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 place of feudal individualism ousted by central force, in place of the narrow socialism of the medieval communes, came a conflict between personal and social action and thought on a scale which the world has never before witnessed. Since the close of the eighteenth century vast movements of men in masses have strengthened more and more the social spirit, have deepened more and more, by repulsion where in no other way, the sense of individuality. How this return to corporate life, how this deepening of individuality, have affected and are affecting literature, it would be a life-task to illustrate and explain; we shall here offer only some striking examples of their influences.

In Germany the literary centralism and courtly proprieties of Paris had found from the first a hazardous dominion. Without any definite national centre, and containing marked social contrasts in its local governments, cities, and feudal nobility, Germany could not easily fall in with the stereotyped literary ideas of Paris and her recognition of individual life within a very special and narrow circle as the only proper domain for the literary artist. Besides, what evidence was there, after all, that the models of Parisian taste were really classical? The countrymen of Sachs were not long in putting this question and answering it for themselves in a manner fatal to Parisian pretensions. Hence Lessing's endeayour to establish a truly German drama by criticism such as that of his Dramaturgie, and by creation such as that of his Minna von Barnhelm, "the first truly national drama that appeared on the German stage." Ten years later (1773) appeared Götz von Berlichingen, which displayed German independence not only in a disregard of French dramatic rules, but also in finding materials for a national drama in the old days of the Ritterthum.


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xxxii tacles agreeable to her commission, during my late journey to London, and hope she has received them safe, and found them satisfactory. I send this by the blind carrier, so that probably it may be sometime upon its journey. The last news

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184 tom of the time already from his childhood intended for the army. But the boy evinced such decided distaste for military life that his parents yielded to his desires and sent him to the Bergen Latin school. In 1702 he entered the Copenhagen University, but being destitute of means he was unable to continue his studies there, and was soon obliged to return to Norway, where he became private tutor in the house of a country parson. Later he was again able to return to Copenhagen for the purpose of passing his theological examinations, whereupon he once more accepted a tutorship in the house of a Bergen clergyman. The latter had travelled abroad and kept a diary of his journeys. The perusal of this diary aroused in Holberg an irresistible desire of seeing the world, and with a very small purse of money he set out for Holland. He did not, however, remain long in this country. His hope of earning his living by teaching failed him, and he found that the Dutch did not rate learning as high as he had expected. The most learned professor ranked even lower than a common skipper, and the result was that he did not profit much from his journey. To Bergen he would not return for fear of being laughed at by his fellow-citizens on account of his unsuccessful expedition. So he now lived for a short time in Christianssand as a teacher of languages, and he found no difficulty in teaching foreign tongues, for his linguistic talents soon made him as renowned "as Mithridates, King of Pontus, who, as history tells us, spoke twenty-two languages." But, as soon as he had accumulated some money, he again longed to leave Norway, which he was destined never again to see, and now he went to England. Here he remained for some years, chiefly in Oxford, where he was a constant visitor in the libraries and devoted himself to the study of history.

On his return from England he began to deliver private lectures in Copenhagen. By this means he was, however, unable to make his living, for his lectures brought him nothing, though he did not lack listeners. He was therefore


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 Contemporary life and national history were thus alike expanding the horizon of the literary artist beyond Parisian limits. Types of individuality, of social life, not admissible within the purlieus of the Parisian theatre, were receiving attention; nay, the very idea of the stage as a great moral agent (Schiller's favourite idea) showed the rise of a social spirit totally at variance with Parisian taste. We might illustrate the rise of this new spirit in such type-characters as Saladin the Mussulman, Nathan the Jew, and the Christian Knight-Templar in Lessing's Nathan; but we prefer to turn to the work of a greater than Lessing.

Johann Wolfgang Goethe, born at Frankfurt am Main on the 28th of August, 1749, was no believer in social Utopias such as the author of the Contrat Social might imagine in his State of Nature; but none the less was his a real voice from the new social spirit of European life. If the instruments to which he looked for the propagation of new doctrines—brotherhoods of men of high character and training as described in Wilhelm Meister—remind us of the bard-clans which appear at the rude beginnings of literary culture, his appreciation of Hans Sachs’ Poetical Mission, and his abstract or allegorical personages in Faust, display deep sympathy with that corporate side of human life which since the days of the Mysteries had been almost ignored in literature. The "Prologue for the Theatre," in this latter famous piece, which, especially in the often unread Second Part, contains all the elements of the early European drama—sacred personages, allegory, mixture of comedy and tragedy, disregard of the unities—con-


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 trasts individual and collective life in a manner which would seem to mark this contrast as the primary thought in Goethe's mind. "Speak not to me," says the Poet to the Manager, "of that motley multitude at whose very aspect one's spirit takes flight; veil from me that undulating throng which sucks us, against our will, into the whirlpool." "You can only subdue the mass by mass," responds the Manager; "each eventually picks out something for himself. … Consider you have soft wood to split; and only look whom you are writing for." But the Poet is not ready to subject himself to Das Gemeine; "the Poet, forsooth, is to sport away the highest right which Nature bestows upon him. By what stirs he every heart? Is it not the harmony—which bursts from out his breast, and sucks the world back again into his heart?" A mysterious union of individual with social being, almost worthy of an Oriental philosopher-poet; but Goethe's Mystery-play is indeed throughout the great mystery of individual contrasted with social life, the mikrocosm contrasted with that makrocosm of corporate unity at whose sign Faust, thrilled with rapture, sees "Nature herself working in his soul’s presence." On which side is Goethe? Is he for the individual mikrocosm, or for the group—the makrocosm? "It is a great pleasure to transport one's self into the spirit of the times," says Wagner. "What you term the spirit of the times," Faust replies, "is at bottom only your own spirit in which the times are reflected.”" This looks like individualism of Byron's type. But "before the gate" moves a world of social types—mechanics, servant-girls, students, the townsmen, the beggar, the soldier—"under the gay quickening glance of the Spring;" and as the "motley crowd" presses out of the town, "from the damp rooms of mean


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Rh again compelled to accept a position as private tutor, and this gave him an opportunity of making a short journey to Germany. Finally in 1710 he was admitted to Borch's college for poor students and graduates, and thereby he was enabled to devote himself henceforth exclusively to his studies, and to utilize the materials which he had so diligently collected. In 1711 he made his début as an author, when he published a brief history of the world, entitled "Introduction til de europæiske Rigers Historie," the first Danish work of its kind, and soon afterward he presented to Frederik IV, in manuscript, the history of Christian IV and Frederic III. These and a few other smaller historical works opened the university to him, where in 1714 he was made professor extraordinarius, but still without pay. He soon, however, received a stipend which enabled him to undertake a journey of several years (1714-1716), and now he also visited Paris and Rome. On his return he published his "Jus Naturæ et Gentium," which was based on the works of the great masters in this field, Grotius, Pufendorf, and Thomasius, and in 1718 he was appointed regular professor of metaphysics in the Copenhagen University. On this occasion he delivered an inaugural address which more resembled a funeral sermon than a panegyric on that science, as Holberg was no great admirer of abstract philosophy. Later he became professor of Latin and rhetoric, and finally in 1730, of history and geography, his favorite studies.

Until Holberg obtained his first permanent appointment as university professor he had occupied himself almost exclusively with historical studies, but about this time his intellectual work turned into a completely different channel. As a student he had written verses, but he had soon abandoned the art and for many years he did not produce a line. Poetry was so distasteful to him, that, as he himself relates, he was unable to listen to any poem, however elegantly it might be written, without yawning. After his return from his long journey he entered the field of satire in certain polemical


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 houses, from the bondage of mechanical drudgery, from the confinement of gables and roofs, from the stifling narrowness of streets," Faust, in the gladness of a truly social spirit, cries, "Here is the heaven of the multitude; big and little are huzzaing joyously; here I am a man." Not so Mephistopheles—"the devil is an egoist;" not so the wretched pedant Wagner, who is an enemy to coarseness of every sort," and hates to see "people run riot as if the devil were driving them, and call it merriment, call it singing." Yes, the dominant spirit of Faust is social; and in the Second Part especially the signs of corporate and impersonal being come thick upon us—in a symbolisation of social progress, in allegorical personages such as the four grey women, Want and Guilt, Care and Need. But perhaps the true intent of Goethe is not to take sides with either the individual or the social spirit, but to reconcile their pretensions in an ideal of practical culture.

Before the eyes of Victor Hugo some such reconciliation seems likewise to loom forth as a grand ideal. His best work, like that of Goethe, is impersonal in tone; his ideals are such as an age of social sympathies might suggest—Justice, Liberty, Progress. If Hugo is weak in individual portraiture, it is because there rises before his mind the vast figure of "Humanity" in which the countless differences of individual being disappear. "If his perception of individual character is ordinarily not very exact, some compensation for this lies in his abundant sympathy with that common manhood and womanhood which is more precious than personal idiosyncrasies." In Les Chants du Crépuscule, for example, "the individual appears, but his individuality is important less for its own sake than because it reflects


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 the common spiritual characteristics of the period." Above all, in La Légende des Siècles we have (as Hugo himself tells us in his preface) "an effort to express Humanity in a kind of cyclic work, to paint it successively and simultaneously under all the aspects—of history, fable, philosophy, religion, science—which unite in one immense movement of ascent towards the light; to show in a kind of mirror, dark and clear, that grand figure, one and multiple, gloomy and radiant—Man." Contrast this picture of the human race "considered as a grand collective individual accomplishing epoch after epoch a series of acts on the earth," with the picture of the world's past and future offered by a Miracle-play; contrast the profound depths of personality in Faust with the personages of a Morality-play; what an expansion of social sympathies, what an immense deepening of individual consciousness!

It would be easy to multiply examples of the social spirit as the grand maker of modern literature—the Prometheus of Shelley, the Ahasuerus of Edgar Quinet. It would be easy to illustrate the union of this social spirit with a spirit profoundly individual alike in the novels of George Eliot and the poetry of Walt Whitman. But our contrast of Faust with the medieval drama reminds us that, besides expanded sympathies and deepened personality, this social evolution of Europe was leaving other marks on its national literatures in new aspects of Nature and animal life. The splendid descriptions of Nature in Faust—Spring budding as old Winter flies to the bleak mountains, the green-girt cottages shimmering in the setting sun, the sunrise at the opening of the Second Part—contrast strikingly with the few bald allusions to Nature in the Mysteries and Moralities. Byron calls his Heaven and Earth and his


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186 writings against the historian and jurist Andreas Höyer, and this aroused in him the desire of finding out whether he possessed the gift of speaking "the language of the Gods." The result of the first attempt, a satire in the style of Juvenal, encouraged him to continue, and now followed with short intervals that series of masterpieces in comical poetry, which more than any other of his numerous literary productions have made his name famous.

First there appeared in 1719-1720, pseudonymous (he called himself Hans Mikkelsen, brewer in Kallundborg, a name which he afterwards retained in his comedies and other humorous compositions), the great comical heroic poem about the grocer Peder Paars of Kallundborg, who, on his journey to Aars (Aarhuus), where he was going to visit his betrothed, is shipwrecked on the island of Anholt in the Kattegat, and thus has to pass through many strange adventures and experiences. The poem was originally intended as a parody on ancient and modern heroic poems, particularly on the epics of Homer and Virgil, which on account of their variety of illustrations and phantastic figures naturally seemed very ridiculous to the sober and decidedly prosy intellect of the eighteenth century, while the conventional epic style appeared bombastic and pedantic in the eyes of the men of that period. Holberg, who had lost all taste for serious poetry, also shared this view. From his standpoint he begins his poem with great humor, but he soon strikes a different key, and with much higher aims before him he enters a far more fertile field. Already in this poem we find a complete gallery of fully developed comical types which are treated with rollicking humor and in which the follies of his time are attacked.

The several cantos of the epic appeared in rapid succession and created an extraordinary sensation, though but few were able to appreciate their real significance as an impersonal and general satire. Many became angry, felt themselves hurt, and interpreted the ridicule which had been aimed at a class


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Rh to which they chanced to belong, as directed against themselves personally, and the matter might easily have resulted in serious consequence to Holberg himself. A certain Frederik Rostgaard, a landed proprietor on the island of Anholt, happened to be among those most incensed, though he was, according to the standard of the time, a man of great culture and a profound student of art. Frederik Rostgaard was particularly offended at Holberg's description of the inhabitants of Anholt, of whom he had said that they lived a Christian life and maintained themselves honestly by shipwrecks,—just as so many of the dwellers on the seaboard had done in the good times of yore. Rostgaard complained in person to King Frederik IV on the appearance of the first canto, and insisted that the poem should be burnt by the hangman, as a libellous and indecent book, and that the author should be punished according to the full rigor of the law as a frivolous satirist "who had scandalized the poor country of Anholt, including its priest and bailiff, with a false, unchristian description, thus disgracing their ancestors, fellow citizens and descendants." Still the matter ended more satisfactorily than it promised in the beginning. The King caused the book to be read to him, and found that it was "a harmless, amusing work," and the state council acquitted the author by a message, in which it was stated, however, that it would have been better if the book had never been written.

In 1722 Holberg began the composition of his plays, that part of his poetical work, in which his talents shone to the greatest advantage. Plays were at that time but little known in Denmark. The school comedies which had had their bloom in the sixteenth century, gradually went out of fashion, and besides, they were not intended for the people at large, especially as the most of them were written in Latin. At the court they kept French and Italian dramatic companies, and the people had to put up with the conventional state plays of the German actors, with the rape of Helen, the


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§ 95. In the earliest poetry of Europe, poetry which reflects the stormy local life out of which national union was to slowly grow, man is too busy with his tribal wars and his conflict with rugged Nature to sing of the mountains or the forests with any sense of pleasure. In Beowulf, Grendel's shadow, dark and deadly, "roams all night the misty moors." When the cruiser "foamy-necked" across the "wild swan's path" has reached the glittering cliffs, the Weders thank God "for making easy to them the watery way." For the Scôp knows nothing, of the glad waters of the dark blue sea or the moonlit lakes of later poesy; he fears the sunset when "dusky night, the shadowing helmet of all creatures, lowering beneath the clouds comes gliding on;" he fears "the haunted waters of the Nixes' mere," and gladly sees the dawn of "God's bright beacon" in the east.

Nor is this want of sympathy with Nature confined to the poetry of the Sea-Robbers. "We find no description of scenery either in the Nibelungen or the Gudrun even where the occasion might lead us to look for it. In the otherwise circumstantial account of the chase during which Siegfried is murdered, the only natural features mentioned are the blooming heather and the cool fountain under the linden tree." In Gudrun,


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188 siege of Troy, and the representation of the whole Odyssey, all of which Holberg has parodied in the most exquisite manner in his comedy, "Ulysses of Ithacia" (sic!).

From the latter half of the seventeenth century, about fifty years before Holberg's plays were produced, we possess an interesting dramatic satire, "Grevens og Friherrens Komedie" (the comedy of the count and the baron), which apparently was written by the nobleman, Mogens Skeel (1650-94). This comedy ridiculed, with a considerable degree of humor, the new fangled, chiefly German, court nobility, which had risen in the time of Christian V, and it is remarkable as the first effort at introducing the new school of drama, which had been created abroad, but it also remained the only effort before Holberg.

In 1720 Etienne Capion, a member of a French theatrical company which had been giving representations at the court, obtained the privilege of building a theatre, where in the beginning French and German plays alternated. Two years later permission was granted to the French actor René Montaigu "to arrange and act comedies in the Danish language." He therefore associated himself with Capion, and on the 23d of September, 1722, the Danish theatre was opened with a translation of Molieve's "l'Avare." In order to secure original plays, they now addressed themselves to the author of Peder Paars, and he was at once ready for the task. Already the same year he furnished five plays, and in the course of a few years he had written more than twenty. Still the theatre was not a financial success, and the greatest effort was necessary to sustain it. When afterward, in 1728, Copenhagen was visited by a great conflagration, and when the puritanic king, Christian VI, a few years subsequently ascended the throne, the taste for the theatre died away, and thus there was for the present an end to Holberg's writing of comedies.


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 44

CHOLERA IN INDIA, 1822-32.

European and Native troops in India, amounting to 21 per 1000 of tlie former, and to 10 per 1000 of the latter.

Throughout the early months of the year 1823 cholera was very prevalent in the Presidency, Cuttack, Sylhet, and the Midnapore Divisions ; Beerbhoom and Balasore suffered severely during May.* At Dinapore " the greater number of cases appeared upon a sudden change of the weather ;" but, with these exceptions, we have no evidence of epidemic cholera in or beyond the Delta of the Ganges.

In the Madras Presidency many stations were again entirely free from cholera ;t it broke out here and there, as, for instance, in the 34th Regiment, which was encamped at the Mount near Madras, for the purpose of volunteering preparatory to embarkation for England. " In consequence, apparently, of the excessive heat of the tents, and the great dinnking attending the volun- teering, a high degree of susceptibility to the disease was reproduced among the men, which appeared to be excited into a severe epidemical visitation by a slight change in thb weather. At the same time the disease was not prevaihng in the fixed troops at the station, nor anywhere in the neighbouring country, except in the 54th Regiment, just arrived in India, and in the 53rd on its march. While the disease was prevailing in the 34th, a party of volunteers left it for the depot at Poonamalee, eight miles distant. In the course of a week after their arrival there, twenty cases occurred in that party, but not one in the various other parties of troops previously there, though they were all mixed up together. The 53rd Regiment shortly after under-

f Scott's ' Madras Reports.'
 * Annesley ' On the Diseases of India,' p. 249. London, 1825.


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 LIMITED OUTBEEAK OF 1824-25.

45

went their volunteering in the same neighbourhood and under the same circumstances with the 34th — of exposure to heat in camp and intoxication — yet escaped the disease. The 53rd had but two months before undergone -a severe visitation, induced by marching and atmospheric influences, by which its suscepti- bihty was exhausted, and the causes which pro v eel so fatal to us were insufficient to reproduce it in them."*

In 1824 cholera was only generated to a slight extent beyond its endemic area. It broke out with considerable violence among the European Artillery and men of the 15th Eegiment N. I. at Mhow, " the patients being attacked with vomiting and purging of a whitish-coloured watery fluid, the most awful collapse of the system ensuing, leaving but little time for the employment of remedies ; there was nothing like re- action. The vital powers seemed completely exhausted by the first stroke. There were only three cases where spasms appeared. "t * Concerning this outbreak of cholera, the Superintending Surgeon remarks — " The only troops of this division that have «ufiered from cholera were the 15th I^ative Infantry and European Artillery, which unfortunately passed on their route through the crowded and filthy cities of Indore and Oujein, while the dire disease was raging with great violence ; whereas in Mhow, the station they had left, though only twelve miles distant from Indoi'fe, not a single case had occurred." |

In the Jubelpore district there was rather a severe,

t Report by Assistant-Surgeon A. M. Clark. ' MS. Proceedings of the Bengal Medical Board ' for 1824.
 * Essays ' On the Epidemic Cholera of India.' By R. Orton,

X ' MS. Proceedings of the Medical Board.'


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 46

THE INDO-EUEOPEAN EriDEMIC OF 1826-32.

but short, outbreak of cholera in July ; it did not affect the troops.

During the early months of the year 1825 we have a repetition of the old story — Cholera in Calcutta; the pilgrims at Pooree suffering severely, and the Govern- ment urgently called on to exert themselves in favour of these poor creatures. In April, May, and June reports were received from various districts in the Delta of the Ganges as to an inc.rease in the number of cholera cases; from Ganjam and along the eastern seaboard a similar cry was raised, and later in the year from the western side of the peninsula at Mhow. Among the inhabitants of Calcutta and the city of Dacca, cholera was very pre- valent again in August and September. Nevertheless, on the whole, India was comparatively free from the disease.

The following twelve months are of special interest with regard to the history of cholera, and I am almost entirely indebted for the information I have gained regarding this period to the reports and returns con- tained in the ' Proceedings of the Medical Board.' From these ws shall find that the great epidemic, which spread over Europe and extended to America in 1830- 31-32, arose in Bengal in 1826. This point has never, so far as I am aware, been insisted on. The cholera of 1830-31 is usually described as having originated in Astrachan. " In 1823 it passed the Caspian Sea, and in the raonth of September showed itself in Astrachan. It made no further progress, however, in Europe until the year 1830. In that year, having appeared again at Astrachan in June and July, it extended rapidly through the eastern part of Europe."* This account gives us

Cholera Committee of the College of Physicians,' p. 118. By Drs. W. Baly and W. Gull. London, 1854.
 * 'Reports on Epidemic Cholera, drawn up at the desire of the


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 COURSE OF THE EPIDEMIC WAVE OF 1826. 47

but a very meager idea of the origin and course of that great wave of epidemic cliolera, upon the study of which we must now enter.

During the first quarter of 1826 cliolera was evi- dently on the increase throughout the whole of Lower Bengal. Among the troops in the Presidency Circle no less than 76 cases occurred in April : of these 38 died ; but what is of more importance to notice is, that H. M.'s 31st Regiment at Dinapore.was attacked by cholera in April, 1826, 57 men having been seized vnth the disease : of these 23 died ; and at the same time, in the Eegiment at Buxar, 49 men were affected with cholera, and 29 died. From Dinapore, Dr. Dickson writes on the 4th of April, 1826 — " I am very sorry to report that cholera has again commenced its ravages at this station : the sm^ounding districts are, likewise, most severely affected."* The Superintending Sur- geon at Benares, on the 13th of May, 1826, reports — " that, in the city of Benares, two or three hundred persons were daily carried off by cholera, and yet the troops and prisoners in the jail remained entirely exempt from the disease, which, nevertheless, was most severe all over the Benares division." In the Cawnpore Circle, during the month of June, 64 Euro- pean and 108 Native soldiers were attacked by the disease. We have clear evidence, therefore, of a most severe outburst of epidemic cholera, commencing early in 1826, throughout the whole of Lower ^^engal, and gradually extending towards the north-west as far as the Cawnpore division, during the first six months of the year. Beyond this area, we hear of nothing approaching to an epidemic outbreak of cholera. The

of the Medical and Physical Society of Calcutta,' vol. iii, p. 420.
 * See also Dempatcr's account of this epidemic in the ' Transactions


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 Paul worked with the women in the gospel more than any of the apostles; Priscilla and Phebe traveled with Paul preaching and building up the churches. (Acts 18.2-18-26; Romans 16.)

He and Phebe had been holding revivals together; now she is called to the city of Rome; Paul cannot go with her, but he is very careful of her reputation, and that she is treated with respect; he writes a letter of recommendation: “I commend unto you Phebe, our sister, which is a servant of the church (which signifies a minister of the church) at Cenchrea, that ye receive her in the Lord as becometh saints and that ye assist her in whatsoever business she hath need of you, for she has been a succourer of many and of myself also.” (Rom. 16.1.)

This Shows that she had authority to do business in the churches and that she had been successful in winning souls to Christ. He is not ashamed to say she had encouraged him; he Speaks in the highest praise of a number of sisters who had “been faithful workers in the work of the Lord, who had risked their lives in the effort to save souls, and not he alone, but all the churches of the Gentiles sent their thanks.

Paul said, “Let your women keep silent in the churches.” So saith the law. We are not under law but under grace. “And learn of their husbands at home.’ What will those do who have no husbands? Do you suppose they will remain in ignorance and be lost? And if some women had to depend on their husbands for knowledge they would die in ignorance.

Paul referred to contentions in the churches. Paul says you had better not marry. How many agree with Paul? How many obey? He is referring to contentions in the churches, that it is a shame.to bring up questions and have jangling in the house of God. He writes to the brethren, “I hear that there be divisions among you, and I partly believe it.” (I. Cor. 11.18.)

“Help those women which labored with me in the gospel, with Clement also, and with other my fellow laborers whose names are in the book of life.” (Phil. 4.3.) There were also several women who were prophetesses. (Luke 2.36; II. Kings 22.13-15.) Huldah, the prophetess, the wife of Shallum, dwelt in Jerusalem, in the college, and they communed with her, and she said unto them, “Thus saith the Lord God of Israel.”

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48 THE INDO-EUROPEAN EPIDEMIC OP 1826-32. Saiigur, Agra, Meerut, Kurnaul, and Nusseerabad divisions were absolutely free from the disease, with the exception of the usual sporadic cases which occur there every season. Before the month of August cholera had subsided, but by no means disappeared, from Cawnpore eastward.

In November, 1826, we notice the first muttering of the storm which was gathering in the west. The Superintending Surgeon of the Nusseerabad Division writes as follows:—"In the stations on the right banks of the Jumna, viz., Delhi, Muttra, and Agra, the returns show that the Corps there have experienced during the month a slight invasion of cholera."

The above details are sufficient to give us an idea of the cholera of 1826; its steady advance from east to north-west as far as a line drawn about half-way between Cawnpore and Agra; its halting precisely as it had done in 1817, but apparently not invading Bundelcund (in the Nagpore Subsidiary Force the ratio of admissions to strength per 1000 for cholera was in 1827, 0.605c; in 1828, 1.120; in 1829, 1.617; and in 1830 there were no admissions at all); in other respects the cholera of 1826 presented an exact counterpart to that of 1817, and in all probability to that of 1783.

I would draw special attention to the foregoing observation of the Superintending Surgeon of the Nusseerabad Division, as to the slight invasion of certain cities by cholera on the right bank of the Jumna, towards the close of the year 1826—by the skirmishers, as it were, thrown forward by the invading power; the evidence of the potential force of the disease in these localities.


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Rh In the germs, which are already to be found in Peder Paars, are further developed. Precisely as in this poem, we encounter in the comedies a multitude of typical characters taken from the daily life of that period and painted with such fresh and vivid colors that Oelenschlæger justly remarks, that "if Copenhagen had been buried beneath the ground and only Holberg's comedies had remained, we should nevertheless have known the life that stirred within its walls, not only in its broad outlines, but also in many of its minutest details." We here make the acquaintance of the political tinker, Herman von Bremenfeld, whose head has been turned by politics to such a degree that he on this account neglects his work. We further find Jean de France, or Hans Fransen as he was called before he went to Paris, and who afterward is filled with conceits of all sorts; then the boasting, blustering soldier Jakob von Thybo, the peasant lad, Rasmus Berg, or Erasmus Montanus, whom a stay at the University of Copenhagen has turned into a conceited fool, and many other characters from the life of the metropolis. The "Barselstue" (the lying-in room) introduces us to a whole gallery of exquisite female characters, in which the everlastingly feminine element has been comically illustrated and diversified in a truly masterly manner. The pitiable lot of the Danish peasantry, kept down in the basest servitude, has been described in a plastic manner in his "Jeppe paa Berget." We here have a peasant endowed by nature with excellent parts, who, under the terrible oppression resting on his class, has become the very incarnation of wretchedness, and makes in many respects a tragical impression, since, in spite of the irresistible and sparkling humor of the play, we are not able for a moment to lose sight of the contrast between that which this peasant under different circumstances might have been and the deep debasement in which we now behold him. This comedy gives one of the most striking pictures of life that any literature can boast. Among his charter plays of general interest " Den StundeslösoStundeslöse [sic]" (the restless


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 inheritance, to a mansion in the Golden City, to a robe and a crown. We are sons and daughters of the most high God. Should we not honor our high calling and do all we can to save those who sit in the valley and shadow of death?

Let us not plead weakness; God will use the weak things of this world for his glory. When he wanted to introduce his glorious gospel to a dying world, he did not go to the Jewish Sanhedrim and select the wise and mighty; he went along the sea of Galilee and chose twelve ignorant men and said to them, “Follow me and I will make you fishers of men.” They started in the strength of God, setting up the kingdom of our Lord Jesus. They were led on by the Mighty Conqueror and today He sways His sceptre from the rivers to the ends of the earth.

Oh, hear the Master calling for soldiers! He says he will lead us on to victory. Oh, who will respond to the call? Who will place his name on the heavenly roll? Who will enlist in the war and help to conquer the mighty foe? Who will help to beat back the powers of darkness? He does not ask you to die, but to live forever. He will give a glorious bounty—Eternal Life.

Let us work for rewards. We shall be rewarded according to our work, “They that turn many to righteousness shall shine as the stars, for ever and ever.” We do not want to have starless crowns. Oh, let us win stars for the Master’s glory.

“Blessed are they that mourn; for they shall be comforted.” If we weep and mourn now on account of poor sinners, we shall laugh through all eternity. Oh, let us work now, and by and by our weeping will be over. We shall come rejoicing, bringing in the sheaves. We can say, “Here am I, Father, and the children thou hast given me.”

A child was dying. “Father,” said she, “I have come to the river and am waiting for the ferrymen to take me over.” “Does it seem dark and cold, my child?” “Oh, no, there is no darkness here? The river is covered with solid silver. The boats, they are solid light. I am not afraid of the ferrymen. Oh, I see over the river! There is a great and beautiful city, all filled with light. The Angels are making music. Oh, I see the most beautiful form! He beckons me to come. Oh! I know who it is—it is blessed Jesus. He has taken me in his bosom.” And thus she passes over the River of Death, made like a silver stream by the presence of her Redeemer.

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 indeed, as Wilhelm Grimm goes on to say, we have such slight descriptive touches as the morning star rising over the sea glistening in the early dawn; but, as in the Homeric pictures of the island of the Cyclops and the gardens of Alkinous, such descriptions of Nature are completely subordinated to human interests. Had we any truly primitive reliques of Celtic or Teutonic poetry, we might find in them Nature-myths, such as those of Hymir and Odin and the Jötuns, in which some Carlyle would descry for us vast reflections of man's primitive personality supposed to be colossal—"huge Brobdingnag genius needing only to be tamed down into Shaksperes, Dantes, Goethes," as if the diverse personalities of these three master-singers could not only be lumped together, but might be treated as the personality of a clansman "tamed down." But Christianity, while absorbing the folk-lore of its converts, humanised and, so to speak, denaturalised it. Combating the sentiments of clan life—Blood-revenge and the like—Christianity was also compelled to combat pagan worships of Nature and the songs in which they were voiced. Inheriting largely from the municipal life of Greece and Rome feelings of man's superiority to Nature, disdainful of material existence as corrupt and perishable, and now brought into direct conflict with the pagan worship of Nature, the new faith could not be expected to perpetuate such poetry of Nature. Moreover, each successive wave of barbaric conquest contributed to make these sentiments of Nature a kind of savage jungle in which the deities of the pagans figured in wild confusion as dragons and monsters more readily convertible into the devils of the faithful than the lovely forms of classical mythology. Finally, the degradation of those clansmen whose communal property these sentiments of Nature would have been, must have


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 Exodus 15:20; Micah 6.4 “I sent before thee, Moses, Aaron and Miriam.”

Judges 4.4. “Deborah, a prophetess, the wife of Lapidoth she judged Israel at that time.” See the responsible position that God gave her, to sit and judge the hosts of the children of Israel. The children of Israel had sinned and God would not fight their battles, and for twenty years the nations arose against them and defied them to come out to battle. Barak dared not meet the enemy unless Deborah led the van. This brave woman, ever ready to defend the cause of God, said, “I will surely go.” God’s people must not be taken by the enemies. Oh, no; call out the armies of the Lord. Sisera’s mighty host is gathering. Every soldier to his post. See the brave woman riding with Barak, the commander, at the head of the army cheering on the hosts to victory, shouting victory as she led on the armies, sweeping through the enemies’ ranks carrying death and destruction till the king leaped from his chariot and fled for his life, but was captured and killed by a woman. Every man was put to the sword; not one was left to tell of the defeat.

The mother of Sisera looked out of the window for the return of the king, her son, from the battle, and cried, “Oh, why does he not come, why is his chariot so long in coming? Why, oh, why does he tarry so long?” While she is weeping for her son’s return he is lying cold in death in the tent where he has been captured and killed by a woman.

Queen Esther intercedes at the king’s court, and the sad decree of the king is reversed, so that her life and the life of the Jewish nation are saved.

Paul says there is no difference, but that male and female are one in Christ Jesus. (Gal. 3.28.) Let us take Jesus for our pattern and example and see no man, save Jesus only.

Women were called and commissioned by the Angel sent from Heaven, and by the Lord Jesus Christ, to preach the gospel (Matt. 28.5-10.)

The cowardly disciples had forsaken the Saviour and fled. Peter denied the Saviour and swore he never knew him, but many women followed him and stood by the cross, and went to the sepulchre and saw the body laid away; the great stone was rolled against the door. (Matt. 27.55-61.) These women went home sad and broken-hearted, but they returned to pay a last

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 aided in dethroning the divinities of Nature; and when the free clans had sunk into the serfdom of feudal villages, it was less likely than ever that their old songs should attract the attention of the monks. If new sympathies with Nature were to arise, clearly they must find their source in a material life more hopeful than that of feudal serfs, a life in which men might again become in some degree joyous pagans pleased with the odours of earth-flowers, and not for ever peering through their short-lived beauty into the unknown and eternal.

Such a life of material pleasure was now only possible in the feudal castle; and here, accordingly, the return to paganism took place. But this feudal paganism was something widely different from either the classical or the tribal. A coarsely objective individualism, almost equally removed from the individualism of the Alexandrian age, aware of its own pettiness in the presence of vast masses of men, and from the clan merger of individual in social being, had now assumed a gigantic and almost grotesque significance in the person of the seigneur. It might be anticipated that before the eyes of this feudal personage Nature, if she attracted attention at all, would assume a dress curiously contrasting with that which she had worn for the poets of Alexandria or the bards of the clan.

§ 96. Feudal song neither humanises Nature, as the Alexandrian had done, nor spiritualises her life—worships in her neither the life of man nor that of God. It would seem as if Christian associations, without doing much to lessen the prodigious self-importance of the seigneur, had been able to drive from his halls the


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 monstrous without a corresponding largeness and generosity of the spirit of the citizen." For Whitman the ideal individual of America—America's ideal man—is to absorb into his soul an almost boundless range of social life—all the sights and sounds of Nature and animals; "his spirit responds to his country's spirit; he incarnates its geography and natural life and rivers and lakes—Mississippi with annual freshets and changing chutes, the blue breadth over the inland sea of Virginia and Maryland, the growths of pine and cedar and cypress and hickory, forests coated with transparent ice, and icicles hanging from the boughs and crackling in the wind."

There is a strange magnificence in this democratic individualism, so prodigious in its width and depth—in the social sympathies, in the personal consciousness of equality, in the fellowship with Nature's mighty life, of these democratic "comrades, there in the fragrant pines and the cedars dusk and dim." Far indeed have they passed from the comradeship of the clan, far from the citizenship of the city commonwealth, far from the castes of the East, far from the communes and seigneurs of the West; yet they feel not wholly disunited with the "garnered clusters of ages, that men and women like them grew up and travelled their course and passed on."


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 tribute to their dear friend. They spent the night in preparing spices to embalm the body of their Lord. They came to the sepulchre as it was coming day. The grave was empty. The Lord was not there. As they stood weeping two Angels stood by them, and said: “Fear not ye, for I know that ye seek Jesus, which was crucified. He is not here, for he is risen, as he said. Come, see the place where the Lord lay. And go quickly, and tell his disciples that he is risen from the dead; and, behold, he goeth before you into Galilee; there shall ye see him; lo, I have told you.”

They started at once saith joy and rejoicing. They could not walk fast enough; they ran to hunt up the brothers, to tell the good news. As they were going Jesus met them and they fell at His feet and worshipped him. He said: “Be not afraid; go tell my brethren that they go into Galilee and there shall they see me.” It was not only the twelve that were to tell the good news. There were several hundred brethren; yes, thousands of followers at this time. They never thought of blood-thirsty soldiers who had put their Master to death and were seeking for his friends who would dare to defend him.

Observe the wonderful mission that Jesus had intrusted to these weak women to preach the first resurrection sermon; to risk their lives in gathering together the followers of Christ, where the wonderful meeting was to be held. But just like many today, they would not believe. Peter said, “I will not believe your report.” Thomas said, “I will not believe except I see the prints in his hands and feet.”

In the midst of all these discouragements they went on with the work and had grand success. Jesus met with and preached to them; they were all made to rejoice. They were called by Angels, and the Lord from glory, and sent to preach the gospel. The names of four women were given and there were many others.

God is calling the Marys and the Marthas today all over our land to work in various places in the vineyard of the Lord; God grant that they may respond and say, “Lord, here am I; send me.” This call was made after Christ had risen. Turn also to John 4.10-29-39-42.

“I will pour out in the last days of my Spirit,” that refers in a special manner to these last days in which we are now living.

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 Nature, give place to a realisation of Nature's being all the more terribly significant because the observer refuses to reconcile its conflict with his own personality either by material or immaterial unity; and while the associations of his childhood, youth, and age become consecrated as the earthly dress of an eternal being—not the melancholy entirety of one made of such stuff as dreams are made of—Wordsworth fears not to be materialised by the companionship of Nature, because he has neither deified her being at the expense of his own, nor denied her divinity in order to make himself eternal.

§ 99. When, therefore, we ask, as we have already asked, why it is that in the "mysteries" of Goethe and Byron deep feelings of personality, deep sympathies with Nature, strikingly contrast with the impersonal allegories and absence of Nature in the early drama of Modern Europe, we find our answer in the social and individual evolution of European life—in the expansion of social life, in the deepening of individuality winning new senses of sight and hearing, as it were, for the lights and shades, the murmuring inarticulate voices of Nature—

Social sympathies, individual consciousness, Nature's life, all on a scale of greatness never before approximated, seem to meet in a poet of that great Western Republic whose teeming population is indeed "not merely a nation, but a nation of nations." In America, says Walt Whitman, "there is something in the doings of man that corresponds with the broadcast doings of the day and night;" in America, more than in the old countries of Europe, far more than in the stationary East, there is "action magnificently moving in vast masses;" in America, too, this largeness of Nature and the nation of nations "were


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 God is promising great blessings and power to qualify His handmaidens for the last great harvest just before the notable day of the Lord comes. We must first be baptized into Christ by the one Spirit, that is to be born of the Spirit; then we ought to be anointed with power and wisdom. The Spirit ought to be poured out like oil on our heads, to give us knowledge of the deep thing of God. The Lord says we shall prophesy.

“Paul says desire spiritual gifts, but rather that ye may prophesy.” (I. Cor. 14.1.) It makes no difference how many gifts we have, if we have not the gift of talking, and teaching, it will not avail us much. The Lord has promised this greatest gift to his handmaidens, and daughters. In the third verse Paul explains what it is to prophesy. He that prophesieth speaketh unto men to edification and exhortation, and comfort. He that prophesieth, edifieth the church. No one can talk for God only by the enlightening power of the Holy Ghost. Moses said, “Would God that all the Lord’s people were prophets, and that the Lord would put His spirit upon them.” (Numbers 11.29.)

While Jesus sat at Jacob’s well to rest, there was a poor woman, one who was living in sin, who came to the well to get water; although she had fallen very low, and was despised by her friends, so that she had no one to lift her up and tell her of a better way, Jesus came to seek the lost, to lift up the fallen.

God help us to follow his example; if they feel that their feet are slipping into the pit of hell, Jesus is a mighty Saviour. He can lift them up and make them children of a King.

Jesus preached salvation; the woman was converted; she left her pitcher and took the well of salvation with her, and running to the city, went up one street and down another, with her face shining with the glory of God. Perhaps the people would have scorned her an hour before; now they saw and felt the change. “Look what he has done for me. He will do the same for you.”

The people left their stores, their places of business, left their parlors and kitchens, and came out in great multitudes to see the Saviour of the world. There was a great revival there at the well. Jesus went into the city and stayed two days. The wave of salvation went on and on. This was the result of one sermon by a weak woman. Many were converted and made to rejoice in a Saviour’s love by the preaching of the woman who said, “He told me all things that ever I did.” They came to her and said. “We

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title: Comparative Literature/Book 5


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 in feudal poetry. Modern science has gifted the literary artist with thoughts of Nature's unity, in which all individual and social distinctions lose themselves—are "made one with Nature;" but the narrowly local associations of feudal life prevented even the coarsest sense of Nature's unity. Only local aspects of Nature—those of their own neighbourhood—could have presented any charm for the seigneur and his retainers; and even these, far from being gilded with any halo like the local divinities of Hellas, were spoiled by associations of villeinage. The fields were for the serfs to till; the forest glades were beautiful only as the haunts of the deer. The Chanson de Roland might offer many an opportunity for descriptions of the Pyrenees, but what pleasure would a glowing picture of the Valley of Roncevaux have afforded the audience of a castle hall? Would they, who cared for Nature even round their walls only as the purveyor of the chase, have listened to descriptions, however beautiful, of a place they had never seen? No; the feudal minstrel suited his lyre to the common feelings of his feudal audiences; and, if he sang of Nature at all, only introduced her general features, without aiming at. truth of local description or even variety of expression, and even these general touches as mere adjuncts of feudal life—"the greyhounds glancing through the groves," and "bow-men bickering on the bent."

Still feudal life and the poetry it created are by no means to be overlooked in the development of our European sentiments of Nature. Such images of Nature as are scattered through feudal songs, though only taken to throw into greater relief the charms of a mistress or the pleasures of the chase, are at least in the main truthful. It was something to have freed Nature from the load of tangled myths under which early barbarism had buried


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 her. It was something to have risen above Christian anathemas of the material world even so far as to find the figures of lord and lady, horse and hound and hawk, more beautiful among the flowers of May and the singing birds. Nature is plainly assuming forms more friendly than were known to the kinsmen of Beowulf when they gladly saw "the Father loosen the bonds of frost," or "drove their roaring vessels over the mists of the floods." But this feudal sentiment of Nature is narrow in the extreme, socially and physically. "Among the Troubadours," says M. Fauriel, "we shall seek in vain for the least picture, false or true, of the country-folks' condition. These Theocriti of the castle know nothing of labourers, herdsmen, flocks, the fields, the harvest, the vintage; they have the air of never having seen brook and river, forest and mountain, village and hut. For them the pastoral world is reduced to lonely shepherdesses guarding some sheep, or not guarding them at all; and the adventures of this pastoral world are limited to conversations of these shepherdesses with the Troubadours who, riding by, never fail to see them and quickly dismount to offer their gallant addresses." How shall the life of Nature be observed from a broader and loftier platform than that of the feudal castle? How shall her immense variety of forms oust the stereotyped Nature-language of feudal song? What social expansion, what individual deepening of man's spirit, shall reveal in Nature sights and sounds not known before?

§ 97. Between the twelfth and sixteenth centuries we may watch three great influences at work in creating new ideas of Nature in Europe—the rise of the towns, the progress of geographical discovery, and the Renaissance. At first, indeed, the rise of the towns did not rouse any lively sympathies with Nature. The armed


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 know now for ourselves,” and, like the Queen of Sheba, said “The half was not told.”

My dear sister in Christ, as you hear these words may the Spirit of God come upon you, and make you willing to do the work the Lord has assigned to you. It is high time for women to let their lights shine; to bring out their talents that have been hidden away rusting, and use them for the glory of God, and do with their might what their hands find to do, trusting God for strength, who has said, “I will never leave you.”

Oh, the fields are white, for the harvest is great and ripe, and it is ready for the gospel sickle; oh, where are the laborers to gather the golden grain into the Master’s garner?

The world is dying, the grave is filling, hell is boasting; it will all be over soon.

God left the glorious work of saving souls in the hands of the church. What is the church composed of? Men, women and children. We are putting up a building of God; every one has a part in this building; if we cannot be a pillar or cornerstone, let us be a spike or a nail or a brick; let us not despise the day of small things. Whatever we do for Jesus, with the right motive, is precious in his sight. God’s church is a workshop; no idlers allowed there. There should be bills posted, “To work, to work. Every one at his post.” You and I should say when Satan tempts us, like Nehemiah, “I am doing a great work, so that I cannot come down. I am commissioned by the King of Heaven to work for him.” The work is great and the time is short. He offers a great reward. Like the blind man, we will tell what God has done for us. “Once I was blind, now I can see.”

“The Spirit and the bride say, come. And let him that heareth say, come. * * * And whosoever will, let him take the water of life freely.”

If we have been, like David, taken away from that horrible pit, over which we were hanging by the thread of life; if our feet have-been taken out of the mire and clay; if the chains of Satan which were around us, like brass and iron, have been broken; if our feet have been set on solid rock, and a new song put into our mouths; if we have been adopted into the family of God, of which part are in Heaven and part on earth; if our names are written in the Book of Life, then we have the gift of eternal life, we are heirs to the bank of Heaven, to an eternal

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text: Signs and Wonders God Wrought in the Ministry for Forty Years/Chapter 32


text: Signs and Wonders God Wrought in the Ministry for Forty Years/Chapter 33


text: Signs and Wonders God Wrought in the Ministry for Forty Years/Chapter 34


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 birth to a radical ministry, which at once finds itself bound hand and foot by all the diplomatic and military obligations and financial interests of the French bourse in Russia, Africa and Asia. Never ceasing to pronounce the proper pacifistic sentences, the ministry and the parliament automatically continue to carry on a world policy which involves France in war.

English and American pacifism, in spite of the differences in social and ideologic forms (or in the absence of such, as in America), is carrying on, at bottom, the same task; it offers to the petite and the middle bourgeoisie an expression for their fears of world cataclysms in which they may lose their last remnants of independence; their pacifism chloroforms their consciences—by means of impotent ideas of disarmament, international law and world courts—only to deliver them up body and soul, at the decisive moment, to imperialistic capital, which now mobilizes everything for its own purposes: industry, the church, art, bourgeois pacifism and patriotic "Socialism."

"We have always been opposed to war: our representatives, our ministry have been opposed to war," says the French citoyen, "therefore the war must have been forced upon us, and in the name of our pacifist ideals we must fight it to the finish." And the leader of the French pacifists, Baron d'Estournelles de Constant, indorses this pacifist philosophy of an imperialistic war with a pompous jusq'au bout ("to the end.")

The English Stock Exchange, in its prosecution of the war, had need first of all of pacifists of the Asquith (liberal) and Lloyd George (radical demagogue) type. "If this people go in for war," say the English masses, "right must be on our side." Thus a responsible function is allotted to pacifism in the economy of warfare, by the side of suffocating gases and inflated government loans.

More evident still is the subordinate role played by petit bourgeois pacifism with regard to Imperialism in the United States. The actual policy is there more prominently dictated by banks and trusts than anywhere else. Even before the war the United States, owing to the gigantic development of its industry and its foreign commerce, was being systematically driven in the direction of world interests and world policies. The European war imparted to this imperialistic development a speed that was positively feverish. At a time when many well-meaning persons were hoping that the horrors of the European slaughter might inspire the American bourgeoisie with a hatred of militarism, the actual influence of


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 PROGRESS IN 1827.

49

Sir J. R. Martin remarks :* "I served in tlie General Hospital, Calcutta, in Marcli, 1827, tlie time referred to by Mr. Twining, when tlie house was filled with cholera patients, and when all of us, Europeans and Natives, were exhausted with the labours of attending on the sick, but none of us suffered from the disease." Maulmain, Arracan, Chittagong, and the whole Delta of the Ganges were, during the first quarter oT the year, under the influence of a severe outburst of cholera.

In May, 1827, Dr. Taylor wrote to the Board from Agra, reporting that cholera "has prevailed, in an epidemic form, in all the villages within several miles around Agra ; an immense number have fallen victims to its destructive influence." Dr. Skipton, from the same place, remarks that 23 cases of cholera occurred among the men of the 58th Eegiment N. I., and only two from the hues of the Regiments on either side of the 58th. Dr. Knight at the same time sent infor- mation to the Medical Board of the outbreak of cholera at Bareilly. 'From Meerut, Dr. Ludlow writes : " During the melancholy visitation of cholera the convicts suffered comparatively little f "of the stations depending on Meerut after Rajpoorah, cholera has chiefly been felt at Dhyra in the Dhoon and Moradabad ; since the 6th instant we have had easterly winds, but as yet no regular fall of rain." From Delhi, Dr. Longstaff reports, "During the greater part of i June cholera morbus has raged amongst the inhabitants I of the surrounding towns and villages to an epidemic ! extent, but among the European troops only two I cases have occurred, and not one among the Horse . Artillery."

p. 298. By J. R. Martin. A New Edition, 1856.
 * ' The Influence of Tropical Climates on the European ConstiliiLion,'

A-


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 European events was bearing on American policy not in psychological channels, but in material ones, and was having precisely the opposite effect. The exports of the United States, which in 1913 amounted to 2,466 millions of dollars, rose in 1916 to 5,481 millions! Of course the lion's share of this export fell to the lot of the war industries. The sudden breaking off of exports to the allied nations after the declaration of unrestricted submarine warfare meant not only the stoppage of a flow of monstrous profits, but threatened with an unprecedented crisis the whole of American industry, which had been organized on a war footing.

It was impossible for this thing to go on without some resistance from the masses of the people. To overcome their unorganized dissatisfaction and to turn it into channels of patriotic co-operation with the government was therefore the first great task for the internal diplomacy of the United States during the first quarter of the war. And it is the irony of history that official "pacifism," as well as "oppositional pacifism," should be the chief instruments for the accomplishment of this task: the education of the masses to military ideals.

Bryan rashly and noisily expressed the natural aversion of the farmers and of the "small man" generally to all such things as world-policy, military service and higher taxes. Yet, at the same time that he was sending wagonloads of petitions, as well as deputations, to his pacifist colleagues at the head of the government, Bryan did everything in his power to break the revolutionary edge of the whole movement. "If war should come," Bryan telegraphed on the occasion of an anti-war meeting in Chicago last February, "we will all support the government of course; yet at this moment it is our sacred duty to do all in our power to preserve the nation from the horrors of war." These few words contain the entire program of petit bourgeois pacifism: "to do everything in our power against the war" means to afford the voice of popular indignation an outlet in the form of harmless demonstration, after having previously given the government a guarantee that it will meet with no serious opposition, in the case of war, from the pacifist faction.

Official pacifism could have desired nothing better. It could now give satisfactory assurance of imperialistic "preparedness." After Bryan's own declaration, only one thing was necessary to dispose of his noisy opposition to war, and that was, simply, to declare war. And Bryan rolled right over into the government camp.


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2 of the means by which our present stock of knowledge has been acquired.

The history of the progress of information in the various departments of Arts and of Science, teaches this useful lesson, that man, so far as respects his mind and actions, is the creature of habit and example. The admonition of the wise man, ‘‘ Train up a child in the way he should go: and when he is old, he will not depart from it,” is not more applicable to the state of an infant in the confined circle of its family, than to that of an adult in the great family of the human race.

The cause of the progressive improvement in natural knowledge, and of its decline, in the different ages and countries of the world, is satisfactorily accounted for by adverting to the laws and regulations by which they were


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 And not only the petite bourgeoisie, but also the broad masses of the workers, said to themselves: "If our government, with such an outspoken pacifist as Wilson at the head, declares war, and if even Bryan supports the government in the war, it must be an unavoidable and righteous war." … It is now evident why the sanctimonious, Quaker-like pacifism of the bourgeois demagogues is in such high favor in financial and war industry circles.

Our Menshevist and Social-Revolutionist pacifism, in spite of apparent differences, is, in reality, playing the same part as American pacifism. The resolution on war passed by the majority of the All-Russian Congress of Soviets of Workers, Soldiers and Peasants, condemns the war not only from a pacifist standpoint, but also because of the imperialistic character of the war. The Congress declares the struggle for an early conclusion of the war to be "the most important task of revolutionary democracy." But all these premises are merely mobilized so that they may lead to the conclusion: "until such time as the war may be ended by the international forces of democracy, the Russian revolutionary democracy will be obliged in every possible way to co-operate in strengthening the fighting power of our army and rendering it efficient for both offensive and defensive action."

The revision of the old international treaties the Congress, like the Provisional Government, would make dependent on a voluntary agreement of allied diplomacy, which, in its very nature, neither desires nor is it able to relinquish the imperialistic aims of the war. The Congress, following its leaders, makes the "international forces of democracy" depend on the will of the social-patriots, who are bound by iron chains to their imperialistic governments. Voluntarily restricting themselves in the question of "an early end of the war" to this charmed circle, the majority of the Congress naturally arrives at a very definite conclusion in the domain of practical politics: ''an offensive on the military front. This "pacifism," which solidifies and disciplines the petit bourgeois'' democracy and induces it to support an offensive, ought manifestly to be on most friendly terms not only with the Russian imperialists, but also with those of the allied nations.

Milyukov says: "In the name of our fidelity to our allies and to the old (diplomatic) treaties, we must have an offensive."

Kerensky and Tseretelli say: "Although the old (diplomatic) treaties have not yet been revised, we must have an offensive."

The argument may differ; the policy is the same. Nor could


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3 respectively governed. Those men, in certain ages and countries, would have been doomed to an ignominious death, who in others obtained the highest honours; and to whom the gratitude of their contemporaries, according to their theological notions, decreed the honour of deification.

Of the various objects of study, to the cultivation of which man is led by taste or genius, there is not any of greater importance than that of the Healing Art, the successful professors of which were, accordingly, im all ages, at least where freedom and science prevailed, held in the highest estimation; for the man who has the power to assuage pain, to remove disease, and to save life, is possessed of that which the most powerful monarchs would gladly purchase if their domi-


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4 nions were the price. The very eloquent and glowmg manner in which this was illustrated last year, from this Chair, in an extempore Oration, by reference to Grecian history, renders it unnecessary at present to add any thing in praise of the Art itself; and therefore, in the short space which is allowed for this commeniorative Tribute, the time will be best employed in taking a cursory notice of a few of its principal professors and ornaments.

Authentic history does not inform us of any great medical or chirurgical character before the time of Hippocrates; but legendary accounts are not wanting which trace his pedigree, and his gradually acquired knowledge, through the family of the Asclepiades, up to Aésculapius. This circum- �


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5 stance, whether well or ill founded, would be unimportant, were it not for the consideration that in those days the same professions continued to be exercised in the same families through successive generations; and the accumulation of facts and of observations thus made, is entitled to the greater respect, inasmuch as they are founded upon long experience. The accurate descriptions which Hippocrates has given of those internal diseases and general disorders of the constitution, the treatment of which falls exclusively to the physician, have, in every succeeding age, been the subject of admiration, and frequently the directions to successful practice. With the very imperfect knowledge of anatomy that he possessed, it is surprising how rational in many instances, was his treatment �


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 it be Otherwise, since Kerensky and Tseretelli are indissolubly bound up in the government with the party of Milyukov. As a matter of fact, the social-patriotic pacifism of the Dans, as well as the Quaker pacifism of the Bryans, are both operating in the service of Imperialism.

In view of this state of affairs, the chief task of Russian diplomacy is not to make allied diplomacy refrain from this act or that or to revise this thing or that, but to make allied diplomacy believe that the Russian Revolution is safe and sound and solvent. The Russian Ambassador, Bakhmetieff, in his speech before the Congress of the United States, delivered on June lo, characterized the Provisional Government chiefly from this point of view.

"All these circumstances." said the Ambassador, "point to the fact that the power and significance of the Provisional, Government are growing day by day, that with each passing moment the Provisional Government is becoming better able to cope with all those elements that mean disaster, whether they take the form of reactionary propaganda or that of an agitation by the members of the extreme left. At the present time the Provisional Government is determined to take the most drastic steps in this direction, resorting to force, if need be, in spite of its constant endeavors for a peaceful solution of all questions."

There is no doubt that the "national honor" of our "defenders" remains absolutely unruffled while the Ambassador of "revolutionary democracy" fervently persuades the parliament of the American plutocracy of the readiness of the Russian government to pour out the blood of the Russian proletariat in the name of "order," the chief ingredient of which is fidelity to allied Capitalism.

And at the very moment when Bakhmetieff stood hat in hand, a humiliating speech passing over his lips, in the presence of the representatives of Capitalism, Tseretelli and Kerensky were explaining to the "revolutionary democracy" how impossible it was to dispense with armed force in its fight with "the anarchy of the left," and threatening to disarm the workers of Petrograd and the regiment which made common cause with them. We know that these threats came just in the nick of time; they served as a strong argument in favor of the Russian Loan in Wall Street. You see Mr. Bakhmetieff was in a position to say: "our revolutionary pacifism differs in no respect from your own brand of pacifism, and if you put your faith in Bryan, there is no reason why you should distrust Tseretelli."


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 There remains to us only the necessity of putting one question: How much Russian flesh and Russian blood will it take, on the external front as well as in the interior, in order to secure the Russian Loan, which, in its turn, is to guarantee our continued fidelity to the Allies?


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6 of accidents and disease; which is clearly demonstrative of a most sagacious mind, intently employed in watching the progress of symptoms, and the curative powers of nature. The great fund of knowledge contained in those of his works that have survived the ravages of time, and there is reason to fear that much has been lost, clearly proves that the Healing Art had been cultivated with ardour long before the time of Hippocrates. But although we have few or no accounts that can be depended upon, of the individuals to whom, in this respect, the world is indebted, there is great probability in believing that his pages record all the most valuable knowledge of his predecessors, at least upon those subjects of which he treats. This opinion may confidently be �


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7 entertained from the consideration of the great care which he has manifested in the collection of facts, and of the truth with which he has detailed them—of his manly independence of mind displayed in the rejection of the largest fee that was ever offered to a medical man, from the most potent prince, but who was accounted the enemy of Greece —of the extraordinary talent which he possessed of describing what he saw (the Facies Hippocratica, as it will ever be called, being the most expressive representation that so few words could convey}|—and of his being well acquainted with all the science of the time in which he lived. His works are admired by scholars, for the classical purity of style in which they are written-—by physicians, for the great store of medical infor-


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Blood has flowed in the streets of Petrograd. A tragic chapter has been added to the Russian Revolution. Who is to blame? "The Bolsheviki," says the man in the street, repeating what his newspapers tell him. The sum total of these tragic happenings is exhausted, as far as the bourgeoisie and the time-serving politicians are concerned, in the words: Arrest the ringleaders and disarm the masses. And the object of this action is to establish "revolutionary order." The Social-Revolutionists and the Mensheviki, in arresting and disarming the Bolsheviki, are prepared to establish "order." There is only one question: What kind of order, and for whom?

The Revolution aroused great hopes in the masses. Among the masses of Petrograd, who played a leading role in the Revolution, these hopes and expectations were cherished with exceptional earnestness. It was the task of the Social-Democratic Party to transform these hopes and expectations into clearly-defined political programs, to direct the revolutionary impatience of the masses in the channel of a planful political action. The Revolution was brought face to face with the question of state power. We, as well as the Bolshevist organization, stood for a handing over of all power to the Central Committee of the Council of Workers', Soldiers and Peasants' Delegates. The upper classes, and among them we must include the Social-Revolutionists and the Mensheviki, exhorted the masses to support the Milyukov-Guchkov government. Up to the last moment, that is, up to the time when these more distinctly imperialistic figures of the first Provisional Government resigned, both the above mentioned parties were firmly united with the government all along the line. Only after the reconstruction of the government did the masses learn from their own newspapers that they had not been told the whole truth, that they had been deceived. They were then told that they must trust the new "coalition" gov-


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8 mation which they contain--and by surgeons, who proudly claim him as a brother, for the numerous and excellent observations on the subjects of contusions, luxations, fractures, abscesses, fistulae, hernia, and especially of wounds and diseases of the head. His remarks are of inestimable value, inasmuch as they bear undoubted proof of the simplicity, honour, and truth of the narrator. Many of his conclusions may be questioned and overthrown; but no man has ever been so bold as to arraign the fidelity with which he has related what he saw, or believed.

Hitherto Surgery was only studied empirically, that is, by the accumulation of such facts as presented themselves to the external senses, and by experience. The anatomy of the human body was very imperfectly known ; �


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9 the uses of the several parts, their modes of action, and the purposes that they were destined to answer in the animal ceconomy, were quite overlooked, or not enquired into; and, consequently, not a ray of what is properly called phystological knowledge, could yet have been imparted to the mind. Yet, notwithstanding the want of these essential requisites, the surgical practice recommended by this great man is, m many instances, deserving of the most respectful attention, even at this day. The advantages which he derived from living in a free country, inhabited by the most brave, the most learned, and the most elegant people in the world, were, no doubt, very great; and the effects are visible in his works.

Celsus, who is supposed to have flourished �


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 ernment. The revolutionary Social Democracy predicted that the new government would not differ essentially from the old, that it would not make any concessions to the Revolution and would again betray the hopes of the masses. And so it came to pass. After two months of a policy of weakness, of demands for confidence, of verbose exhortations, the government's position of beclouding the issues could no longer be concealed. It became clear that the masses had once more—and this time more cruelly than ever before—been deceived.

The impatience and the mistrust of the great body of workers and soldiers in Petrograd was increasing, not day by day, but hour by hour. These feelings, fed by the prolonged war, so hopeless for all participating in it, by economic disorganization, by an invisible setting up of a general cessation of the most important branches of production, found their immediate political expression in the slogan: "All power to the Soviets!" The retirement of the Cadets and the definite proof of the internal bankruptcy of the Provisional Government convinced the masses still more thoroughly that they were in the right as opposed to the official leaders of the Soviets. The vacillations of the Social-Revolutionists and the Mensheviki simply added oil to the flames. The demands, almost persecutions, addressed to the Petrograd garrison, requiring them to inaugurate an offensive, had a similar effect. An explosion became inevitable.

All parties, including the Bolsheviki, took every step to prevent the masses from making the demonstration of July 16; but the masses did demonstrate, and with weapons in their hands, moreover. All the agitators, all the district representatives declared on the evening of July i6 that the July 17 demonstration, since the question of power remained unsettled, was bound to take place, and that no measures could hold back the people. That is the only reason why the Bolsheviki Party, and with it our organization, decided not to stand aloof and wash its hands of the consequences, but to do everything in its power to change the July 17 affair into a peaceful mass demonstration. No other was the meaning of the July 17 appeal. It was, of course, clear, in view of the certain intervention of counter-revolutionary gangs, that bloody conflicts would arise. It would have been possible, it is true, to deprive the masses of any political guidance, to decapitate them politically, as it were, and to leave them by refusing to direct them, to their fate. But we, being the Workers' Party, neither could nor would follow Pilate's tactics: we decided to join in with the masses and to stick to them, in order to introduce into their elemental turmoil the


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10 about 500 years afterwards, has recorded very concisely, but elegantly, the opinions and practice of Hippocrates, with such improvements, if any, as had been made down to the period at which he wrote.

In the intermediate time, it is true, there were many who acquired celebrity in the Healing Art; but none which it is necessary here to notice, except Herophilus and Erasistratus, who were the first that distinguished themselves as ardent cultivators of Anatomy. Though their works have been lost, there is no reason to doubt the accounts we have of their laborious investigations of the structure of the human body; for the names which they gave to certain parts are those which they still bear. Celsus, speaking of the surgery of Hippocrates, says, ‘* Hac autem pars, �


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11 cum sit velustissima, majis tamen abillo parenti onmis medicine Hippocrate, quam a prioribus exculta est.” But the importance of correct anatomical knowledge not being yet sufficiently appreciated, the pathology continued to rest merely upon empirical observation. Their operations, therefore, were, happily, but few, were performed with timidity, on account of apprehended hemorrhage; and the actual cautery was in very frequent use.

In tracing the progress of any science, it is convenient, and it is instructive, to occasionally pause and reflect over what had been already accomplished; like an intelligent traveller, who haying arrived at some point of great elevation, stops, and deliberately surveys all those objects that are deemed worthy of attention, and notes down the principal �


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5 First, on December 1st, I sent a letter to Chairman Thompson raising our objection to the subpoena you referred to, and I'd like to ask if that could be made a part of the official record of today's deposition.

Yes. And I believe that is in the binder as exhibit 2. And so that will be in the record.

Mr. Okay.

And then just—I hadn't planned to say this, but you mentioned earlier that committee members might be joining here and there. To the extent possible, can you let us know who's here and who's coming?

Yes. So we will try to keep an eye on the video screen. It should pop up with their names on it. Sometimes it's only a first name or a last name, but we will try to notice it when we do, between questions, pause, and note for the record that they've joined.

Mr. And I can watch it. They'll show up on this big TV here?

Yes.

Mr. All right. So I can watch as well. Thank you.

With that said, short statement on behalf of my client.

We wish to preserve the objections in full noted in the letter I referred to a moment ago, but need not elaborate on them further here, with one exception.

I wish to emphasize to the committee the importance of the Fifth Amendment to the United States Constitution, which I have counseled my client to invoke.

This right is fundamental to our system of justice. As I stated in my letter, our Supreme Court has called the Fifth Amendment a safeguard against heedless, unfounded, or tyrannical prosecution to protect the innocent, as well as the guilty.

Invoking the Fifth Amendment is not an admission of guilt and no one should


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 greatest measure of organization attainable under the circumstances, and thus to reduce to a minimum the number of probable victims. The facts are well known. Blood has been spilled. And now the "influential" press of the bourgeoisie, and the other newspapers serving the bourgeoisie, are attempting to put on our shoulders the entire burden of responsibility for the consequences—for the poverty, the exhaustion, the disaffection and the rebelliousness of the masses. To accomplish this end, to complete this labor of counter-revolutionary mobilization against the party of the proletariat, there issue forth rascals of anonymous, semi-anonymous, or publicly branded varieties, who circulate accusations of bribery: blood has flowed because of the Bolsheviki, and the Bolsheviki were acting under the orders of Wilhelm.

We are at present passing through days of trial. The steadfastness of the masses, their self-control, the fidelity of their "friends," all these things are being put to the acid-test. We are also being subjected to this test, and we shall emerge from it more strengthened, more united, than from any previous trial. Life is with us and fighting for us. The new reconstruction of power, dictated by an inescapable situation, and by the miserable half-heartedness of the ruling parties, will change nothing and will solve nothing. We must have a radical change of the whole system. We need revolutionary power.

The Tseretelli-Kerensky policy is directly intended to disarm and weaken the left wing of the Revolution. If, with the aid of these methods, they succeeedsucceed [sic] in establishing "order," they will be the first—after us, of course—to fall as victims of this "order." But they will not succeed. The contradiction is too profound, the problems are too enormous to be disposed of by mere police measures.

After the days of trial will come the days of progress and victory.


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6 describe it as such. We make no apologies for seeking Fifth Amendment protection as so many law-abiding Americans have done throughout history.

In asserting this privilege on my client's behalf, I cannot reveal information protected by the attorney-client privilege. Doing so would violate my duty as a lawyer, the importance of which I need not explain to a committee with distinguished lawyers among its members and staff.

But, in fact, there is no need to reveal privileged information to establish Dr. Eastman's basis for Fifth Amendment protection. One need only look to the public record to understand why claiming the Fifth Amendment is a necessity forced upon Dr. Eastman.

I have detailed on pages 8 and 9 of my letter, which is now a part of the record, examples of statements from committee members and other voices of influence which made clear that Dr. Eastman has a legitimate fear of criminal prosecution.

I could offer many additional examples beyond those in my letter, but out of respect for this committee's time, I will limit myself to two further examples beyond what I've already put in the letter.

The first one: According to news reports, on December 1st a United States district judge, who herself has a background in Federal prosecution, stated during the criminal sentencing of a defendant charged with committing crimes on January 6th that the President, former President Trump, and others who spoke at the rally on the Ellipse that day, quote, "bear greater responsibility and should be held accountable," unquote. This from a judge in the very courthouse where over 600 people were criminally charged in connection with January 6th.

My second example, second and final example, is there is an active bar complaint against Dr. Eastman in California bearing on the exact subject matter of this deposition.


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The recent suppression of Pravda, until now, was only an "incidental" fact, not sanctioned by the legal action of the government; now, after the 16th of July, Pravda is formally suppressed by the government.

When this suppression is regarded from a historical point of view, in relation to the whole course of events and the process of preparing and realizing this measire of suppression, it sheds a remarkably brilliant light upon the "constitutional" aspect of Russia, and upon the danger of constitutional illusions.

It is known that the Cadet party, with Milyukov and the paper Retch at the head, has been demanding the repression of the Bolsheviki since April. In the most varied form, from the "governmental" articles of Retch to the repeated demands of Milyukov to "make arrests" (of Lenin-and-the-other-Bolsheviki) this demand for repression constituted one of the most important, if not the most important, measures in the political program of the Cadets during the Revolution.

Long before the intentional and fabricated, the abominable and slanderous accusations of Alexinsky & Co., the accusations made in June and July of the Bolsheviki being German spies and receiving German money; long before even the slanderous accusations of "armed resistance" and of mutiny, which were contradicted by universally known facts and published documents—long before all that, the Cadet party was making a systematic, persistent demand for the repression of the Bolsheviki. If this demand is now realized, what opinion must we have of the honesty and conceptions of those people who forget or pretend to forget the actual class and party origin of this demand? How can we help stigmatizing it as rank falsification or as unbelievable political stupidity, if the Social-Revolutionists and Mensheviki now attempt to present the situation as if they believe that the opportunity appearing on


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 July i6 for the repression of the Bolsheviki was merely "incidental" or "unusual?" After all, there are limits to the corruption of unquestionable historic truths.

It is sufficient to compare the movement of May 2 and 3 with that of July 16 and 17, to be convinced immediately of their similarity: the mass outburst of dissatisfaction, the impatience and action of the masses, the provocative shots from counter-revolutionary gangs, the dead on the Nevsky, and especially the howls of the bourgeoisie and Cadets that "those Leninites were shooting on the Nevsky;" the acute and bitter character of the battle between the proletarian mass and the bourgeoisie; the complete confusion of the petty bourgeois class, Social-Revolutionists and Mensheviki, the hesitation in their politics and on the question of political power in general—all these objective facts characterize both the movement of May 2–3 and the movement of July 16–17. And events in June and the July offensive show us in another form the same class alignment. The course of events is perfectly clear: the struggle between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie becoming continually more acute, particularly because of the influence on the masses of the petite bourgeoisie, and in connection with it the most pertinent historic events determining the dependence of the Social-Revolutionists and Mensheviki upon the counter-revolutionary Cadets. These events are: the coalition ministry of May 18 n which the Social-Revolutionists and Mensheviki have proved to be servants of the bourgeoisie, involving themselves more and more in compromise and agreements with the bourgeoisie and in a thousand "favors" to them; postponing the most urgent revolutionary measures; and, again, the resumption of the offensive at the front. The offensive meant an unavoidable resumption of the imperialistic war, a gigantic strengthening of the influence, power and role of the imperialistic bourgeoisie, the extensive growth of chauvinism among the masses, and, last but not least, the transfer of power, first the military and then the political power in general, to the counter-revolutionary heads of the army.

Such is the course of historic events, deepening and sharpening class antagonisms, from May 2–3 to July 16–17. and permitting the counter-revolutionary bourgeoisie to carry out, after the 17th of July, that which on May 3 was indicated with such clarity as its program and tactics, its immediate aim and its "clean" means for attaining this aim.

There is historically nothing more petty, theoretically nothing


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7 The bar complaint alleges that Dr. Eastman may have assisted former President Donald Trump in criminal conduct in connection with the 2020 election and January 6th.

In other words, there is currently pending today against Dr. Eastman formal legal process specifically alleging criminal activity in connection with the very event described in the cover letter to this committee's subpoena.

I submit that based on these facts, Dr. Eastman has a clear case, as clear a case for Fifth Amendment protection as this committee—or indeed any committee—is ever likely to encounter.

In closing, I wish to emphasis that Dr. Eastman's purpose here is simply to do his duty as a citizen. Dr. Eastman is a distinguished lawyer and scholar of the law. He recognizes his legitimate responsibilities to the United States Congress.

The law is clear that invocation of the Fifth Amendment must, if Congress requested, be offered on a question-by-question basis. This committee has made such a request and Dr. Eastman has come here today from far out of town, at his own expense, to comply.

And with that, the committee may inquire. Thank you.

Great. Thank you, Mr. Burnham, for your statement. Both your statement, which you've just provided to the committee, as well as your letter of December 1st, are in the record.

And I would note for the record, I believe two members of the committee have joined us, Vice Chair Cheney and Mr. Raskin. The way it's set right now, unfortunately, we can't see both of them, but we will try to get it switched to grid view so that we can keep track of who's joining.

I am going to just very quickly, in order to save time, go over a little bit of the witness' professional background.


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Rh