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120 of Italy, but these were merely plundering-raids; there were no further conquests. The Merovingians began to turn their warlike ardour against each other; there follows a miserable period of civil war.

Of the four sons of Chlotar I — Charibert, Guntram, Sigebert, and Chilperic — who divided their father's kingdom in 561, Charibert the king of Paris early disappeared from the scene, dying in 567. Sigebert king of Metz and Chilperic king of Soissons were bitterly jealous of one another, each constantly endeavouring to filch some fragment of the other's territory. Between these two Guntram king of Orleans and Burgundy adopted a waiting attitude, in order to maintain the balance of power, and giving his aid at the opportune moment to the weaker side to prevent it from being crushed. The rivalry of the two brothers was intensified by that of their wives, which gives to these struggles a peculiarly ruthless character. Sigebert, whose morals were more respectable than those of his brothers, had sent an embassy to Toledo to the king of the Visigoths, Athanagild, to ask the hand of his daughter Brunhild (Brunehaut) in marriage. Brunhild renounced Arianism, professed the Trinitarian faith, and brought to her husband a very large dowry. The marriage was celebrated at Metz with great magnificence. The young poet Fortunatus also, who had just left his home at Treviso, indited an epithalamium in grandiloquent lines into which he dragged all the divinities of Olympus. The new queen was perhaps the only person present who understood these eulogies, for she had been brilliantly educated and spoke Latin excellently. At the half-barbarous court of Sigebert she made a profound impression. The news of this marriage fired Chilperic with envy. He had espoused a somewhat insignificant woman named Audovera, and had afterwards repudiated her in order to live in low debauchery with a serving-woman named Fredegund. But after the marriage of Sigebert, he asked of Athanagild the hand of the latter's eldest daughter, Galswintha. The king of the Visigoths did not dare to refuse. Galswintha came to Soissons, and at first her husband loved her much "because she had brought great treasures." Before long however he went back to his mistress, and one morning Galswintha was found strangled in her bed. Very shortly afterwards the king married Fredegund, and ordered the execution of his first wife Audovera. In this way arose a bitter quarrel between Fredegund and Brunhild, the latter burning to avenge her sister; and it may well be conceived that a peculiarly vindictive and relentless character was thus imparted to the civil war. Almost at the beginning of the struggle Sigebert met his death. He had defeated Chilperic, had conquered the greater part of his kingdom, and compelled him to shut himself up in Tournai; he was about to be raised on the shield and proclaimed king at Vitry not far from Arras, when two slaves sent by Fredegund struck him down with poisoned daggers (scramasaxi) (575).

The actors left upon the scene, from that time forward, were Chilperic


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Roll, roll, ye resistless years , Gather us quickly, pale Reaper ; Safe are they sheltered from earthly fears , Each dreamless and motionless sleeper. 4 Tender and true was thy heart, my love, Loyal the troth that we plighted , Soon we shall meet in the mansions above , And meeting shall be reunited. Joy, joy to the wating heart, Life and its sorrows are over, Soon I shall clasp thee, no more to part , My tender and beautiful lover !

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COLLAR AND CUFF. MONOGRAMS.

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561-584] who was now to get back his kingdom, and Brunhild who, after being held prisoner for a time, succeeded after the most romantic adventures in escaping from Rouen and reaching Austrasia, where her son, Childebert II (still a child), had been proclaimed king.

Chilperic is the very type of a Merovingian despot. He had two dominant passions, ambition and greed of gold. He desired to extend his kingdom, he wished to accumulate treasure. He ground down his people with taxes and caused a new assessment to be made. Many of his subjects refused to submit to this increase of taxation, preferring to leave the country and seek an easier life elsewhere. In his capacity as judge he imposed especially heavy fines upon the rich as a means of confiscating their property. He was envious of the great possessions of the Church, complaining that "Our treasury is empty, all our wealth has passed over to the churches; the bishops alone reign, our power is gone, it has been transferred to the bishops of the cities." He therefore pronounced void all wills made in favour of the churches, he even revoked the gifts which his father had left to them. He sold the bishoprics to the highest bidder, and in his reign very few of the clergy attained to the episcopate; rich laymen purchased the priestly office and passed in one day through the various grades of orders. He was at once avaricious and debauched, gourmand and cruel. He delighted in low amours and he made a god of his belly. At the foot of his edicts he inscribes this formula: "Whosoever sets at nought our order shall have his eyes put out."

But with all this he was a man of original ideas. He desired that, contrary to the strict provisions of the Salic law, women should in certain cases be allowed to inherit land. He was no less ready to attack religious dogma than ancient custom. He did not believe that it is necessary to distinguish three Persons in God; he scoffed at the anthropomorphic designations, the Father and the Son, as applied to the Deity. He issued an edict forbidding the Trinity to be named in prayer — the name God was alone to be used. Orthography as well as dogma must bow to his decree. He added to the alphabet four letters, borrowed from the Greek, to represent the long o, the "voiceless" th, the æ and the w. It was not the Germanic sounds which he wished to represent more exactly: Chilperic despised the Germanic tongue, and his reform was intended to apply to the Latin. He directed that children were to be taught by the new methods; in ancient manuscripts the writing was to be erased and reinserted with the additional letters. This barbarian king was a devoted admirer of the Roman civilisation; he composed poems in the manner of Sedulius, and wrote hymns which he also set to music. His scepticism regarding the Trinity did not prevent him from being superstitious: he believed in portents, in relics, in sorcerers. He fancied himself able to outwit the Deity. Having sworn, for instance, not to enter Paris without the consent of his brothers, he broke the compact, but to avert misfortune he had a number of the bones of various


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 it his future home. He had met a negro woman who was also a runaway; and, after the fashion of his native land, had gone through the process of oiling her as the marriage ceremony. They had built a cave on a rising mound in the swamp; this was their home. His name was Picquilo. His only weapon was a sword, made from the blade of a scythe, which he had stolen from a neighbouring plantation. His dress, his character, his manners, his mode of fighting, were all in keeping with the early training he had received in the land of his birth. He moved about with the activity of a cat, and neither the thickness of the trees, nor the depth of the water could stop him. He was a bold, turbulent spirit; and from revenge imbrued his hands in the blood of all the whites he could meet. Hunger, thirst, fatigue, and loss of sleep he seemed made to endure as if by peculiarity of constitution. His air was fierce, his step oblique, his look sanguinary. Such was the character of one of the leaders in the Southampton insurrection. All negroes were arrested who were found beyond their master's threshhold, and all strange whites watched with a great degree of alacrity.

Such was the position in which Clotel found affairs when she returned to Virginia in search of her Mary. Had not the slave-owners been watchful of strangers, owing to the outbreak, the fugitive could not have escaped the vigilance of the police; for advertisements, announcing her escape and offering a large reward for her arrest, had been received in the city previous to her arrival, and the officers were therefore on the look-out for the runaway slave. It was on the third day, as the quadroon was seated in her room at the inn, still in the disguise of a gentleman, that two of the city officers entered the room, and informed her that they were authorised to

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PETERSON’S MAGAZINE.

Vol. LVI.

"My dear, what do you think?" said the wife of the Rev. Mr. Vivian, almost in tears. "Jane, whom we thought so much of, is a thief."

"Impossible, my love," was the answer.

"Jane, our chambermaid! Whom we have known so long! Whose probity we have seen tried so often!"

"It seems incredible, I know," replied Mrs. Vivian, excitedly. "But there is no doubt of it——"

"No doubt of it?"

"Yes! You remember giving me, as usual, the marriage fee, after pretty Miss Howard's wedding -don't you?" Her husband nodded. "Well, my dear, I was tired and sleepy, for we came home very late, and instead of locking up the money, as I ought to have done, I pinned it, by one corner, to the pin-cushion on my dressing- table. Yesterday morning, when I came to look for it, it was gone. I have searched everywhere, but cannot find it. Now, nobody had been in the room but ourselves and Jane."

By this time, Mr. Vivian himself began to look almost as serious as his wife.

"You are sure," he said, "that nobody else has been in the chamber?"

"Why, my dear, you know we always keep it locked, and that Jane is the only servant who has a pass-key. No burglar could get in."

"You have looked everywhere?"

"Everywhere. Through all my drawers, in the pocket of the dress I wore, on the floor, under the bed, in every possible place. But it was really not worth while looking, for I am positive I pinned the note to the pin-cushion. When I went to look for it, after breakfast, it was gone. Jane had been doing her chamberwork, as usual, while we were at breakfast, and is the only person who could have stolen it."

"Have you spoken to Jane, yet?"

"No. I thought I would consult you first. Hadn't we better have her trunk searched, secretly ? If we let her know she is suspected, she will find some way to hide the note away."

"I am glad you have not spoken to her. It is no little matter to take away a girl's character."

"But the proof, my dear?"

"The proof looks strong, but is not conclusive. Suppose, just suppose, that, after discharging Jane, and so destroying her character, you should discover, some day, that she was innocent. I think I will take a look at the room myself."

"It's really a waste of time, my dear. I have looked everywhere. Still," hesitatingly, "it is but right to give the poor girl every chance."

"I should know the note, if I saw it, anywhere," said Mr. Vivian. "It was a peculiarly marked twenty-dollar greenback, not a national note, but a legal-tender, and stained with ink at one end. The stain attracted my attention particularly. It was as if a thumb, wet with ink, had been laid on the note. The impression was very distinct."

An hour's search, however, only confirmed Mrs. Vivian's story. The note was nowhere to be found. Mr. Vivian had been so thorough in his examination, that he even looked under the lining of his wife's dress. "Sometimes," he had said, "money slips out of a pocket, and gets between the lining and the silk: I knew of a case where a diamond ring was lost, in that way, for weeks." But no note was concealed beneath the lining.

Mr. Vivian desisted at last.

"I cannot believe it," he said. "I will not give up my faith in Jane."

"But who else could have done it? I would not have believed it either. Let us go upstairs and search her room. She is busy in the kitchen and will not know it."

"No, my dear. If we search her room, it is

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122 saints carried in front of his troops. He was a fantastical and violent man, of a strange and complex character; and it is no very flagrant calumny when Gregory of Tours calls him the Nero and the Herod of his time. From all these characteristics it can well be imagined that the struggle which he carried on against Brunhild and her son was fierce and merciless.

He wrested from them a number of towns, among them Poitiers and Tours, and it was [thus that Gregory became, to his intense disgust, the subject of this debauched monarch, with whom he was constantly at odds. It may well be supposed that Chilperic had stirred up much wrath and many enmities and it is not surprising that he died by violence. One day as he was returning from Chelles where he had been hunting, a man came close to him and stabbed him twice with a dagger (584). Who his assassin actually was, remained unknown.

While Chilperic succeeded in imposing his authority upon the western Franks in the territories which formed the most recent Frankish conquests — known a little later as Neustria, from the word niust "the newest" — Brunhild made strenuous efforts to preserve intact all the prerogatives of the royal power in the eastern region, Austrasia. Exceedingly ambitious, eager to secure her authority by every possible means, it was she who in the name of her son Childebert II (575-596) actually held the reins of power. The great men of the kingdom threw themselves into an embittered struggle against her. Supported by Chilperic and Neustria they refused to give obedience to a woman and a foreigner. Ursio, Bertefried, Guntram-Boso and duke Rauching placed themselves at their head and attacked the adherents of the royal house, chief among whom was Lupus of Champagne. Brunhild tried in vain to separate the combatants; the rebels answered brutally, "Woman, get you gone, let it suffice you to have ruled during your husband's lifetime; now it is your son who reigns and it is not under your protection but under ours that the kingdom is placed. Get you hence, or we shall trample you under the hoofs of our horses." By vigorous action, however, the queen succeeded in re-establishing order. She formed an alliance with Guntram king of Burgundy, who at Pompierre adopted his nephew Childebert and recognised him as his heir (577). The pact was renewed ten years later at Andelot (28 November 587). Brunhild got rid of the most turbulent of her nobles by the aid of the assassin's knife; and she suppressed the revolt of Gundobald, a bastard son of Chlotar I, whom the nobles had brought back from Constantinople to set up in opposition to Guntram and Childebert. Besieged in the little town of Comminges situated in a valley of the Pyrenees, Gundobald was forced to surrender, and a Frankish count dashed out his brains with a great stone (585). Finally Brunhild besieged Ursio and Bertefried in a strong castle in Woevre. The former perished in the flames of the burning castle; the latter took refuge at Verdun in the chapel of the bishop Agericus,


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 chains. Yet there are, at the time we write, four millions of bond slaves in the United States. The insurrection to which we now refer was headed by a full-blooded negro, who had been born and brought up a slave. He had heard the twang of the driver's whip, and saw the warm blood streaming from the negro's body; he had witnessed the separation of parents and children, and was made aware, by too many proofs, that the slave could expect no justice at the hand of the slave owner. He went by the name of "Nat Turner." He was a preacher amongst the negroes, and distinguished for his eloquence, respected by the whites, and loved and venerated by the negroes. On the discovery of the plan for the outbreak, Turner fled to the swamps, followed by those who had joined in the insurrection. Here the revolted negroes numbered some hundreds, and for a time bade defiance to their oppressors. The Dismal Swamps cover many thousands of acres of wild land, and a dense forest, with wild animals and insects, such as are unknown in any other part of Virginia. Here runaway negroes usually seek a hiding-place, and some have been known to reside here for years. The revolters were joined by one of these. He was a large, tall, full-blooded negro, with a stem and savage countenance; the marks on his face showed that he was from one of the barbarous tribes in Africa, and claimed that country as his native land; his only covering was a girdle around his loins, made of skins of wild beasts which he had killed; his only token of authority among those that he led, was a pair of epaulettes made from the tail of a fox, and tied to his shoulder by a cord. Brought from the coast of Africa when only fifteen years of age to the island of Cuba, he was smuggled from thence into Virginia. He had been two years in the swamps, and

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584-613] but the soldiers tore up the roofing and killed him with the tiles (587). Thus, thanks to the inflexible determination of Brunhild, the Austrasian aristocracy was vanquished. The queen also succeeded in baffling all the plots devised against her and Childebert II by Fredegund, who since 584 had governed Neustria in the name of her infant son Chlotar II. She succeeded so well that when Guntram died on 28 March 593, Childebert was able to enter upon his heritage without the slightest opposition. And when Childebert in turn was carried off by disease while still young, Brunhild's authority was uncontested. Childebert's two sons Theodebert and Theodoric divided his kingdom between them, the former taking Austrasia, and the latter, Burgundy. In reality their grandmother Brunhild continued to rule in their name. Her authority extended over both Austrasia and Burgundy and she imposed the same measures upon both countries. The aristocracy, lay and ecclesiastical, were obliged to conform to her laws. Regarding the royal authority as a trust on behalf of her grandsons, she was determined on leaving it to them intact. She had the satisfaction of seeing her rival Fredegund die in 597; and her grandsons on several occasions defeated Chlotar II, who lost the greater part of his territories.

But the great nobles of Austrasia rose in wrath against her, and Theodebert himself repudiated her tutelage. The incensed Brunhild withdrew to Burgundy, where she continued to rule. There she broke down all resistance, had the patrician Egila put to death, exiled Didier, bishop of Vienne, nominated her followers to every post of emolument, and levied the taxes with the utmost rigour. But she knew that the Burgundian rebels were encouraged by those of Austrasia. It was in Austrasia that she must strike the decisive blow, and in her thirst for power she did not hesitate to set Theodoric against Theodebert and so to provoke a fratricidal struggle. The king of Austrasia was defeated on the banks of the Moselle, in the neighbourhood of Toul, taken to Zülpich and there put to death. Brunhild was now triumphant, but just in the moment of her triumph her grandson Theodoric died (613) in his palace of Metz, at the age of twenty-seven. Breaking with the Merovingian tradition of dividing the kingdom, Brunhild caused the eldest son to be declared sole king, in the hope of reigning in his name. But all the living forces of Austrasia banded themselves together to oppose her ambition. Arnulf, bishop of Metz, and Pepin, the two founders of the Carolingian family, appealed to Chlotar II the son of Fredegund. Brunhild made a magnificent effort to stand up against the storm, but she found herself deserted on all hands, and was taken prisoner on the shores of the Lake of Neuchâtel. Her great-grandsons were killed, or at any rate disappear from history. Brunhild herself was tortured for three days, set upon a camel as a mark of derision, and then tied by her hair, one arm, and one foot, to the tail of a vicious horse, which was then lashed to fury.


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 walks she had so often pressed with her feet, and the same trees which had so often shaded her as she passed through the garden at the back of the house. Old remembrances rushed upon her memory, and caused her to shed tears freely. Clotel was now in her native town, and near her daughter; but how could she communicate with her? How could she see her? To have made herself known, would have been a suicidal act; betrayal would have followed, and she arrested. Three days had passed away, and Clotel still remained in the hotel at which she had first put up; and yet she had got no tidings of her child. Unfortunately for Clotel, a disturbance had just broken out amongst the slave population in the state of Virginia, and all strangers were eyed with suspicion.

The evils consequent on slavery are not lessened by the incoming of one or two rays of light. If the Slave only becomes aware of his condition, and conscious of the injustice under which he suffers, if he obtains but a faint idea of these things, he will seize the first opportunity to possess himself of what he conceives to belong to him. The infusion of Anglo-Saxon with African blood has created an insurrectionary feeling among the slaves of America hitherto unknown. Aware of their blood connection with their owners, these mulattoes labour under the sense of their personal and social injuries; and tolerate, if they do not encourage in themselves, low and vindictive passions. On the other hand, the slave owners are aware of their critical position, and are ever watchful, always fearing an outbreak among the slaves.

True, the Free States are equally bound with the Slave States to suppress any insurrectionary movement that may take place among the slaves. The Northern freemen are bound by their constitutional obligations to aid the slaveholder in keeping his slaves in their

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124 Brunhild is undoubtedly the most forceful figure of this period, and it would be a gross injustice to put her on the same footing with Fredegund. It is true she was exceedingly ambitious and eager for power, but she attempted by means of this power to carry out a policy. She upheld with unrivalled energy the rights of the king against the aristocracy. She treated the Church with firmness but with respect, made gifts to the bishoprics and built a number of abbeys. She entered into relations with Pope Gregory the Great (590-604) who addressed to her a large number of letters, sent her relics, and requested her to take under her protection the estates of the Church of Rome which lay in Gaul. He urged her to reform the Frankish Church, to call councils and to protect Augustine and his companions who were going across the Channel to carry the Gospel to the pagan Anglo-Saxons. But while maintaining these relations Brunhild knew how to control the Frankish Church, as she did the lay aristocracy. She disposed of the episcopal sees at her pleasure, and expelled from his monastery of Luxeuil the abbot Columbanus who had refused to obey her orders. In short in all her conduct Brunhild displayed the qualities of a great statesman.

After Brunhild's death Chlotar II found himself, as Clovis had done before him, sole master of the whole of Gaul. But how different are the two periods! Clovis had been strong in his recent victories, victories due to his own courage and political ability. Chlotar II owed his success not to himself but to the treason of the Austrasian and Burgundian nobles, whom he was consequently obliged to conciliate. In his constitution of 18 October 614, as well as in a praeceptio of which the date is unknown, he had to make large concessions to the aristocracy. He proclaimed, under certain restrictions, freedom of episcopal elections, extended the competence of the ecclesiastical courts, and promised to respect wills made by private persons in favour of the Church. He suppressed unjust taxes and pledged himself to choose the counts from the districts they were to administer, which was equivalent to making over this important office to the landed aristocracy. Moreover Chlotar was forced to accord a measure of independence to Australia and Burgundy; each of these countries had its own Mayor of the Palace, who was as much the representative of the interests of the local nobles as of those of the king. In 623 he was even obliged to give the Austrasians a king in his young son Dagobert. In the latter's name, Arnulf, bishop of Metz, and Pepin, the Mayor of the Palace, exercised the actual authority. Thus ancient Gaul became once more distinctly divided into three kingdoms: Neustria, Burgundy and Austrasia, having each a distinct character and a separate administration. Already within these kingdoms the local officials, strong in the possession of vast estates, were endeavouring to usurp the royal prerogatives: already these three kingdoms were being parcelled out into seigniories.


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Vol. LVI.

BY NELLIE AMES.

ADAPTABILITY may be a desirable quality to possess. A man or woman, with this organ large, (we speak of it phrenologically), can be summed up thus: from fair to brilliant conversational powers, fond of a joke, interested and wide awake on all subjects of general interest; glowing with fervor about the last sermon, or last dance; delighted with the minister, and on the most friendly terms with the dancing-master; or, as St. Paul forcibly puts it, "All things to all men."

Now to be able to do this heartily and whole-souledly is a proof of great adaptability. To be ready to descend, at a moment's notice, from a lofty spiritual plain, from the realm of sublimated ideas, and enter into an animated discussion with some prosy, practical old fogy on State rights, or reconstruction; or sing "Champagne Charlie" to a musical genius who can't bear opera; this is the acme of adaptability, and with the majority of individuals these traits of character command the highest respect and admiration. The writer was once foolish enough to believe that such qualifications were only other words for unselfishness, a willingness to be interrupted, broken in upon, a desire to make one's self agreeable at the expense of comfort and inclination-but was compelled to change her opinion, doing so very reluctantly, however. To begin with from my earliest recollections, the person who embodied these various accomplishments was always the one to whom I was immediately attracted; people who were in the least reserved, who could not be wise or simple, sad or gay, talk theology, or sing a comic song, as the occasion demanded, were not companionable; not that I possessed, to an eminent degree, this rare versatile gift; but my admiration knew no bounds, particularly when I came in contact with a gentleman of this description. Such an one would I marry, or none at all; and although in no haste for the marriage-ring to encircle my left hand third finger, yet realizing that matrimony was the goal to which all ambitious maidens should aspire, and perfectly aware how much of odium and contempt attaches itself to the life of an old maid, I naturally fell into the not uncommon habit of scrutinizing the characters and physical attributes of men with a view to a probable change of name. I was not easily satisfied either. Not a few to whom I was introduced I immediately detested, and generally for this reason; they were too diffident, too undemonstrative, seemed to be wrapped up in an impenetrable armor of reserve; and gentlemen of this description I never took the least pains to be agreeable to, forgetting that the eagle, king of birds, makes his eyrie away from the untrodden paths of men; forgetful that the lily, purest and most beautiful of flowers, hides itself in almost unapproachable spots; unmindful of the fact that the most loveable and exquisite natures are those which shrink from the obtrusive and vulgar, and which ordinary magnetisms cannot attract. But who among us has not taken many a lesson from the same teacher? How many have wrecked their little barks against the Scylla of ignorant ardor, to be dashed again with still more force against the Charybdes of bitter disappointment? To moralize in these days of advanced ideas and spiritualistic theories is, perhaps, a little stupid, as our most brilliant minds have about decided that mortals have as little to do with their own management, through life, as with their own births-but less exalted individuals may, perchance, think differently; so, for the benefit of those who foolishly imagine they may be just partially responsible for the mistakes they commit in life, I willingly give them a leaf from my own personal history. The pleasantest episode of my life was meeting Ned Williams. However I might have been fascinated and dazzled with

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 beautiful bright eyes, always pleading in expression, wore now so heart-piercing in their sadness, that he could not endure their gaze. In a few days the poor girl died of a broken heart, and was buried at night at the back of the garden by the negroes; and no ono wept at the grave of her who had been so carefully cherished, and so tenderly beloved.

This, reader, is an unvarnished narrative of one doomed by the laws of the Southern States to be a slave. It tells not only its own story of grief, but speaks of a thousand wrongs and woes beside, which never see the light; all the more bitter and dreadful, because no help can relieve, no sympathy can mitigate, and no hope can cheer.

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438 * 105 n.; version of the Paccari-tampu myth, 140, 280
 * Salinillas, name of the horse of Garcilasso de la Vega, 270, 271
 * Salto de Aguirre. See Huallaga
 * Saña, coast valley, 208
 * Sanchez, schoolmaster to Mestizos at Cuzco, 264
 * San Cristoval, church at Cuzco, 256, 286
 * Sancu, pudding at Situa festival, 126
 * San Damian, in Huarochiri, 230
 * San Domingo, convent at Cuzco: copy of Ollantay at, 148
 * San Lorenzo, island, v, 227
 * Sañoc tribe: followers of the Ayars, 50, 65
 * Santa, coast valley, 208
 * Santa Ana, church at Cuzco: portraits of Incas, 121
 * Santillan: 'Relacion,' xi n., 7, 169
 * Santo Tomas, Domingo de: his grammar of the general language gave it the name of Quichua, 312
 * Saquis-ahuana, 84, 89, 90; meaning of the words, 90 n.; corrupted to Xaquix Ahuana and Sacs Ahuana, 90.: See Caquia
 * Sara Mama, 112
 * Sarmiento, Pedro de: voyages translated by the author, xi n.; history of the Incas, xi n.; manuscript at Göttingen, edited by Dr. Pietschmann, 5; account of, special value, 6, 280; version of the Paccari-tampu myth, 49–57; his dates, 55; gives Tahuapaca as the name of Uira-cocha's servant, 101; on human sacrifices, 109; method of recording events, 140; condition of Peru before the Incas, 159; Inca's voyage to the Galapagos islands, 184, 185; Inca invasion of the coast, 223; survivals of Incas, 254; with the Viceroy Toledo on his journey of inspection, 289
 * Sausiru, farm, 135
 * Saya huamrac, class of children, 162
 * Sayri-cancha, 56
 * Sayri Tupac, son and heir of Manco Inca, 259; tournament at his baptism, 268; induced to come to Lima, 273, 274; return to Cuzco, death, 274; his wife Cusi Huarcay, 274; marriage of his daughter to Loyola, 274; received the llautu of Atahualpa from Miguel Astete, 274
 * Schinus molle, berry used to flavour chicha, 127. See Molle
 * Schools. See Yacha-huasi
 * Sec, peculiar language on the coast, 220
 * Sechura, on the coast, 220
 * Sicuani, 113; Dr. Valdez, Cura of, 148
 * Sillustani, chulpas or Colla burial towers, 187, 319
 * Silva, Diego de, godfather of Inca Garcilasso, 264
 * Simaponte, Tupac Amaru captured at, 293
 * Sinchi, chief, 159
 * Sinchi Rocca, 56
 * Siquillapampa, the Ccoya Mama Rahua's residence at, 244, 245, 247
 * Situa, festival, 125–7
 * Siuyacu, mother of Rocca: revolution arranged by, 58, 59; urges reforms, 66
 * Socialism under the Incas, 169
 * Socso or Sucso, bastard of Inca Uira-cocha, 77, 84
 * Socyac, diviners, 107
 * Solar observations, 115, 116
 * Solorzano, Juan de: his 'Politica Indiana,' 8
 * Solstices, 115
 * Solstitial pillars, 115
 * Sondor-huasi, 319
 * Songs: harvest song, 70; Huari, 131; Haylli, 132; Yarahui, 135; mythical song, 143; love songs, 156
 * Soothsayers. See Diviners
 * Sora, an intoxicating spirit, 128

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620-639] Chlotar II's son Dagobert (629-639), however, was still a king in something more than name. Although he had a brother Charibert he succeeded in reigning alone over the whole Frankish kingdom. He even subjected it to the authority of a single Mayor of the Palace, by name Aega. He made royal progresses through Austrasia, through Neustria, and through Burgundy, sitting in judgment each day, and doing strict justice without respect of persons. In Aquitaine he left to his brother Charibert the administration of the counties of Toulouse, Cahors, Agen, Périgueux, and Saintes, thus making him a kind of warden of the marches on the Basque frontier. But on the death of Charibert in 632, he took over the government of this district also — and up to about 670 Aquitaine remained under the rule of the Frankish kings. After that date it broke away, and the local nobles founded independent dynasties.

Dagobert caused many estates which had been usurped by the seigniors and the Church to be restored to the royal domain. He kept up a luxurious court, which gave, it must be said, anything but a good example in regard to morals. He was a patron of the arts and took great delight in the rich examples of goldsmith's work produced by his treasurer Eligius (Eloi), whom he afterwards appointed bishop of Noyon. Many abbeys were founded in his reign. There was a revival of missionary activity, too, and St Amandus preached the Gospel to the Basques in the south and to the inhabitants of Flanders and Hainault in the north. Throughout the whole of the kingdom the royal authority was paramount. The duke of the Basques came to court to swear allegiance, and Judicaël, chief of the Domnonée, was seen at the royal residence at Clichy. Dagobert intervened not unsuccessfully in the affairs of the Visigoths in Spain, and in those of the Lombards in Italy. He had also relations with the Empire of Constantinople, taking an oath of perpetual peace with Heraclius in 631; and the two rulers took concerted action against the Bulgarian and Slavonic tribes who raided by turns the Byzantine Empire and the regions of Germany which were under the suzerainty of the Franks. Towards the close of his life, in 634, Dagobert was obliged to give to the Austrasians a king of their own in the person of his eldest son Sigebert. Ansegis, son of Arnulf and of a daughter of Pepin, was appointed Mayor of the Palace and governed in the name of this child in conjunction with Cunibert, bishop of Cologne. In spite of this, when Dagobert died (19 January 639), in his villa at Épinay, men held him to have been a very great prince. And his fame was to grow still greater owing to the contrast between his reign and the period which followed it.

This new period, which extends from 639 to 751, is marked by the lamentable decadence of the Merovingian race. It is with justice that the sovereigns who then reigned are known as the rois fainéants. It was a dynasty of children; they died at the age of 23, 24, or 25, worn out by precocious debauchery. They were fathers at sixteen, fifteen, and


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 Here Loyka, as he sat, so he got up, burning with ill-repressed emotions, and said, “How, pray, dare you act thus when these chambers are mine.”

“If you are so sorry for your poor lodgers, call them back again”, said Joseph with a mocking smile.

“And so I will call them back! Let one of the servants go and call them back.”

“The servants will go when I send them, dear father”, said Joseph with the same mocking smile. “The estate is once for all adjudged to me, and I think that the servants belong to me also.”

“What is that!” shrieked old Loyka.

“Come, come, there is no need to explain what you know quite as well as I do; the servants belong to the estate, and the estate belongs to me.”

“How so? And can I not venture to dismiss a servant if I choose?” inquired old Loyka in just the same sharp tones as at first.

“You can, just as I can take him on again if I choose. If you send him away, perhaps I shall take him on again, if he suits me.”

“And how, pray, dare you act thus when I am to be hospodar here six years longer?” And for this question he mustered all his self-importance.

“On my estate?” inquired Joseph drily.

“On thy estate!” screamed old Loyka, and here already his voice quivered with the welling tears. “And so, perhaps, you will tell me after a while that I may drag myself off after yon musicians and kalounkari.”

“Prithee, father, reflect, I have never said any such thing, although I cannot conceive how it is that these harpers have managed to grow so dear to your heart.”

“May your tongue be turned to stone!” yelled old Loyka in wrath and anguish. At that moment he was scarcely to be recognized. He seated himself, and his tongue seemed turned to stone. He wished to speak and revolved in his mind this or that sentence, but all failed him, like a broken bough. His speech was thick as though he had been drinking, and as though he had to babble instead of speaking. Then he slouched, as we say, “a peasant’s ell” upon the table, leant his chin upon his hand, opened wide his eyes, half laughed and half wept at the same time, and said several times to himself, “So it has come to this! so it has come to this!”


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Vol. LVI. HUSBAND'S AND WIVES.

BY E. G. TOPLIFF.

"WILL you go to the concert, to-night, Jane ?" said Henry Morton to his wife, as she met him at the door, on his return from business.

He kissed her, as he spoke, as was his custom always on coming home or going out.

"Really, Harry, I don't see how I can leave baby," answered his wife, hesitatingly.

"But I think you will enjoy hearing these singers . Surely, for once, Sarah can take care of baby."

So, after a little more hesitation on the wife's part, it was settled. Sarah was given full instructions, and Mrs. Morton, dressing herself in her best, went out on her husband's arm.

"How well you look to-night, " said Mr. Morton, gazing fondly on his wife. "Your complexion is as good as it ever was. I have often feared, since you have been shut up so much, that your color would all go, and even your health suffer. There is poor Mrs. Maxwell: she has been married no longer than yourself; yet see how faded and worn she looks."

"It is because she hasn't as thoughtful a husband as somebody else," answered Mrs. Morton, pressing her husband's arm. "Poor thing! she never gets out, and her help is insufficient, for she has two young children to take care of: I sometimes tell her she is killing herself."

"Maxwell makes as much as I do, " answered Mr. Morton. " His business is steadily increasing also. He can well afford to live better ." "He is very close, I fear. His wife has never toll me the reason why she stays at home so much; but I have no doubt it is because her husband thinks having people there to tea too expensive ; and, of course, she cannot visit cthers, if she is not allowed to ask her friends to her house in return. He never takes her to a concert, or anything of the kind . And, before she married, she was one of the brightest girls I knew, and fonder of society than any of us." "I can't understand such selfishness as Maxwell's, " answered Mr. Morton. "What is the use of a woman always staying at home. I enjoy myself better if you are with me. Besides, a man gets excitement in his business ; a woman, on the contrary, has little, or none, unless she goes out."

"A chat with a neighbor, even for ten minutes, will brighten one up wonderfully, sometimes, " said Mrs. Morton. "But a walk, in the fresh air, with one's husband, after the day's work is over, is even better," and she looked up, smiling, into Mr. Morton's face.

"Mrs. Maxwell never gets that."

"No," answered his wife. "But there are some men, Maxwell among them, who, I have noticed, never make allowances for their wives . If they have been worried with business, they come home and get angry, unless everything is exceptionally pleasant. If the baby cries, they frown. If the wife is out of spirits, having been worried all day herself, they scold. Such husbands put their wives into a flutter whenever they return at night, for the poor things never know in what humor they will appear. But in other homes how different ! The children go dancing to the front door, each trying to be first to welcome papa. Why, at my sister's, where they have four little ones, it is perfectly charming to see Mr. Benson come home in the evening. He generally reaches the parlor-door with one on each arm, and another tugging at his coat-tails. He has smiles and kisses for all, and wants to know how they have been, just as if he had been absent for a month. I used to spend a good deal of my time there, you know, before we married. But see, here we are at the concert-room. What crowds are going in!"

The concert was a very fine one. The music was excellent, the people well-dressed, everybody seemed in high spirits. Mr. Morton saw his wife's face brighten up, till she looked five years younger.

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 This altercation was sufficient for the first time. Motes seemed to flicker before Loyka’s old eyes, and after a considerable pause, he said, “Wife, lead me to bed.” He did not even trust himself to go alone.

And the young folks took up their abode in the dwelling which had been previously occupied by their grandfather, which was called on the farm “the pension house” [na vejminku: i. e. on condition], and to which we will give the same name; the old people dwelt in the house they had hitherto occupied, which was called the farmhouse [na statku], and which we also will so name.

In the farmhouse the Loykas were to be hospodar for six years.

When harvest time drew near the farmstead filled with harvesters and harvest women. It was gay in the court-yard below. Scythes and sickles clashed, rakes were being mended, everywhere there was a sound of hammering—just as if a clock was striking in the court-yard. Old Loyka, who had scarcely spoken five words since his son’s wedding-day, grew young again at the season of harvest. He was so accustomed to those two chambers by the coach-house, he used always to find there some wayfarer with whom he gladly conversed, and since his son’s wedding-day these chambers had been empty. And it oppressed him to have no one to converse with. But at harvest time the farmstead filled with people, moreover, harvestmen and harvestwomen filled the two chambers, and so Loyka felt as though he had come to himself again. Now once more people went to and fro, the court-yard was full of voices and the noise of preparations—so old Loyka was once again contented. Often at early morning he might be seen pacing to and fro the court-yard, pleased with the flavour of his pipe, and with a settled smile upon his face.

During the few Sundays which had elapsed since his son’s wedding-day several years seemed to have settled upon his head; to-day he felt as though in the flight of time those few years had been recalled. The harvesters and harvestwomen saluted him, smiled upon him, conversed with him, inquired of this and that, and old Loyka loved to converse. To-day he had been talking since early morning, he wished to compensate for the silence of several past weeks.

The harvesters were glad to go and seek employment at the Loykas’s; here they halted first when they came to the village—Loyka might choose the stoutest of them all. Also to-day he


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Rh * Sora: tribe subdued, 92, 176
 * Soto, Hernando de: befriended Quilacu and Curi Coyllur, 252; history of his Florida expedition, 277
 * Soto, Juan de, officer of the court: at the execution of Tupac Amaru, 295
 * Soto, Leonor de, daughter of Curi Coyllur and Hernando de Soto: married to a notary named Carrillo, 252
 * Spaniards: arrival on the coast, 224; reach Caxamarca, 225; destruction of the coast people, 225; at Caxamarca, 249; on the march to Cuzco, 251; Manco made reprisals on, 257; invasion of Vilcapampa, 293, 294; disastrous results of their rule, 299, 300–10
 * Spencer's 'Sociology': his view respecting Inca rule based on inaccurate information, 171
 * Spruce, Mr.: on ancient aqueducts in the Chira valley, 207; describes Chimu plates covered with figures, 213; collected words of a coast language, 220
 * Squier: opinion as to origin of Peruvian civilisation, 31; described the Chimu ruins, 209; and irrigation works, 218; best authority on Inca architecture, 319, 320
 * Stars: number of names given by different authorities, 117. See Chasca
 * Stereoxylon patens. See Tasta
 * Stipa Ychu, grass, 22, 81
 * Stubel, Dr.: researches at Ancon, 227
 * Sucanca, solstitial pillars, 115
 * Sucso. See Socso
 * Sun worship: names, 116; ancestral worship, 46, 49, 63, 104, 110, 168. See Temple
 * Suntur Paucar, insignia of the Inca, 131, 132
 * Supreme Being. See Uira-cocha
 * Surimani, the chief of. See Condorcanqui
 * Suriti plain, 81, 83, 243, 248
 * Susur Puquio, vision of Prince Cusi at, 86
 * Sutic, window of the Paccari-tampu cave, 49

 * , 164, 173: peopled by the Collas, 187, 239
 * Tahuapaca, servant of Uira-cocha according to Sarmiento, 101, 103 n.
 * Tambopata river, 193
 * Tampu tribe: came out of the Sutic window at Paccari-tampu, 49, 55, 65
 * Tampus or tambos, list of, on the roads, given by Huaman Poma, 18
 * Tampu-chacay, murderer of Ayar Cachi, 52
 * Tampu-quiru and Pallata, second station of the Ayars, 51
 * Tampu-tocco: dynasty, 45, 46, 47, 48; three windows in the bill, 49, 80
 * Tangarara, on the Chira: first Spanish settlement, 224
 * Tapacri, near Cochapampa, estate of Garcilasso de la Vega, 273
 * Tarapaca, fossil ant-eaters, 38
 * Tarapaca, one name of the servant of Uira-cocha, 101, 103 n. See Tahuapaca, Tuapaca, Tonapa
 * Tarpuntay tribe, followers of the Ayars, 50, 65
 * Tarpuntay, sacrificing priest, 108, 109
 * Tasta, a shrub, 80
 * Tauri-chumbi, chief of Pachacamac, 235
 * Tempellec, last of the Naymlap dynasty at Lambayeque, 222 Temple of the Sun, 56, 62, 104, 322; to Uira-cocha, 97, 121; to the Moon, 216, 221; at Lambayeque, called Chot, 222
 * Ternaux Compans: his copy of Carrera's grammar in the British Museum, 220; edition of Montesinos, 12; translation of Balboa, 221 n.

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 184

AT

THE FALLS.

mental qualities as the world did not see them , or, rather, intercourse with a mind like his called them forth as scarcely any other person she had ever met had done. She recognized in this man a nature kindred to her own, only so much more developed, so much wider and firmer, and more serene in its masculine strength and maturity of manhood, that, for the first time in her life, she was content to reverence as well as admire, and be glad to confess that, in following his conversation, and sympathizing in his ambitions and aspirations, she was forced constantly to look up.

with an expression which she could not understand. Finally, when the business of the day had been settled, and it was known who was to ride, and who drive, Wellesley left May's sofa, and came over to the window where Cora was seated in the shadow of the curtains, with her back to the light. " I was almost sorry I had urged on the party when I saw you looking so pale, " he said ; "but, after all, I think the fresh air will do you good.” "Indeed, I am perfectly well, " she answered, too much subdued even to be impatient, as she might at another time of such close scrutiny The time came when she began to wonder and power of reading her feelings as his words that a man like this could have been attracted revealed. toward a gorgeous little butterfly such as May, " Then out of spirits, " he added, " which is lovely and bewitching as she was. Then she rather worse to bear." despised herself for so contemptible a thought, "I cannot be that either," she answered, and sternly told herself that it was just such " since I have no reason." bright, yielding, darling little creatures who "I believe one's spirits take the liberty of got such wealth of adoration in going through going down to zero without that, " he said. "I this world ; and added still more ferociously, should be sorry to think you had any real with a shake of her head at the proud, still cause." His voice sounded so gentle and kind, it was face looking at her out of the glass, that they deserved it much more than a cold- blooded, im- such a marvelous voice in the way of expres perious animal, such as her own type of women sion and intonation, that it made Cora feel more were. babyish than ever ; and she began to be afraid Then, all of a sudden, an old , lonely feeling that she had not yet had her cry out. came over her, and she began to think how She left the room as quickly as possible, and beautiful it would be to have such love and once in her chamber, she took herself to task so worship, and to reflect that if she had tried to fiercely, that she looked as proud and cold as be different it might have come to her. She Diana by the time she again appeared among felt the tears slowly rolling down her cheeks, the people down stairs, arrayed in her ridingand dropping warm upon her hands, and though habit, and looking her best therein, as a gracefor her life she could not have told why they ful woman does. flowed, she sat there and wept for a long time. It was the pleasantest possible day ; the exWhen she was composed again, she assured her- pedition was an entire success ; everybody was self that it was only because she was nervous, agreeable and bright ; but the whole thing was finding a dozen reasons, as women will under an intense weariness to Cora, though, to save such circumstances, all as far removed from her soul, she could not have given a reason therefore. any approach to the truth as possible. There came a message from her aunt, desiring She looked at May, surrounded by a group of her immediate appearance down stairs ; so there men, so merry and full of spirits, and she wonwas nothing for it but to wipe away the trace of dered at her own stupidity and obstinacy in reher tears and go down. Several people were fusing to be amused. assembled ; they were discussing a riding-party "I am getting to be a doleful old parrot, " to some place of interest, and her opinion was she thought, angrily. "I declare, I need not required. put on spinster airs sooner than is necessary ! Nobody seemed to notice anything unusual Cora Lasley, I am completely disgusted with either in her manners or looks, and Cora con- you." gratulated herself thereupon most heartily. Mr. She made a great effort, found a resemblance Wellesley had bowed and spoken pleasantly on of gayety somewhere, and rushed out of her her entrance ; but May seemed to be in one of silent mood into the other extreme, and astonher gracious moods, and was talking to him inished and delighted everybody by her brilliancy. a low tone ; so, of course, he did not approach Everybody that is, except Hugh Wellesley: sho Cora for some time. Once or twice she looked caught him looking at her again with that od1 up suddenly and caught his eyes fixed upon her expression she had noticed in his eyes that

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80 such a case the substitute becomes heir to the father, if the son does not become heir, and heir to the son, if the son has become heir but dies before puberty. Nor was a testator bound to appoint his son heir; he might disinherit him and yet appoint an heir to any property which came to his son from inheritance or gift from others. Justinian allowed a father to make a similar will for a son of full age who was demented.

If an heir is appointed on a condition, which at the time of testator's death it is impossible to fulfil, the condition goes for nothing and the appointment is absolute. But if the appointed heir is a son, the appointment is treated as bad, and the son being thus passed over, the will is null, and the son becomes heir on an intestacy. A condition which could be fulfilled but involved an illegal or immoral action was treated as impossible, Papinian laying down the principle that acts should be deemed impossible which do violence to dutiful affection, to fair repute, to respectful modesty, and generally which are opposed to good conduct.

A testator could make one of his slaves heir, if he also gave him his freedom. The slave then became heir of necessity, and this plan was sometimes adopted by a testator who was insolvent, in order that the disgrace of the estate being sold in bankruptcy might fall on him rather than on the testator. As compensation for this misfortune, the creditors were not allowed any right to be paid out of acquisitions made by him since testator's death.

Madmen, dumb, infants, posthumous, children under power, others' slaves, were capable of being heirs.

The position of an heir as a representative of the deceased was in many cases attended with much uncertainty and serious risk. His own estate was liable, if testator's was not sufficient, to pay the creditors. If more than one person was appointed heir, each was liable in proportion to his share as specified by testator, or, if no share was named, then in equal shares. Testator might give away from his heirs such parts of his property as he chose, and these legacies, unlike the heirship, carried no unexpressed burden with them: a legatee was a mere recipient of bounty, unless some condition was attached: he was a successor to testator's rights in a particular thing only.

In such circumstances the appointed heir or heirs could not prudently accept the inheritance until after careful inquiry into the solvency of the estate, and even then the emergence of some previously undiscovered debt might upset all his calculations and ruin him. Further, besides testator's debts, the heir is liable also to pay the legacies, and cannot prevent the loss to the estate of the slaves to whom testator may have given freedom by his will. Hence there might be further ground for hesitation in accepting the inheritance, and yet if no heir named accepts, the will becomes a dead letter, intestacy results, and the legacies and freedoms fall to the ground.


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 made this selection. Every harvester called him “pantata”, and that pleased him; it was evident, he thought within himself, that they still accounted him somebody on the estate, and that they maintained the same behaviour to him as in times gone by.

In times gone by the harvesters were proud to boast of their respect and reverence for the Loykas. Where in all the neighbourhood was the harvest home held so merrily as at the Loykas’s? The harvesters were proud of it, and used to pride themselves on account of it in comparison with other harvesters.

“Well, pantata, this summer we shall have a merry harvest”, said one harvester. “A new bride in the house—she will help it out.”

“Ay, ay, just so”, said old Loyka, and perhaps he did not exactly catch what the harvester had said, for the smile did not vanish from his face nor did he remove the pipe from his mouth.

“Since at harvest home we have to dance with the mistress of the house, this year we shall dance the summer out, having to tread a measure both with your good lady and the young gentleman’s also”, suggested another of the harvesters.

“Ay, ay, just so”, said Loyka, and went on smiling; for it flattered him to think that the harvester had not forgotten his old mistress in the dance. “But this summer we have no musicians here”, he added.

“And what of the musicians? They trail off like sparrows after grain”, suggested the former harvester again.

And again old Loyka felt flattered to think that the harvester was not aware of the mode in which the musicians had been banished from the farm. “Just so, just so”, continued old Loyka with a touch of self-satisfaction.

After this he gave his orders where and to what fields they were to go, and where they were to begin to reap. When he had delivered all his orders, lo! Joseph was at his side, and said, “You will go to-day and cut beyond the meadow.” And it was totally different from what his father wished them to do.

“How, pray, should they go beyond the meadows? The corn beyond the meadows can stand two days longer, but where I am sending them it cannot stand a day longer”, objected his father.

“And when, they have to go beyond the meadows”, said Joseph, as if he had not the least heard what his father had said. Here the harvesters stood uncertain in which direction they had to quit the court-yard.


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Rh The first-named difficulty was met very imperfectly by testator's fixing a period for the heir to make his decision (cretio); afterwards by statute (529) allowing an heir a year for deliberation without his losing the right, if he died before decision, of transmitting to his child or other successor his claim to the inheritance. But a still more effective remedy was enacted in 531. The heir was empowered, under suitable precautions for accuracy and after inviting the presence of creditors and legatees, to make an inventory and valuation of the assets of the deceased, and was then not bound to discharge debts and legacies beyond that total amount. He need not distribute the value of the estate pro rata to the claimants, but (unless fully aware of the insufficiency of the estate) could pay them in the order of their application. Then creditors who had any right or priority could proceed against any posterior to themselves who had received payment, or against holders of any property specifically pledged to them, and all creditors not satisfied could proceed against legatees who had been paid out of what turned out to be insufficient to cover the debts. This provision for limiting the heir's liability was called "the benefit of an inventory," and heirs were thus no longer prevented from promptly accepting an inheritance which might turn out to be ruinous.

Further difficulty arose from legacies and freedoms left in the will. Testator's estate might be able to meet the debts, but if there were many or heavy charges for bequests, there might be nothing left to make it worth while for the heir to accept the inheritance, and the will might therefore be nullified. Several attempts to meet this difficulty were made, but nothing effectual, until a Lex Falcidia was passed c. B.C. 40. This law, as interpreted by the lawyers, allowed the heir or heirs, if necessary, to reduce the amount of each legacy by so much as would leave the heir or heirs collectively one-fourth of the inheritance in value, the value being taken as at the time of death after deducting the value of slaves freed, the debts, and funeral expenses. If any legacies lapsed or other gain accrued to the heirs from the estate, this would be counted towards the Falcidian fourth (as it was called). By this arrangement the heir was sure of getting something, if he accepted a solvent inheritance. And as, if he refused, the will would drop and the legacies be lost, the legatees might be willing to accept possibly a further deduction to prevent intestacy. The application of the Falcidian law had been so thoroughly worked out by the lawyers that Justinian seems to have found little occasion for further enactment, except (535) to provide for the presence of the legatees or their agents at taking the inventory, with power to put the heir on his oath and to examine the slaves by torture for the purpose of getting full information. An heir neglecting to make an inventory was liable to creditors in full and could not use the Falcidian against the legatees. In 544 Justinian directed that the Falcidian should not apply to any immovable which testator had


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 “Well, then, go beyond the meadow”, said Joseph’s father with forced humility, not wishing that they should observe how impotent his commands had already become in presence of his son.

And so the harvesters went away to work in accordance with the young hospodar’s orders. After this old Loyka said to the servants, “You will stay at home and make straw-bands.”

“There is time enough for making straw-bands”, said Joseph. “Just go after the harvesters and help them in the field.”

Here again the servants did not know whether they had to stop in the court-yard or go off to the field. They looked from Joseph to old Loyka. And Joseph, perceiving their indecision, said, “Why do you hesitate? He that does not go to the field, let him look out for his place.”

After this the servants departed.

“And who will make straw-bands?” asked old Loyka.

“Seeing that there is no great hurry,” said Joseph, “I think that you alone might manage to make them.”

“Be it so, be it so”, said old Loyka with a laugh. “And I have to make straw-bands? I have to be like a day-labourer?”

“Like a day-labourer? Surely you know that we all buckle to at harvest time?” said Joseph.

“Just so. But how, pray? Am not I then still hospodar? Don’t you know, my dear son, that I never did such menial offices?”

“If you are not willing to work, good. It is easy to see that you are but a half-hearted hospodar when you shirk in this manner.”

“It is the duty of a hospodar to act as overseer; others can do manual work”, explained old Loyka.

“As for being overseer, that am I”, said Joseph.

“And I am like the fifth wheel on a carriage”, exclaimed Loyka angrily. But Joseph, just as if no words had passed between them, had already departed and left his father with a swarm of thoughts, so that he seemed to have his head full of drones and wasps. After this the father looked to heaven, and cried aloud in an explosion of bitterness, “Lord God! grant me some inspiration that I may make this cruel son aware that I am his father.”

“Drop a little ratsbane into his well”, murmured the voice of the irrepressible Vena. “Unless you do so, he will soon close it against you as you closed it against your father, and then you will never have another chance of poisoning it for him, pantata.”


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 Loyka scrutinized Vena, and seemed half as though he had heard, half as though he had not heard him. “Oh! Vena,” he said, “prithee, tell me how gall diffuses itself through the body.” And he took him and looked into his eyes as though he expected from him a serious answer.

“Let me fool you only just once”, sneered Vena.

“Prithee, boy, fool on,” entreated Loyka in a voice of humiliation that was almost pitiable.

“And why, pray, should I mix myself up in the concern?” sneered Vena. “Of course, your son will do the business for you. How, pray, could he fail to do it for you when you are, after all, but a pensioner on his bounty? You managed to fool your own father, why then should your son not manage to do the same by you? But what surprises me is that in your son it begins so precious soon. You put the foolscap on your father later. But who can change the course of Nature? Nowadays youth develops faster. Joseph, methinks, will have done with you sooner than you had done with your defunct father.”

“Don’t you know anything more to tell me than that?” inquired old Loyka.

“I do know”, said Vena. “But there is nothing in all that. You to talk about happiness, indeed! You, verily! You will be hospodar six years longer, you will dwell in the farmhouse, you are still master there. Oh! oh! things will grow worse and worse until they crack, and until you are mast-headed on yonder balcony whence your father looked at the farmhouse, because he did not dare to cross the court-yard.”

As Vena said these words Barushka came out bearing a message, “from Joseph, you know, papa dear”, to the effect that during harvest time the old people could take up their abode with her mother in the pension house, and that the young folk would shift into the farmhouse. “We have so much to do, and it is so tiring to run to the pension house and then back again to the farm”, she remarked. After this she marched off as though she had already gained her father-in-law’s consent to this arrangement.

“Look, look, yonder, pantata, the maids are already heaving you out of the nest”, said Vena. And forth from the farmhouse the maid-servants were already carrying Loyka’s furniture.

“So! you are to be shelved instanter”, said Vena. “See! see! I did think that they would have waited a little longer. You did


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440 * Teruel, Pedro de: work lost, 10
 * Theresa, H.R.H. Princess of Bavaria, 113
 * Thrush. See Chihua
 * Thunder and lightning, worship of, 104, 117
 * Tiahuanacu: described, 23, 24; account in the work of Oliva, 24; monolithic doorway, 25; central figure, 25, 26; kneeling figures, 27; mystery surrounding origin, 28; myth, 28, 29; name, 29; evidence of Acosta and Cieza de Leon, 29; Tiahuanacu and Chavin work compared, 35, 36; carving, 42; Tupac Inca Yupanqui at, 191
 * Tici or Tecce, attribute of the deity, 41
 * Tin: principal source, 191
 * Titicaca lake: basin of, ix; region around, 21, 38, 92; Titi, a clerical error, probably Inticaca, 103 n.; myth, 28, 48, 103 n.; basin of, 186, 187; palace on Coati island, 191
 * Titu. See Curi Coyllur
 * Titu Atauchi, son of Huayna Ccapac, 241; attacked Spanish rear at Tocto and made some prisoners, 263; friendship with Francisco de Chaves, 253
 * Tocapu, brocade invented by Inca Uira-cocha, 90, 122
 * Tocay Ccapac, chief of Ayamarca, 68, 71, 72, 73
 * Tocco, windows, 49. See Tampu-tocco
 * Tocta Cuca, mother of Atahualpa, 241
 * Tocto, defeat of Spaniards at, 253
 * Toguaru, conquest of, 91 n.
 * Tola (Baccharis Incarum), 22
 * Toledo, Don Francisco de, viceroy of Peru: his journey of inspection, 7, 289; his prolific legislation, 8, 15, 298; examination of Indians respecting Inca history, 289; arrival at Cuzco, 290; godfather to Melchior Carlos Inca, 290; ordered the invasion of Vilcapampa, 292; the Inca brought before him, 294; entreated to spare the Inca, 295; his banishment of the Inca family, 297; persecution of mestizos, 298; his disgrace doubtful, 299
 * Tomay Huaraca, chief of the Chancas, 83, 86, 89
 * Tono river, 193, 196
 * Tonapa, Lafone on the cult of, 99 n., 101
 * Topography. See Geography
 * Topu, measure of land. 161
 * Torres Rubio, Quichua dictionary, vi, 313 ; Aymara dictionary, 192, 315, 316
 * Treasure, of the Incas, 251 and note, 288; in the palace of Huayna Ccapac, 267; of the Chimu, 210, 211
 * Tropœolum, 80
 * Truxillo, Chimu ruins near, 208; founded by Pizarro, 225
 * Ttahuantin-suyu, the official name of the empire of the Incas, 173
 * Ttanta raquizic: class of boys, 162
 * Ttantana Marca, caves for interment on the, 112
 * Tuapaca. See Tarapaca
 * Tucuman, 31, 32, 36, 173; conquest, 190
 * Tucuyricocs, or overseers, 162
 * Tulumayu, torrent at Cuzco, 65, 66, 79
 * Tumbez: acquired by Tupac Inca Yupanqui, 184, 185, 208; Spaniards start from, 224
 * Tumi, dagger, knife, 292
 * Tumipampa, palace, 182; body of Huayna Ccapac taken to, 242; thence to Cuzco, 243; Huascar's army defeated at, 246
 * Tupac Amaru Inca, son of Manco, 259: accession, great ceremony, 290, 292; innocent of the deaths of Ortiz, Pando, and Añaya, 292 ; captured by Loyola, 293; brought before Toledo, 294; scene at his execution, 294; last words, 295, 296 n.; worship of his

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82 expressly desired should not be alienated from his family, otherwise it might have now to be sold. In 535 he had directed the Falcidian not to be used, if testator had expressly so willed.

Differences in the form of legacies led to many legal discussions which Justinian settled by treating all the forms as having the same effect, and giving the legatee both a direct claim to the thing bequeathed and also a personal claim on the heir to transfer it. (Fideicommissa ) were another subject of complication. In or before the time of Augustus attempts were made by testators to leave their estates, or a legacy, to persons legally disqualified to take them (e.g. foreigners, Latins, unmarried persons, women in some cases). In a trust the heir was not directed to transfer the estate or legacies but simply requested to do so. There was no legal compulsion, the heir could fulfil the testator's desire or not as he chose; if the property was transferred, it was as the act of the living heir and not therefore hampered by restrictions which affected gifts from the dead. Augustus, after much hesitation, treated such a desire as obligatory on the heir. Gradually such appeals to the honour and good faith of the heir became frequent and obtained full recognition and use. Advantage was eagerly taken of this untechnical language to get round many of the limitations of ordinary testamentary law; and if only an heir was duly appointed and entered on the inheritance, almost any dispositions, direct or contingent, present or future, might be made of the estate or part of it through him as a channel. Thus testator might secure the transfer of his estate or of a legacy in certain events from the person first made heir or legatee to another person. Or he might prevent his estate from being alienated from his family by requesting the successive holders to pass it on at their deaths to other members. And trusts might be imposed not on only named persons, but on the heir or heirs by intestacy, in case the will should not have regular validity. The Courts strove to give effect to the intentions of a testator however mildly or informally expressed, and to protect the trust against the heir. But the old difficulties then recurred: the heir might as easily be overburdened with trusts as with legacies, and if he did not think it worth while to enter on the inheritance, the will failed and the trust with it. It was thus found necessary (c. A.D. 70) to ensure


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 bear with your father in the house a certain time. But youth develops faster nowadays. See! see!”

Old Loyka turned his eyes to the entrance-hall. “Dear Vena”, he said, and took him by the hand. “Come and help me, and let us make mincemeat of it all.”

“That will be of small avail now; once you are fairly out of the house, it will be hard to get back again. You will have to go to law with your son. Before judgment is given in your case, the six years are out, and meantime you can be thankful for the pension house. But, of course, you know how long a lawsuit takes, for you were still at law with your father while he was being buried. The one thing you must pray for is that your son may have a son again, and that this son may one day pay his father out for your wrongs. But you understand all about it.”

“But come and help me!” He took Vena by the hand as though nothing would move him from his determination.

“Come along! come along! pantata”, said Vena, holding himself in readiness. “I will catch hold of your chests and cupboards lest they take flight, and you shall lam into them.”

And old Loyka went into the entrance-hall and began to turn everything upside down, then he took a chair in his hands and shouted into the inner rooms, “I will break his head who takes anything of mine out of the house.”

At these words they ceased to carry his things out of the house. Perhaps the sight of old Loyka somewhat softened them, and perhaps they deemed it prudent to desist when old Loyka so passionately set himself in opposition.

Here Vena also took a chair, seated himself upon it, and invited Loyka to sit down on the one which he held in his hand, and said, “Let us seat ourselves at your house, pantata.”

His master needed no second invitation, he seated himself on the chair which he held in his hands, and was once more silent.

“You see, pantata, you would not even have known that you could sit down in your own house if I had not told you so. When you do not know where to dwell come to me and I will tell you”, said Vena. After a pause he added, as though well-pleased with the thought to which he gave utterance, “Indeed, I am glad that we can sit at your house. But do you know what? You would not the least dare to go with me into the inner apartments.”

“What is that you say?” and Loyka rose from his chair.

“That you dare not go with me into the inner room.”


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Rh that any heir burdened with a trust should get some advantage out of it; and accordingly he was empowered, if he entered and accepted the liabilities, to retain one-fourth as by the Falcidian statute. Or if he suspected the estate to be insolvent, he might restore, as the phrase went, the inheritance altogether to the person favoured by the trust and be free from both risk and advantage. Otherwise he might indeed take his fourth, but would, as partial heir, be liable for his share of the heir's obligations. If however testator had directed him to retain a certain thing or a certain amount, which was equal in value at least to one-fourth of the inheritance, and restore the rest, he was regarded as a legatee and not in any way liable to the creditors of deceased's estate. The risk and difficulty attending heirs did not arise where a trust was imposed on a legatee; he was liable for no more than he received; and as the validity of the will was not at stake, there was no necessity for the law to bribe him to accept by a share of the gift.

Justinian swept away a mass of distinctions and perplexities by putting trusts and legacies in other respects on the same footing, giving legacies the flexibility of trusts and fortifying trusts with the legal character and effective suits belonging to legacies. The phraseology was held to be unimportant, the intention was to prevail. Not only the trust but the will and legacies might now be written in Greek.

When an oral trust was added to a written will, or the will itself was oral and contained a trust, and the regular number of witnesses had not been present on the occasion, Justinian enacted that if the heir denied the trust, the person claiming under it should, having first sworn to his own good faith, put the heir on his oath whether he had not heard the testator declare the trust: the heir's answer on oath was then decisive.

The Statute of the XII Tables authorised, according to tradition, full effect to be given to a Roman's will for the disposal of his estate at his death. But a paterfamilias was expected to shew in the will that he had duly considered the claims of his children in his power, and especially of his sons, they being his natural representatives. He must either appoint them heirs or expressly disinherit them, whether they were sons by birth or by adoption and even if posthumous. In default of such express notice, the will was set aside. Others in his family, whether daughters or grandchildren by his sons, had either to be appointed heirs or to be disinherited, but general terms were sufficient, e.g. "all others are disinherited." If no notice was taken of them, the will was partly broken, for the daughters and grandchildren were admitted to share with the appointed heirs. Justinian in 531 abolished the distinction in these matters between sons and daughters and between those in testator's power and those emancipated, and required express notice for all. The praetor had already in practice made the like amendments of the old civil law.


text:
Comprehensive Anti-Apartheid Act of 1986/Title VI

{{SECTION|SEC. 601.|SEC. 601}}. REGULATORY AUTHORITY.

 * The President shall issue such rules, regulations, licenses, and orders as are necessary to carry out the provisions of this Act, including taking such steps as may be necessary to continue in effect the measures imposed by Executive Order 12532 of September 9, 1985, and Executive Order 12535 of October 1, 1985, and by any rule, regulation, license, or order issued thereunder (to the extent such measures are not inconsistent with this Act).

{{SECTION|SEC. 602.|SEC. 602}}. CONGRESSIONAL PRIORITY PROCEDURES.

 * (a) (1) The provisions of this subsection apply to the consideration in the House of Representatives of a joint resolution under sections 311(b), 401(d), and 501(d).
 * (2) A joint resolution shall, upon introduction, be referred to the Committee on Foreign Affairs, of the House of Representatives.
 * (3) (A) At any time after the joint resolution placed on the appropriate calendar has been on that calendar for a period of 5 legislative days, it is in order for any Member of the House (after consultation with the Speaker as to the most appropriate time for the consideration of that joint resolution) to move that the House resolve itself into the Committee of the Whole House on the State of the Union for the consideration of that joint resolution. The motion is highly privileged and is in order even though a previous motion to the same effect has been disagreed to. All points of order against the joint resolution under clause 2 and 6 of Rule XXI of the Rules of the House are waived. If the motion is agreed to, the resolution shall remain the unfinished business of the House until disposed of. A motion to reconsider the vote by which the motion is disagreed to shall not be in order.
 * (B) Debate on the joint resolution shall not exceed ten hours, which shall be divided equally between a Member favoring and a Member opposing the joint resolution. A motion to limit debate is in order at any time in the House or in the Committee of the Whole and is not debatable.
 * (C) An amendment to the joint resolution is not in order.
 * (D) At the conclusion of the debate on the joint resolution, the Committee of the Whole shall rise and report the joint resolution back to the House, and the previous question shall be considered as ordered on the joint resolution to final passage without intervening motion.

 * (b) (1) The provisions of this subsection apply to the consideration in the Senate of a joint resolution under section 311(b), 401(d), or 501(d).
 * (2) A joint resolution shall, upon introduction, be referred to the Committee on Foreign Relations of the Senate.
 * (3) A joint resolution described in this section shall be considered in the Senate in accordance with procedures contained in paragraphs (3) through (7) of section 8066(c) of the Department of Defense Appropriations Act, 1985 (as contained in Public Law 98-473), except that—
 * (A) references in such paragraphs to the Committee on Appropriations of the Senate shall be deemed to be references to the Committee on Foreign Relations of the Senate; and
 * (B) amendments to the joint resolution are in order.

 * (c) For purposes of this subsection, the term "joint resolution" means only—
 * (A) in the case of section 311(b), a joint resolution which is introduced in a House of Congress within 3 legislative days after the Congress receives the report described in section 311(b) and for which the matter after the resolving clause reads as follows:
 * "That the Congress, having received on ______ the report of the President containing the determination required by section 311(b) of the Comprehensive Anti-Apartheid Act of 1986, disapproves of such determination.",
 * with the date of the receipt of the report inserted in the blank;
 * (B) in the case of section 401(d)(3), a joint resolution which is introduced in a House of Congress within 3 legislative days after the Congress receives the document described in section 401(d)(2) and for which the matter after the resolving clause reads as follows:
 * "That the Congress, having received on ______ the text of the international agreement described in section 401(d)(3) of the Comprehensive Anti-Apartheid Act of 1986, approves of such agreement.",
 * with the date of the receipt of the text of the agreement inserted in the blank; and
 * (C) in the case of section 501(d), a joint resolution which is introduced in a House of Congress within 3 legislative days after the Congress receives the determination of the President pursuant to section 501(c) and for which the matter after the resolving clause reads as follows:
 * "That the Congress, having received on ______ a determination of the President under section 501(c) of the Comprehensive Anti-Apartheid of 1986, approves the President's determination.",
 * with the date of the receipt of the determination inserted in the blank.

 * (d) As used in this section, the term "legislative day" means a day on which the House of Representatives or the Senate is in session, as the case may be.

 * (e) This section is enacted—
 * (1) as an exercise of the rulemaking powers of the House of Representatives and the Senate, and as such it is deemed a part of the Rules of the House and the Rules of the Senate, respectively, but applicable only with respect to the procedure to be followed in the House and the Senate in the case of joint resolutions under this section, and it supersedes other rules only to the extent that it is inconsistent with such rules; and
 * (2) with full recognition of the constitutional right of the House and the Senate to change their rules at any time, in the same manner, and to the same extent as in the case of any other rule of the House or Senate, and of the right of the Committee on Rules of the House of Representatives to report a resolution for the consideration of any measure.

{{SECTION|SEC. 603.|SEC. 603}}. ENFORCEMENT AND PENALTIES.

 * (a) (1) The President with respect to his authorities under section 601 shall take the necessary steps to ensure compliance with the provisions of this Act and any regulations, licenses, and orders issued to carry out this Act, including establishing mechanisms to monitor compliance with this Act and such regulations, licenses, and orders.
 * (2) In ensuring such compliance, the President may—
 * (A) require any person to keep a full record of, and to furnish under oath, in the form of reports or otherwise, complete information relative to any act or transaction described in this Act, either before, during, or after the completion thereof, or relative to any interest in foreign property, or relative to any property in which a foreign country or any national thereof has or has had any interest, or as may be otherwise necessary to enforce the provisions of this Act; and
 * (B) conduct investigations, hold hearings, administer oaths, examine witnesses, receive evidence, take depositions, and require by subpoena the attendance and testimony of witnesses and the production of all books, papers, and documents relating to any matter under investigation.

 * (b) Except as provided in subsection (d)—
 * (1) any person that violates the provisions of this Act, or any regulation, license, or order issued to carry out this Act shall be subject to a civil penalty of $50,000;
 * (2) any person, other than an individual, that willfully violates the provisions of this Act, or any regulation, license, or order issued to carry out this Act shall be fined not more than $1,000,000;
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 * (4) any individual who violates section 301(a) or any regulations issued to carry out that section shall, instead of the penalty set forth in paragraph (2), be fined not more than 5 times the value of the krugerrands or gold coins involved.

 * (c) (1) Whenever a person commits a violation under subsection (b)—
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 * (B) any agent of such person who knowingly and willfully carried out such act or practice,
 * shall be fined not more than $10,000, or imprisoned not more than 5 years, or both.
 * (2) Paragraph (1) shall not apply in the case of a violation by an individual of section 301(a) of this Act or of any regulation issued to carry out that section.
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 * (d) (1) Any person who violates any regulation issued under section 208(d) or who, in a registration statement or report required by the Secretary of State, makes any untrue statement of a material fact or omits to state a material fact required to be stated therein or necessary to make the statements therein not misleading, shall be subject to a civil penalty of not more than $10,000 imposed by the Secretary of State. The provisions of subsections (d), (e), and (f) of section 11 of the Export Administration Act of 1979 shall apply with respect to any such civil penalty.
 * (2) Any person who commits a willful violation under paragraph (1) shall upon conviction be fined not more than $1,000,000 or imprisoned not more than 2 years, or both.
 * (3) Nothing in this section may be construed to authorize the imposition of any penalty for failure to implement the Code of Conduct.

{{SECTION|SEC. 604.|SEC. 604}}. APPLICABILITY TO EVASIONS OF ACT.

 * This Act and the regulations issued to carry out this Act shall apply to any person who undertakes or causes to be undertaken any transaction or activity with the intent to evade this Act or such regulations.

{{SECTION|SEC. 605.|SEC. 605}}. CONSTRUCTION OF ACT.

 * Nothing in this Act shall be construed as constituting any recognition by the United States of the homelands referred to in this Act.

{{SECTION|SEC. 606.|SEC. 606}}. STATE OR LOCAL ANTI-APARTHEID LAWS, ENFORCE.

 * Notwithstanding section 210 of Public Law 99-349 or any other provision of law—
 * (1) no reduction in the amount of funds for which a State or local government is eligible or entitled under any Federal law may be made, and
 * (2) no other penalty may be imposed by the Federal Government,
 * by reason of the application of any State or local law concerning apartheid to any contract entered into by a State or local government for 90 days after the date of enactment of this Act.


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 “We’ll see about that”, answered Loyka with great vehemence. And he had already taken Vena by the hand and said, “Come, Vena, with me into the farmhouse, thou art my guest there.”

And they entered the farmhouse.

“Look, mamma, I am bringing you a visitor”, said Loyka to his wife, without noticing Barushka, who was present. “He is helping us to ballast the furniture which the sweet Barushka finds so much in her way, that she allowed it to float out of the house.”

Barushka paid not the slightest heed to her father-in-law, and let fly straight at Vena, “Clear out of the house, thou impudent rogue! It were indeed a disgrace, if fellows like thee should be admitted even into our best drawing-room.”

Loyka laughed. “Meseems, Vena, she doth not appreciate thee. But seat thyself, boy, here by me. You shall see, I will not let them bundle thee out just as they are bundling out yonder packing-cases. Just seat thyself, thou art at my house. The dear young folk have already made a clean sweep of a good many things both from the farmhouse and from the two chambers, but none shall dare to brush thee off, no one, you understand, no one.”

At this Barushka, turning to her father-in-law, remarked, “For my part I thought that we had enough to do with one fool in the house; but you, pantata, must e’en bring in another one.”

“So! I am a fool! possibly, young lady, possibly”, said old Loyka with a curse, took the chair on which he was sitting in his hands and would, perhaps, have hurried after Barushka and, perhaps, have struck her a heavy blow. But at that moment he stopped short, and said, “No, just because we are at home and she is our guest, I do not dare forget myself.”

For that time, at any rate, the old Loykas were left in peace in their farmhouse.

OW occurred in the farmhouse a trying period which is a painful task to have to chronicle. And it is the more painful, because in the Loykas’s farm may be seen a picture of a hundred other farms in which similar scenes are enacted, only slightly differing in their details.

It is, perhaps, the most painful thing for a writer when in his pursuit of truth he has to delineate nauseous realities.


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84 But disinheritance, as well as disregard, of his children imperilled the will. As next heirs on an intestacy they could complain to the Court that the will failed in the due regard which a sane man would shew to his children. This was the "plaint of an unduteous will" (querela inofficiosi testamenti). If complainant established his case, the will with all its legacies and gifts of freedom drops and intestacy results. To establish his case he has to prove three things: that his conduct did not justify disinheritance, that he did not get under the will (e.g. by legacy) at least one-fourth of the share of the inheritance to which he would have been entitled under an intestacy, and that he had not in any way shewn an acceptance of the will as valid. Parents could in the same way complain of their children's wills, and brothers and sisters of the testator could complain of his will, if the heirs appointed were disreputable. An illegitimate child could complain of his mother's will. If complainant had judgment given against him, he lost anything given him by the will. An analogous complaint was allowed against excessive donations which unfairly diminished a child's or parent's claim.

The value of the estate is taken for this purpose as for the Falcidian fourth. Justinian in 528 enacted that if complainants had been left something but not enough, the deficiency could be supplied without otherwise upsetting the will, provided testator had not justly charged them with ingratitude. In 536 Justinian raised the share of the inheritance which would exclude the plaint to one-third, if there were four or fewer children, and to one-half if there were more than four, i.e. to one-third or one-half of what would be claimant's share on an intestacy. Thus supposing two children, each would now be entitled to one-sixth (instead of one-eighth) of the estate: if three children, to one-ninth: if five, to one-tenth, and so on. Such share is called "statutory portion" (portio legitima) and could be made up either by an adequate share of the inheritance, or by legacy, or through a trust, or by gift intended for the purpose or by dowry or nuptial gift or purchaseable office in the imperial service (militia), or a combination of such. This statutory portion becomes in French law "legitim," in German "Pflichttheil."

In 542 Justinian put the matter on a new footing by requiring children to be actually named as heirs in their father's or mother's or other ascendant's will, unless the will alleged as the cause of disherison "ingratitude" on one at least of certain grounds, and the heirs prove the charge to be true. These grounds are: laying hands on parents, gravely insulting them, accusation of crimes (other than crimes against the Emperor or the State), associating with practisers of evil acts, attempting parent's life by poison or otherwise, lying with step-mother or father's concubine, informing against parents to their serious cost, refusing, if a son, to be surety for an imprisoned parent, hindering his parents from making a will, associating with gladiators or actors against his parent's


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Rh * head by the people, 296, 297; fate of his children, 298
 * Tupac Ayar Manco, son of Inca Pachacuti, conqueror of the Collas, 189
 * Tupac Cusi, 51
 * Tupac Paucar, son of Uira-cocha Inca: joined his younger brother Cusi, against the Chancas, 85
 * Tupac Inca Yupanqui: chosen as heir by Inca Pachacuti, 92; conquests, 93; his reign, 94; built the palace at Huanuco, 182; generalship, 183, 185; voyage to the Galapagos Islands, 184, 185; conquest of Colla-suyu, 189; system of colonising, 191; built the palace at Coati, 191; campaign in Anti-suyu, 195, 196; in the drama of Ollantay, 148, 332; his daughter married the father of Huaman Poma, 17
 * Tupac Yauri, golden sceptre, 121
 * Tuya, singing-bird, 82
 * Tuyara, a Quichua stronghold, 174

 * , river, 193; rapid, 193
 * Uhle, Dr. Max: on llamitas as offerings to the earth spirit, 113; inquiry about the golden breastplate, 119; Choquequirao, 319; investigation of ruins, Pachacamac, 320
 * Uilca Chucu, head-dress of the high priest, 105
 * Uilcas, priests, 106
 * Uilca, ancient name of the sun, 116
 * Uilca Camayoc, recorder of sacrifices, 108
 * Uilcañota. See Vilcanota
 * Uillac Uma, high priest of the Sun: his position, life, dress, 105; went to Chile with Almagro, 255
 * Uinapu, an intoxicating spirit, 128
 * Uira-cocha, name of the Deity, 41, 97; conception of, 41–2; temple to, 97; prayers to, 100, 102; names of servants, 101 n.
 * Uira-cocha Inca, name taken by Hatun Tupac, 76, 77; his sons, 77; intrigues for Urco to succeed, 83; flight from Cuzco, 84; spoils of Chanca victory sent to, 87, 89; death, 90; invented tocapu, 90
 * Uiscacha, Andean rodent, 23, 79
 * Ulloma. See Mastodon
 * Uma Raymi, month, Oct.–Nov., 118, 127
 * Umasayus, 175
 * Urco, bastard of Uira-cocha Inca, 77, 83; intrigues about his succession, 84; fled with his father, 84, 87; rebellion and death, 90; made to succeed as a reigning Inca by Cieza de Leon, Fernandez Herrera, and Salcamayhua, 90 n.
 * Urco Huaranca, chief of Quilliscacha, a suburb of Cuzco: faithful to Prince Cusi, 85, 86; sent with spoils of the Chanca victory to Uira-cocha Inca, 87
 * Urcos, 76
 * Urpi, a dove, 82
 * Urpi Huachac, wife of Pachacamac, 233
 * Uru tribe, followers of the Ayars, 50; settled at Urupampa, 55; Hurin Cuzcos, 65
 * Urus tribe, on lake Titicaca, speaking Puquina, 187
 * Usca Paucar, Quichua drama, 156
 * Uscovilca, joint founder of the Chanca nation, 83; image carried before the Chanca army, 83, 86
 * Usutas, sandals, 122, 292; for the youths at the Huarachicu, 129
 * Uturuncu Achachi, in command of a column invading the montaña, 195, 196; to complete the conquests, 197

 * , Cristoval, 256, 257, 264
 * Vadillo, service of Cieza de Leon under, 2

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