text:
Page:A Comprehensive History of India Vol 1.djvu/538

 5i

IirsTORV OF-^ INDIA.

[Book HI

A, I) IV.'.I.

Negotiationa botweoii the two coinpaiiius

Contradic- tory jiro- posals.

Tlie ambitious schemes which Dupleix had long meditated, and which ainif.'d at nothing less than the estahhshment of French ancendency throughout the Decean, seemed now in a fair way of being accomplished. Hitherto, however, the war in the Carnatic had been a serious obstacle. It fonned a constant drain on the resources of the French Company; and what was worse, did not compeasjite for the cost by any adequate return. Beyond the Coleroon the py his employers ; and though he was little disposed to adopt a peaceful policy, he deemed it expedient so far to defer to their wi.shes as to make formal proposals of negotiation to the Madi'as presidency in the beginning of 17-)+.

The English Company, whose finances had suffered severely during the war, were still more desirous to terminate hostilities, and had repeatedly urged the presidency to embrace the fu-st opportunity of securing so desirable a result. There was thus little difficulty in making the preliminary an-angements foi* a conference. The place selected for this purpose was the Dutch settlement of Sadrass, situated on the road between Madras and Pondicherrv. Here the deputies appointed by the two companies met on the 3d of January, and opened the business by mutually producing their proposed basis of negotiation. It was at once perceived that their views were totally iiTeconcilable. Tlie English Com- pany insisted that Mahomed Ali should be acknowledged Nabob of the Carnatic, and the French that Salabut Jimg should be acknowledged Soubahdar of the Decean ; in other words, each insisted that the other should jaeld the whole that had been at issue in the contest. As matters stood, Salabut Jung and Mahomed Ali were merely representatives of the two rival companies, and the recognition of either without any modification of their powers, or any effectual check on the abuse of these, would have been to place the one company entirely at the others mercy. This was too obvious not to be seen, and yet the negotiation was allowed to proceed, though there was no common point from which it could start. In the course of the discussions which followed, the French produced seven patents, two from Muzzuffer Jung, four fi-om Salabut Jung, and one from the Great Mogul. Those from Muzzuffer Jung and Salabut Jung, inter alia, appointed Dupleix commander from the Kistna to Cape Comoiin, and gave him the whole territories of Arcot and Trichinopol}' after Chunda Sahib's death The patent from the Great Mogul was in the form of a letter confirming all the grants which Salabut Jmig had made in favour of Dupleix and his allies. The English Company also professed to be in possession of patents from Nazir Jung, Ghazi-u-din, and the Great Mogul giving and confirming the nabobship of the


text:
Page:A Comprehensive History of India Vol 1.djvu/539

 CiiAP. VIT.] A BRITISH SQUADRON EQUIPPED. 505

Carnatic to Mahomed Ali. Though the patents thus founded upon were contra- ad. 1754. dictory and neutralized each other, it is not impossible that they may all have been genuine ; for at this period of political confusion in India, thei'e was little difficulty in obtaining any kind of document that might be wished, provided a sufficient sum of money was paid for it. Several suspicious circumstances, how- Negotiations ever, made the genuineness of the patent from the Great Mogul, which the fruitless. French had produced, more than questionable. The seal was proved to be that. of a former reign ; and when attention was called to the circumstance, Dupleix, instead of courting examination, suddenly withdrew it and all liis other docu- ments, on the ground that those which Mahomed AH wjis alleged to have in his possession at Trichinopoly had been only promised, not ]iroduced. As the production certainly ought to have been mutual, the objectit n was so far well founded; the absurdity, shared alike by both parties, was in liypocritically endea- vom-ing to give a semblance of legality and equity to acquisitions which had originally been made in defiance of both, and were still only maintained by the sword. After a large amount of quibbling and tergiversation, the whole nego- tiation ended in smoke. Much recrimination followed, and the only result was, to leave both sides more exasperated than ever.

In carrying on the war in India the English Company were placed at a great British gov- disadvantage in being left to depend entirely on their own resources, while the interferes. French Company were directly countenanced and supported by their govern- ment. They had therefore good reason for the remonstrance which they pre- sented to the British ministry, calling vipon them to take the necessary steps either to terminate the war, or to fm-nish the resources by which it was to be carried on. The former alternative was adopted, and the position of matters in the East became the subject of an earnest correspondence between the two governments. After various conferences in London, between the Earl of Hol- derness, principal secretary of state, and two deputies sent over from Paris, the British ministry, dissatisfied with the little progress made towards a settlement, began to prepare for the worst, by equipping a squadron of men-of-war for the East Indies. The French ministry, made aware by this decisive step that pro- crastination would no longer avail, began to act in earnest, and entered into an arrangement by which the disputes of the companies were to be settled on a footing of equality. In oi'der to carry out this arrangement, it was necessary that commissaries should be appointed to adjust the terms. Had talent and experience only been required, the choice of the French Company would natur- ally have fallen on Dupleix ; but the poUcy about to be adopted was so opposed to that which he had all along pursued, that some degree of suspicion justly attached to him, and he was considered ineligible. But if ineligible to be appointed a commissary, to adjust the terms of a settlement, he was obviously unfit to be employed in giving effect to it, and could no longer be permitted

to hold the government of Pondicherry. He was therefore superseded by Vol. I. 64

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/


text:
Page:A Comprehensive History of India Vol 1.djvu/540

 50G

IIISTOIiV (»[•• INDIA.

[htJOK III.

A.D. 1754.

Duploix su- (JcKloheu.
 * H!i-si)cle(l by

.X'P'eement l)B;.ween the twi) com- pviiies.

Its terms.

M. Godeheu, a director of tlie French Company, who arrived on the 2d of Augu.st, 1754, invested with absolute authority over all the French settlements in the East Indies. It is easy to conceive how Ijitterly Dupleix mast have felt when thus compelled to resign. Even when deprived of the substance of power lie clung to its shadow, and was permitted during the two montlw which elapsed before he took his final departure for Eui'ope, to gratify his vanity by wearing the dress and parading the streets with all the insignia belonging to him in his imaginary capacity of Nabob of the Carnatic. The fact of his being gratified by such an exhibition proves him to have been devoid of true dignity of character, and makes it impossible to take much interest in his future fortunes. Yet his fate was hard. He had not only spent his life, but embarked his whole fortune in the service of the French East India Company. From them, there- fore, he was entitled to generous treatment. So far from this, they would not even do him justice, and he was obliged to seek it by a law process, which was still pending when he died, ruined and broken-hearted.

Immediately on his arrival, M. Godeheu entered into communication Mnth Mr. Saunders, governor of Madras, and gave proof of his good faith and anxiety for a settlement by releasing the company of Swiss soldiei*s who had been cap- tured while proceeding in country boats for Fort St. David. A favourable answer was returned, but meanwhile both parties continued their wai-like opera- tions. The French received a reinforcement of 1 200 men, of whom 000 were hussars under the command of Fitscher, a partisan of some reputation ; a still larger accession of force was made to the British, by the arrival of the squadron above mentioned. It was commanded by Admiral Watson, and consisted of three ships, of sixty, fifty, and twenty guns ; together Adth a sloop of war and several Company's ships, having on board the 49th regiment of 700 men, under command of Colonel Adlercron, forty royal artillerymen, and 200 Company re- cruits. The superiority was decidedly with the British, and probably had some effect in inducing M. Godeheu to propose terms so reasonable that they were at once acceded to, so far as to justify a suspension of hostilities, on the 11th of October, 1754. Its duration was fixed at three months; but before these expired, the terms of a treaty, conditional on the approbation of the two com- panies in Europe, were adjusted, and became the basis of an eighteen months' truce. The leading principle of the ti'eaty was, that on the east coast of India the two companies should be placed on a footing of peifect equality. With this view it was stipulated that they should for ever renounce aU Moorish government and dignity, never interfere in quaiTels among native princes, and restore to them all places and possessions except those which the treaty, when made definitive, should expressly reserve ; that in Tanjore the English should retain Devicotta, and the French Carrical, with the districts at present attached to each ; that on the Coromandel coast the English should retain Fort St George and Fort St. David with their present districts, and the French Pondi-


text:
Page:A Comprehensive History of India Vol 1.djvu/541

 I

Chap. VI I] AGREEMENT BETWEEN THE COMPANIES. 507

cherry, with either an additional district or a new settlement between Nizam- a.d. i:m. patam and the Gundlacama, to compensate for the deficiency of the settlement of Carrical compared with those of Devicotta and Fort St. David ; that at Masu- lipatam a district should be formed equal in extent to the island of Divy in the same vicinity, and then a partition should be made by miitual agi-eement, giving the district to the one company and the island to the other ; that to the northward of Masulipatam, and within the Northern Circars, each company should have four or five subordinate factories, merely as places of trade, without any district attached to them, and so situated as not to interfere with each other. Till the ti'eaty was made definitive by its ratification in Europe, existing pos- session should be retained by both companies in conformity with the principle of uti possidetis, but during the truce no new acquisitions should be made, and the allies should either be bound to act in accordance with it, or be repelled by the troops of both companies in the event of their making an attack upon either.

In this treaty the Fi'ench Company aj)parently made the larger sacrifice. AmWgnitica Their revenues within the territorial limits over which the treaty extended had treaty, been augmented dming the war to at least £70.(1 per annum, while tho.se accpiired by the English Company fell short of £U),0. By consenting to an eciuality of possession, they renounced an income nearly equal to the whole difierence between these two smns. Such at least seems to be the plain mean- ing of its leading stipulations, and yet it must have been understood dift'erently, for Bussy's connection with Salabut Jung underwent no change in consequence of it ; and, as if in direct defiance of the very first article, he continued to fight ills battles as before. It may be alleged that it was impossible for him to do otherwise, as tliis was the condition on which the Northern Circars had been made over to him. The moment the troops were withdrawn, the Circars would iiave reverted to the niler of the Deccjin, and thus the princi})le of uti possidetis, which, according to another stipulation, was to be maintained so long as the treaty remained only conditional, woidd have been violated, to the manifest damage of the French Company. In point of fact, then, the suspension of hos- tilities was only partial; and while the English Company were specially excluded from attempting anything in the Carnatic, there was nothing to prevent the French Company from entleavoining, through the intervention of Buss}-, to extend their infiuence, and pave the way for the establishment of a complete ascendency in the Deccan. It soon appeared that this was not the only serious other Haw in the treaty. The allies had been made parties to it without being con- silted, and could not understand why they should be obliged to follow in the wake of foreign mercenaries, and make peace and war at their dictation. Nun- jeraj, in particular, continued to linger in Seringham, and openl}^ declared that he would never (jult it excepting for the purpose of making himself master of Trichinopoly. The nabob on his part was equally warlike ; and having little fear of the ^Ivsorean. now that the French were under an obliiration not to


text:
Page:A Comprehensive History of India Vol 1.djvu/542

 508

IlISTOKY OF INDIA.

[Book III.

A.I). 1755.

Hostilities vosumed.

Mysore threatened.

assist him, began to meditate an expedition again.st Madura and Tinnevelly. Strange to say, the Madras presidency, as if they had already regarded the treaty as a dead letter, were no sooner applied to than they agreed to furnish '> Eur-opeans and 2000 sepoys for this expedition. The French rernonstrat<5d against this proceeding as a violation of the truce ; hut as they were thern.selves setting a similar example in the Deccan, little attention was paid to their remonstrance.

The nabob and his brother, Maphuze Khan, who was now acting as his repre- sentative in the countries south of the Coleroon, joined the expedition with 1000 horse; but the detachment was commanded by Lieutenant-colonel Heron, an officer lately anived from England. Major Lawrence had previously left for Madras with the rank of lieutenant-colonel in the king's service — an honour which, so far from rewarding him according to his merit, did not even compen- sate for the marked slight which he received when Colonel Adlercron, as his superior officer, superseded him in the chief command of the Briti.sh forces in India. The expedition set out in the beginning of February, 1755, and, after some detention and loss among the Colleries, one of whose polygars made a vigorous resistance, gained undisputed possession of Madura. Tinnevelly made no resistance, and all the surrounding country professed submission to the nal^ob. It was soon found, however, that the submission was only nominal. The tri- bute promised was not paid, and the whole amount of revenue realized fell far short of the expenses of the expedition. In consequence of this unexpected and most unsatisfactory result, a rigid inquiry was instituted, and Colonel Hunter, convicted of having increased his private fortune by presents obtained at the sacrifice of his public duties, was dismissed the sei'vice.

During these transactions the Mysoreans, who had continued to linger at Seringham, in the hope that force or intrigue might yet put them in possession of Trichinopoly, suddenly marched off" to meet a double danger which was threatening their own territory. Balajee Rao had appeared on the frontiers with his devastating Mahrattas, and at the same time Salabut Jung was advan- cing at the head of an army to exact alleged arrears of tribute. Pai-t of this army consisted of the French battalion headed by Bussy, who in consequence found himself in a very awkward position. By the terms of his service he could not refuse to follow Salabut Jiuig on any expedition which it pleased him to undertake; and yet how could he, as the avowed servant of the French Company, take part in an expedition against the Mysoreans, with whom they had long been and stiU were in alliance ? From this dilemma Bussy relieved himself by dexterous diplomacy. By acting as a mediator between the parties he induced the Mysoreans to accept Salabut Jung as a protector against the threatened Mahratta invasion. Balajee Rao, thus intimidated, was easily bribed to desist from his intended invasion ; and Salabut Jung, after encamping under the walls of Sei'ingapatam, consented to an aiTangement which gave him a large sum in


text:
Page:A Comprehensive History of India Vol 1.djvu/543

 Chap. VII.] THE ANGRIA PIKATES. 509

payment of past airears, and a promise of punctuality in the futm'e pajTnent of ad. 1713. tribute.

The Britisli squadron under Admiral Watson, having? no prospect of active Arrival of employment on the Coromandel coast while the treaty between the two com- Bombay, panics subsisted, retm'ned in the beginning of November to Bombay. Here a considerable number of troops had recently arrived from England, for the pur- pose of acting in concert with Balajee Rao in an expedition which he had agi-eed to undertake against Aurungabad, the capital of the Deccan. It was hoped that Salabut Jung, tlius attacked, would be frightened into a compromise, and induced to break off his connection with Bussy, as the only effectual means of securing his own safety. This expedition had been planned in England before the conditional treaty with the French was known, and the presidency of Bom- bay, taking the change of circumstances into consideration, resolved to abandon it. Clive, who had arrived with the troops with the rank of colonel in the king's service, and the appointment of governor of Fort St. David, was of opinion that the expedition would not amount to a violation of the treaty, and ui-ged that no time should be lost in carrying it into effect. His opinion, however, was overruled ; the more easily, perhaps, that the original command of the ex- pedition had been destined, not to him, though he was unquestionably best entitled to it, but to a Colonel Scott, on whom ministerial influence more than merit had conferred it. By Scott's death, indeed, Clive had actually succeeded to the command, but the presidency were not to be moved from the view they had at first taken ; and it was determined to employ the whole naval and military force then at Bombay on another expedition, as to the justice and expediency of which no doubt could be entertained in any qviarter.

The west coast of India had long been infested by a body of pirates, who The Augria preyed indiscriminately on the vessels of all nations, native and foreign, and carried on their depredations so boldly, systematically, and successfully, as to have become in fact a formidable naval power. Kanhojee Angi'ia, under whom they first acquired importance, was at one time commander of the Mahratta fleet, and in this capacity held the government of Sevemdroog, a strong fort situated on a small rocky island close to the coast, about seventy-eight miles south from Bomba}'. In course of time, finding himself strong enough, he {spired to independence, and having gained over a large portion of the fleet, set his old masters at defiance. A war ensued, but the residis were so unfavourable to the Mahrattas, who were not only worsted at sea, but so vigorously encoun- tered on shore, that they at last, m 1713, consented to a peace which, in return for a promise of allegiance and tribute, left Kanhojee in possession of ten forts and sixteen places of less strength, with their dependent villages. It is not to be supposed that when he had thus succeeded in reaping the fi-uits of his depre- dations, he would forthwith desist from them. On the contrary, he was only emboldened to extend them, and continued to levy what he called liis chout by


text:
Page:A Comprehensive History of India Vol 1.djvu/544

 .-,10

JnSTOJiY OF l.DL.

[Hook HI.

of wai-fiire.

A.D.i72o^ the indiscriminate i)lun(lei- of all ships that came within his reacli. Along the

whole coast, from the vicinity of Bombay southwards to that of Goa, his vessels,

The Angria protected by forts, and sheltered within creeks and the mouths of the numen,uK

pirates.

small streams which descend from the Western Ghauts, lay ready to j>ounce «,n any hapless vessel that might chance to heave in sight. In carrying on tlieir depredations the pirates derived great facilities from the nature of tlie naviga- tion. The sea and land breezes blow alteiTiately in the twenty-four hours, dividing the day between them. The land breezes, liowever, do not reach more than forty miles out to sea, and hence vessels, in order to profit by them, must Their modo keep witliin that distance from the coast. They were thus oblicred to run into the very danger which they were anxious to avoid, and fell a frequent and eas}-

prey to Kanhojee's fleet of grubh •and gallivats. The.se two classes of vessels, which, for mercantile purposes, are still in common use on the Malabar coast, were admirably adapted for predator}' warfare. The grab.s, varj-ing in burden from 300 to 1 50 tons, and made broad in proportion to their length, for the purpose of drawing little water, canied a

A Grab i-From Solyyn, Les Hindous. number of gUnS, twO of them

from nine to twelve pounders, placed on the main deck so as to fire through port- holes over the prow, and the rest, usually six to nine pounders, fitted to give a broadside. The gallivats, which never exceeded seventy tons burden, comldned the double advantage of sailing and row boats. Besides a very large triangular sail, they were provided with forty to fifty stout oars, which enabled them to act as tugs to the grabs, and pull them even in a calm at the rate of foiu* miles an horn'. Thus attacked, it was scarcety possible for a merchant vessel to escape. Her enemies keeping at first at a safe distance, plied her with shot till they had dismasted her or thoroughly damaged her rigging, and then, as she lay helpless in the water, either compelled her to stiike, or boarded her by sending forward a number of gallivats, each with from 200 to 300 men. F.iiiureof xiie East India Company tried both force and negotiation with Kanhojee.

negotiations i ./ o .'

with them. After an ineffectual attempt to coerce him in 1717, Mr. Charles Boone, then governor of Bombay, tried the effect of a written remonstrance, and in Novem- ber, 1720, received a long and rambling, but verj'' characteristic answer, in which

' This is a ship with three masts, a pointed prow, and a bowsprit. Its crew consists of a nicodar or captain, and a few clashics or Moorisli sailors. The grabs are built at Bombay, where it appears that navigation was brought to some degree of perfection

at a very early period. The pointed prow which distinguishes the grab belongs to the Hindoo con- struction, and is not met with in any other countri*. The Portuguese have imitated it in their Indian ships. — Solvyn, Lcs Mindous.


text:
Page:A Comprehensive History of India Vol 1.djvu/545

 Chap. VII.J THE ANGRIA PIRATES. 511

Kariliojee, instead of seeking to disguise or palliate the principles on which he a.d. 1755. acted, says: "As touching tiie desire of possessing what is another's, I do not find the merchants exempt from this sort of ambition, for this is the way of the world ; for God gives nothing immediately from himself, but takes from one to give to another. Whether this is right or no, who is able to determine ? It little behoves the merchants, I am sure, to say our government is supported by vio- lence, insults, and piracies, forasmuch as Maharaja (which is Sevajee), making war against four kings, founded and established his kingdom. This was our introduction and beginning, and whether or no by these waj^s this government hath proved durable, your excellency well know.s so likewise did your prede- cessors."^ In 1722 the British and Portuguese, the latter furnishing the land different forces, and the former three ships of the line under Commodore Matthews, made against an attack on the strong fort of Kolabah, at that time the chief seat of Kanhojee's power ; but his usual good fortune, or the cowardice of the Portuguese, saved him; in 1724 the Dutch, with seven ships, two bomb- vessels, and a body of troops, made an equally imsuccessful attempt on Viziadroog or Gheriah. These ignominious failures strengthening a prevalent belief that the forts attacked were really impregnable, the reduction of them was abandoned as hopeless ; and as the only other alternative, the Company were reduced to the necessity of giving convoy to their merchant ships by means of a naval force, which was maintained at an annual expense of £50,000. The expense of this expedient was not the worst part of it. Humiliating as it was, it proved unavailing ; and Kanhojee, only emboldened by the ineffectual resistance opposed to his ravages, continued them with more daring, and on a more extended scale. At his death, in the end of 1728, he was possessed of immense wealth, a powerful fleet, and a territory stretching 100 miles along the coast, and backward to the mountains.

Kanhojee Angria left two legitimate and three illegitimate sons. The former Successful were recognized as his successoi-s, and fixed their residence, the one at Kolabah tmaei and the other at Severndroog. Ultimately, after various changes, produced jam^!'""^'' partly by domestic dissensions and partly by foreign influence, the succession passed to one of the illegitimate sons, called Toolajee, who made Gheriah his capital. It was against him that the squadron under Admiral W'at.son and the troops under Colonel Clive were now about to be employed. His depredations committed on all ships not bearing his passport had been severely felt, as well by the Mahrattas as by the Bombay presidency; and both as early as 1751 had come to a mutual determination to put him down as a common enemy. Actual steps, however, were not taken till 1755. The very year before, the pirates had given new proof of their formidable power, by attacking at once three Dutch siiips of fifty, thirty-six, and eighteen guns, burning the two tii-st, and capturing the last ; and it was resolved, at the earnest entreaty of Balajee Bajee Rao, the Peishwa, to attack Toolajee Angria both by land and sea. At this time neither

' Duff's History of the Mahrattas, vol. i. p. 459.


text:
Page:A Comprehensive History of India Vol 1.djvu/546

 512 IIJSTORV OF INDIA. [Book 111.

AD. 1755. Admiral Watson's squadron nor the troops from England had arrived. 1'he land forces were accordingly furnished entirely by the Mahratta«, who of course snccesHfui retained the command of them ; Init the ships, consisting of the Company's under marine force, the Protector, of forty-four giins, with a ketch of sixteen gurw, and James. two bomb-vesscLs, and a Mahratta fleet of seven grabs and sixty gallivats, were placed under the sole command of the Company's chief naval officer. Commodore James. This great armament mitst have made it almost impossible to doubt of its sufficiency, and yet such was the exaggerated idea entertained of the strength of Angria's forts, that the presidency instructed the commodore to con- tent himself with blockade, instead of risking the safety of his vessels by attack- ing them. If such were the fears of the presidency, we can hardly blame the Mahrattas for being still more timorous. On anchoring fifteen miles north of Severndroog, and disembarking the troops, in number 10,000, to proceed the rest of the way by land, Commodore James learned that the enemy's fleet was lying securely at anchor within the harbour of Severndroog, and might, by stealing upon it during the night, be so effectually blockaded, as to make escape impos- sible. He made his arrangements accordingly ; but the Mahratta admiral, after promising liberally to second him, soon found that he had promised more than he was able to perform. His officers refused to stir before morning ; and thus, as much perhaps from treachery as from cowardice, appeared in sight only in time to alarm the enemy, and enable them to put to sea with all their ships. Capture of Commodore James, after a chase, continued till the approach of night made

L^ 6 V G nidxo o ff

and Ban- it fruitlcss, retumcd to Severndroog. Beside the fort of this name on the island, there were three other forts on the mainland, within point blank distance of it. These, though originally built for the purpose of keeping it in check, had after- wards fallen into Angria's hands, and now formed part of its defences. On returning dispirited from the chase, the commodore foimd the Mahratta army engaged in laying siege to the land forts. Such at least was the name which they gave to their operations ; but there could not be a more ludicrous misnomer, for they were firing only from a single gun, a four-pounder, at the distance of two miles. To keep up a blockade for the purpose of assisting such besiegers would have been worse than futile; and it was therefore evident that, if the instructions which the excessive caution of the Bombay presidency had dictated were literally observed, this expedition against the Angria pirates would necessarily prove, like the others which had preceded it, a complete failure. Rather than expose himself and his employers to such disgrace. Commodore James determined to act on his own responsibility, and try the effect of a bombardment. The resiJt soon justified Ms decision. In the course of a single day Severndroog, which imaginary fears had magnified into an impregnable fortress, hung out a flag of truce, and the land forts almost immediately followed the example. After this brilliant exploit the fleet and army proceeded north six miles, and attacked the fortified island of Bancoote, which yielded almost without a show of resistance.

ooote.


text:
Page:A Comprehensive History of India Vol 1.djvu/547

 Chap. VII.] THE ANURIA PIKATES. 513

The Mahratta commander was so elated by a success which far exceeded his ad. 1-55. utmost hopes, that he endeavoured to tempt the commodore by an offer of 200, 000 rupees to continue his career of victory, and complete it by the captiu-e of Dabul, another of Angria's strongholds, situated on the coast about eight miles farther south. The commodore's own wish would have been to comply with this proposal, but having already exceeded his instructions he did not ven- tiure to act without express sanction. In the hope of obtaining it, he hastened off in the Protector to Bombay. Here, however, notwith.standing his unex- pected achievements, the presidency were still haunted by doubts and fears, and he was reluctantly compelled to desist from further operations.

Such was the state of matters when the Bombay presider:cy, by the arrival Tooiajee

Angria's

of Admiral Watson and Colonel Clive, found themselves in possession of a stronghold. powerful force, for which, from their determination not to employ the troops in the Deccan, as originally intended, they had no immediate ( ccasion. In these circumstances, the work which Commodore James had so ably begvm, naturally suggested itself, and it was determined to strike at the root of Tooiajee Angria's j)Ower by attacking Viziadroog or Gheriah. This place, situated about 170 miles south of Bombay, was very imperfectly known by Euiopeans, and figured in their imaginations as a fortress built, like Gibraltar, on an inaccessible rock, and at least equal to it in strength. So prevalent was th.e idea, that it was deemed prudent, before actuall}^ undertaking the expedition, to reconnoitre. With tliis view Commodore James proceeded with the Protector and two other ships, and, undeterred by the fleet which lay crowding tiie harbour, advanced sufficiently near to the fort to obtain a full survey of it. His report was, that Gheriah, though undoubtedly strong, was very far from being impregnable. Its site was a rocky promontory, connected with the mainland by a narrow belt of sand, and stretching south-west about a mile in length by a quarter of a mile in breadth. The face of the promontory all roimd, where washed by the sea, formed a continuous precipice about fifty feet high. Above this rose the fortifi- cations, consisting of a double wall flanked with towers. The sandy isthmus contained the docks where the grabs were built and repaired ; and immediately beyond, on the north, was the harbour. i)artly formed by the mouth of a stream which descended from the Ghauts.

Commodore James returned from his survey in the end of December, 1755; Prcimrations but nearly six weeks were afterwards spent in making preliminary aiTangements Man united Some of these related to the terms on which the Company and the Mahrattas ^^^^^f,^^ '^" were to co-operate, and it was expressly stipulated, that while the former were to obtain Bancoote and five adjoining villages in perjietuity, Gheriah, if taken, should belong to the latter. Another an-angement related to the distribution of the spoil which was expected to fall to the actual captors. With this the two governments could not well interfere ; but it is difticult to understand how, in making this an-angement, the undoubted title of the Mahrattas to a fair ])ropor- VoL. I. 65.

■atta force.


text:
Page:A Comprehensive History of India Vol 1.djvu/548

 5 1 1-

HISTORY or INhTA.

I Hook J 11.

A.D 175C

Dispute re- garding the Uistrilmtion <>f juize-

Ex])e(iition

ag liiist Glieriali.

tion was altogetlior overlooked Without j)aying tlie least regard t/j it, a com- mittee of ten officers, representing the British naval and military forces about Uj be employed, met at Bomljay, and made a distribution among themselves of the whole anticipated prize-money. In thus excluding their allies the British were guilty of an act of premeditated injustice. So mercenary, indeed, was the spirit whicii they manifested, that the two services were on the point of (quarrelling as to the principle of division adopted Olive's rank as colonel entitled him only to the same share of prize-money as a naval captain ; but it was contended on the part of the ai-my, that his position as their commander-in-chief entitled him at least to share equally with Rear-admiral Pococke, who was only second in com- mand in the navy. As neither service would give way, the quarrel would have proved serious had not Admiral Watson succeeded in terminating it Ijy volun- teering to make up the difference claimed out of his own pocket. There was, doubtless, generosity in the sacrifice thus offered by Admiral Watson, and gene- rosity also in the conduct of Clive, who, when the actual deficiency, amounting to £1000, was afterwards tendered to him, refused to accept it ; but it would have been more creditable to them.selves individually, and to the seraces over whicii they presided, had they in the first instance recognized the just claims of theii- allies, and afterwards, instead of countenancing steridy rebuked the higgling and rapacious spirit manifested by their subordinates. On a review of the whole transaction, it is difiicult to agree with Sir John Malcolm, who thinks it "pleasing on this occasion to record the conduct of both the naval and the mili- tary commanders," though at the same time he cannot refrain fi'om censuring "that spirit of plunder, and that passion for the rapid accumulation of wealth which actuated all ranks." '

The expedition, consisting of four ships of the line, and other vessels, amounting in all to fourteen, having on board a battalion of 800 Eiu-opeans and 1000 sepoys, sailed in the beginning of February, 1756. The Mahratta army, under Ramajee Punt, had previously advanced from Choul, a town and seaport twenty- three miles south of Bombay. On the appearance of the fleet, Toolajee Angi'ia, in alarm, left the defence of the fort to his brother, and repau-ed to the Mahratta camp, where he endeavoui'ed to avert his fate, b}' proposing teims of accommodation. Had he succeeded, the Mahrattas, on gaining possession, would doubtless have amply compensated themselves for the meditated injustice of excluding them from a share of the plunder. The British, conxdnced that this was their intention, and perhaps conscious that their own conduct afibrded too good a justification of it, saw that no time was to be lost. The morning aftei- their arrival. Admiral Watson having summoned the fort without recei-ing any answer, gave orders to prepare for action. The fleet, drawn up in two parallel divisions on the north side of the promontory, opened on the fort at the distance of only fifty yards, with 1 50 pieces of cannon and the mortars of five bomb-ketches

' The Life of Robert, Lord Clive, vol. i. ]>. 1.35.


text:
Page:A Comprehensive History of India Vol 1.djvu/549

 Chap. VI I] CAPTURE OF GIIERIAH. olo

Within ten minutes, one of the grabs which crowded the harbour was set on fire ad. itso.

by a shell, and the whole of the piratical tieet, which for tifty years had been

the terror of the Malabar coast, was in flames. Before night set in, the enemy's f^heriaii

attacketl.

fire was silenced, but no surrender was offered. There was little doubt tiiat the fort would be obliged to succumb, and the great question now was how to secure the spoil. According to the report of a deseiter the iMahrattas were to be put in [)Ossession of the place on the following day. Wiiat would then become of the prize-money, about the distribution of which the two services had been prema- turely quarrelling at Bombay? Once accessible to such dexterous pillagers, every vestige of it would speedily disappear. This was to be prevented at all hazards ; and therefore, as if the capture of the fort had been only a secondary object, or as if the Mahrattas, to whom the delivery of it in the event of its capture was guaranteed by treaty, had no right to take pos.session, Clive landed his troops, and took up a position commanding the only approach to the fort by land. The Mahratta commander, finding himself outwitted by this manceuvi'e, made secret overtures to Captain Buchanan, the officer on picket, and offered him a bill on Bombay for 80, rupees (£8000) if he would permit him and a few of his people to pass. The bribe, which would have rendered the receiver infamous, was indignantly rejected; but, as Duff remarks,^ "it is a circumstance worthy of notice as elucidating the character of the times, that the Bombay government thought common honesty so rare, as to present Ca})tain Buchanan with a gold medal in consideration of his extraordinary good ])ehaviour."

The Mahrattas having been excluded access to the fort the bombardment was renewed, and at length, on the afternoon of the second day, on an intima- tion by the garrison to the advanced guard of the troops on shore, that they were ready to surrender, Clive marched up and took possession. The captors had reason to congratulate themselves on their good foi'tune. Though the can- nonade had destro}'e(l the artificial works, the rock still formed a natimil bul- wark, against which, if it had been valiantly defended, nothing could have availed but regular approaches on the land side. Within the fort were found 200 Giieri!.ii pieces of cannon, six brass mortal's, a great quantity of naval and military stores of aU kinds, and value in money and other effects to the amount of £1 20,000. This sum was divided as originally arranged at Bombay. The Mahrattas got nothing, and when they complained were told that whatever claim they might have had was forfeited by the treacherous attempt to bribe a British officer and obtain possession for themselves. It may be so ; but, in considering the justice of the case, it is necessary to remember that those who now accused them of want of good fsvith had been the first to set them an example. It has been already mentioned, that in terms of a treaty made between the Conq)any and the Mahrattas, the former obtained possession of Bancoote, with some depen- dencies, and the latter were, in the event of its capture, to obtain pos.se.ssion < f

' flintor;/ of the 3fahratias, vol. ii. p. Ot'l.


text:
Page:A Comprehensive History of India Vol 1.djvu/550

 5lfi

Ill.STUltV Ul- I.NDIA.

[liooK III

A.D. 17.Mi.

Breiuli of faith to tlif

MaiirattuM.

Gheriah. Strange to say, the Company now showed great reluctance to fulfil tiieir part of the agreement. Gheriali, it was thought, would be a iiujst valuahl< acquisition to the Bombay ]>residency; and therefore, when delivery was ajsked by the Mahrattas, Mr. Bourciiier, the governor, endeavoured to eva^le the obli- gation on pleas so frivolous as to be disgraceful. At first a comjjromise was attem})ted, and Bancoote was offered to the Mahrattas in exchange for Gheriah. When this was indignantly refused, a list of grievances was concocted, and the Mahrattas were told that they had failed in perfomiing their part of the treaty — they had not properly fixed the limits of the Bancoote cession — they had not delivered up the person of Toolajee Angria — and the Peishwa had contracted for a supply of goods from the Dutch. The la.st grievance, though evidently regarded as the worst of all, had nothing to do with the point in question, and the other two were frivolous pretexts which scarcely deserved examination. Mr. Bourchier himself ultimately seemed ashamed of them, and the Mahratta-s were put in possession of Gheriah. Pendiiig the dispute the Eriti-sh .squadron and troops remained to influence the issue, and did not return to Bombay till the beginning of April. Shortly after, they sailed for Madras, which was reached on the 12th of May. Olive's ultimate destination was Fort St. David. where, by a singular coincidence, he entered on the duties of his office on the 20th of June, 1756, the very day on which Calcutta fell into the hands of Surajah Dowlah, Nabob of Bengal. This event, with the causes which led to it, and the momentous consequences by which it was followed, must now be traced.

CHAPTER YIII.

Slate of Bengal — Administration of JaflSer Khan, Shujah-u-din Khan, Serferaz Khan, and

Ali Verdy Khan.

State of Beiigiil.

ENGAL, united as it usually was with Behar and Orissa, formed so important a branch of the Mogul empire, that the government of it became an object of ambition to the leading members of the imperial famil}", and the aspirants to the throne of Delhi were more than once indebted for their success to the sinews of war furnished by its revenues. In the war of succession which was waged on the death of Am*ungzebe, Bahadur Shah, who, as the eldest son, undoubtedly possessed the best title, would in all probability have found it unavailing, had he not been opportunely furnished with the means of carrying on the contest by the arrival of his son, Azim-u-Shan, with the treasures which he had amassed as Viceroy of Bengal. At a later period, when, on the death of Bahadui- Shah,


text:
Page:A Comprehensive History of India Vol 1.djvu/551

 Chap. VIII. j HISTORY OF JAFFIEK KHAN. 517

Azim-u-Shan made an ineffectual attempt to seize tlie throne, to the prejudice ad itot.

of his elder brother, who succeeded, and reigned for a short period mider the title

of Jehandar Shah, Faroksiiir, Azim-u-Shan's son, found an asylum in Bengal, stJit«of

Buugal.

where he had for a time, nominally at least, held the office of viceroy, and where he remained secure till he was able to issue at the head of a force which proved victorious, and placed him on the imperial throne. These, however, were the last instances in which Delhi may be said to have received its emperors froin Bengal. Vast political changes were in progress, and the time was evidently approaching when the authority of the Great Mogul, though it might still con- tiime to be formally recognized, even in distant provinces, would cease to have any real existence. The causes tending to this result in Bengal were not so visibly manifested as in the Deccan, but they had long been at work, and had made its governors virtually independent.

As early as the time of Aurungzebe, a governor of Bengal, who afterwards JaffierKiiaii. acquired celebrity under the name of Jaffier Khan, had begun to cherish ambi- tious designs. He was the .son of a poor Brahmin, and spent the early part of his life at Ispahan, in the service of a Persian merchant, who had purchased iiim as a slave, and educated him as a Mahometan with his own children. On the death of the merchant he obtained his freedom, and returned to India, where he was employed in a subordinate situation by the Dewan of Berar. His expertness in accounts and general business habits brought him under the notice of Am-ung- zebe, who made him dewan successively of Hyderabad and Bengal. The latter ])osition gave him full scope for the display of his talents ; and by the intro- duction of various improvements he added greatly to the amount of the revenue. He thus rose high in the favour of Aurunjjzebe, but at the same time incurred "•» ''^■ij

. . o > "history.

the hatred of the viceroy, Azim-u-Siian, who was so offended by his interference in all pecuniary transactions that he sanctioned a plot against his life. As much by his courage as his good fortune he escaped the daggers of the Jissassins, and afterwards proceeding boldly to Azim-u-Shan's j)alace, upbraided him as the author of the crime. The viceroy cowered before him, and made solemn protestation of liis innocence ; but the dewan was not to be duped, and took the most effectual measures both to manifest his suspicions and guard against a repetition of the attempt. Besides transmitting an authenticated statement of the whole circumstances to Aurungzebe, he quitted Dacca, where the viceroy resided, and removed, with all the officei-s of the dewany, to Moorshedabad, which in consequence ultimately supplanted Dacca as the capital of Bengal. In return for the dangers he had run new honours were confeired upon him ; and at tiie time of Aurungzebe's death he was not only dewan of the three pronces of Bengal, Behar, and Ori.ssa. but also invested with a large share of military authority.

I Fortunately for Jaffier Khan the contest for the succession to the throne


text:
Page:A Comprehensive History of India Vol 1.djvu/552

 .318

HISTORY OP INDIA.

(Rook 111.

..p^i7i:i. from whom lie had most to fear. Farokshir, indeed, was left to act an liw father's deputy, })ut his authority, never confinned at Delhi, was easily set at nought; jatHtr and Jaffier Khan, bearing, among other lofty titles which Aurungzebe had con- government, fened upon him, that of naivah, or nabob, continued to extend and con.s(4idate his power. All important and confidential situations were filled by his own relations and dependants; and though he had many enen.ies at court, he was able to render all their machinations powerless, by the regularity with which he transmitted the revenue, increased by his exertions from £1,000,000 to £1,500,000 sterling. To a court so needy as that of Delhi, there could not be a greater recommendation of the merit of a provincial governor than the punctual arrival of long trains of bullock-carts laden with boxes of treasure. Still more to conciliate favour, the strong military escort which accompanied each train >)rought with them, as presents to the emperor and his mini.ster.s, numbers of elephants, horses, antelopes, hawks, shields made of rliinoceros hides, sword- blades, Silhet mats, Dacca mu.slins, Cos.sim- bazar silks, and various articles imported by European.s.^ The nabob, well aware how much his favour at court de- pended on these trans- missions, was careful to make them as widely known as possible, and gave them aU the ap- pearance of great public events. He liimself, accordingly, attended by his principal officers, accompanied the convoy some miles from Moorshedabad ; and besides intimating its approach by regular despatches to the vizier, caused it to be recorded and published in the royal gazettes. By this publication he not only relieved himself from responsibility in the event of the convoy not reach- ing its destination, but gave the necessary information to the governors on the line of route, and left them without excuse if they failed to pro^dde for its safe transport through their territories.

Jaffier Khan, presuming on the importance of the service which he thus ren- dered, and being by nature strongly inclined to arbitrary measures, often stretched his authority to the utmost, and was guilty of many acts of oppression towards both natives and foreigners. The desire to increase the revenue furnished him

Hackery or Billock-cart.^— From Solvyn, Les Hindovis.

' Stewart's History of Bengal, p. 380.

- The hackery is a cart consi.sting merely of an iron ax.le, traversed by two large bamboos, and is used for conveying merchandise ; tlie whole is made of wood without any piece of iron. They are common in many

of the towns >i Hindoostan. The Hindoo carters are without mercy for the oxen yoked in the hackeries ; they sit on the pole, and twist the tails of the poor oxen in the most cruel manner, goading them at t):8 same time with sticks pointed with iron. — Solvyn.


text:
Page:A Comprehensive History of India Vol 1.djvu/553

 itntioii

OIll

Chap. VIII. ] JAFFIER KUAN'S GOVERNxMENT.' 519

with a pretext for numei'ous exactions. He was too clear-sighted not to per-. u itjo ceive how much foreign commerce contributed to the general i)rosperity of the country, and he was therefore disposed to deal liberally with Mogul and Arabian merchants, strictly prohibiting the custom-house officers from demand- ing more than the prescribed duties of 2^ per cent, and the regulated fees. The Europeans, on the contrary, lie regarded with the utmost jealousy, and would fain have expelled them from the country altogethei-. He hated them with all the rancour of Mahometan bigotry; he believed them to be politically dangerous: and he could not understand why the English in ])articular should be exempted from duties which all others were obliged to pay. Under the influence of such feelings, he soon made them aware that the}' muSt either forego this privilege, or compensate for it by presents renewed as often as he chose to intimate that he expected them. The system thus pursued proved so capricious and oppres- i'<^i'"t''ti sive, that the East India Company resolved to bring their case under the notice I'any to of the emperor, by sending a deputation or embassy to Delhi. The result of this embassy, which took place during the reign of Farok.shir, has been already men- tioned. That monarch — influenced, partly by the magnificence of the presents which the ambassadors brought with them, partly by the grudge which he bore the nabob for having not only treated him superciliously wiien he was nominal Viceroy of Bengal, but also openly set him at defiance when he would have supplanted him in his government ; and, above all, by gratitude to the surgeon of the embassy for effecting a cure on his person after all the native physicians had failed — granted the demands of the Company to their utmost extent. In point of fact, however, their success was only pai-tial. Tiie nabol), without ven- turing to question the authority which conferred the i)rivileges, put his own interpretation upon them, and was thereby able to render some of them inopera- tive. Still a very decided advantage had been gained ; and Pt)rtuguese, Ai'me- nian, Mogul, and Hindoo merchants, fixing their residence in Calcutta, in order to enj(y the protection of the English flag, added rapidly both to its population and its wealth.

During the troubles which preceded and immediately followed the deposition intrigues and death of Farokshir, he quietly looked on, as if he had been an unconcerned Kiian at spectator ; but as soon as Mahomed Shah seemed firmly seated on the throne, he resumed his intercourse with Delhi, and by sending his usual escort of revenue and presents, found no diflieulty in obtaining a confirmation of Ins government. This, however, was now of comparatively little consequence to him personally, as he was far advanced in years. An object nearer his heart was the continuance of the government in his family. He had no son, and wished to give the suc- cession to Serferaz or SuffVaze Khan, his grandson by an only daughter. Her husband, Shujah-u-din Khan, was still alive, and thought himself better entitled to the government than his own son, who indeed had no claim to it except what was derived from the fondness of a (h^tinsf grandfather. Ho therefore intriirued


text:
Page:A Comprehensive History of India Vol 1.djvu/554

 520 lUSTtJltY 01' INDIA. [liooK HI.

AD. 1725. at Delhi, and successfully thwarted the designs of Jafficr Khan, who, unahle to obtain the government for his favourite, did all he coi]y delivering to him on his death-Led the key of all liis treasures and valuables, and appointing him by will both his public and his private successor.

shujahKimn Immediately on the death of Jaffier Khan, in 1725, Shujah Khan and his

Nabob of son, who appear previously to have kept each other in the dark a-s t^> their real intentions, came to an understanding. The foi-mer accordingly took quiet pos- session of the government ; and the latter consented to wait till the succession, now assumed to be hereditary, should open tfj him by course of nature. At the time when Shujah Khan thus seated himself on the mu.snud of Bengal, he was and had long been deputy-governor of Orissa. Shortly after he had fixed his residence at Cuttack, the capital of this government, a person named Mirza Mahomed, related to him by marriage, arrived with his two son.s, and were all admitted into his service. The two sons — the elder named Haji Ahmed — the younger Mirza Mahomed Ali, but better known by the name of Ali Verdy Khan — were men of talent and education, and made them.selves so useful to Shujah Khan, that they obtained a complete ascendency over him. As a matter of course they accompanied him to Bengal, and became influential members of his government. Serferaz Khan, in implement of the agreement made with his father, became Dewan of Bengal ; but all the real power centred in a council consisting of the above two brothers, and two Hindoo.s — the one, Roy Alum Chund, who, under the name of comptroller of the household, perfonned all the duties pertaining to the office of dewan, while Serferaz Khan only nominally held it — and the other the imperial banker, Juggut Seat.

His wise For a time the mildness and equity of Shujah Khan's government contrasted

favourably with the severity and injustice which had too often characterized the measiu-es of Jaffier Khan. All his council were men of talents, and without having recourse to the oppressive exactions of his predecessor, the revenues were .so well managed, that he was able even to increase the customary sum sent to Delhi. He thus stood high in favour at that court, and not only obtained, with many honourable titles, a confirmation of the government of Bengal and Orissa, but a re-annexation of the province of Behar, which had been dissevered fi'om it. This apparent increase of power ultimately proved the ruin of his family. The government of Behar fell vacant, and the nabob committed the fatal mis- take of conferring it on Ali Verd}^ Khan. This crafty and talented favourite

Trea-sonaiik procccded forthwith to Patna, the capital, and at the very outset assumed

ilusigns of. . ^

.ii Verily almost Tcgal state, being accompanied by an escort of 5000 troops. The troubled state of the country was the pretext ; but there cannot be a doubt that at this early peiiod he was meditating the designs which he afterward carried into execution. Shortly after his aiTival at Patna, he took a body of Afghans into his service. These, far superior in native courage and discipHne to the ordinary Indian troops, put him in possession of a power which could hardly fail to give

Kliaii.


text:
Page:A Comprehensive History of India Vol 1.djvu/555

him the victory when the struggle which he contemplated should come to be decided. Meanwhile, Shujah Khan ceased to fulfil the early promise of his government, and exchanged its cares for indolence and luxury. He was thus governor only in name, and left all important affairs to be managed chiefly by the influence of Haji Ahmed. The two brothers were thus enabled to play into each others hands, and make all necessary arrangements for an emergency which was expected soon to arise. They saw that Shujah Khan's life was fast drawing to a close, and they deemed it unnecessary to disturb him in his possession. Towards his son, however, their feelings were very different, and they had already set on foot a course of intrigue, by which they hoped to gain over the court of Delhi to their interest, and set the claims of Serferaz aside. Before their schemes were matured, Delhi itself was in the hands of the Persian conqueror, Nadir Shah, and Shujah Khan died. Ali Verdy Khan had previously secured his nomination to the government of Behar, free from any dependence Khan. on Bengal ; but the higher objects to which his ambition pointed had not been secured, and Serferaz Khan took undisputed possession of the government in accordance with his father's will, which, while it ajipointed him heir, bound him to act in all affairs of moment by the advice of Haji Ahmed, Roy Alum Chund, and Juggut Seat. Serferaz, though he promised compliance with this condition, could not have been sincere, for he had already become aware that Haji Ahmed was leagued with his brother Ali Verdy in plotting his overthrow. So far, therefore, was he from intending to take him into his council, that he was bent on destroying him, and only waited for an opportunity. It was necessary, however, to proceed with caution. The person of Haji might easily have been seized, as he resided in Moorshedabad ; but Ali Verdy being at Patna, could not be reached, and would certainly break out in open revolt the moment any hostile proceedings were adopted against his brother. Had Serferaz Khan possessed common prudence and discretion, he would have Khan. secured himself against the designs of the brothers, by committing the esteem and attachment of the other two members of his council. Instead of this course, which good feeling as well as sound policy dictated, he insulted both, and converted them into implacable enemies. When Alum Chund, after obtaining a private interview, ventured to use the freedom of an ancient counsellor, and to remonstrate with his new master on the notorious licentiousness of his private life, and his total neglect of all serious public business, his counsel was scorned, and he only called forth a volley of ignominious abuse and invective. The treatment of Juggut Seat was still more outrageous. The fame of a lady of exquisite beauty, whom the banker's son had married, excited the nabob's curiosity, and he insisted on seeing her. According to oriental ideas there could not be a grosser insult ; but Serferaz Khan, accustomed to listen only to his passions, which had been indulged to such an extent as to impair his intellect, was not to be dissuaded, and the lady, after Juggut Seat had implored in vain


text:
Page:A Comprehensive History of India Vol 1.djvu/556

 522

IllSTOKV or IM)IA.

[Book J 1 1.

Conspiracy •against Sci-feraz Khan.

A.D. 1741. for the honour of lils fiunily, was carried to the palace in the evening. No violence wa.s offered her; but even rnurnentary exposure to the rude gaze of tlte licentious nabob was dishonour which wtis not to be efi'aced, and could only l^e avenjjed. From this moment Serferaz Khan was left without a sincere friend ; and those who, for his fathers sake, were once disposed to have stoo{issed him in talents, promised to enrich the Delhi treasury by the present payment of £1,000,000 sterling, the transmission of Serferaz Khan's confiscated property and effects — valued at several millions more, and the future delivery of the revenue with all the punc- tuality which had been observed by Jaffier Khan. The contemplated ^e^'olu- tion thus obtained a kind of legal sanction, and secured the support of many who probably would have stood aloof if it had continued to wear its original form of conspiracy and rebellion. Everything being now prepared, one obstacle remained to be surmounted. Haji, with his famih-, was still at Moorshedabad, and completely at the mercy of Serferaz Khan, who. the moment the conspiracy was unfolded, would certainly make them the first victims of his rage and ven- geance. By means of a series of dexterous and unscrupulous manoeuTes, the nabob w^as deluded into the belief that Haji's absence would prove his best security, and he allowed him to depart with his family for Patna. Ali Verdy, now free to act, at once commenced operations, and advanced with such rapidity that his movements were not known at Moorshedabad till he had surmounted the difficult passes of Terriagully and Sicklygully, among the Rajamahal Hills, where his progress might have been arrested, and about to penetrate into the very heart of Bengal. Serferaz Khan, confounded at the intelligence, looked about in vain for the counsel and aid of which he had deprived himself by his gross misconduct. At last, however, after wasting some time in unavailing negotiation, he began to display an energy of which he had not previously been deemed capable, and hastily collected an army of 30,000 men, with which he encamped on a plain near Comra, about twenty-two miles north of his capital Though superior in numbers, his troops were no match for Ali Verdy's Afghans, who speedily decided the fortune of the day. On seeing that all was lost, Ser- fei'az Khan refused to join the fugitives, and iiished into the thickest of the enemy, when, after he had nearly expended his whole quiver of arrows, he fell pierced through the forehead by a musket-ball.

Ali Verdy, following up his victory, entered Moorshedabad without opposi- tion, and seated himself on the musnud. The odious government of his prede- cessor made the change generally acceptable, and all ranks hastened to congra-

Ali Verdy

becomes nabob.


text:
Page:A Comprehensive History of India Vol 1.djvu/557

 Chap. VIII.]

HE VOLT IN OlilSSA.

523

Govenimeiit of All Verdj.

tulate and do homage to the new nabo)). He proved not unworthy of it. a.d. 1741 Contrary to the usual practice of eastern conquei'ors, lie displayed no thirst for blood, and not only spared Serferaz Khan's sons, but pensioned them, and sent them to reside with some degree of state at Dacca. The only quarter in which the new government met with open hostility was in Orissa. Here Moorshad Cooly Khan, a brother-in-law of the late nabob, was governor. Being well aware that it was intended to dispossess him, he at first endeavoured to make terms, but the utmost he could obtain was to quit the province with his pro- perty and ftimily, without being subjected to molestation. As he was not of a warlike temperament, he would probably have submitted, had not a bolder course been almost foi'ced upon him by his wife and the It ading members of his court. Having determined on resistance, he at once rai.'-ed the standard of revolt, and sent Ali Verdy a letter of defiance. The example might soon have spread, and therefore Ali Verdy, without losing a moment, left his brother Haji in charge of the government of Bengal, and hastened forward at the head of his troops to commence the campaign. The ultimate result could hardly be doubtful, though the struggle proved longer and more fcnnidable than had been anticipated. Instead of waiting to be besieged ia Cuttack, his capital,

Revolt of governor of Orissa

Cl'TTACK, .IuMM. MusjfD. — From a drawing in East India House.

Moorshad Cooly moved northwards to Balasore, and a little beyond it occupied a position where his camp, besides being fortified and defended by 300 cannon, was rendered almost inaccessible by a river and suiToxmding forests. Had the same wisdom been displayed in maintaining this position as in selecting it, Ali Verdy would have gained no laurels. The population, attached to their own governor, refused to furnish him with supplies, and his anny began to melt away both by famine and desertion. The impatience and rashness of Mirza Boker Khan, the enemy's general, brought on a battle at the very time when he ought to have avoided it, and the nabob gained a victory so complete that


text:
Page:A Comprehensive History of India Vol 1.djvu/558

 524 HISTORY or Sl)L. [Book III.

AD. 1742 Moorshad Cooly, finding no safety within the province, was gla/1 to seek an asylum in Masulipatam.

syod Ahmed Ali Verdy, Ijelieving that the insurrection was at an end, gave the govem-

govoriK.rof mcnt of Orissa to Syed Ahmed, his brother's second son, and set out for Bengal. He was scarcely seated in the capital wli<n intelligence anived which left him no alternative but to retrace his step.s. Syed Ahmed, by profligacy and vinflic- tiveness, had rendered himself so obnoxious that a new iiLsurrection, heaxled by Boker Khan, had broken out, and made him prisoner. The fame of the nabob as a warrior was now so widely spread that his mere presence in Ori.ssa sufficed to dissipate the revolt. Delighted not more at its suppression than at the reco- very of his nephew, he again settled the province, which, as it was no longer to be governed by Syed Ahmed, but by an officer of experience, was expected to give no further trouble. In this belief, Ali Verdy disbanded the greater part of the troops he had brought with him ; and, escorted only by about 5000 horse, proceeded by slow stages for Bengal, amusing himself on the way with hunting. After passing the frontiers of Orissa, he had entered the district of Midnapore, and was encamped near its capital, when he was startled by the intelligence that Bosker Punt, in the service of Ragojee Bhonsla, a Maliratta chief, who had established himself in possession of Berar, had arrived in Bengal, at the head of a formidable army, with the professed object of levjdng the chout, but more

Mahratta probably with the hope of making a permanent conquest. The nabob had not

invasion of />!• i t • • t ii*

Bengal. been unaware oi the intended invasion, but expected that it would be made from the north-west through Behar, and at so late a period as would give him ample time to reach Moorshedabad and provide sufficient means of defence. He was therefore taken completely by surprise when he learned that they had entered by Orissa, and were following close upon his track. He immediately hastened northward to Burdwan, expecting that he might be able there to deposit his heavy baggage in safety. He had only reached it when the arrival of the Mahrattas was announced by smoking villages and the helpless inhabi- tants fl.eeing in terror before them. The Mahratta commander, with the u.sual policy of his nation, avoided a general action, and after several skirmishes endeavoured to induce the nabob to buy him off by offering to withdraw on the payment of a heavy contribution. Still hoping to be able to reach his capital, Ali Verdy refused to submit to the humiliating terms, and made an effort to continue his retreat. With this view he gave orders that the heavy baggage and camp-followers should remain at Burdwan, but the terror had now become so general that the orders were disobeyed, and the confusion became inextricable. The greater part of the baggage, artillery, and tents fell into the hands of the enemy.

The nabob would now gladly have escaped by paj^g the contribution first demanded. It was no longer in his option. Bosker Punt, who would have been satisfied at one time with ten lacs of rupees (£100,000), was too weU


text:
Page:A Comprehensive History of India Vol 1.djvu/559

 CuAP. VIII.] THE MAHRATTAS INVADE BENGAL. 52.)

aware of the advantage he had gained, and refused to take less than a crore ad. 1742. (£1,000,000), together with all the elephants. Desperate as the case was, any risk was better than this ignominy ; and after a «ti"uggle of four days, during ^laiiratta which new losses and hardships were endured, the nabob succeeded in placing ueugai. the Bhagaruttee between him and his pursuers. Here Nuazish Mahomed, the eldest son of his brotiier Haji, joined him with a considerable reinforcement, and he found little difficulty in obtaining sufficient supplies. It was now Bos- ker Punt's turn to take alarm. The rainy season had commenced, and the whole country was becoming inundated. It seemed madness to remain, and he would have departed had not a bolder spirit than his own interfered. An Arab by origin, of the name of Meer Hubbeeb, was Dewan of Orissa when Moorshad Cooly governed it, and made no scruple, when satisfied as to the winning side, to abandon his old master and take service under Ali Verdy. His only object, however, was to serve, himself; and having been taken, or rather, perhaps, allowed himself to be taken prisoner by the Mahrattas, he ingratiated himself with their commander, and was soon the most influential, as he was certainly the ablest of his advisers. From his thorough knowledge of the country he was able to turn every circumstance to advantage, and when Bosker Punt spoke of retreat, pointed to the defenceless state of Moorshedabad. 'hen Bosker Punt hesitated, he volunteered to surprise it, and was provided with a detachment for that purpose. The nabob obtaining intelligence of his departure, tried to outstrip him. He was a day too late. Meer Hubbeeb had already plundered the suburbs, and extorted from the banker, Juggut Seat, a sum which has been estimated at £2,500,000 sterling. The success of this expedition induced Bosker Punt to abandon the intention of returning to Berar, and he encamped for the rainy season at Cutwah, on the Hooghly.

Though the season made operations on a large scale impossible, the Mahrat- tas made repeated incursions, and were at last masters of the whole of Bengal west of the Ganges, except Moorshedabad and its environs. The nabob, con- tented in the meantime with the possession of his capital, continued strength- ening its works and making preparations for a decisive campaign. His resources on the east of the Ganges were still unimpaired, and his troops, placed in cantonments and abundantly supplied with provisions, suffiired few privations. It was otherwise with the inhabitants of the districts ovennin by the enemy. Plundered of their property, and pursued by fii-e and sword, multi- tudes fled across the river, carrying their teiTors along with them, and sought shelter and protection in Calcutta. Even here the alarm became general ; and an entrenchment, afterwards known by the name of the Mahrattii Ditch, was commenced. It was intended to carry it romid the territory, and form an inclosure seven miles in extent ; but as the jMahrattas did not attempt to cross the river, and were believed not to possess the necessary means, the work was abandoned when scarcely half the distance was completed. At the same time


text:
Page:A Comprehensive History of India Vol 1.djvu/560

 526

HLSTUltV OF I.M>JA.

[Book III

A.D. 1742.

All Venly iissuiiies tliu offensive, ami is vic- turious.

Mahratta disunion.

when the ditch was begun, penni.ssioii was obtained from the nabob to fortify the Coni|)any'fs factory- at Cossinibaziir, by suiTOUuding it with a briok wall flanked with ba-stioas at the angles

As soon as the dry season commenced, Aii Verdy boldly assumed the offf.Mi- sive by crossing the Bhagaruttee on a bridge of boats. Another stream, which it was still necessary to cross in order to come to close quarters with the enemy, was bridged in the same manner ; and though a serious loss was sustained by the sinking of a boat near the centre, when scarcely a half of the troo[>s had pa-ssed, the Mahrattas were so intimidated on seeing them.sdves about to be attacked, that they fled with the utmost precipitation, seeking to gain the passes which led through the forests of Pachete into Behar. The rapidity of the pursuit having frustrated this intention, they suddenly douljjed upon their track, passed eastward through the forests of Bishenpore, and gained the open country'. The nabob, thus out-manoeuvred, retraced his steps. From some cau.se not easily explained, Bosker Punt changed his tactics, and instead of continuing his flight, advanced to offer battle. The encounter took place at Midnapore, and resulted in the complete defeat of the Mahrattas, who at once evacuated Bengal, and made the best of their way back to Berar.

Ali Yerdy returned in triumph to his capital, but not to enjoy a long repose Kagojee Bhonsla, disappointed and enraged at the defeat of his general, deter- mined to take the field in person. Fortunately for the nabob the Mahrattas were at this time divided into two powerful factions. The oVjject of contention was the office of Peishwa, who, as the rajah had leen reduced to a mere cipher, was to all intents the real head of the Mahratta confederacy. The rival claim- ants were Ragojee Bhonsla and Balajee Rao. The latter proved successful, Init the strife was not ended, and Ragojee no sooner entered Bengal in one direction than Balajee made his appearance in another. Ali Verdy 's course of policy was plain, and he lost no time in purchasing the alliance of Balajee, who at once took the burden of the war upon himself, and drove his rival countr^nnan before him without being obliged to strike a blow. Ragojee Bhonsla, notwith- standing this second failure, clung tenaciousl}^ to his purpose, and the very next year after he had been ignominioasly chased from Bengal, sent Bosker Punt once more into it at the head of 20,000 cavahy. His aims, however, v.ere somewhat lowered. He had once been sanguine of conquest, but he would now be satisfied with money. Bosker was accordingly instructed to offer peace in return for such a contribution as Balajee was suj^posed to have received. Ali Verdy had hitherto been contented to meet his enemies in the open field, but as defeat after defeat appeared to have no effect, he resolved to get rid of them at all events, though it should be by means of an atrocity. Taking advantage of the mercenary spirit which had been so unequivocally displayed, he professed to be extremely anxious for a termination of hostilities, and sent two of his principal officers to the IMahratta camp, with instructions to tempt Bo.sker Punt


text:
Page:A Comprehensive History of India Vol 1.djvu/561

 Chap. VIILj TllEACHERY OF ALI VEEDY. 527

to an interview, by promising to concede whatever he should ask. Accordingly, a.d. 1742.

when he demanded heavy contributions, he was told that he had only to pay

the nabob a visit in order to obtain them. His avarice blinded him to the

flanker, and on a fixed day, moving out with the greater part of his army from

Cutwah, where it had been encamped, he drew it up in order of battle, and

advanced with his principal officers and attendants to the tent where the nabob

was waitinj; to <nve them audience. The rest is soon told. A band of assassins Treacherous

had been concealed within the screens around the tent, and only waited a sig- "tol'keT"

nal to commence their horrid butchery. When the Mahratta officers entered, '"' '

Aii Verdy eagerly sisked which was Bosker Punt, and on his being pointed out,

cried aloud, "Cut down the infidel!" In an instant Bosker and nineteen chiefs

who had accompanied him were despatched. To complete the atrocity. All

Verdy put himself at the head of his troops, and without any note of warning,

charged the Mahratta line, which immediately gave way and fled in confusion.

Ali Verdy gained little but infamy by this abominable treachery. As a

ju.st retribution, his principal general, Mustapha Khan, to whom he was in-

ilebted for most of his victories, rose in arms against liim ; his brother Haji,

offended at being refused an unreasonable request, retired in disgust to Patna,

to waste the residue of a long life in sensual indulgences; and his favourite

grandson, whom he had destined for his lieir, and spoiled by excessive indul^-

gence, becoming too impatient to wait for the succession, endeavoured to seize

it by force. Nor were the Mahrattas slow to avenge their murdered country- Exaspera- tion of the men. Year after year Ragojee Bhonsla headed an invasion of some part of Maiirattas

Bengal, and when he died, his son and successor, Janojee, continued the warfare

with the same indomitable energy. The ultimate result was, that Ali Verdy,

worn out by years and incessjint fatigue, and broken in health, was obliged to

i-ompound with his relentless enemies by ceding to them the whole province of

Urissa, and agi'eeing, moreover, to pay twelve lacs of rupees annually. This

was truly a recognition of the claim to levy chout in Bengal ; but to save the

nabob's dignity, that obnoxious term was not used in tiie treaty, which simply

declared that the payment was to be made " on condition that the Mahrattas

should not again set foot in his highness's territories." That there might be no

doubt as to the limit thus fixed, it wa.s added that " the river Soonamooky,

which runs by Bahisore, should be considered as the boimdary between the two

dominions ; and that the Mahrattas should never cro.ss that river, nor even set

a foot in its waters."

Before the nabob consented to this treaty, he had been rendered almost XiMgicai

broken-hearted by the tragical deaths of his brother Haji and his fjivourite AiiVenivs

nepliew, Zyn Addeen. The one, as already mentioned, had retired to Patna n^hew.""

in disgust, and the other was residing in it as governor of Behar, when the

nabob, having discovered that two Afghan chiefs, Shumsheer Khan and Serdar

Khan, were intriguing with the Mahrattas, dismissed them and their followei"S


text:
Page:A Comprehensive History of India Vol 1.djvu/562

 •5-« JlISTOJiV (JF INDIA. [Book III.

AD 1756. from his service. Tlie whole, numbering about 8000 men, arrived in the vici nity of Patna. Their presence could not be viewed without alarm, and it wdH

Tra-i-ai dcemcd necessary to get rid of them Ijy some mean.s, fcjul or fair. Haii is said

Aii ver.iy s to liavc proposed a scheme for assassinating the leaders, but Zyn Addeen, who.

nephow. thougli the youngest of the nabob's nephews, was expecting to succeed hirn, thought it good policy to conciliate the Afghans, whose military prowess would give him a decided superiority over all rival claimants. The nabob is said to have preferred assassination as the safer policy, but at last, overcome by the urgency of his nephew, who represented that they were anxious to make their submission, he authorized him to receive it. The new terais of service having been adjusted, Zyn Addeen, anxious to give the chiefs a proof of his confidence, and obviate any fears they might have of treachery, received their visits of ceremony, on being restored to favour, in the absence of his guards and presence of only a few household officers. The first day, given to Serdar Khan, pas.sed off quietly. The second day was allotted to Shumsheer Khan. HLs approach was announced by the arrival of nearly 1000 Afghan infontry, who arranged them- selves in the square of the palace. Immediately after the hall of audience was entered by a chief named Morad Sheer Khan, and a crowd of officers, who pressed forward to present their offerings. While Zyn Addeen was intent on the ceremony, one of the Afghans aimed a blow at him with his dagger. It missed, but Morad Sheer Khan immediately followed it up with his sabre, and the governor fell dead on the pillow of his musnud. Haji was the next victim, but was not permitted to die so easily. He was known to have accumulated vast wealth ; but, when dragged before Shumsheer Khan, refused to discover it. Every kind of torture and ignominy failed to overcome his firmness, and at last, after seventeen days of indescribable sufteriBg, death came to his relief On searching his house, seventy lacs of rupees (£700,000), besides jewels and other valuables to a great amount, were found buried. The insurgents gather- ing around them all the discontented spirits of Behar, gained possession of the entire province, and were even able, by leaguing with the Mahrattas, to threaten Bengal. The nabob, however, roused by the strongest of all motives, displayed even more than his wonted ability and intrepidity, and gained two victories in a single day, in the one avenging his murdered kindred by defeating and slaying Shumsheer Khan, and in the other, not so much defeating as terri- fying the Mahrattas, who, after they had di-awn up for the encoimter, fled in confusion, without venturing to risk it.

Death of After the treaty concluded with the Mahrattas in 1751, Ali Yerdy enjoyed

Ali Verdy. rr> • i

some respite from the toils of war. He was sufiermg, however, both from age and disease, and died of dropsy in 1756. He had attained his eightieth year. Death at such a period of life can scarcely be said to have been hastened by any adventitious cause, and yet it is thought that he might have lived longer had he not been visited anew by domestic calamities. His own family consisted


text:
Page:TASJ-1-3.djvu/15

 of this ore, is also found in Japan. The Japanese esteem this ore highly and believe rightly that it produces the beat steel for their swords. It is generally known that the good quality of the Swedish iron is chiefly due to this ore, which forms in Sweden only large mountainous masses.

Loadstone has been found in Japan for the first time in the year 713 A.D. in the province of Omi. The Japanese make use of it for manufacturing compass-needles, and as a medicine in disease of the heart. The Japanese name for ordinary magnetic iron-ore is: Gen-seki, Synon. Hoku-shu, Te-riu-sho, Gen-bu-seki. It is found in large quantities in Harima, Hoki, Satsuma, Idzumo, Wakasa, Iwami, Hiuga and many other provinces.

The loadstone is named: or, Syn. Hari-sui-ishi, Kiu-tetsu-seki, Shinan-seki. An excellent kind of loadstone is found in Sendai, Nambu, Bizen, Okayama, middle quality in Shinano, Kai and an inferior stone in Mino.

2°.— (oligist ore or iron glances) having a steel grey colour with a brilliant lustre. The Japanese call this ore also, the name which they give to black maguetic iron-ore. The difference in chemical constitution with the above named ore is not great, both being oxidic ores. We got a good specimen from Hiüga, and were informed that this ore is found also in other provinces, where it is also used in melting iron.

3°.— (Brauneisenstein of the Germans). It occurs in Japan in different varieties, one of which is a very peculiar ore in spheroïdical grains, closely resembling our Limonite or Pea-iron-ore (Bahnerz). Ordinary brown hematite is found in Idzumo, Mutsu, Hiüga, Satsuma, Shinano, Bizen and other places. The Limonite occurs in Japan, Toza, Satsuma, Idzu and Totomi. The latter ore is also used in medicine as a hæmostaticum and is named:, , Syn. Do-shi.

4°.—. An impure variety. (Kotheisenstein). The Japanese red hematite is of an ochry, soft quality. One fine crystallised ore seems not to be

title: Page:TASJ-1-3.djvu/15


text:
Page:A Comprehensive History of India Vol 1.djvu/563

 Chap. VI 1 1. J SURAJAH DOWLAH, NABOB OF BENGAL. 529

only of three daughters, whom he married to his three nephews. The tragical ad. :m. death of the youngest at Patna lias already been recorded. The eldest, Nuazish Mahomed, who was governor of Dacca, and the second, Syed Ahmed, who for many years had been governor of Pui'neah, where by good conduct he recovered the character which he had lost by his disastrous government of Orissa, died of fever, within a few months of each other, just before their uncle was seized with i

his last fatal illness. The only sm'viving members of the nabob's family were his eldest daughter, Gheseety Begum, the widow of Nuazish Mahomed, and two grandsons : the one Shokut Jung, the son of Syed Alimed, whom he succeeded in the government of Pumeah, and the other Sm'aj-ad-Dowlah, or, as he is usually called, Siirajah Dowlah, the son of Zyn Addeen, and the successor to surajah the nabobship. This youth, who has already been seen ungratefully taking up apiwinua arms against his gi'andfather, was stained with many other crimes. Several guc^jeslo-! ^ assassinations were known to have been perpetrated at his instigation; and there was no kind of vice with which he had not grown familiar. AH Verdy was not ignorant of his real character, and truly described it on his death-bed, when, on being asked by some of his women to recommend them to the care of his successor, he answered with a ghastly smile, that " if he should for three days behave dutifidly to his grandmother, then they might entertain hopes of his tenderness."

The irrational partiality which Ali Verdy entertained for this worthless youth was his gi*eatest folly, and the iniquity of appointing him to succeed him in the government, while aware how incapable he was of discharging its duties, is one of the blackest stains on his memory. The inhabitants of Bengal, though shocked at the crimes which the nabob committed in usurping the government, and in ridding himself of his enemies when they threatened to bg too strong for « him, felt that on the whole he had ruled tlum wisely and justly, and were sin- cerely attached to him. It was a poor retiun for their attachment to place them at the mercy of an ignorant, rapacious, heartless profligate.

Dui'ing the sixteen yeara of Ali Verdy's government, the Ejist India Com- state of the pany had not much reason to complain. Like the inhabitants generally', they presidency suffered by the unsettled state in which the country was kept by intestine dis- verdy. .sensions and Mahratta incursions; but their prialeges were respected, and the few irregular contributions exacted from them amounted to so smaU a percen- tage on their investments, as not seriously to affect the profits. We have seen that during the general alarm produced by the Mahrattas, Ali Verdy allowed the Mahratta Ditch to be dug and the factory of Cossimbazar to be put in some state of defence. He was not disposed, however, to permit any encroachment on his prerogative, and peremptorily prohibited the British and French, when at war, from carrying on any hostiUties within his dominions. It would even seem that he eyed the progress of the European companies with a degi-ee of suspicion, and had a presentiment of the ascendency which they were destined Vol I. 67


text:
Page:A Comprehensive History of India Vol 1.djvu/564

 5:iO

JliSrOJJV OF INDIA.

[Book III

A D. me. to establish. On one occasion he said, "lie feared that after his death the Euro- peans would become masters of many parts of Hindoostan;" and on another tifvola"^ occasion, when urged by Mustapha Khan, who wa.s then his most influential • counsellor, "to expel the English from Calcutta and seize their wealth," he gave no answer till Mustapha had retired, and then observed to one of hi.> nephews, who had seconded Mustapha's ini(!iuitous proposal, " My child, Masta- pha Khan is a soldier, and wishes us to be constantly in need of his service ; but how came you to join in liis request? What have the English done against me, that 1 should use them ill? It is now difficult to extinguish fire on land: but should the sea be in flames who can put them out? Never listen to such advice as his, for the result would probably be fatal." This distinct alTusion to naval warfare shows that he had foi-med a just conception of the main arm of British power, and deprecated collision with it as at once unjastifiable and perilous. It would have been well for Surajah Dowlah had he entered into the enlarged views which dictated this advice, and acted upon them.

CHAPTER IX.

Surajah Dowlah, Nabob of Bengal — His early career — First acts of his government — A 'rival claimant — His expedition against Purneah — His suspicion and hatred of the East India Company — The factory of Cossimbazar seized and plundered — Calcutta besieged and taken — The horrors of the Black Hole.

T the time when Ali Verdy was appointed to the government of Behar, one of his daughters, who was married to his vounsfest nephew, gave birth to a son. The event seemed so auspicious that he declared his intention to adopt the boy and make him his heir. Mirza Mahmood, as he was originally called before he assumed the title of Surajah Dowlah, received the kind of training which was

All his wishes were gratified, aU his faults

The

natural cruelty of his temper appeared in the amusements of his childhood. Ko bird or animal within his reach was safe from torture. As might be antici- pated, his vices ripened with his years, and the cruelty which he had practised Dxi the brate creation w^s transferred to his o^-n species. To every virtuous feeling he seems to have been an utter stranger. His only companions were infamous profligates, with whom he used to patrole the streets of Moorsheda- bad,''and commit every form of indecency and outrage. With his other 'ices he possessed a certain degree of low cunning, which he employed in concealing some of the worst parts of his conduct from his grandfather, who, it is chari-

character of considcred suital)le to his prospects.

Dowlah. overlooked, and he never knew what it was to be refused or contradicted.


text:
Page:A Comprehensive History of India Vol 1.djvu/565

 Chap. IX.]

SURAJAH DOWLAH, NABOB OF BENGAL.

531

table to suppo.se, though his general character was well known to him, mast have been ignorant of his worst villanies, when, in 1753, he jjlaced him on the musnud, and required all the courtiers and officers to recognize him as his suc- cessor. From that time Ali Verdy, without ceasing to hold the reins of govern- ment, threw a large share of Ins authority into the hands of Surajah Dowlah, who of course perverted it to the worst of purposes.

Nuazish Mahomed, as the eldest nephew, naturally thought himself best entitled to the succession, and took no pains to conceal his dissatisfaction. He li;ul for some years, though resident at Moorshedabad, jield the government of Dacca, and from its revenues acquired enormous wealth, which enabled iiim to keep a large body of armed men in his pay. In himself, as he was possessed of very moderate talents, and had nothing warlike in his disposition, he was not dangerous. His two leading ministei-s, however, an uncle and a nephew, the one named Hossein Cooly Khan and tiie other Hossein Addeen, were men of capacity, and it was deemed necessary to remove them. The uncle resided at Moorshedabad with his mjister, the nepliew iit Dacca, where he act,ed as deputy-

.V.D. 17.00.

Dissatisfac- t ion of Niuizish Mahomed at authority possi'siied 'ly .^urajah Oowlah.

Najar Nuttoo Sino's Muook, in:., Dacca.— From Tanorama .if Djwc i

•

governor. Ali W'rdy wished to act warily in the ilismissal of these officers, as he feared that Nuazish, if alarmed by any hasty step, would at once retire to Dacca and assert his independence. Surajali Dowlah had no idea of tempo- rizing, and having no scruples as to the atrocity, determined to rid himself of all fears by taking the nearest road. His hired assassins enteiing Dacc<a, stabbed Monierof

^ Hossein

Hossein Khan in the dead of the night; and a few days after, Hossein Cooly cooiyKhan. Khan was ass<xssinated in open day in the streets of Moorshedabad. Nuazish and his brother Syed Ahmed, who, as they were both aspiring to the nabob- ship, had hitherto acted independently of each other, now saw the necessity of uniting their mterests, and leaguing against Surajah Dowlah, as their common enemy. A civil war was imminent, when they both died suddenly, as has been already told.


text:
Page:A Comprehensive History of India Vol 1.djvu/566

 532 Jll.s'](jJtv oy JM>iA. ,liooK J II.

AD 1750. Deaths wiiich happened so opportunely for Surajuh Dowlah might, without

uncliaritablt'iiess, have been attributed to hi.s agency, but all writers agi-ee in

regarding tiiem as natural. Their effect was to allow him to take the benefit

Tw,) rival of all the arrangements which Ali Verdy had made in his favour. It soon

claimants,. . ,

t.. throno appeared, however, that his title to the nahobshij) wa« not to remain unchal- ""'*'' lenged. Gheseety Begum, Ali Verdy's daughter, had succeeded to the wealth of her late husband Nuazisli, and saw no means of saving it from the rapacity of the new nabob, excej^t by placing herself at the head of a powerful party. Her sex made it impossible for her to claim the government in her own name, and she therefore set up a competitor in. the person of an infant two years old, the son of a deceased brother of Surajah Dowlah. Another competitor appeared in the person of his cousin, Shokut Jung, governor of Pumeah. Could he have succeeded, the inhabitants of Bengal would not have gained much by the change, as it would have been difficult to choose between them, so closely did they resemble each other in ignorance and profligacy. The title of the claimant set up by Gheseety Begum was evidently bad, as the father of the infant was only a younger brother. Not only, therefore, had Surajah Dowlah justice on his side when he resisted the Begum's attempt, but he was also fur- nished with a plausible pretext for the measures he adopted against her. As his owTi aunt and Ali Verdy's daughter, she was certainly entitled to be treated with all the leniency consistent with safety, but it is not easy to condemn him for dispossessing her of a palace, where all the discontented spirits of the capital would have rallied around her, and depriving her of treasures which had been, and would in all probability continue to be employed in secretly undermining or openly assailing his government.

Origin of ^ Hindoo, of the name of Raibiillub, who had become dewan to XuazisL

quarrel be- "

tween Sura- after the assassiuatlon of Hossein Coolv Khan, and made common cause with

jah Dowlah ...... *'

and Bengal liis widow, bciug perfectly aware of the treatment which awaited him from Su- presi ency. ^,^^^y^ Dowlah, had rcsolved, even before Ali Verdy's death, to provide against the danger by removing his famjly and treasures. The difficulty was to find a place where they would be beyond the nabob's reach. They were then in Dacca, and the plan he adopted was to send them away in the charge of his son Kissendass, under pretence of making a pilgrimage to the celebrated Temple of Juggernaut, on the coast of Orissa. In prosecuting this intended pilgrimage, Kissenda.ss proceeded with several loaded boats down the Ganges, as if to enter the Ba}' of Bengal by one of its mouths, but stopped short, and sailed upwards till he reached the Jellinghee, by which the Ganges communicates with the Hooghly. He was thus enabled to enter tlie latter river. Tliis was in fact the precon- certed scheme, for his real destination was not Juggernaut, but Calcutta. HLs father had prevailed with Mr. Watts, the chief of the Company's factory at Cossimbazar, to apply to the presidency for permission to Kissendass and liis family to halt for some days in Calcutta. It does not appear very distinctly


text:
Page:A Comprehensive History of India Vol 1.djvu/567

 Chap. IX. J SURAJAll DUWLAH. 533

whether Mr. Watts was duped by Rajbullub into the belief that nothing more a.d. i756. than a halt was intended, or whether he was aware that the real object was to secure permanent British protection. Be this as it may, Mr. Watts' application in behalf of Kissendass was successful, and he arrived in Calcutta, where he was hospitably received by Omichund, an extensive Hindoo merchant, who had large connections at Moorshedabad, and was naturally inclined to conciliate the good- will of so influential a person as Rajbullub.

The arrival of Kissendass, and the reception given to him at the British ''^"rajah presidency, filled Surajah Dowlah with rage. Not only had large treasures, on rage at tue the confiscation of which he had confidently calculated, escaped, but the very KitsBn,iL! idea that a body of foreign merchants, whose settlement in the country existed only by sufferance, should protect any party whom he had marked out as a victim, was galling to his pride. He immediately proceeded to the palace, and gave utterance to his disappointment and indignation, exclaiming, that the suspicions which he had long entertained of the English were now confirmed, and that they were evidently in league with the faction which meant to contest his succession to the nabobship. Ali Verdy, now on his death-bed, turned to Mr. Forth, surgeon of the factory of Cossimbazar, who was attending him pro- fessionally, and put a variety of searching questions to him, asking, How many soldiers were in the factory at Cossimbazar? Where the English fleet was — whether it would come to Bengal — and with what object it had come to India? The answers satisfied him that the British, in the expectation of a war with France, iiad already sufficient work upon their hands, and were in no condition to pro- voke the hostility or even risk the displeasure of the Bengal government Surajah Dowlah was silenced, but not satisfied, and was so little careful to con- ceal his feelings, that his determination to sack Calcutta and expel the English was openly talked of

This ominous circxmistance and the previous conversation with Mr. Forth, Treatmentof is said not to have been communicated to the presidency; but sufficient warning ofuamram- was given them when a letter, dated two days after the death of Ali Verdy, ""^^ was received, demanding the delivery of Kissendass and his treasures. The letter purported to come from Surajah Dowlah, and seems to have borne sufficient evidence of its genuineness. The governor and council, however, learning that the bearer of it, a brother of Ramramsing, the head of the spies, had come in a small boat, landed in the disguise of a pedler, and proceeded in the first instance to the house of Omichund, chose to conclude that this was an invention of this crafty Hindoo, who, having by some recent changes in the mercantile arrange- ment of the Company, lost some of his importance, had devised this cui'ious method of endeavouring to regain it. This extraordinary conclusion once formed, it was gravel}' resolved that both the messenger and the letter were too suspicious to be received, and Ramramsing's brother M'as lim-ried back to his boat, and turned off" with insolence and derision.