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50 necessary if they once tried the road, especially on a warm day.

The wagon stopped, and the nurse and officer in charge told us to get out. The nurse added: “Thank God! they came quietly.” We obeyed orders to go ahead up a flight of narrow, stone steps, which had evidently been built for the accommodation of people who climb stairs three at a time. I wondered if my companions knew where we were, so I said to Miss Tillie Mayard:

“Where are we?”

“At the Blackwell’s Island Lunatic Asylum,” she an- [sic] answered, sadly.

“Are you crazy?” I asked.

“No,” she replied; “but as we have been sent here we will have to be quiet until we find some means of escape. They will be few, though, if all the doctors, as Dr. Field, refuse to listen to me or give me a chance to prove my sanity.” We were ushered into a narrow vestibule, and the door was locked behind us.” [sic]

In spite of the knowledge of my sanity and the assurance that I would be released in a few days, my heart gave a sharp twinge. Pronounced insane by four expert doctors and shut up behind the unmerciful bolts and bars of a madhouse! Not to be confined alone, but to be a companion, day and night, of senseless, chattering lunatics; to sleep with them, to eat with them, to be considered one of them, was an uncomfortable position. Timidly we followed the nurse up the long uncarpeted hall to a room filled by so-called crazy women. We were told to sit down, and some of the patients kindly made room for us. They looked at us curiously, and one came up to me and asked:

“Who sent you here?”

“The doctors,” I answered.

“What for?” she persisted.

“Well, they say I am insane,” I admitted.


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Rh “Insane!” she repeated, incredulously. “It cannot be seen in your face.”

This woman was too clever, I concluded, and was glad to answer the roughly given orders to follow the nurse to see the doctor. This nurse, Miss Grupe, by the way, had a nice German face, and if I had not detected certain hard lines about the mouth I might have expected, as did my companions, to receive but kindness from her. She left us in a small waiting-room at the end of the hall, and left us alone while she went into a small office opening into the sitting or receiving-room.

“I like to go down in the wagon,” she said to the invisible party on the inside. “It helps to break up the day.” He answered her that the open air improved her looks, and she again appeared before us all smiles and simpers.

“Come here, Tillie Mayard,” she said. Miss Mayard obeyed, and, though I could not see into the office, I could hear her gently but firmly pleading her case. All her remarks were as rational as any I ever heard, and I thought no good physician could help but be impressed with her story. She told of her recent illness, that she was suffering from nervous debility. She begged that they try all their tests for insanity, if they had any, and give her justice. Poor girl, how my heart ached for her!

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/


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52 I determined then and there that I would try by every means to make my mission of benefit to my suffering sisters; that I would show how they are committed without ample trial. Without one word of sympathy or encouragement she was brought back to where we sat.

Mrs. Louise Schanz was taken into the presence of Dr. Kinier, the medical man.

“Your name?” he asked, loudly. She answered in German, saying she did not speak English nor could she understand it. However, when he said Mrs. Louise Schanz, she said “Yah, yah.” Then he tried other questions, and when he found she could not understand one word of English, he said to Miss Grupe:

“You are German; speak to her for me.”

Miss Grupe proved to be one of those people who are ashamed of their nationality, and she refused, saying she could understand but few words of her mother tongue.

“You know you speak German. Ask this woman what her husband does,” and they both laughed as if they were enjoying a joke.

“I can’t speak but a few words,” she protested, but at last she managed to ascertain the occupation of Mr. Schanz.

“Now, what was the use of lying to me?” asked the doctor, with a laugh which dispelled the rudeness.

“I can’t speak any more,” she said, and she did not.

Thus was Mrs. Louise Schanz consigned to the asylum without a chance of making herself understood. Can such carelessness be excused, I wonder, when it is so easy to get an interpreter? If the confinement was but for a few days one might question the necessity. But here was a woman taken without her own consent from a free world to an asylum and there given no chance to prove her sanity. Confined most probably for life behind asylum bars, without even being told in her language the why and wherefore. Compare this with a criminal, who is given every


text:
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54 “Where is your home?” writing what I had said down in a large book.

“In Cuba.”

“Oh!” he ejaculated, with sudden understanding—then, addressing the nurse:

“Did you see anything in the papers about her?”

“Yes,” she replied, I saw a long account of this girl in the Sun on Sunday.” Then the doctor said:

“Keep her here until I go to the office and see the notice again.”

He left us, and I was relieved of my hat and shawl. On his return, he said he had been unable to find the paper, but he related the story of my debut, as he had read it, to the nurse.

“What’s the color of her eyes?”

Miss Grupe looked, and answered “gray,” although everybody had always said my eyes were brown or hazel.

“What’s your age?” he asked; and as I answered, “Nineteen last May,” he turned to the nurse, and said, “When do you get your next pass?” This I ascertained was a leave of absence, or “a day off.”

“Next Saturday,” she said, with a laugh.

“You will go to town?” and they both laughed as she answered in the affirmative, and he said:

“Measure her.” I was stood under a measure, and it was brought down tightly on my head.

“What is it?” asked the doctor.

“Now you know I can’t tell, she said.

“Yes, you can; go ahead. What height?”

“I don’t know; there are some figures there, but I can’t tell.”

“Yes, you can. Now look and tell me.”

“I can’t; do it yourself,” and they laughed again as the doctor left his place at the desk and came forward to see for himself.


text:
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Rh “Five feet five inches; don’t you see?” he said, taking her hand and touching the figures.

By her voice I knew she did not understand yet, but that was no concern of mine, as the doctor seemed to find a pleasure in aiding her. Then I was put on the scales, and she worked around until she got them to balance.

“How much?” asked the doctor, having resumed his position at the desk.

“I don’t know. You will have to see for yourself,” she replied, calling him by his Christian name, which I have forgotten. He turned and also addressing her by her baptismal name, he said:

“You are getting too fresh!” and they both laughed. I then told the weight—112 pounds—to the nurse, and she in turn told the doctor.

“What time are you going to supper?” he asked, and she told him. He gave the nurse more attention than he did me, and asked her six questions to every one of me. Then he wrote my fate in the book before him. I said, “I am not sick and I do not want to stay here. No one has a right to shut me up in this manner.” He took no notice of my remarks, and having completed his writings, as well as his talk with the nurse for the moment, he said that would do, and with my companions, I went back to the sitting-room.

“You play the piano?” they asked.

“Oh, yes; ever since I was a child,” I replied.

Then they insisted that I should play, and they seated me on a wooden chair before an old-fashioned square. I struck a few notes, and the untuned response sent a grinding chill through me.

“How horrible,” I exclaimed, turning to a nurse, Miss McCarten, who stood at my side. “I never touched a piano as much out of tune.”

“It’s a pity of you,” she said, spitefully; “we’ll have to get one made to order for you.”


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56 I began to play the variations of “Home Sweet Home.” The talking ceased and every patient sat silent, while my cold fingers moved slowly and stiffly over the keyboard. I finished in an aimless fashion and refused all requests to play more. Not seeing an available place to sit, I still occupied the chair in the front of the piano while I “sized up” my surroundings.

It was a long, bare room, with bare yellow benches encircling it. These benches, which were perfectly straight, and just as uncomfortable, would hold five people, although in almost every instance six were crowded on them. Barred windows, built about five feet from the floor, faced the two double doors which led into the hall. The bare white walls were somewhat relieved by three lithographs, one of Fritz Emmet and the others of negro minstrels. In the center of the room was a large table covered with a white bed-spread, and around it sat the nurses. Everything was spotlessly clean and I thought what good workers the nurses must be to keep such order. In a few days after how I laughed at my own stupidity to think the nurses would work. When they found I would not play any more, Miss McCarten came up to me saying, roughly:

“Get away from here,” and closed the piano with a bang.

“Brown, come here,” was the next order I got from a rough, red-faced woman at the table, “What have you on?”

“My clothing,” I replied.

She lifted my dress and skirts and wrote down one pair shoes, one pair stockings, one cloth dress, one straw sailor hat, and so on.


text:
Page:The lay of the Nibelungs; (IA nibelungslay00hortrich).pdf/295

XX.]

“For if she hence should bring it, I’ll wager verily

’T would be in largesse given to stir up hate for me.

They have not e’en the horses to carry it away.

’Tis Hagen’s will to keep it, thus unto Kriemhild’ say.”

Now when she heard this message, smit to the heart was she.

The word was likewise carried unto the kings all three.

Fain would they have gainsaid it, but as this did no good,

Sir Rüdeger the noble outspake in joyous mood:

“O, mighty Queen, and noble, why grieve ye for this gold?

When unto you king Etzel such kindliness doth hold,

That when his eyes behold you, he’ll give such riches rare

That you can never spend it: that, lady, will I swear.”

To him the queen made answer: “Most noble Rüdeger,

Never had a king’s daughter more wealth bequeath’d to her

Than that of which Sir Hagen hath now despoiléd me.”

Then went her brother Gernot unto the treasury.

By right the king’s key took he and put it in the door:

And gold therefrom withdrew they, that was of Kriemhild’s store;

Of marks full thirty thousand or something more they had:

He bade the guests to take it: and Gunther was right glad.

Then he from Bechelaren, dame Gotelinda’s lord,

Said: “If my lady Kriemhild yet ownéd all the hoard

Such as it was aforetime when brought from Niblung-land,

Nor I, nor the queen either, would touch it with our hand.


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218

“Now back let it be taken, for of it will I naught;

Sufficient from my country, ay, of mine own, I brought,

That we can do without it right well upon the way,

And all our homeward charges right royally can pay.”

Unto that end her maidens had meanwhile pieces told

Into a dozen coffers, all of the finest gold

That ever one might meet with: these with them they would bear,

And ornaments for ladies upon the road to wear.

The mastery of grim Hagen seem’d overpowering.

Some thousand marks still had she left from the almsgiving.

For her dear husband’s welfare the whole did she dispart;

And Rüdeger but deem’d it done with a right true heart.

Then said the weeping lady: “Where are those friends of mine

Who for my sake are willing in banishment to pine?

They who unto the Huns’ land will bear me company?

Let them take of my treasure and horse and raiment buy.”

Then Eckewart the margrave, made answer to the queen:

“So long as in your household a servant I have been

Right truly have I served you,” thus did the warrior say,

“Nor will I cease to do so until my dying day.

“And of my men five hundred eke will I bring with me,

Whom I unto your service do pledge right faithfully.

For nothing shall divide us, till Death our lives do part.”

She bent her head to thank him: too full was her sad heart.


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XX.]

Then led they forth the palfreys, for it was time to go.

Her friends all fell a-weeping, and many tears did flow.

The noble lady Uté and many a maiden fair

Show’d that for dame Kriemhilda their hearts were full of care.

A hundred highborn maidens along with her she led,

Who as their rank befitted were all apparelléd.

Then from their eyes bright-shining did many a tear-drop well.

And yet with Etzel later much pleasure them befell.

Lord Giselher came also and Gernot none the less,

With many of their household, as bade their courtliness.

They would their well-loved sister upon her journey bring.

They led a thousand warriors, a goodly following.

The ever-ready Gere, and Ortwein also came;

Rumold the kitchen-master he too must come with them.

Night-quarters made they ready hard by the Danube side,

But Gunther from the city did but a small space ride.

Ere from the Rhine they journey’d they had before them sent

Their messengers, who swiftly unto the Huns’ land went,

And told the king beforehand how Rüdeger had done,

And as a wife for Etzel the noble queen had won.


text: The Lay of the Nibelungs/Chapter 20

title: The Lay of the Nibelungs/Chapter 20


text: Page:Poems, chiefly lyrical.pdf/157

title: Page:Poems, chiefly lyrical.pdf/157


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 Rh tions. The language here chosen is highly significant, as is also the phraseology of the following sentence from the same resolution:

In order, however, to show the utter impossibility of any real compromise on the part of Moscow toward any trade unions or any other body having to deal with it—no matter how revolutionary they may be—we may quote the following passages on the trade unions from "the theses and statutes adopted by the Third or Communist Internationale" at their 1920 Congress. We quote from the official publication issued by the office of the Communist Internationale in Moscow:

All voluntary withdrawal from the industrial movement, every artificial attempt to organize special unions, without being compelled thereto by exceptional acts of violence on the part of the trade union bureaucracy, such as expulsion of separate revolutionary local branches of the unions by the opportunist officials, or by their narrow-minded aristocratic policy, which prohibits the unskilled workers from entering into the organization, represents a great danger to the Communist movement. It threatens to hand over the most advanced, the most conscious workers, to the opportunist leaders, playing into the hands of the bourgeoisie.

Placing the object and the essence of labour organizations before them, the Communists ought not to hesitate before a split in such organizations, if a refusal to split


text: Page:Poems, chiefly lyrical.pdf/158

title: Page:Poems, chiefly lyrical.pdf/158


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 176 would mean abandoning revolutionary work in the trade unions, and giving up the attempt to make of them an instrument of revolutionary struggle, the attempt to organize the most exploited part of the proletariat.

Where a split between the opportunists and the revolutionary trade union movement has already taken place before, where, as in America, alongside of the opportunist trade unions there are unions with revolutionary tendencies—although not Communist ones—there the Communists are bound to support such revolutionary unions, to persuade them to abandon Syndicalist prejudices and to place themselves on the platform of Communism, which alone is economic struggle.

It is the duty of the Communists in all the phases of the economic struggle to point out to the workers that the success of the struggle is only possible if the working class conquers the capitalists in open fight, and by means of dictatorship proceeds to the organization of a Socialist order. Consequently, the Communists must strive to create as far as possible complete unity between the trade unions and the Communist Party, and to subordinate the unions to the practical leadership of the Party, as the advanced guard of the workers' revolution. For this purpose the Communists should have Communist fractions in all the trade unions and factory committees and acquire by their means an influence over the labour movement and direct it.

In a word, whether with or without a split, the aim is to subordinate. We shall now note the practical application of the Communist trade union principles, according to the method of Lenin already quoted, "We must know how to apply, at need, knavery, deceit, illegal methods, hiding truth by silence, in order to penetrate the very heart of the trade unions, to remain there and to accomplish there the Communist task."


text: Poems, Chiefly Lyrical/οἱ ῥέοντες

title: Poems, Chiefly Lyrical/οἱ ῥέοντες


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 Rh As soon as the Trade Union Internationale was formed, the leading Bolshevist authority on trade unions, Losovsky, was delegated to prepare an official pamphlet. This pamphlet was printed in Russian and accepted, but when it was being translated into other languages it occurred to the Moscow authorities that it was indispensable as far as possible to keep from the knowledge of the revolutionary labor unionists of other countries the irreconcilable differences between syndicalism and Bolshevist state socialism which had developed in the Moscow conference. Therefore, when it was too late, the two following wireless dispatches were sent abroad:

Moscow, Sept. 9.

Your booklet on the International Council of Trade Unions will be published in Russian with a foreword and additional matters. The polemic nature of the booklet as far as it deals with industrial syndicalists, shop stewards and Italian Confederation representatives such


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 178 as to make it inadvisable that it should be published in a foreign language.

The passages which it was wished to keep from the non-Russian adherents of the New Red Internationale were those describing the results of the Red Trade Union congress held in Moscow the beginning of July, 1920. Among the most instructive paragraphs are the following: [We quote from the pamphlet entitled "The International Council of Trade and Industrial Unions, by A. Losovsky, (S. A. Dridzo)—Price 25 cents—Published by the Union Publishing Company, New York City.]

''The German syndicalists, the British and American representatives of the I. W. W. and the Shop Stewards approached the question from quite a different point of view. They questioned the necessity of any form of dictatorship. They regarded the dictatorship not as the dictatorship of the proletariat, but as dictatorship over the proletariat and categorically protested against establishing this principle.''

The representatives of the All-Russian Central Council of Trade Unions proposed the following point on the dictatorship of the proletariat: "The dictatorship of the bourgeoisie must be opposed by the dictatorship of the proletariat as a transitional, but resolute measure, as the only means by which it is possible to crush the resistance of the exploiters, and secure and consolidate the gains of the proletarian government."

This formula was adopted by all except the syndicalists, and the representatives of the I. W. W. and the Shop Stewards.

It was difficult to unite these conflicting tendencies


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 Rh from the denial of the necessity of a political party—to the recognition of the necessity of the inseverable connection between the party and the unions, on a single platform. It was still more difficult to reconcile the point of view of the Russian trade unionists on the supremacy of the party over the unions with the various views explained above. The discussion showed one thing, and that was that those elements of the labor movement which denied the political struggle, which denied the necessity of a political party of the proletariat, and the closest bond between the Communist Party and the trade unions could not enter the new international trade union centre, because the whole idea of international organization of the revolutionary unions lay in gathering all the economic and political organizations of the working class into one body—the Third International—for defensive and offensive operations against the capitalist class.

Pestana [of the National Confederation of Labor of Spain] said that he could not imagine such a relation between the party and the unions as existed in Russia, in Spain, for the reason that in Spain the unions are a great force, while the Communist Party is only in its embryonic stage. He opposed the subordination of the unions to the party, but was in favor of the closest contact between the party and the unions on a national and international scale. Neither the representatives of the British Shop Stewards' or the American I. W. W. objected to co-operating with the Communist Party, but the German syndicalists and the representatives of the industrial Labor Unions were categorically opposed to any co-operation.

These comrades also raised doubts concerning the Soviet system. They asserted that the Soviet system is not applicable to Western Europe, and that the industrial unions and the shop stewards' committees will perform the function of the Soviets there.


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 180 The representatives of the All-Russian Central Council of Trade Unions were of the opinion that the trade unions should organize sections within the Trade International. From this it follows that the Third Communist International should be the general staff of all the militant revolutionary class organizations of the proletariat.

All the delegates except the Bulgarians opposed the Russian delegation. The Italians, French and English, approaching the question from various points of view were inclined to the opinion that an independent international organization should be set up which, while being connected by ideas and organization with the Third International, nevertheless should lead an independent existence. The representative of the German syndicalists and of the Australian I. W. W. were against all connection with the Third International and argued that the trade unions under no circumstances will associate with a political organization. It is characteristic that the same point of view was held by the representatives of the German Labor Unions, Otto Ruhle, who represented the German Communist Labor Party, the distinguishing feature of which is that it denies the necessity and usefulness of politically organizing the working class. On this question, as on other questions, the syndicalists and the I. W. W. differed. On this occasion it was due to the I. W. W. supporting affiliation to the Third International.

The question that raised most discussion was that of the tactics of the Communist revolutionary elements within the trade union movement in connection with the old mass unions. The question was: Should the old unions be split or captured? Considerable differences were revealed among the delegates on this point. Recognizing their weakness in comparison with the German "free" unions which embrace nearly 8,000,000 members,


text:
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 On the report presented by Lenin the congress resolved: "to increase efforts to attract the labour masses to the work of communist construction through the trade unions under the guidance of the communist party, the only party which expresses the true interests of the working class and all workers in Soviet Russia."

The resolution on organisation states:

"Organisation is not an end, but a means to an end; the aim of the industrially organised proletariat is communism and the road leading to this aim is the social revolution and the dictatorship of the proletariat."

The third trade union congress went even further; it not only formally proclaimed its organised connection with the communist party, but in a special resolution approved the economic policy of the ninth congress of the Russian Communist Party, assuming that the realisation of the resolutions of the party congress will "finally consolidate the victory of the proletariat over capitalism." To this must be added the greetings sent by the congress to the fighters for communism, to the German Sparticists and Left Independents, and the invitation to the Russian Young Communist League to conduct political education among the youth, and to the women's department of the Russian Communist Party for political work among women. This gives us a picture of unity of the political and trade union movement in Russia.

The resolutions of the third trade union congress as well as the resolutions of previous congresses will become intelligible to us if we observe the uninterrupted growth of Bolshevik influence in the trade union movement. Here are some figures in this connection:

In order that the growth of revolutionary marxism within the labour movement may be >made more clear it is necessary to mention that in December, 1919, the Socialist Internationalist Labour Party affiliated to the Communist Party. The former had a rather considerable influence in the trade union movement. At the second Congress it had 50 delegates. The party had particular influence in the leather workers' and railwaymen's unions.

This overwhelming influence of the Russian Communist Party in the trade union movement explains our revolutionary theory and practice. This comes from the fact that the Russian proletariat never separated economics from politics and has never suffered from that childish disease "neutrality" and that we, the leaders of the Russian trade union movement are in perfect


text:
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 agreement with the postulate laid down at the end of March, 1920, by the 9th Congress of the Russian Communist Party: "Politics are the most concentrated expression of economics, being its generalisation and final accomplishment. … Only to the extent that a trade union while formally remaining non-party becomes communistic in reality and carries out the policy of the Communist Party is the dictatorship of the proletariat and socialist construction assured."

The problems confronting the Russian trade union movement extend beyond national limits. Socialism cannot be victorious while capitalism and old capitalist relations exist. The victory of socialism can only be international; this presupposes, therefore, a militant international proletarian organisation.

The necessity for international solidarity was doubted in the trade unions of some countries (America), but for the majority of organised workers in all countries, this question had been decided long before the war. The following three forms of international connection existed on the eve of the war: (1) trade unions entered the international socialist bureau and participated in the Congresses of the Second International. (2) International labour organisations by trades and industries, (commencing from 1900), (3) in 1905 an international trade union secretariat was established whose functions were rather statistical and informatory than political. All these three forms of connection were broken by the war. All the trade unions of all countries with a few exceptions became supporters of the war. The labour organisations of the whole world broke up into two hostile coalitions and with the collapse of the Second International the international trade union organisations broke down also. The executive committees of these organisations, occupied a position dependent on the particular territory and particular coalition they were in. In 1916 the general trade union centre of the Allied countries in the persons of Jouhaux, Appleton and Gompers attempted to set up their Allied international trade union, but nothing came of it and only after the conclusion of the war were attempts made to establish the broken connections. First at Berne, and later in Amsterdam representatives of trade unions of Allied countries gathered and created an international federation of trade unions and this apparently was to act as the guide of the international trade union movement. Simultaneously with this international federation of trade unions, on the initiative of these same trade unionists, a Labour Bureau in connection with the League of Nations, on which official representatives of the general trade union centres of the largest countries were represented, was set up whose object it was to draw up international labour legislation. It would seem, therefore, that there is yet another international centre to supplement the efforts of the trade unions. The Second International to which the majority of the trade unions were affiliated prior to the war ceased to exist from the day on which it threw all the moral authority of the Second International in defence of Allied imperialism. The Second International is dead and those trade unions which feel an


text: Poems, Chiefly Lyrical/Sonnet (1)

title: Poems, Chiefly Lyrical/Sonnet (1)


text: Poems, Chiefly Lyrical/Sonnet (2)

title: Poems, Chiefly Lyrical/Sonnet (2)


text:
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 intellectual affinity with it, are absolutely powerless to do anything to call it back to life.

What is the attitude of the Russian trade unions towards these international organisations? First of all, with regard to the Labour Bureau of the League of Nations, it turns out that this "purely labour" institution, which should have been the laboratory for international labour legislation, has been converted into the sort of pocket labour-capitalist international, the constitution and composition of which excludes the possibility of any surprises. In fact, at the first meeting, on January 25th, in Paris, the Labour Bureau was composed of the following persons:

Of the employers Guerin (France), Marjoribanks (England), Hodacz (Czecho-Slovakia), Schindler (Switzerland), Carlier (Belgium), and Pirelli (Italy)—all large employers and leaders of economic organisations.

Of the workers: Jouhaux (France) Oudegeest (Holland), Stuart Bunning (England), Torberg (Sweden),- Legien Germany) and one Australian—all hardened social patriots.

Of the "neutral" governments: Baron Major des Planches (Italy), Sir Malcolm Delevingne (England), Count de Eza (Spain), Nagaloka (Japan), Rufenacht (Switzerland), Sokol (Poland), Professor Maheim (Belgium), de Alvear (Argentine), Doctor Lehmann (Germany) and Vedel (Denmark).

At the head of this remarkable institution was elected the worthy betrayer of the working class, Albert Thomas. This is the bouquet which was cultivated in the hothouse of the League of Nations.

Can there be any doubt for a moment that the Russian trade unions can look with anything else but contempt upon these organisations which play the part of lackeys to the international trust, otherwise called the League of Nations? Is it not clear that these gentlemen formerly of the working class who hang round the door of the League of Nations and run their errands for it, can at best be utter fools? We have nothing in common with these gentlemen. The League of Nations and all those who are associated with it are dangerous enemies of socialism and ruthless war to the finish must be declared against them.

What is the international federation of trade unions? It is a conglomeration of unions of which some are for the social revolution, others against it, some assist in crushing Soviet Russia, others are fighting against the policy of its suppression; organisations without programmes, without platforms, without a definite point of view on the fundamental questions of the day. What is the attitude of the international federation towards the social revolution, towards the dictatorship of the proletariat, towards direct action and mass revolutionary struggle? It is


text: Poems, Chiefly Lyrical/Sonnet (3)

title: Poems, Chiefly Lyrical/Sonnet (3)


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 not known. What has the international federation done to fight against international reaction? Nothing. What is the attitude of the international federation to the League of Nations and the Labour Bureau. Evidently, friendly, because the Vice-president of the International Federation of Trade Unions, Jouhaux, and the Secretary of the Federation, Oudegeest, are members of the notorious bureau. That is sufficient to show that the International Federation of Trade Unions is a corpse which will become decomposed with the decomposing League of Nations. This is why the Trade Unions of Russia frankly declare to the international proletariat that "our way and the way of the corpses of the International Federation of Trade Unions are not the same."

We see, therefore, that both centres created by the agile hands of the social patriots are everything else in the world but militant proletarian organisations. Meanwhile the co-ordination of the activities of all the labour organisations on an international scale is a premise to, and a condition of the victory of the social revolution. The Russian trade unions have long ago taken this into consideration and for that reason have been in favour of the Third International long before the foundation of this organisation. Standing on the platform of the social revolution and dictatorship of the proletariat, and marching under the banner of the Russian Communist Party, the Russian trade unions have long since been an inseparable part of the Third International. The 3rd Congress merely formulated and strengthened the connection which sprang up as the result of outlook and unity of revolutionary action. "The fight of the international proletariat"—says the resolution of the 3rd Congress of Trade Unions—"is conducted, not for the reform of capitalism, but for its abolition. In this revolutionary, struggle all the class conscious revolutionary elements of the working class more and more determinedly rally to the Third International as the organisation which is the incarnation of the world proletarian revolution."

The Third International is not as some think an organisation composed merely of political parties. The Third International is a fighting revolutionary class centre, which is acccessibleaccessible [sic] to all proletarian, political, trade union and co-operative organisations, which, not in words, but in deeds, fight for socialism. It would be a great crime on our part if we attempted to create a special trade union international. It would at best result in the dispersal of forces and at worst, would be a bad edition of the Second International in the form of an International Federation of Trade Unions. All the revolutionary class trade unions must enter the Third International in which they must organise trade union sections or secretariats. For that reason the 3rd Congress decided to join the Third International and to call upon the revolutionary class unions of all other countries to follow its example.


text: Poems, Chiefly Lyrical/Sonnet (4)

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It is three years since the rise of the Russian trade unions (on the eve of the March Revolution there were three trade unions with a general membership of 1,385). The youthfulness of our unions is reflected in the inadequate connection of the centre with the localities, in the absence of exact information and statistics, in the weakness of the apparatus, in the slowness in assuming command of the tremendous mechanism of production, the small successes in the standardisation of labour, in the impossibility of carrying out completely the intended system of the State regulation of wages and finally, in the temporary increase of unions of small undertakings which are difficult to control. All of us see this dark side of our trade union movement. We are far from thinking that the Russian trade union movement can in all respects serve as an example for the trade unions of other countries; but we would be sinning against historic truth if we did not lay stress on the tact that the Russian Trade Unions, in spite of a number of deficiencies, are yet in many respects exemplary;! for they have one very great virtue: they are the child and the creature of the Revolution. The victory of the Revolution was the victory of the trade unions; the defeat of the Revolution was a defeat for trade unions. This organic connection of the unions with the Revolution gives us the key to the understanding of the reason of the weakness of the trade unions and the difficulties of the problems that confront us.

The long years of the civil war in which the proletariat played the leading part, the blockade and the economic disorganisation arising therefrom, the repeated mobilisation of trade unionists reaching 50 per cent. of the membership in some towns and despatching to the front in moments of danger—and these moments occurred often—of hundreds of active workers in the trade union movement, could not but reflect itself on our trade union organisation. The trade unions accurately reflect the degrees of organisation of national economy. The ill-health of the national economic organism is also the ill-health of the trade unions and vice versa. And so, in the period of collapse, the old productive relations of the trade unions in Russia play a large organising role. There is not a branch of State activity (military, food, sanitary, economic, technical, cultural, etc.) in which the Russian trade unions are not engaged. There is not an important act of legislation in the discussion of which the Russian trade unions have not taken part. Revolutionary activity, whole-hearted loyalty to the cause of the social revolution, the clear and firm position in the struggle with the bourgeoisie, the stern and ruthless hostility to the very idea of the co-operation of classes, the fearless destruction of old relations and fetishes are things which the Russian trade unions may teach the workers of other countries.

That the Russian trade unions have shown that they are revolutionary not only in the struggle with the bourgeoisie but also in the struggle against the prejudices in labour organisation was proved by the radical revision of the question pf strikes after the October Revolution. Now we have another


text: The Case of Jennie Brice (serial, Everybody's)


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Talk:The Case of Jennie Brice (serial, Everybody's)

"How did she disappear? Did her husband murder her? Was she murdered? Is she dead?

“The Case of Jennie Brice,” by Mary Roberts Rinehart, begins in this issue of EVERYBODY'S. You'll find it one of the most absorbing, baffling, mystery-stories ever written. It will be finished in four numbers. We are offering $11,540 in Cash Prizes to those who send in the best reports of Mock Trials held on “The Case of Jennie Brice.” There are no restrictions of any kind in this contest. You do not have to be a subscriber to EVERYBODY'S Any one—old or young, man or woman—may take part in your trial.

Begin your trial soon after November 23d, when the third part of “The Case of Jennie Brice” is published and all the evidence in. Then not later than December 20th send us a report of your trial with your jury's verdict.

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The 381 State Prizes will be awarded only to those in competition within limits of each state. The number of prizes in each state is based on percentage of population."


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 example in compulsory labour. The economic life of Russia is disorganised and the greatest concentration of labour power and the highest concentration of effort is necessary in order to emerge from the economic cul-de-sac. The Russian trade unions have advanced the battle cry: "Workers to the Lathe!" "Workers raise the standard of production of labour in the factories, improve production, act with all the energy and enthusiasm and self-sacrifice with which you fought against the counter-revolution, for the economic weakness of Russia means the death of the Social Revolution." The Russian trade unions could raise the cry of "increase productivity of labour" because we are working for ourselves. The Russian trade unions are playing the part of drivers and are doing this with all the determination of their inherent revolutionary character because they are working for themselves; but, in order that not a single ounce of energy be lost we advocate obligatory labour—the militarisation of labour, i.e., the subordination of separate categories of the workers to the interest of the whole. If the proletarian State may send hundreds of thousands and millions of the workers to the front—to death, then that State and the- trade unions may, in complete conformity with this, demand from the members of its class devoted and intensive labour on the industrial front.

The welfare of the social revolution is the highest law, and if any individual or group of workers shirk the obligations of revolutionary labour the trade unions declare: "the industrial front is the most important front of the Russian Revolution, every citizen is a soldier in the labour army, and no mercy wilt be shown to deserters." This is the meaning of compulsory labour and the militarisation of labour. Who can deny this right to the proletarian State in the period of thje abolition of private property and the means of production and exchange? Who would blame the socialist government for demanding from every citizen the duty of performing a definite amount of labour in the interests of society? No one but miserable philistines, utter fools or dishonest demagogues.

The Russian trade unions are in the thick of the Revolution; that is why the proposal emanating from certain Western European comrades to turn from the trade union movement because the Western European social patriots still stand at their head is humourous and petty. We do not advise comrades to throw themselves into the water in order to protect themselves from the rain, or to throw the baby out with the bath water. To think that revolution is possible in Western Europe without, apart from, or hi opposition to the trade unions is a harmful and dangerous illusion and deserves the severest condemnation. The policy of abandoning the trade unions advocated by certain "left" and very revolutionary comrades is a most harmful and reactionary policy of self-isolation of the revolutionary elements from the mass labour movement and must be categorically refuted. On the experience of the Russian trade union movement, we say to you, the sincere friends of the Russian Revolution and dictatorship of the proletariat: "Go into the trade unions, conquer them, and you will secure millions of organisers of labour and production for socialism." You should construct


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 the Revolution and the administration of the transition period on the strong foundation of proletarian economic organisation. The capitalist world is collapsing. Capitalism has torn itself from its moorings and is rolling to its doom. The trade unions of Russia are not only helping, the old world to a more speedy dissolution but are building a new socialist society in its place. These are the functions and characteristics of the Russian trade unions.


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 As he that bare himſelfe not rightfully in the higheſt place, ſhould nowe by the order of righteouſneſſe holde himſelfe in the loweſt place. Therefore Saints call him Diabolus, a Diuel, as it were Deorſum ruens, falling downe. And hée hath many other names, by the which his wickedneſſe is knowne by ſignification of names. Hée is called Demon, and Plato in Thimeo calleth him Cacodemon, that is to vnderſtand, knowing euill. For Demon is to vnderſtand, knowing. And he is called ſo for ſharpneſſe that hée hath of kindly wit. Hée is ſharpe in wit of kinde, and by experience of time, in knowing and vnderſtanding of Scriptures, as ſayth Beda, and alſo ''Damaſcene. Chap. 18. Héereof ſpeaketh Iſidore. lib. 7. chap. vltimo,'' and ſayth that the Gréekes call fiendes wiſe, that is, cunning. For they knowe before manye thinges that ſhall fall and come after. Therefore they bée wont to giue many aunſweres. For in them is more knowledge of things then is in men, and that is the more becauſe of ſubtilneſſe of wit, and for long continuaunce and experience, and ſomewhat they knowe by reuealations of good Angells, by the commaundement of God. Theſe fiendes bée nigh in kinde to the bodyes of the aire: For before they treſpaſſed they had heauenlye bodyes. And fithence their ſliding & fall, they be turned into qualitie of ayre. And they bée ſuffered to holde theſe ſpaces of the darke ayre, that is to them a priſon vnto the dome. Theſe bée the Angells that treſpaſſed, and their Prince is the Diuell. Alſo he is called Sathan, that is to ſay, contrarie, or an aduerſarie. For by corruption of mallice he is contrarye to God, as ſaith Hierome. By deſperate attempting hée taketh more vppon him then he may doe, as ſaith the Gloſe. ''Eſay. 16. Maior eſt arrogancia eius, &c.'' His bragge and his boaſt is more then his might. For as Hierome ſayth: He had leauer be, then not bée, becauſe hée woulde fight againſt God, though hée knowe, that his harme ſhould encreaſe thereby.

Alſo hée is called ''Beemoth. Iob. 40. Ecce Beemoth, Beemoth'' is as much to ſay, as an Oxe, or a beaſt. The fiende, as an Oxe deſireth to eate heye, with the tooth of his temptaion, ſeeketh to chewe and to frette the cleane lyfe of good men. The fiende loueth fleſhlye likinges. Alſo he is called Leuiathan, that is, a thing put to. ''Iob. 40. For as Gregorye'' ſayth, hée putteth harme to harme, and ceaſeth not to put paine to paine. Alwaye as the treſpaſſe of him & of his, increaſeth, ſo the paine increaſeth alſo. Alſo hee is called Appollion in Gréeke, that is, a deſtroyer, as appeareth Apocalipſis, 15. For by mallice that ſtirreth him, he deſireth to deſtroy the goodneſſe of vertues that God planteth in the holye Church, and among good ſoules, as it is ſayde in the Pſalme, Exterminauit eam aper de ſilua, &c.

Alſo hée is commonlye called Diabolus, that is, fléeting downeward, by vnderſtanding in Hebrewe. For hée diſpiſed to ſtande in peace in the highneſſe of Heauen, hée was worthy to fall downeward by the weight of his pride. And hée is called Criminator in Gréeke, a curſer and blamer, either for that hée intiſeth or inflameth vnto offences and ſinnes, or elſe for that hée infecteth innocently good men with blame and falſe accuſations, as it is ſayde ''Apocalipſis. 12. Proiectus eſt accuſator, &c. and as ſaith Iſidore. Ethimol. 51. 8.'' Alſo beſide theſe names in holye writte, his mallice is many wayes noted. For hée is called a Serpent or a Dragon, for his venimous and guiſefull cruelneſſe. ''Apocalipſis. 12.'' Hée is called a Lyon for his open violence. ''1. Pet. vltimo.''

Tanquam Leo rugiens. And he is called a Boare, for he is obſtinate and rooted in ſhrewdeneſſe. ''Eſare. 25.'' And hée is called a crooked and waywarde Addar, for his looking in the darke ayre. And therefore Auſten rehearſeth Platoes opinion of fiendes, that hée called ''Cacodemones, ſuper Geneſiſliber. 8. & habet. liber. 5. ſiue diſtinctione. 8. Caput. primo.'' And ſayth, that Fiendes bée called ayrelye beaſtes, for they liue in bodyes that be airely.

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[''This report is taken from the May 7th, 1920, number of the Bulletin, issued by the Petrograd Bureau of the Communist International. Lenin's speech to the Congress is given in the following pages. The resolutions are reproduced in the form given in the Bulletin''].

The Third General Congress of the Russian Trade Unions was opened at Moscow on April 6, 1920, under the chairmanship of Tomsky, President of the Central Executive of the Russian Trade Unions. There were present 1,226 delegates with full voting rights and 362 special delegates for consultative purposes. The total number of Trade Unionists represented at the Congress was 4,300,000.

The following table shows the political adhesion of the delegates present at the Conference:—

The following fraternal delegates conveyed greetings to the Congress on behalf of their respective organisations:—Kalinin, on behalf of the Central Executive of the All-Russia Soviet; Bukharin, on behalf of the Central Executive of the Communist Party; Radek, on behalf of the Third International. A letter of greeting was also read from Zinoviev, President of the Third International.


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Reports were presented on the work done by the Economic Organs of Soviet Russia; by Rylcoff, on the general internal work, and by Trotsky, on the military position and the organisation of labour.

The following resolution was then passed by the Congress:—

"Having heard the reports of Comrades Rykoff and Trotsky the Third Congress of Russian Trade Unions approves the proposals in regard to economic policy, adopted by the 9th General Congress of the Russian Communist Party, and asks the Central Bureau of the Russian Trade Unions to apply these proposals throughout its work as being the only line of action along which Russia could be helped to recover from her present disastrous economic situation, and which could help her towards an intensive development of her productive forces, thus consolidating the final victory of the working class and the defeat of the Bourgeoisie."

Compulsory Labour.

The resolution on this subject pledged the Trade Unions to fight systematically and with energy against the disorganisation of work, to recall from the villages the specialised workers who had gone from the towns, to prevent as far as possible workers from passing from one workshop to another without authority from their Trade Unions, etc.

Professional and Technical Education.

The resolution on this subject declares that technical education must be developed to, the greatest possible extent. All the schools in Russia should be brought into relation with the industrial life of the country and the centre of gravity in the education given by them should be transferred to professional and technical instruction. The schools of higher, technical studies should cease to be purely academic and should form one of the most powerful sources for the regeneration of Russian economic conditions. The Congress asks all Trade Unions to concentrate their attention on this question of professional and technical instruction and to mobilise all workers with specialised qualifications.

Appeal to the Workers of Russia.

An appeal was issued by the Congress to all Workers urging that now that the working class had assumed the government of the country it should proceed to take over the mass of technical knowledge which had formerly been the monopoly of the Bourgeoisie. Technical instruction should be democratised, and should become public property by being on the programme of every school. A merciless war must be waged


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 on the lack of technical knowledge. Soviet Russia can only solve the colossal problems of her national economy, and be victorious on the peaceful front of labour, if she creates strong armies of workers with special technical knowledge.

Appeal to the Workers of All Countries.

The text of the Appeal issued by the Congress is as follows:—

Cables, wireless and press (the powerful weapons of Capitalist deceit) have told you over and over again that labour in Soviet Russia has been militarised. The servants of Imperialism are making use of this statement for two purposes—to discredit Socialist Russia, and also to justify the methods which they employ towards the workers in other countries. The 1,000 delegates of the Third Russian Congress of Trade Unions representing more than three million organised industrial workers ask you to be on your guard against both the praise and the abuse which Bourgeois opinion bestows on the methods employed by the Soviet for the organisation of labour. The imperialist war, the cruel and inhuman blockade, and the ceaseless attacks of the mercenary bands employed by Clemenceau and Churchill have ruined our economic organisation. It is only by superhuman efforts and the use of all our resources that we can save the country from the disasters and misery of the present situation. Every honest and class conscious worker must do all he can for the safety of the Socialist Republic. What is called the militarisation or labour is the discipline laid down for labour, and thorough organisation in carrying out our economic plans. We have no kings surrounded by Ministers, no landowners and capitalists with their agents. We workers have put on ourselves the heavy and difficult tasks which we feel it to be our duty to assume for the revolution and for the sake of future generations. Workers of all countries, in the midst of our struggle and the feverish efforts of our tremendous task, we send you our fraternal greetings! We await with firm assurance the time when the workers, throughout the whole of the Capitalist world will have driven out their oppressors and made all the world a public property belonging to the human race. Long live the world wide alliance of Labour!

Third International.

The Congress voted for adhesion to the Third International in the following resolution:—

"The International Working class movement is fighting, not for an improvement in the Capitalist system but for its complete destruction. In this revolutionary struggle all the conscious revolutionary elements are joining the Third International, which embodies the world movement of the Workers' revolution. The Russian Trade Unions which, by the side of the Communist Party, have fought the Capitalist system, cannot remain outside the Third International, and their Congress declares for adhesion to the Third International, and invites the revolutionary Trade Unions of the whole world to follow the example of the organised workers of Russia."


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 Resolutions on Organisation.

A series of proposals on organisation were put forward, and adopted by the Congress in the following resolution:—

"The Trade Unions which form the foundation of the Workers' State and are the only means of organising industrial labour and the economic life of the country, have been much weakened. This weakening has been due to the lack of contact between the superior organs of the Trade Unions and their local organisations, to insufficient co-ordination between the different parts of the Trade Union organisation, and finally to the lack of authority which the Trade Unions exercise over the rank and file of their members.

Now that the establishment of the workers' dictatorship has created new and important economic problems, the work of the Trade Unions has become more responsible and important. In these circumstances the most urgent task—that is to say the strengthening of the whole Trade Union apparatus—can only be achieved by completely modifying the character, methods and extent of Trade Union activities. The main function is to put in force definite principles relating to the organisation of production; the Unions must regenerate the productive resources of the country within the various; local organisations and industrial regions; they must work out, and afterwards carry out, special tasks which will improve the material well being and the intellectual outlook of the members towards the Trade Unions.

The most important questions for the Trade Union movement must be carefully examined by the basic units of the Trade Unions at the workshops and the factories. The whole work of the Trade Unions should be so organised that the workshop units of the Trade Unions will be able to obtain answers on all the points that they may raise, and to follow closely the work that is being done by their controlling organs. In order to attain this aim it is necessary for the Trade Unions to work along their own special lines and to tackle their own problems.

The Trade Unions must exercise an effective and constant control over all their delegates and representatives in the various public and governmental institutions. The executives of the Trade Unions must be furnished with all that they need to carry out their work. Each central committee should have a complete list of all its active workers who are engaged on any public trade union work. They must have reliable reports as to the activities of all delegates and representatives in the various branches of production. The central organs of the Trade Union movement must regard it as their main duty to secure a regular and carefully thought out distribution of labour. The higher organs must constantly supervise the activity of the lower organs, and must resolutely oppose any sign of negligence or carelessness on the part of its members. No conferences or assemblies should be held during the, regular hours of work.

As for the development of the Trade Union mechanism, the Trade Union movement generally should be based first, on a continuous democratisation of the central organs, with regard to eligibility, responsibility, and the whole running of their


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 work; and secondly, on the prompt and loyal execution of the decisions and instructions of the central organs.

In order to bring the Trade Union elements in isolated districts into regular contact with the whole of the Trade Union organisation, small towns and districts in which there are only a few workers and in which there are no Trade Union Branches should nevertheless establish local secretariats whose object would be to bring together and organise the small groups of workers at present detached from the centre, and to bring them into contact with the nearest branch; and encourage their trade union activities. These secretariats will be organs of the District executives which in turn will depend on the provincial Trade Unions.

The Trade Union mechanism cannot work smoothly unless the economic organs abstain from taking over purely Trade Union functions, and from intervening in the special work of Trade Unions. In spite of this, however, there are certain technical administrative bodies and central committees which are setting up sections for the special purpose of carrying out Trade Union work.

From May 1, 1920, the regular contribution to be made by each worker to the Central Trade Union Fund is two per cent. of his wages. The Trade Unions must make every effort to bring into trade union work the workers who desert their work and enter into the employment of the small manufacturers and employers in the small towns and villages. In the case of craftsmen who are working at their own risk and do not employ others for wages they can 9nly be allowed within their Trade Unions if they are working in their own homes for the State or for the Public Offices which distribute their products at prices fixed by the Trade Unions and which are controlled by the economic and Trade Union organs.

Independent craftsmen who work only for the open market cannot in any case be admitted to 'membership of the Trade Unions. Similarly the Trade Union movement cannot admit within its organisation the workers' associations, communes, and industrial co-operatives. The members of these organisations can only come into their appropriate Trade Unions if their organisations do not employ workers for wages, and are working solely for the Committees of National Economy or for public departments; besides which they must enforce the regulations concerning the protection of labour, and any profits resulting from the enterprise must be for its development and not for distribution among the members.

With a view to re-establishing the effective production of the country and to making use of all scientific and technical knowledge and professional experience that may serve the socialist organisation of society, the Congress decides to admit specialists to the various Trade Unions.

The Congress notes that the women who were working at present formed the most backward class within the Trade Unions and decides that the Trade Unions should devote their attention to the organisation of all institutions which would help women


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 to avoid unnecessary home tasks. Further, the Trade Unions without attempting to create special organisations tor women should encourage the participation of women in the fixing of wages, protection of labour, social insurance, public education, etc.

In order to hasten the further development of the Trade Union movement, and with a view to creating stable and powerful industrial organisations by the fusion of allied Trade Unions, the Congress decided that the Trade Unions of railwaymen and transport workers should thenceforward form one single union of transport workers; the trade unions of fire-brigade workers and hairdressers should merge into the Municipal Workers' Union; the domestic employees union should merge in the unions of the Municipal Workers and of public food supply; and the unions of brushmakers, wood cutters, pharmacists, glass workers and cement workers should merge respectively in the unions of tanners, agricultural workers, workers in public health services, chemists and building workers.


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4 Provinces. That very year the famous Don Sebastian, King of Portugal, either fell or disappeared during an expedition against the Moors. He vanished without leaving any children, and Philip II of Spain obtained the Portuguese crown. Philip was a spiteful man. He thought to punish the Dutch for their revolt, by excluding them from his dominions. This policy proved most suicidal. The Dutch, instead of being good customers, became formidable rivals; instead of purchasing Indian commodities in the Lisbon market, they pushed on bravely to the Indian seas, and soon became ruinous competitors with Philip's Portuguese subjects for the Indian trade. They commenced with caution. They did not attempt to interfere with the Portuguese trade on the coasts of the Indian continent, but they directed their attention to that portion of the Malay Archipelago, which is known by the name of Spice Islands. In 1600 they had already erected a factory at Bantam in Java, and commenced a trade with the large island of Sumatra and the small Spice Islands. Subsequently, the factory in Java, swelled out into the great but unhealthy city of Batavia; which henceforth became the seat of the Dutch Government in the East, and the centre of their trade. Meantime the power of the Portuguese declined. The annexation to Spain proved their ruin. They received no further reinforcements from Europe, and their more enterprising rivals soon began to establish factories on the continent. In 1610 the Dutch erected the fort at Pulicat, about twenty three miles to the northward


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Ante 1640.] of the place where Madras now stands. In 1660, they took Negapatam from the Portuguese. In 1663, they took Cochin in like manner. Thus they became the great merchant princes of the East, possessing important settlements both on the coast of Coromandel and the coast of Malabar. The seventeenth century was indeed the golden period of Dutch commerce. Without any native produce to export, and without even a piece of timber fit for ship building, the foreign trade of Holland was at this period greater than that of all Europe besides.

Meantime the merchants of London had been equally yearning for a share in the riches of the Indian trade. Throughout the reign of the great Elizabeth, their longing for the gold of Ophir had been stimulated to the highest pitch by the successes of Spain and Portugal. They tried in vain to cut out new routes by the north-west and the north-east, and even attempted to open an overland trade; the successive circumnavigations of the world by Drake and Cavendish still giving additional stimulus to the spirit of enterprise. They next sent some ships round the Cape, but the experiment failed in consequence of disease and shipwreck. But soon all London was ringing with the successes of the Dutch, and the British merchant was almost mad with exasperation. At last in 1599 an association was formed under the title of "Merchant Adventurers." fund was subscribed, and the subscribers petitioned the Virgin Queen to allow them to fit out three ships, to export bullion, and to be exempted from payment of cus-


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