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36 ly, if not briskly, and I uually wear a Cornelian Ring, that is richly enough endowed with Electricity. But as for Emralds as I thought it trange that Nature hould have denied them a Quality he has granted to o many other Diaphanous Gems, and even to Cryftal, o I thought the aertion deerved an Examen, upon which I concluded, that at leat it does not univerally and contantly hold true. I had indeed een in a Ring a Stone of price and great lutre, which, though green, I found to be, (as I gues'd it would prove) vigorouly enough Electrical. But this Experiment, though eemingly concluive, I did not look upon as a fair trial, becaue the Stone was not a true Emrald, but, which is rare, a green Saphir. And I learned by inquiry of the skillful Jeweller that cut it, that it was o far from having the oftnes of an Emrald, that he found it harder than blew Saphyrs themelves, which yet are Gems of great hardnes, and by ome reputed econd to none, but Diamonds. Without therefore concluding any thing from this Experiment, ave that, if the aertion I was to examin were true, the want of an Electrical faculty might be thought a Concomitant rather of the peculiar Texture of the Emrald than of its green colour, I proceeded to

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Rh to make trial with three or four Emralds, whoe being true was not doubted, and found them all omewhat, though not equally, endow'd with Electricity, which I found to be yet more coniderable in an Emrald of my own, whoe colour was o excellent, that by skilful perons 'twas look'd on as a rarity. And though, by this ucces of my inquiry, I perceived I could not, as ele I might have done, hew the Curious a new way of judging of true and fale Emralds, yet the like way may be, though not always certain, yet oftentimes of ue, in the etimating whether Diamonds be true or counterfeit, epecially, if, being et in Rings, the ureft way of trying them cannot conveniently be employed. For whereas Glas, though it have ome Electricity, eems, as far as I have oberved, to have but a faint one, there are often found Diamonds that have a very vigorous one. And I do not remember I met with any Electrick of the ame bulk, that was more vigorous than a rough Diamond I have, which is the ame that I formerly mentioned to have moved a Needle above three minutes after I had ceaed to chafe it. And this brings into my mind, that it has been oberved, that Diamonds draw better whilt rough, than they do after they are cut and polih'd,

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38 polifh'd; which eeming to contradict what has been oberved by others and by us alo, that Amber, for intance, attracts more vigorouly if the urface be made very mooth than otherwie, it induces me to conjecture, that, if this Obervation about Diamonds be true, as ome of my trials have now and then inclined me to think it, and if it do not in ome caes coniderably depend upon the loss of the (Electrical) Subtance of the Stone, by its being cut and ground, the Reaon may poibly be, that the great rapidnes with which the Wheels that erve to cut and polith Diamonds mut be mov'd, does excite a great degree of heat, (which the enes may easily dicover) in the Stone, and by that and the trong concuion it makes of its parts, may force it to pend. its effluviable matter, if I may o call it, o plentifully, that the Stone may be impoverih'd, and perhaps alo, on the account of ome little change in its Texture, be rendred lee dipoed to emit thoe effluvia that are Intruments of Electrical Attraction. But as I willingly leave the matter of Fact to further Trial, o I do the Caue of it, in cae it prove true, to farther Inquiry.

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12 The principle of election has been liberally applied. The bifurcation of the administrative function into executive and academic sections, each with a separate agency, is an improvement of great moment. The ideal of democracy is writ large on the reconstituted Senate, whereby that body becomes the meeting-place of all the interests and all the capacities necessary for the successful administration of a modern University. Even with the limitations to which they were subject under the old system, the Indian Universities have been appreciated as 'lasting monuments of glory which England has reared unto herself*, as convincing proofs that ‘England treated India as a trust from God’, and as fostering nurseries of noble influences which ‘are binding together the two lands and the numerous races with cords more powerful than the strength of armies and more enduring than the craft of statesmen’. May this University, as it grows under new conditions of increased resources and enhanced prestige, prove the wisest exponent of national life and the mightiest inspirer of humanity!


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monstrous brothers and their three crooked sisters, all of the same age, travelled over the world between Ireland and Babylon, learning magic to destroy Cohoolin. He had killed Calatin their father and their twenty-seven hideous brothers, in battle; they wanted revenge, and it was Queen Maeve of Connaught who counselled them to study magic in order to obtain it. They listened to the spells and read the books of all the wizards who lived in the forests and caves and cities of the world. They went down to Hell itself, and brought back with them three swords, three knives, and three spears, the most poisonous that ever were; and it was said that with these they would destroy three kings.

While these brothers and sisters blinked in the darkness, thinking and thinking how to fight Cohoolin by magic, Queen Maeve set against him others who fought with swords. There were the kings of North Munster, of Tara, and of Leinster, and many others whose fathers he had slain. They invaded Ulster at a time when all its warriors except Cohoolin lay under enchantment, and could not fight. His friends begged him to wait, but he was not willing, because he knew that he was a match for any of the kings, and as for poisonous Calatin's poisonous brood of monsters he feared them no more than toads or bats. He did not know, what his friends knew, that if he fought now he was certain to die. He knew that he could only die once, and that was on the day appointed by fate; until then he could go on con-


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 command, for the Marquess would not hear of a refusal, Vivian having dilated, in the most energetic terms, on the opening which now presented itself of gaining the Juggernaut. The coast being thus cleared, Vivian set off the next day for Sir Berdmore Scrope's.

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 was not so much digging as exhibiting his incapacity to deal with a spade. He was sneezing very frequently, and his sneezes made the unbuckled straps at the back of his waistcoat wag violently. I supposed him to be Mr. William Grey.

I had finished the statement of our sad case, and I saw that though she had not moved, clasping her knees in a set, hideous attitude, the tears were rolling down her cheeks.

"Oh, don't! Oh, don't!" I exclaimed, standing up. Her tear-stained immobility touched the heart. "He's not so bad; he'll get quite well."

"I know, I know," she said miserably. "I don't believe that anything bad could be allowed to happen to Chris for long. And I'm sure," she said kindly, "you're looking after him beautifully. But when a thing you had thought had ended fifteen years ago starts all over again, and you're very tired—" She drew a hand


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you’re going back to college in a fortnight,” I said to the Bright Young Thing on the veranda of the summer hotel. “Aren’t you sorry?”

“In a way I am,” she said, “but in another sense I’m glad to go back. One can’t loaf all the time.”

She looked up from her rocking-chair over her Red Cross knitting with great earnestness.

How full of purpose these modern students are, I thought to myself. In my time we used to go back to college as to a treadmill.

“I know that,” I said, “but what I mean is that college, after all, is a pretty hard grind. Things like mathematics and Greek are no joke, are they? In my day, as I remember it, we used to think spherical trigonometry about the hardest stuff of the lot.”

She looked dubious.

“I didn’t elect mathematics,” she said.

“Oh,” I said, “I see. So you don’t have to take it. And what have you elected?”

“For this coming half semester—that’s six

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 Rh weeks, you know—I’ve elected Social Endeavour.”

“Ah,” I said, “that’s since my day, what is it?”

“Oh, it’s awfully interesting. It’s the study of conditions.”

“What kind of conditions?” I asked.

“All conditions. Perhaps I can’t explain it properly. But I have the prospectus of it indoors if you’d like to see it. We take up Society.”

“And what do you do with it?”

“Analyse it,” she said.

“But it must mean reading a tremendous lot of books.”

“No,” she answered. “We don’t use books in this course. It’s all Laboratory Work.”

“Now I am mystified,” I said. “What do you mean by Laboratory Work?”

“Well,” answered the girl student with a thoughtful look upon her face, “you see, we are supposed to break society up into its elements.”

“In six weeks?”

“Some of the girls do it in six weeks. Some put in a whole semester and take twelve weeks at it.”

“So as to break up pretty thoroughly?” I said.

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 Rh “Yes,” she assented. “But most of the girls think six weeks is enough.”

“That ought to pulverize it pretty completely. But how do you go at it?”

“Well,” the girl said, “it’s all done with Laboratory Work. We take, for instance, department stores. I think that is the first thing we do, we take up the department store.”

“And what do you do with it?”

“We study it as a Social Germ.”

“Ah,” I said, “as a Social Germ.”

“Yes,” said the girl, delighted to see that I was beginning to understand, “as a Germ. All the work is done in the concrete. The class goes down with the professor to the department store itself”

“And then”

“Then they walk all through it, observing.”

“But have none of them ever been in a departmental store before?”

“Oh, of course, but, you see, we go as Observers.”

“Ah, now, I understand. You mean you don’t buy anything and so you are able to watch everything?”

“No,” she said, “it’s not that. We do buy things. That’s part of it. Most of the girls like to buy little knick-knacks, and anyway it gives them a good chance to do their

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 across her tears, her damp skin, her rough, bagging overall. "I'm hot. I've been baking. You can't get a girl nowadays that understands the baking." Her gaze became remote and tender, and she said in a manner that was at once argumentative and narrative, as though she were telling the whole story to a neighbor over the garden wall: "I suppose I ought to say that he isn't right in his head, and that I'm married, so we'd better not meet; but, oh," she cried, and I felt as though, after much fumbling with damp matches and many doubts as to whether there was any oil in the wick, I had lit the lamp at last, "I want to see him so! It's wrong, I know it's wrong, but I am so glad Chris wants to see me, too!"

"You'll do him good." I found myself raising my voice to the pitch she had suddenly attained as though to keep her at it. "Come now!"

She dipped suddenly to compassion.


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 "But the young lady?" she asked timidly. "She was upset the last time. I've often wondered if I did right in going. Even if Chris has forgotten, he'll want to do what's right. He couldn't bear to hurt her."

"That's true," I said. "You do know our Chris. He watches her out of the corner of his eye, even when he's feeling at his worst, to see she isn't wincing. But she sent me here to-day."

"Oh!" cried Margaret, glowing, "she must have a lovely nature!"

I lost suddenly the thread of the conversation. I could not talk about Kitty. She appeared to me at that moment a faceless figure with flounces, just as most of the servants at Baldry Court appear to me as faceless figures with caps and aprons. There were only two real people in the world, Chris and this woman whose personality was sounding through her squalor like a beautiful voice singing


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 in a darkened room, and I was absorbed in a mental vision of them. You know how the saints and the prophets are depicted in the steel engravings in old Bibles; so they were standing, in flowing white robes on rocks against a pitch-black sky, a strong light beating on their eyes upturned in ecstasy and their hand outstretched to receive the spiritual blessing of which the fierce rays were an emanation. Into that rapt silence I desired to break, and I whispered irrelevantly, "Oh, nothing, nothing is too good for Chris!" while I said to myself, "If she really were like that, solemn and beatified!" and my eyes returned to look despairingly on her ugliness. But she really was like that. She had responded to my irrelevant murmur of adoration by just such a solemn and beatified appearance as I had imagined. Her grave eyes were upturned, her worn hands lay palm upward on her knees, as though to receive the love of which her


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 radiance was an emanation. And then, at a sound in the kitchen, she snatched my exaltation from me by suddenly turning dull.

"I think that's Mr. Grey come in from his gardening. You'll excuse me."

Through the open door I heard a voice saying in a way which suggested that its production involved much agitation of a prominent Adam's apple:

"Well, dear, seeing you had a friend, I thought I'd better slip up and change my gardening trousers." I do not know what she said to him, but her voice was soft and comforting and occasionally girlish and interrupted by laughter, and I perceived from its sound that with characteristic gravity she had accepted it as her mission to keep loveliness and excitement alive in his life.

"An old friend of mine has been wounded," was the only phrase I heard; but when she drew him out into the gar-


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 den under the window she had evidently explained the situation away, for he listened docilely as she said: "I've made some rock-cakes for your tea. And if I'm late for supper, there's a dish of macaroni cheese you must put in the oven and a tin of tomatoes to eat with it. And there is a little rhubarb and shape." She told them off on her fingers, and then whisked him round and buckled the wagging straps at the back of his waistcoat. He was a lank man, with curly gray hairs growing from every place where it is inadvisable that hairs should grow,—from the inside of his ears, from his nostrils, on the back of his hands,—but he looked pleased when she touched him, and he said in a devoted way:

"Very well, dear. Don't worry about me. I'll trot along after tea and have a game of draughts with Brown."

She answered:

"Yes, dear. And now get on with those


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 cabbages. You're going to keep me in lovely cabbages, just as you did last year, won't you, darling?" She linked arms with him and took him back to his digging.

When she came back into the parlor again she was wearing that yellowish raincoat, that hat with hearse plumes nodding over its sticky straw, that gray alpaca skirt. I first defensively clenched my hands. It would have been such agony to the finger-tips to touch any part of her apparel. And then I thought of Chris, to whom a second before I had hoped to bring a serene comforter. I perceived clearly that that ecstatic woman lifting her eyes and her hands to the benediction of love was Margaret as she existed in eternity; but this was Margaret as she existed in time, as the fifteen years between Monkey Island and this damp day in Ladysmith Road had irreparably made her. Well, I had promised to bring her to him.


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 She said:

"I'm ready," and against that simple view of her condition I had no argument. But when she paused by the painted drainpipe in the hall and peered under contracted brows for that unveracious tortoiseshell handle, I said hastily:

"Oh, don't trouble about an umbrella."

"I'll maybe need it walking home," she pondered.

"But the car will bring you back."

"Oh, that will be lovely," she said, and laughed nervously, looking very plain. "Do you know, I know the way we're coming together is terrible, but I can't think of a meeting with Chris as anything but a kind of treat. I've got a sort of party feeling now."

As she held the gate open for me she looked back at the house.

"It's a horrid little house, isn't it?" she asked. She evidently desired sanction for a long-suppressed discontent.


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 "It isn't very nice," I agreed.

"They put cows sometimes into the field at the back," she went on, as if conscientiously counting her blessings. "I like that; but otherwise it isn't much."

"But it's got a very pretty name," I said, laying my hand on the raised metal letters that spelled "Mariposa" across the gate.

"Ah, isn't it!" she exclaimed, with the smile of the inveterate romanticist. "It's Spanish, you know, for butterfly."

Once we were in the automobile, she became a little sullen with shyness, because she felt herself so big and clumsy, her clothes so coarse, against the fine upholstery, the silver vase of Christmas roses, and all the deliberate delicacy of Kitty's car. She was afraid of the chauffeur, as the poor are always afraid of men-servants, and ducked her head when he got out to start the car. To recall her to ease and beauty I told her that though Chris had


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 health restored. In December, however, the birth of another child, conceived by superfœtation, proclaimed to the world the fault she had committed. "It happened to another woman," adds the philosopher, "to be delivered of a seven months' child, and afterwards of twins at the full term, the single child dying, the twins surviving. Other women also, having become pregnant of twins, have miscarried of one, and borne the other to the full term." It is very easy to understand how, if the earlier or later product of superfœtation come away after three or four months have elapsed, that mistakes may be made in calculating the subsequent months, especially by credulous and ignorant women. We have sometimes observed, both in women and other animals, the product of conception perish, and come away gradually in the form of a thin fluid, somewhat resembling fluor albus. Not long since a woman in London, after an abortion of this kind, conceived anew, and brought forth a child at the proper period. Subsequently, however, after a lapse of some months, as she was engaged in her ordinary duties, without any pain or uneasiness, there came away piecemeal some dark bones belonging to the fœtus of which she had formerly miscarried. I was able to recognize in some of the fragments portions of the spine, femur, and other bones.

I am acquainted with a young woman, the daughter of a physician with whom I am very intimate, who experienced in her own person all the usual symptoms of pregnancy; after the fourteenth week, being healthy and sprightly, she felt the movements of the child within the uterus, calculated the time at which she expected her delivery, and when she thought, from further indications, that this was at hand, prepared the bed, cradle, and all other matters ready for the event. But all was in vain. Lucina refused to answer her prayers; the motions of the fœtus ceased; and by degrees, without inconvenience, as the abdomen had increased so it diminished; she remained, however, barren ever after. I am acquainted also with a noble lady who had borne more than ten children, and in whom the catamenia never disappeared except as the result of impregnation. Afterwards, however, being married to a second husband, she considered herself pregnant, forming her judgment not only from the symptoms on which she usually relied, but also from the movements of the child, which were frequently


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 felt both by herself and her sister, who occupied the same bed with her. No arguments of mine could divest her of this belief. The symptoms depended on flatulence and fat. Hence the best ascertained signs of pregnancy have sometimes deceived not only ignorant women, but experienced midwives, and even skilful and accurate physicians—so that as mistakes are liable to arise, not only from deception on the part of the women themselves, but also from the erroneous tokens of pregnancy, I should say that no rule is to be rashly laid down with respect to births taking place before the seventh or after the fourteenth month.

Unquestionably the ordinary term of utero-gestation is that which we believe was kept in the womb of his mother by our Saviour Christ, of men the most perfect; counting, viz. from the festival of the Annunciation, in the month of March, to the day of the blessed Nativity, which we celebrate in December. Prudent matrons, calculating after this rule, as long as they note the day of the month in which the catamenia usually appear, are rarely out of their reckoning; but after ten lunar months have elapsed, fall in labour, and reap the fruit of their womb the very day on which the catamenia would have appeared, had impregnation not taken place.

As regards the causes of labour, Fabricius, besides that of Galen (who held "that the fœtus was retained in utero until it was sufficiently grown and nourished to take food by the mouth," according to which theory weakly children ought to remain in utero longer than others, which they do not), gives another and a better reason, viz. "the necessity the fœtus feels for more perfectly cooling itself by respiration, since the child breathes immediately on birth, but does not take food by the mouth. This is not only the case," he continues, "in man and quadrupeds, but has been particularly observed in birds: these, small as they are, and furnished as yet with but tender bills, peck through the egg-shell at the point where they have need of respiration; and they do this rather through want of breath than of food, since the instant they quit the shell the function of respiration begins, whilst they remain without eating for two days, or longer." This point, however, whether


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 the object of respiration be really to "cool" the animal, shall be discussed elsewhere at greater length.

In the mean time I would propose this question to the learned—How does it happen that the fœtus continues in its mother's womb after the seventh month? seeing that when expelled after this epoch, not only does it breathe, but without respiration cannot survive one little hour; whilst, as I before stated, if it remain in utero, it lives in health and vigour more than two months longer without the aid of respiration at all. To state my meaning more plainly—how is it that if the fœtus is expelled with the membranes unbroken, it can survive some hours without risk of suffocation; whilst the same fœtus, removed from its membranes, if air has once entered the lungs, cannot afterwards live a moment without it, but dies instantly? Surely this cannot be from want of "cooling," for in difficult labours it often happens that the fœtus is retained in the passages many hours without the possibility of breathing, yet is found to be alive; when, however, it is once born and has breathed, if you deprive it of air it dies at once. In like manner children have been removed alive from the uterus by the Cæsarean section many hours after the death of the mother; buried as they are within the membranes, they have no need of air; but as soon as they have once breathed, although they be returned immediately within the membranes, they perish if deprived of it. If any one will carefully attend to these circumstances, and consider a little more closely the nature of air, he will, I think, allow that air is given neither for the "cooling" nor the nutrition of animals; for it is an established fact, that if the fœtus has once respired, it may be more quickly suffocated than if it had been entirely excluded from the air: it is as if heat were rather enkindled within the fœtus than repressed by the influence of the air.

Thus much, by the way, on the subject of respiration; hereafter, perhaps, I may treat of it at greater length. As the arguments on either side are very equally balanced, it is a question of the greatest difficulty.

To return to parturition. Besides the reasons alluded to above, viz. "the necessity for respiration and the want of nourishment," Fabricius gives another; he says, "that the weight of the fœtus becomes so great as to exert considerable pressure,


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Natsu no yo wa Mada yoi nagara Akenuru wo Kumo no izuko ni Tsuki yadoruramu.

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OO short the lovely summer night, Too soon ’tis passed away; I watched to see behind which cloud The moon would chance to stay, And here’s the dawn of day!

Nothing is known of this writer, except that he was the father of the author of.

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 and the bulk such that the uterus is unable to retain it, added to which the quantity of excrementitious matter is so much increased that it cannot be contained by the membranes."

Now it has been shown above that the uterine humours are not excrementitious. Nor do the weight and bulk of the fœtus help us to a more probable explanation; for the fœtus suspended in water weighs but slightly on the placenta or uterus; besides which some nine months' children are very small, much less in fact than many fœtuses of eight months, nevertheless they do not abide longer in the womb. And as to weight, any twins of eight months are far heavier than a single nine months' child; yet they are not expelled before nine months are completed. Nor do we find a better reason in "want of nutriment;" twins, and even more children, are abundantly supplied with support up to the full term; and the milk which after delivery is sufficient for the nourishment of the child, could equally well, if transferred to the uterus, nourish the fœtus there.

I should rather attribute the birth of the child to the following reason—that the juices within the amnion, hitherto admirably adapted for nutriment, at that particular period either fail or become contaminated by excrementitious matter. I have touched on this subject before. The variation in the term of utero-gestation, occurring as it does chiefly in the human species, I believe to depend on the habits of life, feebleness of body, and on the various affections of the mind. And thus in the case of domesticated animals, owing to their indolence and overfeeding, the seasons both of copulation and production are less fixed and certain than in the wilder tribes. So women in robust health usually experience easy and rapid labours; the contrary holding good in those whose constitutions are shattered by disease. For the same thing befalls them that happens to plants, the seeds and fruits of which come later and less frequently to perfection in cold climates than in those where the soil is good and the sun powerful. Thus oranges in this country usually remain on the tree two years before they arrive at maturity; and figs, which in Italy ripen two or three times annually, scarcely come to perfection in our climate:—the


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 same thing happens to the fruit of the womb; it depends on the abundance or deficiency of nutriment, on the strength or weakness of body, and on the right or wrong ordering of life with reference to what physicians call the "non-naturals," whether the child arrives sooner or later at maturity, i.e. is born.

Fabricius describes the manner of parturition as follows: "The uterus having been so enlarged by the bulk of the fœtus that it will admit of no further distension without risk, and thus excited to expulsion, is drawn into itself by the action of the transverse fibres, and diminishes its cavity. Thus whilst previously neither the excrementitious matters from their quantity, nor the fœtus from its bulk, could be contained within it, the uterus, contracted and compressed as it is now, becomes still less able to retain them. Wherefore, first of all, the membranes, as being the weaker parts, and suffering most pressure, are ruptured, and give exit to the waters, which are of a very fluid consistence, for the purpose of lubricating the passages. Then follows the fœtus, which tends towards, and, as it were, assaults the uterine aperture, not only by the force of its own gravity as no longer floating in water, but compressed and propelled by the action of the uterus: the abdominal muscles and the diaphragm also assist mightily in the entire process."

Now in these words Fabricius rather describes the process of defæcation or an abortion than a genuine and natural birth. For although in women, as a general rule, the membranes are ruptured before the escape of the fœtus, it is not universally so; nor does it hold in the case of other animals which bring forth their young enveloped in their membranes. This can be observed in the bitch, ewe, mare, and others, and more particularly in the viper, which conceives an ovum of an uniform colour and soft shell (resembling in fact the product of conception in the woman); this is retained until the fœtus is completely formed; it is then expelled entire, and, according to Aristotle, is broken through by the young animal on the third day. It sometimes happens, however, that kittens, whilst yet in utero, gnaw through the membranes, and so come into the world uninvolved.


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 And so also, according to the observation of experienced midwives, women have occasionally expelled the child with the membranes unbroken. And this kind of birth, in which the fœtus is born enveloped in its coverings, appears to me by far the most natural; it is like the ripe fruit which drops from the tree without scattering its seed before the appointed time. But where it is otherwise, and the placenta, subsequently to birth, adheres to the uterus, there is great difficulty in detaching it, grave symptoms arise, fetid discharges, and sometimes gangrene occur, and the mother is brought into imminent peril.

Since then the process of parturition, as described by Fabricius, does not apply to all animals, but to women alone, and this not universally, but only where the labour is premature, and, as it were, forced, we must regard it not so much as a description of a natural as of a preternatural and hurried delivery, in fact, of an abortion.

In natural and genuine labour two things are required, which mutually bear upon and assist each other: these are, the mother which produces, and the child to be produced; and unless both are ready to play their part, the labour will hardly terminate favorably, requiring as it does the proper maturity of both. For if, on the one hand, the fœtus, from restlessness and over-desire to make its way out, does violence to the uterus, and thus anticipates the mother; or if, on the contrary, the mother, owing to feebleness of the uterus, or any other circumstance necessitating expulsion, is beforehand with the fœtus, this is to be looked upon rather as the result of disease than as a natural and critical birth. The same may be said of those cases where parts only of the product of conception escape, whilst others remain; for instance, if the fœtus itself is disposed to come away when the placenta is not yet separated from the uterus, or, on the other hand, if the placenta is separated when the fœtus is not rightly placed, or the uterus is not sufficiently relaxed to allow of its passage. Hence it is that midwives are so much to blame, especially the younger and more meddlesome ones, who make a marvellous pother when they hear the woman cry out with her pains and implore assistance, daubing their hands with oil, and distending the passages, so as not to appear ignorant in their art—giving besides medicines to excite the expulsive powers, and when they would hurry the labour, re-


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 tarding it and making it unnatural, by leaving behind portions of the membranes, or even of the placenta itself, besides exposing the wretched woman to the air, wearying her out on the labour-stool, and making her, in fact, run great risks of her life. In truth, it is far better with the poor, and those who become pregnant by mischance, and are secretly delivered without the aid of a midwife; for the longer the birth is retarded the more safely and easily is the process completed.

Of unnatural labours, therefore, there are chiefly two kinds: either the fœtus is born before the proper time (and this constitutes an abortion), or else subsequently to it, when a difficult or tedious labour is the result, either from the due time and order not being preserved, or from the presence of dangerous symptoms; these arise either from failure of the expelling powers on the part of the mother, or from sluggishness on the part of the fœtus in making its way out; it is when both perform their proper parts that a safe and genuine labour results.

Fabricius ascribes the business of expelling the offspring to the uterus; and he adds, "the abdominal muscles and the diaphragm assist in the business." It seems to me, however, on deep investigation, that the throes of childbirth, just as sneezing, proceed from the motion and agitation of the whole body. I am acquainted with a young woman who during labour fell into so profound a state of coma that no remedies had power to rouse her, nor was she in fact able to swallow. When called to her, finding that injections and other ordinary remedies had been employed in vain, I dipped a feather in a powerful sternutatory, and passed it up the nostrils. Although the stupor was so profound that she could not sneeze, or be roused in any way, the effect was to excite convulsions throughout the body, beginning at the shoulders, and gradually descending to the lower extremities. As often as I employed the stimulus the labour advanced, until at last a strong and healthy child was born, without the consciousness of the mother, who still remained in a state of coma.

We can observe the manner of labour-pains in other animals, as the bitch, sheep, and larger cattle, and ascertain that they do not depend on the action of the uterus and abdomen only, but on the efforts of the whole body.

The degree in which the offspring contributes to accelerate and


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 facilitate birth is made clear from observations on oviparous animals; in these it is ascertained that the shell is broken through by the fœtus and not by the mother. Hence it is probable that in viviparous animals also the greater part of delivery is due to the fœtus—to its efforts, I mean, not to its gravity, as Fabricius would have it. For what can gravity do in the case of quadrupeds standing or sitting, or in the woman when lying down? Nor are the efforts of the fœtus to get out, the result, as he believes, of its own bulk or of that of the waters; the waters, it is true, when the fœtus is dead and decomposed, by their putrid and acrimonious nature, stimulate the uterus to expel its contents; but it is the fœtus itself which, with its head downwards, attacks the portals of the womb, opens them by its own energies, and thus struggles into day. Wherefore a birth of this kind is held the more speedy and fortunate; "it is contrary to nature," says Pliny, "for a child to be born with the feet foremost; hence those so born were called Agrippæ, i.e. born with difficulty"—(ægre parti), for in such the labour is tedious and painful. Notwithstanding this, in cases of abortion, or where the fœtus is dead, or, in fact, when any difficulty arises in the delivery so as to require manual aid, it is better that the feet should come first; they act as a wedge on the narrow uterine passages. Hence, when we chiefly depend upon the fœtus, as being lively and active, to accomplish delivery, we must do our best that the head escape first; but if the business is to be done by the uterus, it is advisable that the feet come foremost.

We are able to observe in how great a degree the fœtus contributes to delivery, not only in birds, which, as I have said above, break through the shell by their own powers, but also in many other animals. All kinds of flies and butterflies pierce the little membrane in which they lie concealed as "aureliæ;" the silkworm also, at its appointed time, softens by moistening, and then eats through the silken bag which it had spun round itself for protection, and makes its way out without any foreign aid. In the same manner wasps, hornets, all insects in fact, and fishes of every kind, are born by their own will and powers. This can be best seen in the skate, fork-fish, lamprey, and the


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Page:Oriental Stories Volume 01 Number 04 (Spring 1931).djvu/15

 since Sieur Gerard once hanged one of their race here, it was fitting that one of Gerard's men should grace this gibbet."

"Tell me how Gerard died," growled the Irish warrior. "Men hint at foul tales"

Michael's fine eyes filled with tears. "Ah, Cormac, I who loved him, brought about his death. Listen—there is more to this than meets the casual eye. I think that Nureddin and his comrade-at-arms have been stung by the hornet of empire. It is in my mind that they, with various dog-knights among the Franks, dream of a mongrel kingdom among these hills, which shall hold allegiance neither to Saladin nor any king of the West.

"They begin to broaden their holdings by treachery. The nearest Christian hold was that of Ali-El-Yar, of course. Sieur Gerard was a true knight, peace be upon his fair soul, and he must be removed. All this I learned later—would to God I had known it beforehand! Among Nureddin's slaves is a Persian girl named Yulala, and with this innocent tool of their evil wishes, the twain sought to ensnare my lord—to slay at once his body and his good name. And God help me, through me they succeeded where otherwise they had failed.

"For my lord Gerard was honorable beyond all men. When in peace, and at Nureddin's invitation, he visited El Ghor, he paid no heed to Yulala's blandishments. For according to the commands of her masters, which she dared not disobey, the girl allowed Gerard to look on her, unveiled, and as if by chance, and she pretended affection for him. But Gerard gave her no heed. But I—I fell victim to her charms."

Cormac snorted in disgust. Michael clutched his arm.

"Cormac," he cried, "bethink you—all men are not iron like you! I swear I loved Yulala from the moment I first set eyes on her—and she loved me? I contrived to see her again—to steal into El Ghor itself"

"Whence men got the tale that it was Gerard who was carrying on an affair with Nureddin's slave," snarled Fitz-Geoffrey.

Michael hid his face in his hands. "Mine the fault," he groaned. "Then one night a mute brought a note signed by Yulala—apparently—begging me to come with Sieur Gerard and his men-at-arms and save her from a frightful fate—our love had been discovered, the note read, and they were about to torture her. I was wild with rage and fear. I went to Gerard and told him all, and he, white soul of honor, vowed to aid me. He could not break the truce and bring Saladin's wrath upon the Christian's cities, but he donned his mail and rode forth alone with me. We would see if there was any way whereby we might steal Yulala away, secretly; if not, my lord would go boldly to Nureddin and ask the girl as a gift, or offer to pay a great ransom for her. I would marry her.

"Well, when we reached the place outside the wall of El Ghor, where I was wont to meet Yulala, we found we were trapped. Nureddin, Kosru Malik and their warriors rose suddenly about us on all sides. Nureddin first spoke to Gerard, telling him of the trap he had set and baited, hoping to entice my lord into his power alone. And the Moslem laughed to think that the chance love of a squire had drawn Gerard into the trap where the carefully wrought plan had failed. As for the missive—Nureddin wrote that himself, believing, in his craftiness, that Sieur Gerard would do just as indeed he did.

"Nureddin and the Turk offered to allow Gerard to join them in their plan of empire. They told him plainly that his


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 quering. Nevertheless, the men and women who loved him pleaded and implored him, and for two days they kept him from fighting, but only with difficulty. They had the help of the sweetest singers and the most noble poets. The women danced in their loveliest dresses before him; the poets chanted for him poems that made words stronger and more beautiful than anything else in the world of men or Nature; the melodies of the singers must have been woven by magic, because they were as pure and sweet as flowers, and yet they were full of the feeling which is in the speech of mothers, of children, of friends, and of lovers, So Cohoolin sat down, and they tempted him with wine and delicious food. But they could never be sure that the dance, or poem, or song, or wine would not excite him to do exactly what they wished him not to do. At one moment these things soothed him, at another they stirred him. He listened to a song, and his thoughts became happy, but gradually floated away altogether from the cause of the song, and he would stand and look as if King Ere of Tara were within a sword's length of him.

One maiden sang about the hosts of faery. They carry white shields with devices of silver, glittering swords and mighty blue horns. Their bands of pale curly-headed warriors march amid blue spears before their fair chieftain. They scatter their enemies, and every land they invade they leave desolate. It is no wonder their strength is great, for they are all sons of queens and kings; they have manes of beautiful golden-yellow upon their heads, smooth comely bodies, teeth like crystal, and fine red lips. They are good at slaughter; they make good songs, and sing them sweetly; and they are clever at games of skill. At the sound of the word 'horns', Cohoolin's mind began to travel joyfully through


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Author:A. Donald Rahn

As illustrator

 * The Spirit of the Leader (1923) by William Heyliger

title: Author:A. Donald Rahn


text:
Author talk:A. Donald Rahn

Can't find
I can't find information on this author. They are probably male, probably active in New York City, and seem to have been active as an artist/illustrator either A. D. Rahn or A. Donald Rahn between the late 1890s and the early 1940s. Can you find any info? I've been digging for close to an hour and "Donald" is the closest I got. PseudoSkull (talk) 08:51, 18 December 2023 (UTC)
 * A possibility is https://www.findagrave.com/memorial/58046608/angelo-donald-rahn . . . But I can't find much else on that specific individual. PseudoSkull (talk) 08:53, 18 December 2023 (UTC)

title: Author talk:A. Donald Rahn


text:
Author:Gordon Kimball Dickinson

Academic papers

 * "The Breast Physiologically and Pathologically Considered With Relation to Bleeding From the Nipple" (1921)

title: Author:Gordon Kimball Dickinson


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text: Works of Jules Verne/Michael Strogoff

title: Works of Jules Verne/Michael Strogoff


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Rh same odours emitted from the houses, and the vast firmament over our heads is of the same inimitable blue, which even the turquoise cannot reproduce. It seems impossible that our journey should be rudely interrupted, commenced as it is in such bright sunshine; the earth presents itself under too smiling an aspect to deceive us afterwards.

For a little way we skirted the crenellated walls of the town, against which are built various earthen huts with creepers growing up them, and then we said good-bye to Kourla and made southward. The road which leads out of the oasis is dusty, and branches out into paths which get lost in the desert, as rivulets exhaust a river before it has reached the end of its course.

On arriving at the last of the saklis, we bought some sheep from a friend of the Aksakal of the Russian subjects. Although we are certain of having enough to feed men and beasts as far as the Lob Nor, it is as well to have with one a small flock of fat sheep, as a matter of precaution; this, again, will enable us to purchase others of the natives at a lower figure for our daily consumption, for when they see that we are not at their mercy, they will not put up their prices.

October 11.—We had loaded some of our camels when we saw the dust rising on the plain in the direction of Kourla, and presently recognised the chiefs of Kourla in full dress, accompanied by several horsemen. When they got close to our bivouac, they politely dismounted, and one of their attendants came to ask for an audience on the part of his masters. This we at once granted, and the chiefs advanced with a certain degree of haste, no doubt to signify thereby that they were under the influence of some strong emotion. They had smiling faces, they shook hands cordially with us, and leaned forward as they did so, their whole attitude being one of sympathy. They had no sooner seated themselves on the white felt which had been

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Page:Bury J B The Cambridge Medieval History Vol 2 1913.djvu/169

Rh The composition of the army varied during the Merovingian period. The army of Clovis with which he conquered Gaul was an army of barbarians, to which some Roman soldiers, encamped in the country, had joined themselves. These Roman troops long preserved their name, their accoutrements, their insignia. Later it seems clear that certain of the barbarian tribes were liable to special military obligations, and in case of military expeditions were the first to take the field. The armies which descended from Gaul upon Italy in the sixth century were principally composed of Burgundian warriors. The Saxons established near Bayeux, the Taifali, whose name is found in the Poitivin district of Tiffauges, were for long distinctly military colonies whose members took the field at the first alarm of war. But soon the Gallo-Romans, too, find a place in the armies. Some of them doubtless asked leave to join an expedition which was likely to bring back spoil; thenceforward their descendants were under obligation to render military service. Others were obliged by the count or the duke to equip themselves, and in this way a precedent was created which bound their descendants. Thus certain free persons, whether Gallo-Romans or barbarians, are subject to the obligation of military service, just as certain persons are subject to the capitatio humana and certain lands to the capitatio terrena. These persons were obliged to arm themselves and march whenever the king summoned them to do so. But they were rarely all summoned at one time; the king first called on those who lived in the neighbourhood of the scene of war. If it was for an expedition against Germany he summoned the fighting-men of Austrasia, for a war against Brittany he summoned the men of Tours, Poitiers, Bayeux, Le Mans, and Angers. All the men thus mustered served at their own expense, and remained on campaign all summer; in winter they returned to their homes, to be recalled, if need were, the following spring. Charles the Great made a great reform in the military organisation. He based the obligation to military service upon property, the principle being that everyone who possessed a certain number of mansi was obliged to serve. The number varied from year to year according to the number of fighting-men required.

We thus see how these institutions were incessantly transformed by the influence of circumstances and by human action. Roman and Germanic elements were combined in them in various proportions, and new elements were added to them. The Merovingian institutions thus came to form a new system; and from them arise by a series of transformations the institutions of Charles the Great.

Only the Church, which connects itself with the Gallo-Roman Church, presents an appearance of greater fixity, since the Church claims to hold always the same dogmas and to be founded on stable principles. Nevertheless even the Church underwent an evolution along with the society which it endeavoured to guide. We shall give our attention successively to the secular Church and the religious Orders.


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Rh

1996 CHAPTER 6 An Act to promote the control of chemical weapons and of certain toxic chemicals and precursors; and for connected purposes.

by the Queen's most Excellent Majesty, by and with the advice and consent of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and Commons, in this present Parliament assembled, and by the authority of the same, as follows:— Introduction

1.—(1) Chemical weapons are—
 * (a) toxic chemicals and their precursors;
 * (b) munitions and other devices designed to cause death or harm through the toxic properties of toxic chemicals released by them;
 * (c) equipment designed for use in connection with munitions and devices falling within paragraph (b).

(2) Subsection (1) is subject to sections 2(2) and (3), 10(1) and 11(2) (by virtue of which an object is not a chemical weapon if the use or intended use is only for permitted purposes).

(3) Permitted purposes are—
 * (a) peaceful purposes;
 * (b) purposes related to protection against toxic chemicals;
 * (c) legitimate military purposes;
 * (d) purposes of enforcing the law.

(4) Legitimate military purposes are all military purposes except those which depend on the use of the toxic properties of chemicals as a method of warfare in circumstances where the main object is to cause death, permanent harm or temporary incapacity to humans or animals.

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2c. 6 (5) A toxic chemical is a chemical which through its chemical action on life processes can cause death, permanent harm or temporary incapacity to humans or animals; and the origin, method of production and place of production are immaterial.

(6) A precursor is a chemical reactant which takes part at any stage in the production (by whatever method) of a toxic chemical.

(7) References to an object include references to a substance.

(8) The Convention is the Convention on the Prohibition of the Development, Production, Stockpiling and Use of Chemical Weapons and on their Destruction, signed at Paris on 13 January 1993.

(9) This section applies for the purposes of this Act. Chemical weapons

2.—(1) No person shall—
 * (a) use a chemical weapon;
 * (b) develop or produce a chemical weapon;
 * (c) have a chemical weapon in his possession;
 * (d) participate in the transfer of a chemical weapon;
 * (e) engage in military preparations, or in preparations of a military nature, intending to use a chemical weapon.

(2) For the purposes of subsection (1)(a) an object is not a chemical weapon if the person uses the object only for permitted purposes; and in deciding whether permitted purposes are intended the types and quantities of objects shall be taken into account.

(3) For the purposes of subsection (1)(b), (c), (d) or (e) an object is not a chemical weapon if the person does the act there mentioned with the intention that the object will be used only for permitted purposes; and in deciding whether permitted purposes are intended the types and quantities of objects shall be taken into account.

(4) For the purposes of subsection (1)(d) a person participates in the transfer of an object if—
 * (a) he acquires or disposes of the object or enters into a contract to acquire or dispose of it, or
 * (b) he makes arrangements under which another person acquires or disposes of the object or another person enters into a contract to acquire or dispose of it.

(5) For the purposes of subsection (4)—
 * (a) to acquire an object is to buy it, hire it, borrow it or accept it as a gift;
 * (b) to dispose of an object is to sell it, let it on hire, lend it or give it.

(6) In proceedings for an offence under subsection (1)(a), (c) or (d) relating to an object it is a defence for the accused to prove—
 * (a) that he neither knew nor suspected nor had reason to suspect that the object was a chemical weapon, or

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Page:Bury J B The Cambridge Medieval History Vol 2 1913.djvu/170

142 No one could become a member of the secular clergy without the permission of the king. Anyone who desired the clerical office must also give certain guarantees of his moral fitness. His conduct must be upright and pure, and he must possess a certain amount of education. To have married a second time, or to have married a widow, debarred a man from the clerical office, and those who were married must break off all relations with their wives. Clerics were distinguished from laymen by their tonsure, they wore a special costume, the habitus clericalis, and they were judged according to the Roman Law. Each cleric was attached to a special church, which he ought not to leave without the written permission of his bishop; the councils impose the severest penalties upon priests wandering at large (gyrovagi).

The chief of the clergy was the bishop, who was placed over a diocese — parochia, as it was called in the Merovingian period. Theoretically there were as many bishops as there had been civitates in Roman Gaul, but the principle was not rigorously carried out. A number of the small cities mentioned in the Notitia Galliarum had no bishop in the Merovingian period, for their territory was united to that of a neighbouring city. This was the case in regard to the civitas Rigomagensium (Thorame) and the civitas Salinensium (Castellane) in the province of the Alpes Maritimae. On the other hand some of the cities were divided up. St Remigius established a bishopric at Laon which was not a Gallo-Roman city. Similarly a bishopric was created at Nevers. Out of the civitas of Nîmes were carved the bishoprics of Uzès, Agde, and Maguelonne; out of Narbonne that of Carcassonne; out of Nyons that of Belley. This creation of new bishoprics was due to the progressof Christianity. Certain bishoprics which the Merovingian kings created in order to make the boundaries of the dioceses coincide with those of their share of the kingdom — such as that of Melun, formed out of that of Sens, and of Chateaudun, formed out of that of Chartres — had only a transient existence.

Theoretically the bishops were elected by the clergy and people of the city. The election took place in the cathedral, under the presidency of the metropolitan or of a bishop of the province; the faithful acclaimed the candidate of their choice, who immediately took possession of the episcopal chair. But under the Merovingians it is observable that the kings acquire little by little an influence in the elections. The sovereign made known his choice to the electors; in many cases he directly designated the prelate. He might, of course, choose the man most worthy of the post, but usually he was content to be bribed. "At this time," says Gregory of Tours, "that seed of iniquity began to bear fruit that the episcopal office was sold by the kings or bought by the clerics." In face of these pretentions of the monarchy the first councils of the Merovingian period, those of 533 and 538, did not fail to assert the ancient canonical rights. Before long however the bishops saw that they


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Rh :(b) that he knew or suspected it to be a chemical weapon and as soon as reasonably practicable after he first so knew or suspected he took all reasonable steps to inform the Secretary of State or a constable of his knowledge or suspicion.

(7) Nothing in subsection (6) prejudices any defence which it is open to a person charged with an offence under this section to raise apart from that subsection.

(8) A person contravening this section is guilty of an offence and liable on conviction on indictment to imprisonment for life.

3.—(1) Section 2 applies to acts done in the United Kingdom or elsewhere.

(2) So far as it applies to acts done outside the United Kingdom, section 2 applies to United Kingdom nationals, Scottish partnerships, and bodies incorporated under the law of any part of the United Kingdom.

(3) Her Majesty may by Order in Council extend the application of section 2, so far as it applies to acts done outside the United Kingdom, to bodies incorporated under the law of any of the Channel Islands, the Isle of Man or any colony.

(4) For the purposes of this section a United Kingdom national is an individual who is—
 * (a) a British citizen, a British Dependent Territories citizen, a British National (Overseas) or a British Overseas citizen,
 * (b) a person who under the British Nationality Act 1981 is a British subject, or
 * (c) a British protected person within the meaning of that Act.

(5) Proceedings for an offence committed under section 2 outside the United Kingdom may be taken, and the offence may for incidental purposes be treated as having been committed, in any place in the United Kingdom.

4.—(1) If—
 * (a) the Secretary of State has grounds to suspect that an object is a chemical weapon, and
 * (b) at least one person falls within subsection (2),

the Secretary of State may serve on any person falling within that subsection a copy of a notice falling within subsection (3).

(2) The persons falling within this subsection are—
 * (a) any person who appears to the Secretary of State to have the object in his possession, and
 * (b) any person not falling within paragraph (a) and who appears to the Secretary of State to have an interest which the Secretary of State believes is materially affected by the notice.

(3) A notice falling within this subsection is a notice which—
 * (a) describes the object and states its location;
 * (b) states that the Secretary of State suspects that the object is a chemical weapon and gives the reasons for his suspicion;

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Rh must take things as they were and make the best of them. They were prepared to recognise the intervention of the king as legitimate, while insisting that the king should not sell the episcopate and should observe the canonical regulations. "None shall buy the episcopal dignity for money," runs the pronouncement of the Fifth Council of Orleans, of 549; "the bishop shall, with the king's consent and according to the choice of the clergy and the people, be consecrated by the metropolitan and the other bishops of the province." These principles were recalled at the famous council of 614, but without the mention of the king: "On the decease of a bishop there shall be appointed in his place whoever shall have been elected by the metropolitan, the bishops of the province, and the clergy and people of the city, without hindrance and without gift of money." Chlotar II in the edict confirming these canons modified the tenor of this article. While recognising the right of election of the persons interested, he maintained the right of intervention of the prince. "If the elected person is worthy, he shall be consecrated, upon the order of the prince." From that time forward the established procedure was as follows. On the death of a prelate the citizens and the people of the civitas assemble, under the presidency of the metropolitan and the other bishops of the province. They choose the successor and make known to the king the act of election — consensus civium pro episcopatu. If the king approves, he transmits to the metropolitan the order to consecrate the bishop-elect, and invites the other bishops of the province to be present at the ceremony. If he is dissatisfied with the election, he requests the electors to choose another candidate, and sometimes he himself nominates him.

The power of the bishop was very great. All the clergy of the diocese were under his control, and in the episcopal city a certain number of clerics lived in the bishop's house and ate at his table. Chrodegang, bishop of Metz, laid down about the middle of the eighth century a very strict rule for these clergy, requiring them to live as a community: this was the origin of secular canons. Throughout the whole diocese the bishop reserved to himself certain religious functions. He alone had power to consecrate altars and churches, to bless the holy oils, to confirm the young and to ordain clergy. All other functions he delegated to the archpriests, whose appointment was either made or sanctioned by him. Only these archpriests had the right to baptise, and at the great festivals they alone had the right to say mass. The district under the authority of the archpriest soon came to be considered as a smaller parochia within the larger parochia. The archpriests were generally placed in the vici, the large country-towns. Under them were the clerics who served the oratories of the villae; these clerics were presented by the proprietors of the villae for institution by the bishop. The bishop was assisted in his work by an archdeacon who exercised oversight among the clergy


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4c. 6 :(c) states that he is considering whether to secure its destruction under sections 5 to 7;
 * (d) states that any person may make representations that the object is not a chemical weapon;
 * (e) states that a person on whom the notice is served and who has the object in his possession must not relinquish possession before a date specified in the notice.

5.—(1) If the Secretary of State has reasonable cause to believe that—
 * (a) an object is on premises to which the public has access or which are occupied by a person who consents to action being taken under this subsection, and
 * (b) the object is a chemical weapon,

the Secretary of State may authorise a person to enter the premises and to search them.

(2) If—
 * (a) a justice of the peace is satisfied on information on oath that there is reasonable cause to believe that an object is on premises (of whatever nature) and that it is a chemical weapon, or
 * (b) in Scotland a justice, within the meaning of section 307 of the Criminal Procedure (Scotland) Act 1995, is satisfied by evidence on oath as mentioned in paragraph (a),

he may issue a warrant in writing authorising a person acting under the authority of the Secretary of State to enter the premises, if necessary by force, at any time within one month from the time of the issue of the warrant and to search them.

(3) A person who acts under an authorisation given under subsection (1) or (2) may take with him such other persons and such equipment as appear to him to be necessary.

(4) If a person enters premises under an authorisation given under subsection (1) or (2) and the object is found there he may make the object safe and—
 * (a) he may seize and remove it if it is reasonably practicable to do so, or
 * (b) he may in any other case affix a warning to the object or to something in a conspicuous position near the object, stating that the object is not to be moved or interfered with before a date specified in the warning.

(5) For the purposes of subsection (4) an object is made safe if, without being destroyed, it is prevented from being an immediate danger (as where a fuse is neutralised or the object is smothered in foam).

(6) The powers conferred on an authorised person under this section shall only be exercisable, if the authorisation under subsection (1) or the warrant so provides, in the presence of a constable.

(7) This section applies whether or not any copy of a notice has been served under section 4.

6.—(1) This section applies if an object is removed from premises under section 5, and for the purposes of this section—

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 Rh shopping while they’re there. But while they are there they are observing. Then afterwards they make charts.”

“Charts of what?” I asked.

“Charts of the employés; they’re used to show the brain movement involved.”

“Do you find much?”

“Well,” she said hesitatingly, “the idea is to reduce all the employés to a Curve.”

“To a Curve?” I exclaimed, “an In or an Out.”

“No, no, not exactly that. Didn’t you use Curves when you were at college?”

“Never,” I said.

“Oh, well, nowadays nearly everything, you know, is done into a Curve. We put them on the board.”

“And what is this particular Curve of the employé used for?” I asked.

“Why,” said the student, “the idea is that from the Curve we can get the Norm of the employé.”

“Get his Norm?” I asked.

“Yes, get the Norm. That stands for the Root Form of the employé as a social factor.”

“And what can you do with that?”

“Oh, when we have that we can tell what the employé would do under any and every circumstance. At least that’s the idea

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144 and judged contentions arising among them. It was the bishop, too, who administered Church property, and this property was of large extent. Never were donations to the Church more abundant than in the Merovingian period. The benefactors of the Church were, first, the bishops themselves; Bertramn of Mans left to his see thirty-five estates. Then there were the kings, who hoped to atone for their crimes by pious donations, and rich laymen who to provide for the salvation of their souls despoiled their heirs. All property acquired by the Church was, according to the canons of the councils, inalienable. The Church always received and never gave back. In addition to landed property, the Church received from the kings certain financial privileges, such as exemption from customs-dues and market- tax. Often, too, the sovereign made over to the Church the right to levy dues at specified places. Further, since Moses had granted to the tribe of Levi, that is to say to the priests, the right of levying tithes upon the fruits of the earth and the increase of the cattle, the Merovingian Church claimed a similar contribution, and threatened with excommunication anyone who should fail to pay it. The tithe was generally paid by the faithful, but it was not made obligatory by the State. It only acquired that character in the time of Charles the Great. All this property was theoretically in the charge of the bishop of the diocese. He was required to divide it into four parts, one for the maintenance of the bishop and his household, one for the payment of the clergy of his diocese, one for the poor, and one for the building and repair of churches. Little by little, however, property became attached to secondary parishes and even to mere oratories.

The bishop had great influence within his city as well as in the State. In the city he acted as an administrator and carried out works of public utility. Sidonius of Mainz built an embankment along the Rhine, Felix of Nantes straightened the course of the Loire, Didier of Cahors constructed aqueducts. The bishop thus took the place of the former municipal magistrates, whose office had died out; he received the town to govern (ad gubernandum), by the end of the Merovingian period certain cities are already episcopal cities. The bishop maintains the cause of his parishioners before the officials of the State, and even before the king himself; he obtains for them alleviation of imposts and all kinds of favours. The bishops' protection was especially extended to a class of persons who formed as it were their clientage — widows, orphans, the poor, slaves, and captives. The poor of the city were formed into a regularly organised body, their names were inscribed on the registers of the Church, and they were known as the matricidarii.

The bishops and the clergy in general enjoyed important legal privileges. From 614 onwards the clergy could only be judged on criminal charges by their bishops; the bishops themselves could only be cited before councils of the Church. But, still more important,


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Rh :(a) the first six-month period is the period of six months beginning with the day after the removal;
 * (b) the second six-month period is the period of six months beginning with the day after the first six-month period ends.

(2) If at any time in the second six-month period the Secretary of State decides that the object should be destroyed he may authorise a person to destroy it; but this is subject to subsections (3) to (5).

(3) If at any time in the first six-month period—
 * (a) any person appears to the Secretary of State to have had the object in his possession immediately before its removal, or
 * (b) any person not falling within paragraph (a) appears to the Secretary of State to have an interest which the Secretary of State believes would be materially affected by the object's destruction,

the Secretary of State must serve on such a person a copy of a notice falling within subsection (4).

(4) A notice falling within this subsection is a notice which—
 * (a) describes the object and states its location;
 * (b) states that the Secretary of State proposes to secure its destruction and gives the reasons for his proposal;
 * (c) states that the person on whom the copy of the notice is served may object to the Secretary of State's proposal;
 * (d) states than an objection (if made) must be made in writing to the Secretary of State before such date as is specified in the notice and must state why the object should not be destroyed.

(5) Before he reaches a decision under subsection (2) the Secretary of State must—
 * (a) allow any person on whom a copy of a notice has been served under subsection (3) time to respond, and
 * (b) take into account any objections to the object's proposed destruction (whether made in response to a notice or otherwise).

(6) If an object is removed from premises under section 5 and destroyed under this section the Secretary of State may recover from a responsible person any costs reasonably incurred by the Secretary of State in connection with the removal and destruction; and a responsible person is any person who had possession of the object immediately before its removal.

(7) If—
 * (a) an object is removed from premises under section 5,
 * (b) at the end of the second six-month period the Secretary of State has not authorised the destruction of the object, and
 * (c) a person bad possession of the object immediately before its removal,

the Secretary of State must return the object to the person mentioned in paragraph (c) or, if there is more than one, to such of them as the Secretary of State thinks appropriate.

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Rh laymen were glad to make the bishop the arbiter of their differences; they knew that they would find in him a judge more just and better instructed than the count. The Church could also give protection to malefactors; the criminal, once he had crossed the sacred threshold, could not be torn thence; it was commonly believed that frightful chastisements had smitten those who attempted to violate the rights of sanctuary.

It would be easy to shew how grossly immoral was the Frankish race — the history of Gregory of Tours is filled with the record of horrible crimes — but at the same time they were profoundly credulous and superstitious. On Sundays, at the sound of the bells, they rushed in crowds to the churches. They frequently received the communion, and it was a terrible punishment to be deprived of it. Apart from the Church services the Franks were constantly at prayer. They believed not only in God but in the saints, whom they continually invoked, and they believed in their intervention in the affairs of this world. They were eager to procure relics, which had healing power. The Church had in its control sacraments, religion, healing virtue, and the bishop held the first place in the Church; he was felt to be invested with supernatural power, and the faithful held him in awe.

Above the bishop was the metropolitan. With a few rare exceptions, the metropolitan had his seat at the chief town of the Roman province. In the course of the fifth century, the province of Vienne was cut in two: there was one metropolitan at Vienne, another at Arles. The latter annexed to his jurisdiction the provinces of the Alpes Maritimae (Embrun) and of Narbonensis II (Aix). Thenceforward twelve metropolitan sees were distinguished: Vienne, Arles, Treves, Rheims, Lyons (to which was united Besangon), Rouen, Tours, Sens, Bourges, Bordeaux, Eauze and Narbonne. The metropolitan had the right to convoke provincial councils, and presided at them. He exercised a certain oversight over the bishops of the province, and it was to him that it naturally fell to act as judge among them. His title was simply that of bishop: the title archbishop does not appear until quite the end of the Merovingian period. The authority of the metropolitans was subordinate to that of the Frankish Church as a whole, which had as its organs the national councils. These councils were always convoked by the king, who exercised much influence in their deliberations. We have the cannons of numerous councils held between 511 and 614, which give us a mass of information regarding ecclesiastical organisation and discipline. These canons are not much concerned with doctrine; they recall the clergy to their duties, safeguard the property of the churches against the covetousness of laymen, and censure pagan customs such as augury and sortes sanctorum.

The Frankish Church honoured the Papacy and regarded the bishop of Rome as the successor of St Peter, but the Papacy had no


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 Rh though I’m really only quoting,” she added, breaking off in a diffident way, “from what Miss Thinker, the professor of Social Endeavour, says. She’s really fine. She’s making a general chart of the female employés of one of the biggest stores to show what percentage in case of fire would jump out of window and what percentage would run to the fire escape.”

“It’s a wonderful course,” I said. “We had nothing like it when I went to college. And does it only take in departmental stores?”

“No,” said the girl, “the laboratory work includes for this semester ice-cream parlours as well.”

“What do you do with them?”

“We take them up as Social Cells, Nuclei, I think the professor calls them.”

“And how do you go at them?” I asked.

“Why, the girls go to them in little laboratory groups and study them.”

“They eat ice-cream in them?”

“They have to,” she said, “to make it concrete. But while they are doing it they are considering the ice-cream parlour merely as a section of social protoplasm.”

“Does the professor go?” I asked.

“Oh, yes, she heads each group. Professor Thinker never spares herself from work.”

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6c. 6 7.—(1) This section applies if a warning has been affixed under section 5, and for the purposes of this section—
 * (a) the first six-month period is the period of six months beginning with the day after the warning was affixed;
 * (b) the second six-month period is the period of six months beginning with the day after the first six-month period ends.

(2) If at any time in the second six-month period the Secretary of State decides that the object should be destroyed it may be destroyed as provided by subsections (6) to (9); but this is subject to subsections (3) to (5).

(3) If at any time in the first six-month period—
 * (a) any person appears to the Secretary of State to have had the object in his possession immediately before the warning was affixed, or
 * (b) any person not falling within paragraph (a) appears to the Secretary of State to have an interest which the Secretary of State believes would be materially affected by the object’s destruction,

the Secretary of State must serve on such a person a copy of a notice falling within subsection (4).

(4) A notice falling within this subsection is a notice which—
 * (a) describes the object and states its location;
 * (b) states that the Secretary of State proposes to secure its destruction and gives the reasons for his proposal;
 * (c) states that the person on whom the copy of the notice is served may object to the Secretary of State’s proposal;
 * (d) states that an objection (if made) must be made in writing to the Secretary of State before such date as is specified in the notice and must state why the object should not be destroyed.

(5) Before he reaches a decision under subsection (2) the Secretary of State must—
 * (a) allow any person on whom a copy of a notice has been served under subsection (3) time to respond, and
 * (b) take into account any objections to the object’s proposed destruction (whether made in response to a notice or otherwise).

(6) If—
 * (a) at any time in the second six-month period the Secretary of State decides that the object should be destroyed, and
 * (b) the object is on premises to which the public has access or which are occupied by a person who consents to action being taken under this subsection,

the Secretary of State may authorise a person to enter the premises and to destroy the object if it is found there.

(7) If (whatever the nature of the premises concerned)—
 * (a) a justice of the peace is satisfied on information on oath that a warning has been affixed under section 5, and that the Secretary of State has decided at any time in the second six-month period that the object should be destroyed, or

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400 in which the principles contained in the letter to Honorius were put in the shape of a formal confession of faith (636). Heraclius on his return from the East signed this document, and it was posted on the walls of St Sophia (autumn 638). A copy was sent to Cyrus, who received it with veneration, and to Severinus, who had been elected to the papacy after the death of Honorius (Oct.); while a synod at Constantinople threatened spiritual penalties against anyone who asserted either one operation or two operations. This was the last act of Sergius, who died 9 Dec. 638. As Severinus rejected the Ekthesis, confirmation of his election was refused, and his emissaries were detained in Constantinople; but on their allowing it to be understood that they would obtain his acceptance permission was given for his consecration, which took place 28 May 640.

Egypt having been cut off by the Arab invasion, the question resolved itself into a contest between Rome and Constantinople. Severinus died two months after his consecration without accepting the Ekthesis; and his successor, John IV, wrote to the new patriarch, Pyrrhus, to denounce it: whereupon Heraclius, now at the point of death, in a letter to the pope disclaimed the responsibility for it, which he threw on Sergius. After his death John wrote to Constantine maintaining the doctrine of two wills, explaining away Honorius' letter, and asking for the removal of the Ekthesis. The civil troubles prevented any further steps at the time; but the government of Constans gave the pope to understand that the Ekthesis would be removed (642); and Pope Theodore (consecrated 24 Nov.) wrote to Paul of Constantinople to complain that this had not been done. He further reproached Paul for having taken possession of the see when Pyrrhus had not been formally deposed, and wrote to the Emperor to suggest that Pyrrhus should be tried at Rome. Sergius of Cyprus expressed his adherence in a letter to the pope (29 May 643): but his strongest support came from Africa, where the exarch Gregory was contemplating rebellion.

The most resolute opponent of Monotheletism was Maximus, archimandrite of Chrysopolis, who had met Sophronius in Africa shortly before the Alexandrine union, and had now again gone thither to stir up opposition to the Ekthesis. Here in the presence of Gregory he held a dispute with Pyrrhus (July 645); who, hoping by Gregory's help to obtain restoration, declared himself converted, and having gone to Rome with Maximus, condemned the Ekthesis and was received by the pope with the honours of a patriarch. In 646 several synods were held in Africa; and letters in condemnation of the Ekthesis were written to the pope, the Emperor, and the patriarch, the last being sent through the pope. Theodore forwarded the African letter with a remonstrance of his own; and Paul answered by an enunciation of the Monothelete doctrine; upon which Theodore declared him deposed.

Gregory rebelled in 647: but in 648 he fell in battle with the Arabs;


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Rh :(b) in Scotland a justice, within the meaning of section 307 of the Criminal Procedure (Scotland) Act 1995, is satisfied by evidence on oath as mentioned in paragraph (a), he may issue a warrant in writing authorising a person acting under the authority of the Secretary of State to enter the premises, if necessary by force, at any time within one month from the time of the issue of the warrant and to destroy the object if it is found there.

(8) A person who acts under an authorisation given under subsection (6) or (7) may take with him such other persons and such equipment as appear to him to be necessary.

(9) The powers conferred on an authorised person under this section shall only be exercisable, if the authorisation under subsection (6) or the warrant so provides, in the presence of a constable.

(10) Where an object is destroyed under this section the Secretary of State may recover from a responsible person any costs reasonably incurred by the Secretary of State in connection with the destruction; and a responsible person is any person who had possession of the object immediately before the warning was affixed under section 5.

8.—(1) This section applies if a person claims that—
 * (a) an object has been destroyed under section 6 or 7
 * (b) he had an interest which was materially affected by the destruction and he sustained loss as a result, and
 * (c) no copy of a notice was served on him under the section concerned (whether or not one was served on any other person).

(2) If the person concerned makes an application under this section to the High Court or in Scotland the Court of Session, and the Court finds that his claim is justified, the Court may order the Secretary of State to pay to the applicant such amount (if any) by way of compensation as the Court considers just.

(3) If the Court believes that the object would have been destroyed even if a copy of a notice had been served on the applicant under the section concerned the Court must not order compensation to be paid under this section.

9.—(1) If—
 * (a) a copy of a notice is served on a person under section 4
 * (b) the notice relates to an object in his possession at the time the copy is served,
 * (c) he relinquishes possession before the date specified under section 4(3)(e), and
 * (d) he has no reasonable excuse for so relinquishing possession,

he is guilty of an offence.

(2) If a person wilfully obstructs a person in—
 * (a) entering or searching premises under an authorisation given under section 5(1) or (2) or 7(6) or (7),
 * (b) making an object safe, seizing or removing an object, or affixing a warning, under section 5(4),

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8c. 6 :(c) destroying an object under an authorisation given under section 6(2) or 7(6) or (7), or
 * (d) attempting to do anything mentioned in paragraphs (a) to (c), the person so obstructing is guilty of an offence.

(3) If—
 * (a) a warning is affixed under section 5(4),
 * (b) a person interferes with the warning, or moves or interferes with the object before the date specified in the warning, and
 * (c) he has no reasonable excuse for doing so, he is guilty of an offence.

(4) A person guilty of an offence under any of the preceding provisions of this section is liable—
 * (a) on summary conviction, to a fine of an amount not exceeding the statutory maximum;
 * (b) on conviction on indictment, to a fine.

(5) A person who knowingly makes a false or misleading statement in response to a copy of a notice served under section 4, 6 or 7 is guilty of an offence and liable—
 * (a) on summary conviction, to a fine of an amount not exceeding the statutory maximum;
 * (b) on conviction on indictment, to imprisonment for a term not exceeding two years or to a fine or to both.

10.—(1) If an object is in the possession of a person who intends that it will be used only for permitted purposes, it is not a chemical weapon for the purposes of sections 4(1) and (3) and 5(1) and (2); and in deciding whether permitted purposes are intended the types and quantities of objects shall be taken into account.

(2) For the purposes of sections 4 to 9—
 * (a) to the extent that an object consists of a toxic chemical or precursor, it is destroyed if it is permanently prevented from being used other than for permitted purposes;
 * (b) to the extent that an object consists of a munition or other device designed to cause death or harm through toxic chemicals released by it, it is destroyed if it is permanently prevented from doing so;
 * (c) to the extent that an object consists of equipment designed for use in connection with a munition or other device, it is destroyed if it is permanently prevented from being so used.

(3) In sections 5 to 9 “premises” includes land (including buildings), moveable structures, vehicles, vessels, aircraft and hovercraft.

(4) Nothing in sections 4 to 7 affects any power arising otherwise than by virtue of those sections (such as a power to dispose of property in police possession in connection with the investigation of a suspected offence).

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648-653] and Pyrrhus, having nothing more to hope from the party of Maximus, went to Ravenna and made his peace with the government by recanting his recantation. Theodore then solemnly deposed and anathematised him in St Peter's. Meanwhile, as the Ekthesis had only shifted the dispute from operations to wills, Paul made another attempt on the same lines to restore peace. An imperial edict, known as the Type, was at his instigation put forth, by which the Ekthesis was abrogated and all controversy on either question forbidden under heavy penalties (648); and, when the papal representatives refused to accept this, they were punished by imprisonment, flogging, or exile.

Theodore died in May 649; and his successor, Martin, who was consecrated without awaiting the imperial confirmation (5 July), immediately held a synod in the Lateran, which asserted the doctrine of two wills, denounced all who maintained one operation or one will, and condemned the Ekthesis and the Type, and Sergius, Pyrrhus, Paul, Cyrus, and Theodore of Faran (5-81 Oct.). The synodal acts were sent to the Emperor; and Paul of Thessalonica, who refused to accept the Roman theology, was declared deposed by a letter of the pope.

Martin by his illegal consecration and flagrant disregard of the edict had defied the Emperor; and the answer of Constans, acting under the advice of Paul, was to send the chamberlain Olympius to Italy as exarch with orders to find out the general disposition towards the Type, and, if it should be favourable, and if the local army supported him, to arrest Martin, whom the Emperor did not recognise as pope, have the Type read in all the churches, and make the bishops sign it; but, if not, to wait till a stronger force could be collected. Olympius however, observing the state of affairs at Rome, preferred to play the part of Gregory, and accordingly came to an understanding with the pope and threw off allegiance to the Emperor. Some time afterwards he died in Sicily, whither he had gone to repel an Arab invasion; and after the imperial authority was thus restored in Italy, the new exarch, Theodore Calliopas, entered Rome with an army (15 June 653), and arrested Martin in the Lateran church (17 June) on charges of sending a letter and money to the Arabs and of disrespect to the Virgin (i.e. Nestorianism). At midnight on the 18th he was removed from Rome, conveyed to Misenum (1 July) and placed on board ship for Constantinople, which after a short stay in Naxos he reached (17 Sept.). He was kept in prison till 20 Dec., and then brought before the Senate. Being ill from the voyage and the long confinement, he was carried to the court in a litter. The charges of usurpation and disobedience, the real ground of his arrest, were kept in the background, nor do we hear anything more of those made against him at Rome; but he was accused of complicity with Olympius. Next, after the Emperor had been consulted, he was first exposed to the public gaze in the entrance-hall of the building, and then placed in a gallery overlooked by a hall in the palace where Constans


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 forests echoing with the horns of his companions, and so it wandered until he heard the words, 'They are good at slaughter.' At this he cried, as if he had been thinking of nothing else, 'Then let them know their better', and he lifted his sword and made strokes in the air such as might have drawn blood from the wind, or made a sunbeam shriek out, and the singer fled away. Or if the wine calmed him, he felt himself going off into useless sloth, and shame roused him to think of action; no enemy appearing then could have escaped him.

It was not only his own love of battle and hate of idleness that had to be overcome by song and dance and poem, and the presence of friend and lover. Often when he seemed to be swooning pleasantly in the music, like a wasp in honey, he could hear noises of battle. These were not sounds recalled by memory, for clear as these often were, there was a difference between them and the real clamour of swords on shields, of chariot wheels and trumpets, and men in fury or agony. He thought that the kings were ravaging Ulster. Those thunders were their chariots—he leapt to the door. There they were, burning the houses and crops of the men of Ulster, carrying off their cattle. 'Why do you stay here?' he cried to those around him. 'Yonder is the enemy! Charge, men of Ulster!' and he charged out into the midst of the host that he saw, and slew right and left. But he drew no blood, and left not a corpse on the earth. 'They are the enchantments of Calatin's children,' said his friends. 'The King of Tara would never venture so near. These are fairy warriors, made by incantation out of thistle-down, puff-balls, and withered leaves. They are nothing, and they can do nothing. Shall they alarm Cohoolin? Is Ulster afraid of thistle-down? Will Cohoolin go out to fight with puff-balls, and waste his strength


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 on withered leaves? As to the children of Calatin, thou canst no more fight with them than with gnats.'

'Fight with the children of Calatin?' he exclaimed. 'There are but six of them, all born at one birth, like rats, and did I not fight against their twenty-seven brothers and their father all together?'

He was ashamed when he knew that he had been valiant against phantoms, and he turned from these enchantments to those of singers and poets. He heard them singing and chanting of men who were now, as he would be some day, kept alive on the lips of men by fame after death. He tried to think what it would be like to be dead, and to be known only in a song or poem. But when he had thought how glorious to have beautiful maidens singing, and noble poets writing poems about him, he could think no further, and therefore it seemed to him as good to be famous after death as it was to do deeds worthy of fame. Yet to sit there, listening to music, was not worthy of fame, and up he leapt in a rage that the trumpets of the three kings should be sounding just outside. They were about to attack this very house when Cohoolin emerged. At sight of him they turned their chariots, and drove away. Furiously he pursued them until he came in sight of a far larger army beyond a river. This was the real army of the three hostile kings, and in an hour he would have been amongst them had he continued the chase. Now, however, he saw a small band of Ulster men approaching him on their way to Conachoor, and they were right in the path of the flying enemy. Yet neither did these few men slip aside out of the way of the host, nor did the host take notice of the men, but kept on in its flight. The Ulster men were hid among them for a moment, and then reappeared as if they had passed through smoke. Cohoolin


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Rh The other important class of obligations besides contracts are delicts or torts. They arise from acts which without legal justification injure another’s person or family or property or reputation. Such acts, if regarded as likely to be injurious not only to the individual but to the community, become subjects for criminal law: if not so regarded, are subject for private prosecution and compensation. In many cases the injured person had a choice of proceeding against the offender criminally or for private compensation. The tendency in imperial times was to treat criminally the graver cases, especially when accompanied with violence or sacrilege.

The principal classes of delicts were: theft, wrongful damage, and insult (injuriarum). Theft is taking or handling with a gainful intention any movable belonging to another without the owner's consent actual or honestly presumed. Usually the theft is secret: if done with violence it is treated with greater severity as robbery (rapina). Any use of another's thing other than he has authorised comes under this tort, and not only the thief but anyone giving aid or counsel for a theft, is liable for the same. Not only the owner, but anyone responsible for safekeeping can sue as well as the owner. The penalty was ordinarily twofold the value of the thing stolen, but, if the thief was caught on the spot, fourfold the value. If the offence was committed by a slave the master could avoid the penalty by surrendering the slave to the plaintiff. In early days such a surrender of a son or daughter in their father's power was possible, but probably rare. Robbery was subjected to a penalty of fourfold the value. Cattle-driving was usually punished criminally. Theft from a man by a son or slave under his power was a matter of domestic discipline, not of legal process. Theft by a wife was treated as theft, but the name of the suit was softened into an action for making away with things (rerum amotarum).

Wrongful damage rested even till Justinian's time on a statute (Lex Aquilia) of early republican date which received characteristic treatment from lawyers' interpretations extending and narrowing its scope. It embraced damage done whether intentionally or accidentally to any slave or animal belonging to another, or indeed to anything, crops, wine, nets, dress, etc., belonging to another, provided it was done by direct physical touch, not in self-defence nor under irresistible force. If the damage was caused by defendant but not by corporal touch, the Romans resorted to the device of allowing an analogous action by setting forth the facts of the case, or by express statement of the analogy. The penalty was in case of death assessed at the highest value which the slave or animal had within a year preceding the death; in case of damage only, the value to the plaintiff within the preceding thirty days. But condemnations under this head of wrongful damage did not involve the infamy which belonged to theft; that was purposed, this was often the result of mere misfortune. Surrender of a slave who had caused the