separate it from the chance-born evil. The spirit of God rises out of your process as if he were a part of your process Except for him, the good and evil are inextricably mixed; good things flower into evil things and evil things wholly or partially redeem themselves by good consequences. 'Good' and 'evil' have meaning only for us. The Process is indifferent; it makes, it destroys, it favours, it torments. On its own account it preserves nothing and continues nothing. It is just careless. But for us it has made opportunity. Life is opportunity. Unless we do now ourselves seize hold upon life and the Process while we are in it, the Process, becoming uncontrollable again, will presently sweep us altogether away. In the back of your mind, Doctor, is the belief in a happy ending just as much as in the mind of Sir Eliphaz. I see deeper because I am not blinded by health. You think that beyond man comes some sort of splendid super-man. A healthy delusion! There is nothing beyond man unless men will that something shall be. We shall be wiped out as carelessly as we have been made, and something else will come, as disconnected and aimless, something neither necessarily better nor necessarily worse but something different, to be wiped out in its turn. Unless the spirit of God that moves in us can rouse us to seize this universe for Him and ourselves, that is the nature of your Process. Your Process is just Chaos; man is the opportunity, the passing opportunity for order in the waste.

"People write and talk as if this great war which


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Rh tom of the valley of La Pèlerine. From the plateaux of Maine and of Brittany both it was easy to see the coach lying in the trough between two great waves, like a bit of wreckage after a storm at sea.

Hulot meanwhile had reached the summit of a slope that the Blues were climbing. La Pèlerine was still in sight, a long way off, so he turned to see if the Chouans still remained on the spot. The sunlight shining on the barrels of their muskets marked them out for him as a little group of bright dots. As he scanned the valley for the last time before quitting it for the valley of Ernée, he thought he could discern Coupiau's chariot on the highroad.

"Isn't that the Mayenne coach?" he asked of his two comrades, who turned their attention to the old turgotine and recognized it perfectly well.

"Well, then, how was it that we did not meet it?" asked Hulot, as all three looked at each other in silence.

"Here is one more enigma," he went on; "but I begin to have an inkling of the truth."

Just at that very instant Marche-à-Terre also discovered the turgotine, and pointed it out to his comrades. A general outburst of rejoicing aroused the young lady from her musings. She came forward and saw the coach as it sped up the hillside with luckless haste. The miserable turgotine reached the plateau almost immediately; and the Chouans, who had hidden themselves, once more rushed out upon their prey in greedy haste. The dumb traveler slipped down into the bottom of the coach, and cowered there, trying to look like a package.

"Well," cried Coupiau from the box, "so you have smelled out the patriot there! He has money about him—a bag full of gold;" and as he spoke, he pointed out the small farmer, only to find that the Chouans hailed his remarks with a general roar of laughter and shouts of "Pille-Miche! Pille-Miche! Pille-Miche!" In the midst of the hilarity, which Pille-Miche himself echoed, Coupiau came down from the box in confusion. The famous Cibot, alias Pille-Miche,


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 all his children were white, and from Cain came the white races, while Abel's children are black, as all men were before the first murder. The present way of contemplating different races, though expressed in finer language, is practically identical with these; not only the religious view, but the view of the suburban agnostic. The religious European cannot avoid regarding the races in a different and inferior culture state to his own as more deeply steeped in sin than himself, and the suburban agnostic regards them as "degraded" or "retarded" either by environment, or microbes, or both.

I openly and honestly own I sincerely detest touching on this race question. For one thing. Science has not finished with it; for another, it belongs to a group of subjects of enormous magnitude, upon which I have no opinion, but merely feelings, and those of a nature which I am informed by superior people would barely be a credit to a cave man of the palæolithic period. My feelings classify the world's inhabitants into Englishmen, by which I mean Teutons at large, Foreigners, and Blacks. Blacks I subdivide into two classes, English Blacks and Foreign Blacks. English Blacks are Africans. Foreign Blacks are Indians, Chinese, and the rest. Of course, everything that is not Teutonic is, to put it mildly, not up to what is; and equally, of course, I feel more at home with and hold in greater esteem the English Black: a great, strong Kruman, for example, with his front teeth filed, nothing much on but oil, half a dozen wives, and half a hundred jujus, is a sort of person whom I hold higher than any other form of native, let the other form dress in silk, satin, or cashmere, and make what pretty things he pleases. This is, of course, a general view; but I am often

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 cornered for the detail view, whether I can reconcile my admiration for Africans with my statement that they are a different kind of human being to white men. Naturally I can, to my own satisfaction, just as I can admire an oak tree or a palm; but it is an uncommonly difficult thing to explain. All I can say is, that when I come back from a spell in Africa, the thing that makes me proud of being one of the English is not the manners or customs up here, certainly not the houses or the climate; but it is the thing embodied in a great railway engine. I once came home on a ship with an Englishman who had been in South West Africa for seven unbroken years; he was sane, and in his right mind. But no sooner did we get ashore at Liverpool, than he rushed at and threw his arms round a postman, to that official's embarrassment and surprise. Well, that is just how I feel about the first magnificent bit of machinery I come across it is the manifestation of the superiority of my race.

In philosophic moments I call superiority difference, from a feeling that it is not mine to judge the grade in these things. Careful scientific study has enforced on me, as it has on other students, the recognition that the African mind naturally approaches all things from a spiritual point of view. Low down in culture or high up, his mind works along the line that things happen because of the action of spirit upon spirit; it is an effort for him to think in terms of matter. We think along the line that things happen from the action of matter upon matter. If it were not for the Asiatic religion we have accepted, it is, I think, doubtful whether we should not be far more materialistic in thought-form than we are. This steady sticking to the material

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 side of things, I think, has given our race its dominion over matter; the want of it has caused the African to be notably behind us in this, and far behind those Asiatic races who regard matter and spirit as separate in essence, a thing that is not in the mind either of the Englishman or the African. The Englishman is constrained by circumstances to perceive the existence of an extra material world. The African regards spirit and matter as undivided in kind, matter being only the extreme low form of spirit. There must be in the facts of the case behind things, something to account for the high perception of justice you will find in the African, combined with an inability to think out a pulley or a lever except under white tuition. Similarly, taking the true Negro States, which are in its equivalent to our Thirteenth century, it accounts for the higher level of morals in them than you would find in our Thirteenth century; and I fancy this want of interest and inferiority in materialism in the true Negro constitutes a reason why they will not come into our Nineteenth century, but, under proper guidance could attain to a Nineteenth century state of their own, which would show a proportionate advance. The simile of the influence of the culture of Rome, or rather let us say the culture of Greece spread by the force of Rome, upon Barbarian culture is one often used to justify the hope that English culture will have a similar effect on the African. This I do not think is so. It is true the culture of Rome lifted the barbarians from what one might call culture 9 to culture 17, but the Romans and the barbarians were both white races. But you see now a similar lift in culture in Africa by the influence of Mohammedan culture, for example in the Hausa States and again in the Western Soudan, where there is no fundamental race difference.

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 In both English and Mohammedan Berber influence on the African there is another factor, apart from race difference; namely, that the two higher cultures are in a healthier state than that of Rome was at the time it mastered the barbarian mind; in both cases the higher culture has the superior war force.

This seems to me simply to lay upon us English for the sake of our honour that we keep clean hands and a cool head, and be careful of Justice; to do this we must know what there is we wish to wipe out of the African, and what there is we wish to put in, and so we must not content ourselves by relying materially on our superior wealth and power, and morally on catch phrases. All we need look to is justice. Love for our fellow-man, pity, charity, mercy, we need not bother our heads about, so long as we are just. These things are of value only when they are used as means whereby we can attain justice. It is no use saying that it matters to a Teuton whether the other race he deals with is black, white, yellow—I can quite conceive that we should look down on a pea-green form of humanity if we had the chance. Naturally, I think this shows a very proper spirit. I should be the last to alter any of our Teutonic institutions to please any race; but when it comes to altering the institutions of another race, not for the reason even of pleasing ourselves but merely on the plea that we don't understand them, we are on different ground. If those ideas and institutions stand in the way of our universal right to go anywhere we choose and live as honest gentlemen, we have the power-right to alter them; but if they do not we must judge them from as near a standard of pure Justice as we can attain to.

There are many who hold murder the most awful crime

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 a man can commit, saying that thereby he destroys the image of his Maker; I hold that one of the most awful crimes one nation can commit on another is destroying the image of Justice, which in an institution is represented more truly to the people by whom the institution has been developed, than in any alien institution of Justice; it is a thing adapted to its environment. This form of murder by a nation I see being done in the destruction of what is good in the laws and institutions of native races. In some parts of the world, this murder, judged from certain reasonable standpoints, gives you an advantage; in West Africa, judged from any standpoint you choose to take, it gives you no advantage. By destroying native institutions there, you merely lower the moral of the African race, stop trade, and the culture advantages it brings both to England and West Africa. I again refer you to the object lesson before you now, the hut tax war in Sierra Leone. Awful accusations have been made against the officers and men who had the collecting of this tax. In the matter of the native soldiery, there is no doubt these accusations are only too well founded, but the root thing was the murder of institutions. The worst of the whole of this miserable affair is that a precisely similar miserable affair may occur at any time in any of our West African Crown Colonies—to-morrow, any day,—until you choose to remove the Crown Colony system of government.

It has naturally been exceedingly hard for men who know the colony and the natives, with the experience of years in an unsentimental commercial way, to keep civil tongues in their heads while their interests were being wrecked by the action of the government; but whether or no the white officers were or were not brutal in their

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 methods we must presume will be shown by Sir David Chalmers's report. I am unable to believe they were. But there is no manner of doubt that outrages have been committed, disgraceful to England, by the set of riff-raff rascal Blacks, who had been turned out by, or who had run away from, the hinterland tribes down into Sierra Leone Colony, and there been turned, by an ill-informed government, into police, and sent back with power into the very districts from which they had, shortly before, fled for their crimes. I entirely sympathise, therefore, with the rage of Liverpool and Manchester, and of every clear-minded common-sense Englishman who knows what a thing the hut tax war has been. And I want common-sense Englishmen to recognise that a system capable of such folly, and under which such a thing could happen in an English possession, is a system that must go. For a system that gets short of money, from its own want of business-like ability, and then against all expert advice goes and does the most unscientific thing conceivable under the circumstances, to get more, is a thing that is a disgrace to England. Yet the Sierra Leone Colony was capable of this folly, and the people in London were capable of saying to Liverpool and Manchester, that no difficulty was expected from the collection of the tax. If this is so in our oldest colony, what reason have we to believe that in the others we are safer? Any of them, in combination with London, may to-morrow go and do the most unscientific thing conceivable, and disgrace England, in order to procure more local revenue, and fail at that.

The desire to develop our West African possessions is a worthy one in its way, but better leave it totally alone than attempt it with your present machinery; which the

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 moment it is called upon to deal with the administration of the mass of the native inhabitants gives such a trouble. And remember it is not the only trouble your Crown colony system can give; it has a few glorious opportunities left of further supporting everything I have said about it, and more. But I will say no more. You have got a grand rich region there, populated by an uncommon fine sort of human being. You have been trying your present set of ideas on it for over 400 years; they have failed in a heart-breaking drizzling sort of way to perform any single solitary one of the things you say you want done there. West Africa to-day is just a quarry of paving-stones for Hell, and those stones were cemented in place with men's blood mixed with wasted gold.

Prove it! you say. Prove it to yourself by going there—I don't mean to Blazes—but to West Africa.

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68 that the Chinese government feels no small solicitude in providing for the necessary wants of the people. And on this account, as well as for raising a revenue, they endeavor to secure the cultivation of all the lands in the empire, and have framed their laws accordingly. Whoever neglects to cultivate his lands or to pay his taxes, exposes himself to punishment.

The taxes are paid both in money and kind. According to the regulations concerning coinage, there are founderies and mints, where the metal is prepared and cast, and also store-houses in which the coin is deposited, until required for public service. The quantity of metal coined in the former, and the periods of its issue from the latter, are fixed by the Board of Revenue, “in order that the successive supplies of coin for the use of the people may correspond with their wants, and be regulated according to the market-prices of gold, silver, grain, and other articles in general use and consumption.” In no private dwelling of any soldier or citizen shall any utensils of copper be used, except mirrors, military arms, bells and articles especially consecrated to religious purposes. Whatever quantity any individual may have in excess, he is permitted to sell to government, and at a fixed rate. And whoever buys or sells copper clandestinely, or conceals the same in his house, shall be punished with the bamboo.

On account of the inconvenience which would attend the payment of large sums in their coin, of which they have only one kind (the tseën, or cash), and as paper currency is not in use, ingots of silver, of one and of ten Chinese ounces (leäng or taels) weight, are used in payments to gevernment [sic]. Gold is also used.—Whoever has the charge of collecting or receiving money due to government, “shall be answerable for the delivery of the same in no other than perfectly pure bullion, whether gold .”—The regulations concerning the receipt


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, I own, is a make of country difficult for a power with a different kind of culture, climate and set of institutions, and so on, to manage from Europe satisfactorily. But, as things go, I venture to think it presents no especial difficulty; that all the difficulties that exist in this matter are difficulties arising from misunderstandings,—things removable, not things of essence, barring only fever.

Also I feel convinced that no one of our English governmental methods at present existing is suitable for its administration. It is no use saying, Look at our Indian system, why not just introduce that into West Africa? I have the greatest admiration for our Indian system; it is the right thing in the right place, thanks to its having healthily grown up, fostered by experts, military and civil. Nevertheless it would not do for West Africa to-day. What we want there is the sowing of a similar system, not the transplanting of the Indian in its perfect form, for that is to-day for West Africa infinitely too expensive. If a

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 man before his fortune is made spends a fortune, he ends badly; if he measures his expenditure with his income and develops his opportunities, he ends as a millionaire; and we must never forget that great dictum that the State is the perfection of the individual man, and should mould our politics accordingly.

I hold it to be a sound and healthy idea of ours that our possessions over-sea should pay their own way, and I therefore distrust the cucumber-frame form of financial politics that at present holds the field in West African affairs. It has been the pride and boast of the West African colonies that they have paid their way; let it remain so. It seems to me unsound that our colonies there should receive loans wherewith to carry on; for, for one thing, it makes them carry on more than is good for them, and merely means a piling up of debt; and, for another, it gives West Africa the notion that it is England's business to support her, which to my mind it distinctly is not; for if we wanted a lapdog set of colonies we could get healthier ones elsewhere. Moreover, it pauperises instead of fostering the proper pride, without which nothing can flourish.

Apart from our Indian system, we have, for governing those regions where our race cannot locally produce a sufficient population of its own to take the reins of government out of the hands of officialdom in England, only two other systems, namely, the Chartered Company and the Crown Colony. I beg to urge that it is high time we had a third system. Concerning the Crown Colony system for Africa, I have spoken as tolerantly as I believe it is possible for any one acquainted with its working in West Africa to speak. If I were to say any more I might say something

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 uncivil, which, of course, I do not wish to do. Concerning the Chartered Company system, I need only remark that there are two distinct breeds of Chartered Companies—the one whose attention is turned to the trade, the other whose attention is turned to the lands over which its charter gives it dominion. The first kind is represented in Africa by the Royal Niger Company, the second by the South African.

The second form of Chartered Company, that interested in land, we have not in West Africa under the name of a Company; but the present Crown Colony system represents it, and I feel certain that whatever good the South African Company may have done for the empire in South Africa, it has done an immense amount of harm in Western Africa. For some, to me unknown, reason the South African Company has found favour in the sight of officialdom in London; and, fascinated by its success in South Africa, yet recognising its drawbacks, officialdom has attempted to introduce what they regard as best in the South African system into West Africa. I do not think any student can avoid coming to the conclusion that the policy which is now driving the Crown Colonies in West Africa is one and the same with that of Mr. Rhodes. I do not mean that Mr. Rhodes, had he had the handling of West Africa, would himself have used this form of policy. He formulated it for South Africa; but, with his careful study of such things as local needs, he would have formulated another form for West Africa, which is a totally different region.

To take only two of the differences, and state them brutally. First, in West Africa the most valuable asset you have is the native: the more heavily the district there is populated with Africans, and the more prosperous those

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Rh . Viridis, flavo variegatus; abdominœ œnco, oviductu corpore breriore, alis subhyalinis, maculû fuscû. (Long, Corp. 1—1½ lin.)

Ich. dorsalis, Fabricius.-Coll, bipunctatis.-''Steph. Cat.'' No. 5352.

Green, abdomen brassy; male with the head in part yellow; antennæ brown; the seape green, with the base and beneath yellow; legs more or less yellow, or pale straw; the apex of the tarsi brown; wings somewhat hyaline, with a large brown stigma: female with the head yellow, green between the eyes, abdomen yellow beneath, the disc brassy-brown.

Common on oaks near Hertford and Ripley, in the autumn.

. Viridis; nitens: abdomine apice renco, oviductii corpore paullo longiore, pedibus flavis, femoribus supra viridibus aut aucis; alis subfuscis. (Long. Corp. 1-2 lin.)

Ca. varians, ''Walker.-Steph. Numen. 2d edit.''

Green, shining; eyes and occlli red; thorax behind and beneath brassy- green; abdomen with the basal segment green, tinted with copper, the apex brassy; ovipositor rather longer than the body; legs yellow, the thighs above, and sometimes the posterior tibiæ clouded with green or dusky-brass.

Taken near London, in the autumn.


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56 THE JOURNAL OF INDIAN BOTANY.

Farsetia Jacquemonti Hook. f. and T. in Proc. Linn. Soc. v. 148. Loc. : Panjgur (no. M. 336). Fr. in May 1918.

Farsetia aegyptiaca Turr. Diss. p. 1, tab. I. Loc. : Garmkan, 1 mile NB of Panjgur, about 3,125 ft. (no. 165). Fl. and fr. in March 1918.

Farsetia sp. Fortassis specimen nanum Farsetiae Hamiltonii Royle.Loc. : Dokop lOi miles E of Mand, about 650 ft. (no. 67). Fl. and fr. in March 1918.

Farsetia sp. Loc. : Manguli, 26° 45' N, 65° 21' E, about 2,600 ft. (no. 291). Fl. in April 1918.

Farsetia sp. Loc. : Kuldan (W. Kolwa), about 85 miles E. by N, of Turbat about 2,400 ft. (no. 244). Fl. just coming out in April 1918, Vern. Name : Alant (Bal.).

Farsetia sp. Loc. Nag (W. Kolwa), about 83 miles E. by N. of Turbat, about 2,300 ft. (no. 241). Vern. Name : Kular.

Malcolmia africana B. Br. Kew. IV. 121. Loc. : Not given.

Malcolmia Bungei Boiss. Fl. Or. I. 226. Loc. : Khudabadan, ± mile N. of Panjgur, about 3,100 ft. (no M 188). Fl. and fr. in March 1918. Vern. Name : Jadanik, Sochaku (Bal.).

Goldbachia hispida Blatt. & Hall. spec. nov. Herba annua (?) glauca, 20 cm alta, a basi ramosissima, radice simplici, caule striato glabriusculo. Folia radicalia petiolata spathulata integra 4 cm longa, caulina oblanceolata — obtusa vel linearia obtusa basi breviter auri- culata, margine remote et breviter hispido, costa media inferiore prominente. Flores racemos terminales ebracteatos, multiflores laxos formantes, minimi, (petalis roseis uti videtur) ; pedicelli ca 2 mm longi, floribus subaequilongi, filiformes, fructificantes incrassati reflexi 5 mm longi. Siliqua unilocularis indehiscens, monosperma 6 mm longa, vel disperma 9 mm longa, inter semina contracta, coriacea turgidal 2 mm lata basi attenuata, apice in stylum trian- gularem planum obtusum contracta, cujus margines decurrunt secus siliquce latera ; facies siliquos costa media plus minusve distincta ornatoe, interdum prominenter reticulata? et bituberculatae si siliqua est monosperma, vel tetratuberculatae si siliqua est disperma ; tuber- culis presentibus constrictio inter semina minus distincta. Semina anguste oblonga, subcylindrica, faciebus oppositis sulcata. — This species differs from Goldbachia laevigata in the following points : The margin of the leaves is hispid, the siliqua is sometimes 1-seeded, never 3-seeded, the siliqua shows distinct dimorphism. Note : As there is no doubt that this species belongs to the genus Goldachia, a slight change in De Candolle's diagnosis of the genus should be made. He says that there are 2 or 3 cells in the siliqua, superimposed in one row. According to the present knowledge of the genus we must say that there are 1-3 cells in the siliqua. Loc. : Harbud, about 55 miles E of Panjgur, about 3,700 ft. (no. 247 A). Fl. and fr. in April 1918, Vern, Name : Kularbahar (Bal.).


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 natives are, the better for you; for it means more trade. All the gold, ivory, oil, rubber, and timber in West Africa are useless to you without the African to work them; you can get no other race that can replace him, and work them; the thing has now been tried, and it has failed. Whereas in South Africa the converse is true: you can do without the African there, you can replace him with pretty nearly any other kind of man you like, or do the work yourself. The second difference is, that the land in South Africa is worth your having, you can go and domesticate on it; whereas in West Africa you cannot. A failure to recognise these differences is at the root of our present ill-judged West African policy, outside the Royal Niger Company's domain; by introducing South African methods we are trying to get what is of no use to us, the Landes Hoheit, and thereby devastating what is of use to us, the trade.

However, I will not detain you over this interesting question of Chartered Company government. I merely wish to draw your attention to the two breeds, the Land Company, and the Trade Company; and to urge that they are things to be applied in their respective proper environments. I can honestly assure you, I know every blessed, single, mortal thing that can be said against the trade form which I admire, for I have lived under a hail of this sort of information since I was discovered by my big juju, Liverpool, to be such an admirer of what I called a co-ordinate system of government and trade, and Liverpool called divers things.

I shall go to my grave believing that Liverpool had reasons for attacking the Company, but neglected fundamental facts in its controversy with the Trade Company, which, to it, was "a little more than kith, and less than kind."

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CONTRIBUTIONS : A FLORA OF BALUCHISTAN. 5V

Sisymbrium Sophia L. Sp. PI. 922. Loc. : Khudabadan, mile N. of Panjgur, about 3,100 feet (no. M. 181), Kalat, about 6,350 ft. (no. 395). Fl. and fr. in March 1918, Fr. in July 1918, at the higher locality. Vern. Name : Kahurkah ( ? Bal.).

Sisymbrium thalianum Gay & Monn. in Gaud. Hcly. IV. 348. Loc. : Nagak (W. Kolwa), about 87 miles E. by N. of Turbat, about 2,400 ft. (no. 138 A). Fr. in April 1918. Vern. Name: Baharo (probably wrong according to Hotson).

Brassica campestris L. Loc. : Nal, 27° 41' N, 66° 13' E, 3,834 ft., probably only from au accidentally dropped seed, a mile or more from any water in a barren stony plain (no. 337). Fl. in September 1917. Vern. Name: Mashna Muli (Brah.)

Eruca sativa Lam. Fl. Fr. II. 496. Loc. not given. Fl. and fr. in August 1917.

Capsella bursa pastoris Moench. Meth. 271. Loc. : Rakhsban river bed at Panjgur, about 3,100 ft. (no. 115 A), growing in a dry stony river bed. Vern. Name : Halaku (Bal.).

Lepidium draba L. Sp. Pi. 645. Loc : Mazarjuh, about 28° 11' N, 69° 2' E, about 5,200 ft., found among wheat stubble (no. 157 E) ; Teghab, 107 miles S. of Kalat, about 4,150 ft. (no. 184) ; Panjgur, about 3,100 ft (no. M 157) ; Harbud (no. 157 C) ; Kochau, 122 miles SSW of Kalat, 4,150 ft. (no. 184 A) ; Harbud in Gichk, about 55 miles E. of Panjagur, about 3,700 ft. (no. 157 C). Fl. in March and April 1918. Uses: Cooked and eaten like " palak " or spinach Vern- Name : Garbust (Bal. Br.). " Garbust seems to be a general name for various edible plants with little else in common." (Hotson).

Lepidium propinquum F. & M. in Hohen. Talysch Enum. 142. var. auriculatum Boiss. Fl. Or. I, 357. Loc. not given. Fl. in Aug. 1917.

Lepidium sp. Loc. : Hazarganji, 27° 28' N, 66° 12' E, about 3,600 ft. (no. 184 B). Vern. Name : Garbust (Bal. Br.).

Isatis latisiliqua Stev. Mem. Mosq. Ill (1812) 267. Loc. : Mitasing, about 17 miles ESE of Panjgur, about 4,000 ft. (no. 318, 318A). Fl. and fr. in April 1918. Vern. Name : Karkikah (Bal.).

Isatis minima Bunqe Del. Sem. Rort. Dorp. (1843) 7. Loc. : Harbud, about 55 miles E. of Panjgur, about 3,700 ft. (no. M 312). Fl. and fr. in April 1918. Vern. Name : Khulif (Br.).

Physorhynchus brahuicus Hook. Ic. PI. tab. 821 and 822. Loc, Cracks in rocky sides of Anjiri, hills S. of Chambar (Kolwa), 26° 9' N.

781-8


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 The Royal Niger Company has demonstrated its adaptation to its environment. Without any forced labour, without any direct taxation, it has paid. I venture to think, though I have no doubt it would severely hurt the feelings of the R.N.C., that we may regard the Royal Niger Company as representing the perfected system of native government in West Africa plus English courage and activity. I believe that on this foundation has been built its success. For say what you like, if the Royal Niger had not got on well with the natives in its territories—dealt cleanly, honestly, rationally with them—it would never have extended its influence in the grand way it has, represented only by a mere handful of white men, in what is, as far as we know, the most densely populated region with the highest and most organised form of native power in all tropical Africa. Had it not been to the natives it ruled a just, honourable, and desirable form of government, it would long ago have been stamped out by them, or would have been compelled to call in England's armed support to maintain it, as the Crown Colony system has been compelled to do in Sierra Leone and on the Gold Coast. It has not had to call in Imperial assistance, and it has paid its shareholders—a sound, healthy conduct; but, nevertheless, remember that all the great debt of gratitude you and every one of the English owe the Royal Niger Company for defending the honour of England against Continental enterprise, for maintaining the honour of England in the eyes of the native races with whom it had made treaties, you do not owe to the Chartered Company system, but to Sir George Goldie, the man who had to use it because it was the best existing system available for such a region. You have too much sense to give all the honour to Lord Kitchener of

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 Khartoum's sword, though a sword is an excellent thing. I trust, therefore, you have too much sense to give all honour to the Chartered Company, even when it is a trading company. Trade is an excellent thing, but, in the case of the Royal Niger, this very factor, trade, restricts the man who uses the Chartered Company to a set of white men and a set of black. Therefore, never can I feel that either Liverpool or the Brass men have profited by the R.N.C. as they would have done if there had been a better system available for dealing with what Mr. St. Loe Strachey delicately calls "a dark-skinned population" with an insufficient local white population at hand. Briefly, I should say that the Chartered Company system keeps its "ain fish-guts for its ain sea-maws" too much. Therefore now, when, like many before me who have laboured strenuously to reform, I have given up the idea that reformation is possible for the individual on whom they have expended their powers, and have decided that there are some people whom you can only reform with a gun, I will start reforming myself, and say the Chartered Company system is not good enough, taken all round as things are, for West Africa for these reasons.

First, a Chartered Company consists of a band of merchants, ruling through, and by, a great man. If that great man who expands the influence and power of the Company lives long enough to establish a form of policy, well and good. I have sufficient trust in the common sense of a band of English merchants, provided their interest is common, to believe they will adhere to the policy; but suppose he does not, or suppose you do not start with a good man, you will merely have a mess, as has been demonstrated by the perpetual failures of our French

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Author:William Brownsword Chorley

Works

 * A Handybook of Social Intercourse (1862)
 * The Model Reviewer Reviewed (1862)

Poems

 * "The Moorish King’s Despair" (1830)

As editor

 * The Winter's Wreath (c. 1829–1832)

As translator

 * The Lyre and Sword of Charles Theodore Körner by Karl Theodore Körner (1834)

title: Author:William Brownsword Chorley


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128 CONTRIBUTIONS TOWARDS A FLORA OF BALUCHISTAN.

From materials supplied by Col. J. E. B. Hotson, I, A. P.O.

BY

E. Blatter, S.J., Prof. P. Hallberg and C, McCann.

St. Xaoier's Coll., Bombay, (Continued from last issue)

Geraniaceae— (Cont.) Erodium sp. (sine fructu). Loc. : Garmkan, 1 mile NE of Panjgur, about 3,125 ft. (no. M 163). Fl. in March 1918.

Rutaceae.

Euta L.

Ruta villosa M. B. Taur. Cauc.310. Loc. : Pirandar, 205 miles SSW of Kalat, about 1,500 ft. (no. M 262). Fl. in Sept. 1917. Vern. Name : Gandarim (Bal. Br.).

Ruta stocksiana Bur kill Fl. PI. Baluchistan (1909) 17. Loc. : Rek Chah, 11 miles E. of Chambar (Kolwa), about 1,800 ft. (no. M 268). Fl. in April 1918. Vern. Name : Sadaf (Bal.), Gandarim (Br.).

Ruta tuberculata Forsk. Fl. Aeg. Arab. 86. Loc. : Khozdar, 27° 48' N., 66° 37' E., about 4,100 ft. (no. 341). Fl. in Sept. 1917. Vern. Name : Sadap (Bal. and ? Br.).

Meliaceae.

Melia L.

Melia azedarach L. Sp. PL (1753) 384. Loc. : Nal. 27° 41' N. 66° 13' E. 3,834 ft. (no 339, 339A). Vern. Name : Bakkan (Br.), Bakan (Bal.)

Celastraceae.

Gymnosporia W. & A.

Gymnospjria spinosa Fiori Bos. e Pint. legn. Eritrea (1909) 22'j (G. montana Be nth). Loc. : Rar Kaur, about 165 miles S. by W. of Kalat, 4,000 ft. (no. 120B). Fl. in Sept. 1917. Vern. Name : Kotor (Br. Bal.).

Gymaosporia royleana M. A. Laws, in Hook. f. Fl. Brit. Ind. I, 620. Loc. : Hills S. of Chambar (Kolwa), 26' 9' N. 64° 42' E., about 1,900—2,300 ft. (no. M 76 B) ; Bagai Dif (Mantar), about 42 miles S. of Panjgur, about 3,100 ft. (no. M 76 A). Vern. Name : Kotor (Bal).


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CONTRIBUTIONS : A FLOEA OF BALUCHISTAN. 129 Rhamnaceae.

ZlZYPHUS JllSS.

Zizyphus jujuba Lam. Diet. Ill, 318. Loc. : Near Kochau, 122 miles SSW of Kalat, about 4,100 ft. (no. 211 A) Turbat (Kech), about 600 ft. (no. M 1, M 1A) summit of Burida Pass, 110 miles SSW of Kalat, about 4,250 ft. (no. 211) ; Nigindap (Kharan), about 50 miles ENB of Panjguri, about 4,000 ft. (no. M IB). Fl. in. Aug. 1917. — • Fr. in Nov. 1917. Vern. Names: Ber, Kunar (Bal.), Pissi (Br.).

Ehamnus L.

Rhamnus punctata Boiss. Diagn. ser. I, II, 4. Loc. : Ear Kaur. 165 miles S. by W. of Kalat, about 3,500 ft. (no. 152 A). Vem. Name : Biruri (Br. Bal.).

Rhamnus persica Boiss. Diagn. ser. I, II, 4. Loc. : Ornacb, 3,080 ft. (no. 318). Vem. Name : Jugar (Bal.).

Rhamnus spathulaefolia F. & M. Ind. Petro. IV, 46. Loc. : Near Shahdadzai, 72 miles S. of Kalat, 5,100 ft. (no. 151). Vem. Name : Biruri (Br.).

Sapindaceae.

Stocksia Benth. Stocksia brahuica Benth. in Booh. Keiu Joum. V, 304. Loc. : Sitani, 59 miles S. of Kalat, 5,300 ft. (no. 120). Fl. in Aug. 1917, Vem. Names : Kotor (Br.), Zirok (Bal.).

DODONABA L.

Dodonaea viscosa L. Mant. 233. Loc. : Hodal Pass (S. side) about 85 miles S. of Panjgur, at 2,400—2,900 ft. (no. M 164 A) Ear Kaur, 165 miles S. by W. of Kaiat, about 3,500 ft. (no. 295) Kulbar valley, about 30 miles ENE of Mand, about 1,400 ft. (no. 104). Fl. and fr. in March and April 1918. ' Vem. Names : Ghetichk (Bal.), Hamartrik (Br.).

Anacardiaceae.

Mangipera L.

Mangifera indica L. Sp. PL {1753) 200. Loc. : Turbat, 63° 4'E. 25° 58' N., about 600 ft. (no, M 53). Fl. Feb. 1918. Vern. Name : Amb (Bal. etc.). Note : The Turbat mangoes are regarded as very good in Makran.

PlSTACIA L.

Pistacia Khinjuk Stocks in Keio Joum. IV. 143. Loc. : Summit of Burida Pass, between Bhani and Jebri, about 140 miles SSW of Kalat, about 4,250 ft. (no. 210, 210A) ; Kanoji, 47 miles N. of Las Bela, about 3,200 ft. (210B) ; Hodal Pass (N. side), about 80 miles S. of Panjgur, 2,800 ft. (M 221), very common on the southern side of the Pass (no. M 222) ; found from about 2,800 ft. down to about 2,500, where the Pass ends. Fr. in April 1918, iu Aug. 1917. Vern. Names : Kasur, Gwan (Bal. Br.).

Pistacia mutica F. £ M. in Boh. Talysch Enum. 1.00. Loc. : Under Harboi, 16 m ESE from Kalat (no. 46); Gwan berries were

1480-17


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Author talk:William Brownsword Chorley

Sources for attributions
-- Yodin T 14:43, 15 March 2024 (UTC)
 * The Winter's Wreath
 * As co-founder with Henry Fothergill Chorley (or founded only by Henry and John)
 * As editor (1829)
 * As editor (1832) (possibly with J. R. Chorley); and contributor (contents)
 * Many contributions as "W. B. Chorley" and "W. B. C." (1831)
 * The Lyre and Sword of Charles Theodore Körner

Bookplate
-- Yodin T 00:40, 16 March 2024 (UTC)
 * (W. B.). Landscape. A dilapidated brick wall upon which is written, “W. B. Chorley, Liverpool.” In the background, a gothic ruin; above, foliage. No date, but engraved by Bonner about the year 1810 in the style of Bewick. 3s.

title: Author talk:William Brownsword Chorley


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130 THE JOURNAL OF INDIAN BOTANY. brought in at Bhani, 131 miles SSW of Kalat, but no trees visible in the valley (4,000 ft). The trees are in the hills on either side (no. 202). Fr. in Aug. 1917. Vern. Name : Gwan.

Ehus L.

Rhus cotinus L. Sp. PI. 383. Loc. : Hushtar Rahi Kaur, on the E. side of the Hushtar Rahi Pass, between Ornach (27° 0' N, 66 10' E.) and Pelar (to West), about 3,700 ft. (no. 310, 301 A). Fr. in Sept. 1917. Vern. Name : Kaselo (Bal.).

Leguminosae.

Argyrolobium Eckl. & Zeyh. Argyrolobium uniflorum Boiss. Fl. Gr. II. 32. Loc. : Kanoji/ 47 miles N. of Las Bela, about 3,200 ft. (no. 391) ; Manguli, 26° 45. N. 65° 21' E. about 2,600 ft. (no. M 269A). Fl. in April 1918, Oct.

1917. Vern. Name : Kahurkah (Bal.), at Manguli : Kahurbahar. Argyrolobium Kotschyi Boiss. Diagn. ser. I. VI, 32. Loc. :

Kalgali Kaur, N. of Zayakh Jangal, about 4,800 ft. (no. M 2690 ; Kulbar valley, E. of Dagja, 62° 33' E., 26° 15' N, about 1,700 ft. (no. M 95A) ; Junction of Raghaiad and Gichk rivers, about 3,600 ft. (no. M 95D) ; Kulbar valley, about 25 miles ENE of Mand, about 1,300 ft. (no. M 106); Hills near Ispikan, about 20 miles NE of Mand, about 1,200 ft. (no. M 95); Rodkan (W. Kolwa) about 85 miles E. of Turbat, about 1,800 ft. (M 95B); Nag (W. Kolwa) about 83 miles N. of Turbat, about 2,300 ft. (no. M 239) ; Rar Kaur, 165 miles S. by W. of Kalat, about 3,500 ft. (no. 299). Fl. and fr. in March and April

1918, in Sept. 1917.

Vern. Name '• Cheink (Bal.). Seems to be a sort of generic name.

Argyrolobium sp. Loc.: Rari Dan, 170 miles S. by W. of Kalat, 2,300 ft. (no. 291) ; Siman river, 15 miles SE. of Khozdar, about 3,700 ft. (no. 360). Fl. in Sept. 1917. Vern. Name : Chevid (Br.).

Ononis L.

Ononis sp. Loc. : Benn Chah, 21 miles N. of Surah, about 6,200 ft. (no. M 386).

Trigonella L.

Trigonella near uncata Boiss. & Noe Diagn. ser. II, II, 12. Loc. : Sarchib, about 62° 40' E, 26° 16' N. about 1,900 ft. (no. M 117) ; Mohtaji Kand, about 22 miles SW. of Panjgur, about 2,800 ft. (no. M 117B) ; Panjgur, about 3,100 ft. (no. M 117C). Fl. in March 1918. Vern. Name : Shims (Bal.), Goki Shimsh (Bal.).

MEDICAGO L.

Medica-a tribuloides Desr. in Lam. Encycl. III. 635. Loc. : Sarchib (no. M 117A) ; Chib 63° 8' E. 26° 19' N. about 1,600 ft. (no. M 117) ; Wahir, 25 miles W. of Khozdar, about 4,200 ft. (no. 331A). Fl. and fr. in March 1918, Oct. 1917. Vern. Name : Shimsh, Goki Shimsh (Bal.), Marav, Merav (Br.). Note : Our specimens have strongly emarginate mucronate leaflets, dentate at the tip. Boissier does not mention this.


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86 strong and true"; the best example is that of Hector and Andromache. Wives were held to fidelity: Penelope was a heroine; Clytemnestra "led to bitter words against all women." The fidelity of women is a duty on account of the rights which their masters have acquired in them by capture or purchase; if they violate it the paramour must pay a fine. No divorce occurs in Homer. The gods and goddesses present a picture of another community marked throughout by disreputable conduct as compared with the human community. The quarrels of Zeus and Hera give us a picture of conjugal life which is more distasteful than any presented as of men. The pair are vain, frivolous, and jealous, and give cause for jealousy; their love-making is not dignified; they live like a couple in a French novel, who have decided to get on by not demanding too much of each other. It is a mistake to think that the custom of "purchase" degraded women; we find that, in barbarism, purchase is explained as a remuneration to the father for the expense of rearing the girl — she is not "bought" like a slave. Purchase also runs down through all grades of ceremony and survival. Then, too, the woman's father gave her a dowry-like gift, a transaction which shows that the purchase idea no longer characterizes the relation of the parties, but is a survival by the side of a new conception of marriage. From a pecuniary point of view the two gifts were incongruous, but as regards the sentiments which determined their meaning, they could well continue together. The wooing in Homer is simple and natural, open and straightforward, though the language is often naïve and to our usage unrefined. The mores are not clearly defined because of the military and heroic plane on which the poems move.

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