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Rh but there was no help for it; weeping bitterly he cut off the boy’s head. “Alas!” he cried, “what life is so hard as that of a soldier? Only because I was born of a warrior family must I suffer this affliction! How lamentable it is to do such cruel deeds!” He pressed his face to the sleeve of his armor and wept bitterly. Then, wrapping up the head, he was stripping off the young man’s armor when he discovered a flute in a brocade bag. “Ah,” he exclaimed, “it was this youth and his friends who were amusing themselves with music within the walls this morning. Among all our men of the Eastern Provinces I doubt if there is any one of them who has brought a flute with him. How gentle the ways of these courtiers!”

When he brought the flute to the Commander, all who saw it were moved to tears; he discovered then that the youth was Atsumori, the youngest son of Tsunemori, aged sixteen years. From this time the mind of Kumagai was turned toward the religious life.

Yoshitsune, after his victory at Yashima, crossed over to Suwo to join his brother. Just at this time the High Priest of Kumano, who was under great obligations to the Heike, suddenly had a change of heart and hesitated as to which side he should support. He went to the shrine of Imakumano at Tanabe and spent seven days in retirement there, having sacred dances performed and praying before the deity. He received as a result an oracle commanding him to adhere to the white banner, but he was still doubtful. He then held a cock-fight before the shrine, with seven white cocks and seven red ones; the red cocks were all beaten and ran away. He therefore made up his mind to join the Genji.

Assembling all his retainers, to the number of some two thousand men, and embarking them on two hundred ships of war, he put the emblem of the deity of the shrine on board his ship, and painted the name of the Guardian God on the top of his standard. When this


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182 vessel with its divine burden approached the ships of the Genji and Heike at Dan no ura both parties saluted it reverently, but when it was seen to direct its course toward the fleet of the Genji the Heike could not conceal their chagrin. To the further consternation of the Heike, Michinobu of the province of Iyo also came rowing up with a hundred and fifty large ships and went over to the fleet of their enemies.

Thus the forces of the Genji went on increasing, while those of the Heike grew less. The Genji had some three thousand ships, and the Heike one thousand, among which were some of Chinese build. Thus, on the twenty-fourth day of the third month of 1185, at Ta no ura in the province of Bungo and at Dan no ura in the province of Nagato, began the final battle of the Genji and the Heike.

Both sides set their faces against each other and fought grimly without a thought for their lives, neither giving an inch. But as the Heike had on their side an emperor endowed with the Ten Virtues and the Three Sacred Treasures of the Realm, things went hard with the Genji and their hearts were beginning to fail them, when suddenly something that they at first took for a cloud but soon made out to be a white banner floating in the breeze came drifting over the two fleets from the upper air, and finally settled on the stern of one of the Genji ships, hanging on by the rope.

When he saw this, Yoshitsune, regarding it as a sign from the Great Bodhisattva Hachiman, removed his helmet and after washing his hands did obeisance; his men all followed his example. Just then a shoal of thousands of dolphins appeared and made straight for the ships of the Heike. One of the Heike generals called a diviner and said, “There are always many dolphins about here, but I have never seen so many before; what may it portend?” “If they turn back,” replied the diviner, “the Genji will be destroyed, but if

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/


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Rh they go on our own side will be in danger.” No sooner had he finished speaking than the dolphins dived under the Heike ships and passed on.

As things had come to this pass, Shigeyoshi, who for three years had been a loyal supporter of the Heike, made up his mind that all was lost, and suddenly forsook his allegiance and deserted to the enemy.

The strategy of the Heike had been to put the stoutest warriors on board the ordinary fighting ships and the inferior soldiers on the big ships of Chinese build; the Genji would be induced to attack the big ships, thinking that the commanders were on board them, and the Heike could then surround and destroy them. But when Shigeyoshi went over and joined the Genji he revealed this plan to them, with the result that they left the big ships alone and concentrated their attacks on the smaller ones, which bore the Heike champions. Later on the men of Shikoku and Kyushu all left the Heike in a body and went over to the Genji. Those who had so far been their faithful retainers now turned their bows against their lords and drew their swords against their own masters. On one shore the heavy seas beat on the cliff so as to forbid any landing, while on the other stood the serried ranks of the enemy waiting with leveled arrows to receive them. And so on this day the struggle for supremacy between the Genji and the Heike was at last decided.

Meanwhile the Genji warriors sprang from one Heike vessel to the other, shooting and cutting down the sailors and helmsmen,—who left their posts and flung themselves in panic to the bottom of the ships. Tomomori rowed in a small boat to the Imperial vessel and cried out, “You see what affairs have come to! Clean up the ship, and throw everything unsightly into the sea!” He ran about the ship from bow to stern, sweeping and cleaning, and gathering up the dust with his own hands. “How goes the battle, Tomomori?” asked the court ladies. “Oh, you’ll soon see some rare gallants from the east,” he replied, bursting into loud laughter. “What? Is this a time for joking?” they answered, and they lifted up their voices and wept aloud.

Then the Lady Nii, who had already resolved what she would do,


text: Page:Sunset Gun.pdf/47

title: Page:Sunset Gun.pdf/47


text: Page:Sunset Gun.pdf/48

title: Page:Sunset Gun.pdf/48


text: Sunset Gun/Daylight Saving

title: Sunset Gun/Daylight Saving


text: Sunset Gun/Fulfilment

title: Sunset Gun/Fulfilment


text:
Author:Charles Thomas Wilson

Works

 * Uganda and the Egyptian Soudan Volume 1 (1882)

title: Author:Charles Thomas Wilson


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iv

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 do in exercising powers under Part IAA of the Crimes Act 1914 for the purposes of this Act (see section 119 (search warrants, and stopping and searching conveyances)).


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Division 1—Voluntary referrals

32 Any person may refer corruption issue

(1) Any person may refer a corruption issue or provide other information about a corruption issue to the Commissioner.

(2) The Commissioner may request the referral or information to be:

 * (a) given in a particular way; or

 * (b) accompanied or supported by further information.


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 Division 2—Mandatory referrals

33 Mandatory referral—Commonwealth agencies other than intelligence agencies

(1) An agency head who becomes aware of a corruption issue must refer the issue to the Commissioner if:

 * (a) the issue concerns the conduct of a person who is, or was, a staff member of the agency while that person is, or was, a staff member; and

 * (b) the agency head suspects that the issue could involve corrupt conduct that is serious or systemic.

(2) The agency head must state in the referral the reasons why the agency head suspects that the issue could involve corrupt conduct that is serious or systemic.

(3) Subsection (1) does not apply in relation to an intelligence agency.

34 Mandatory referral—intelligence agencies

(1) The head of an intelligence agency who becomes aware of a corruption issue must refer the issue to the IGIS or the Commissioner if:

 * (a) the issue concerns the conduct of a person who is, or was, a staff member of the intelligence agency while that person is, or was, a staff member; and

 * (b) the head suspects that the issue could involve corrupt conduct that is serious or systemic.

(2) The head must state in the referral the reasons why the head suspects that the issue could involve corrupt conduct that is serious or systemic.

(3) If the head refers the issue to the Commissioner, the head must, as soon as reasonably practicable, notify the IGIS.


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 (4) If the head refers the issue to the IGIS, and the IGIS is satisfied that the issue is likely to involve corrupt conduct that is serious or systemic, the IGIS must refer the issue to the Commissioner.

35 Mandatory referral—Public Interest Disclosure Act disclosures

(1) This section applies if a staff member of a Commonwealth agency (the PID officer), in the course of performing or exercising functions or powers under Division 1 or 2 of Part 3 of the Public Interest Disclosure Act 2013 (including as a delegate), becomes aware of a corruption issue that:

 * (a) concerns the conduct of a person who is, or was, a staff member of the agency while that person is, or was, a staff member; and

 * (b) the PID officer suspects could involve corrupt conduct that is serious or systemic.

(2) The PID officer must refer the corruption issue to:

 * (a) in the case of a Commonwealth agency other than an intelligence agency—the Commissioner; or

 * (b) in the case of an intelligence agency—the IGIS or the Commissioner.

Corruption issues that relate to intelligence agencies

(3) If the PID officer refers a corruption issue that relates to an intelligence agency to the Commissioner, the PID officer must, as soon as reasonably practicable, notify the IGIS.

(4) If the PID officer refers a corruption issue that relates to an intelligence agency to the IGIS, and the IGIS is satisfied that the issue is likely to involve corrupt conduct that is serious or systemic, the IGIS must refer the issue to the Commissioner.

Notification to discloser

(5) If the PID officer became aware of the corruption issue as a result of an internal disclosure made under the Public Interest Disclosure Act 2013, the PID officer must, as soon as reasonably practicable,


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I believe that Sidney Lanier was much more than a clever artisan in rhyme and metre; because he will, I think, take his final rank with the first princes of American song, I am glad to provide this slight memorial. There is sufficient material in his letters for an extremely interesting biography, which could be properly prepared only by his wife. These pages can give but a sketch of his life and work.

Sidney Lanier was born at Macon, Ga., on the third of February, 1842. His earliest known ancestor of the name was Jerome Lanier, a Huguenot refugee, who was attached to the court of Queen Elizabeth, very likely as a musical composer; and whose son, Nicholas, was in high favor with James I. and Charles I., as director of music, painter, and political envoy; and whose grandson, Nicholas, held a similar position in the court of Charles II. A portrait of the elder Nicholas Lanier, by his friend Van Dyck, was sold, with other pictures belonging to Charles I., after his execution. The younger Nicholas was the first Marshal, or presiding officer, of the Society of Musicians, incorporated at the Restoration, "for the improvement of the science and the interest

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text:
Page:Nature - Volume 1.pdf/206

192 tricks of balancing, and of jugglers who do the "butterfly trick," which has lately been so popular among ourselves, elicit great applause. So popular also are ballet performances, that even the priests, in some of the great temples, engage in sacred dances to add to the "legitimate" attractions of the places of worship. Fencing is a favourite amusement, and is taught to women.

The public baths where men and women conduct their ablutions in the sight of all the world, and the tea-houses, at which women wait on the guests, are two features of Japanese life which are very strange to European eyes.

The town of Yeddo has a very striking physiognomy, so to speak. To the south are the suburbs on the shores of the bay; in the centre the citadel and the dwellings of the nobility; to the south-cast the trading town; to the east, the quays and bridges of the great river, and on the left bank the industrial city of Hondjo; to the north lie the temples, the fields where fairs are held, the theatres and public places of amusement. The western quarters are occupied by the general city population; and the suburbs of the north and west are full of verdure and flowers.

Yeddo has been calculated to have 1,800,000 inhabitants, although as an important city it only dates from the beginning of the 17th century. It is the northern termination of the great military road, the Tokaido, which traverses the empire from Nagasaki to Yeddo, near to which are built towns, villages, and many houses of the nobility, and along which the DaimoisDaimios [sic] pass when proceeding to their compulsory residence in Yeddo. The modes of travel in use are either horseback, or palanquins carried by men. These latter are of two kinds; the norimon, closed on all sides, and in use among the upper classes, and the cango, light in construction, open at the sides, and used by the common people. As the DaimoisDaimios [sic] pass along with their two-sworded retinue, all passengers give way to them, those that are on horseback dismount, and all stand bending low till the great man has gone on his way. The refusal of foreigners to submit to this fashion has led to the murder of more than one.

Yeddo is a busy town. Cotton and silk manufactures of a delicate kind, the making of porcelain, dyeing, tanning, the working in metals, the carving of stone, wood, and ivory, the manufactures of paper and of leather are all carried on in the town. (An illustration of the delicate silk embroidery which is made by the Japanese is given in the accompanying woodcuts, which represent silken dress ornaments.) In the suburbs, especially of the northern part, the gardens of the florists, the rural teahouses, and the rice-fields are found. Minor industries—those of the makers of chop-sticks, of toothpowder, of dolls, of makers of mats, basket-work, and boxes, down to that of the humble rag picker—are to be found exercised in the small shops, or in the streets of Yeddo. The streets are full of life. The trades are carried on by the artisans, the jugglers, and acrobats exercise their skill, men, women, and children pass along, bent on amusement or pleasure; here an enormous artifical fish, or a flag displayed at a house, announces the birth of a child; there a wedding procession takes its way; a Daimio passes, and all bow to the ground; an alarm of fire from one of the many watchtowers of the city calls out the firemen; the watch goes on its rounds; beggars exercise their arts as a kind of sacred trade—in a word, all the complicated machinery of a busy town life is to be seen in active operation, in what was the great capital of the Tycoon.

A jealous exclusion of foreigners prevailed in Japan for more than two centuries and a half; the only favoured people being the Dutch, who were permitted to build a small factory at Decima, and to send thither annually two trading vessels. The arrival of foreigners and their trade were regarded by the Tycoon and the nobles with dislike, chiefly because of the possibility that the introduction of new ideas might upset the old order of things; and the residence of foreign Ministers in Yeddo was rendered so uncomfortable, and even dangerous, that the legations settled in Yokohama as their permanent place of residence.

Recent events have effected a great change in the government of Japan. The Mikado, the theocratic emperor, has abolished the office of Tycoon. He has left his sacred city, and established himself, temporarily at least, in Yeddo, where the legations are in greater security than before. The export of tea and silk, already great, is increasing: and it is possible that Japan, so long isolated, may in time resume her relations with the outer world, and become, as her early records show her to have been, a busily trading, progressive nation.

It will be seen from the foregoing notice that M. Humbert's volumes contain an immense mass of valuable information as well as exquisite illustrations and lighter matter.

1em

receipt of an interesting paper by Professor Dickie, entitled "Notes on range in depth of marine Algae," lately published by the Botanical Society of Edinburgh, induces me to call the attention of physiologists to the fact, that plant-life appears to be absent in the ocean, with the exception of a comparatively narrow fringe (known as the littoral and laminarian zones), which girds the coasts, and of the "Sargasso" tract in the Gulf of Mexico.

During the recent exploration in H.M.S. Porcupine of part of the North Atlantic, I could not detect the slightest trace of any vegetable organism at a greater depth than fifteen fathoms. Animal organisms of all kinds and sizes, living and dead, were everywhere abundant, from the surface to the bottom; and it might at first be supposed that such constituted the only food of the oceanic animals which were observed, some of them being zoophagons, others sarcophagons, none phytophagons. But inasmuch as all animals are said to exhale carbonic acid gas, and on their death the same gas is given out by their decomposition, whence do oceanic animals get that supply of carbon which terrestrial and littoral or shallow-water animals derive, directly or indirectly, from plants? Can any class of marine animals assimilate the carbon contained in the sea, as plants assimilate the carbon contained in the air?

Not being a physiologist, I will not presume to offer an opinion; but the suggestions or questions which I have ventured to submit may perhaps be worth consideration. At all events the usual theory, that all animals ultimately depend for their nourishment on vegetable life, seems not to be applicable to the main ocean, and consequently not to one-half of the earth's surface.

1em

Thibetan gold-field of Thak-Jalung in lat. 32° 24' 26" and long. 81° 37' 38" was visited by the pundits employed by the G. T. Survey, in 1867 (August). The camp was pitched in a large desolate plain of a reddish brown appearance, the tents stand in pits seven or eight feet deep for protection against the cold wind, the elevation being 16,350 feet, yet the diggers prefer to work in the winter, when nearly 600 tents are to be found there; the soil when frozen does not "cave in." They have no wood, but use dried dung for fuel, and the water is so brackish as to be undrinkable until frozen and remelted. They live well, taking three meals a day of boiled meat, barley cakes, and tea stewed with butter. They will not use the Himalayan tea, as too heating and only fit for poor folks.

The gold is obtained from an excavation a mile long, twenty-five feet deep, and ten to two hundred paces wide, through which a small stream runs; the implements used are a long-handled kind of spade, and an iron hoe.

title: Page:Nature - Volume 1.pdf/206


text: Category:Hindu hymns

title: Category:Hindu hymns


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 Mr. Lanier's published works, previous to the present volume, and exclusive of poems and essays published in literary journals, are the following:

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text: Poems of Sidney Lanier/Memorial

title: Poems of Sidney Lanier/Memorial


text:
Author:William Hayes Ward

Works

 * The World's Christian Hymns (1883), co-authored with Susan Hayes Ward
 * "Memorial" (of Sidney Lanier), in Poems of Sidney Lanier (1884), edited by Mary Day Lanier
 * Report of the Wolfe Expedition to Babylonia (1885)
 * Biography of Sidney Lanier (1885)
 * Cylinders and Other Ancient Oriental Seals in the Library of J. Pierpont Morgan (1909)
 * The Seal Cylinders of Western Asia (1910)
 * What I Believe and Why (1915)

title: Author:William Hayes Ward


text:
Author:Mary Day Lanier

As editor

 * Poems of Sidney Lanier (1884)
 * Letters of Sidney Lanier 1866–1881 (1899), co-edited with H. W. Lanier

title: Author:Mary Day Lanier


text: Category:Jewish hymns

title: Category:Jewish hymns


text: Poems of Sidney Lanier

title: Poems of Sidney Lanier


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xii of its professors;" and it is remarkable that four others of the name of Lanier were among the few incorporators, one of them, John Lanier, very likely father of the Sir John Lanier who fought as Major-General at the Battle of the Boyne, and fell gloriously at Steinkirk along with the brave Douglas.

The American branch of the family originated as early as 1716 with the immigration of Thomas Lanier, who settled with other colonists on a grant of land ten miles square, which includes the present city of Richmond, Va. One of the family, a Thomas Lanier, married an aunt of George Washington. The family is somewhat widely scattered, chiefly in the Southern States.

The father of our poet was Robert S. Lanier, a lawyer still living in Macon, Ga. His mother was Mary Anderson, a Virginian of Scotch descent, from a family that supplied members of the House of Burgesses of Virginia for many years and in more than one generation, and was gifted in poetry, music, and oratory.

His earliest passion was for music. As a child he learned to play, almost without instruction, on every kind of instrument he could find; and while yet a boy he played the flute, organ, piano, violin, guitar, and banjo, especially devoting himself to the flute in deference to his father, who feared for him the powerful fascination of the violin. For it was the violin-voice that, above all others, commanded his soul. He has related that during his college days it would sometimes so exalt him in rapture, that presently he would sink from his solitary music-worship into a deep trance, thence to awake, alone, on the floor of his room, sorely shaken in nerve.

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 In after years more than one listener remarked the strange violin effects which he conquered from the flute. His devotion to music rather alarmed than pleased his friends, and while it was here that he first discovered that he possessed decided genius, he for some time shared the early notion of his parents, that it was an unworthy pursuit, and he rather repressed his taste. He did not then know by what inheritance it had come to him, nor how worthy is the art.

At the age of fourteen he entered the sophomore class of Oglethorpe College, an institution under Presbyterian control near Midway, Ga., which had not vitality enough to survive the war. He graduated in 1860, at the age of eighteen, with the first honors of his class, having lost a year during which he took a clerkship in the Macon post-office. At least one genuine impulse was received in this college life, and that proceeded from Professor James Woodrow, who was then one of Sidney's teachers, and who has since been connected with the University and Theological Seminary in Columbia, S.C. During the last weeks of his life Mr. Lanier stated that he owed to Professor Woodrow the strongest and most valuable stimulus of his youth. Immediately on his graduation he was called to a tutorship in the college, which position he held until the outbreak of the war.

And here, with some hesitation, I record, as a true biography requires, the development of his consciousness of possessing real genius. One with this gift has a right to know it, just as others know if they possess talent or shiftiness of resource. While we do not talk so much of genius now as we did a generation ago, we can yet recognize the differ-

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 ence between the fervor of that divine birth and the cantering of the livery Pegasus forth and back, along the vulgar boulevards over which facile talent rides his daily hack. Only once or twice, in his own private note-book, or in a letter to his wife when it was needful, in sickness and loneliness, to strengthen her will and his by testifying his own deepest consciousness of power, did he whisper the assurance of his strength. But he knew it, and she knew it, and it gave his will a peace in toil, a sun-lit peace, notwithstanding sickness, or want, or misapprehension, calm above the zone of clouds.

As I have said, his genius he first fully discovered in music. I copy from his pencilled college note-book what cannot have been written after he was eighteen years old. The boy had been discussing the question with himself how far his inclinations were to be regarded as indicating his best capacities and his duties. He says:

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 Similar aspirations he felt at this early age, probably eighteen, for grand literary labor, as the same note-book would bear witness. We see here the boy talking to himself, a boy who had found in himself a standard above anything in his fellows.

The breaking out of the war summoned Sidney Lanier from books to arms. In April, 1861, he enlisted in the Confederate Army, with the Macon Volunteers of the Second Georgia Battalion, the first military organization which left Georgia for Virginia. From his childhood he had had a military taste. Even as a small boy he had raised a company of boys armed with bows and arrows, and so well did he drill them that an honored place was granted them in the military parades of their elders. Having volunteered as a private at the age of nineteen, he remained a private till the last year of the war. Three times he was offered promotion and refused it because it would separate him from his younger brother, who was his companion in arms, as their singularly tender devotion would not allow them to be parted. The first year of service in Virginia was easy and pleasant, and he spent his abundant leisure in music and the study of German, French, and Spanish. He was in the battles of Seven Pines, Drewry's Bluffs, and the seven days' fighting about Richmond, culminating in the terrible struggle of Malvern Hill. After this campaign he was transferred, with his brother, to the signal service, the joke among his less fortunate companions being that he was selected because he could play the flute. His headquarters were now for a short period at Petersburg, where he had the advantage of a small local library, but where he began to feel the premonitions of that fatal disease, consump-

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 tion, against which he battled for fifteen years. The regular full inspirations required by the flute probably prolonged his life. In 1863 his detachment was mounted and did service in Virginia and North Carolina. At last the two brothers were separated, it coming in the duty of each to take charge of a vessel which was to run the blockade. Sidney's vessel was captured, and he was for five months in Point Lookout prison, until he was exchanged (with his flute, for he never lost it), near the close of the war. Those were very hard days for him, and a picture of them is given in his "Tiger Lilies," the novel which he wrote two years afterward. It is a luxuriant, unpruned work, written in haste for the press within the space of three weeks, but one which gave rich promise of the poet. A chapter in the middle of the book, introducing the scenes of those four years of struggle, is wholly devoted to a remarkable metaphor, which becomes an allegory and a sermon, in which war is pictured as "a strange, enormous, terrible flower," which "the early spring of 1861 brought to bloom besides innumerable violets and jessamines." He tells how the plant is grown; what arguments the horticulturists give for cultivating it; how Christ inveighed against it, and how its shades are damp and its odors unhealthy; and what a fine specimen was grown the other day in North America by "two wealthy landed proprietors, who combined all their resources of money, of blood, of bones, of tears, of sulphur, and what not, to make this the grandest specimen of modern horticulture." "It is supposed by some," says he, "that seed of this American specimen (now dead) yet remains in the land but as for this author (who, with many friends, suffered

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 from the unhealthy odors of the plant), he could find it in his heart to wish fervently that this seed, if there be verily any, might perish in the germ, utterly out of sight and life and memory, and out of the remote hope of resurrection, forever and ever, no matter in whose granary they are cherished!" Through those four years, though earnestly devoted to the cause, and fulfilling his duties with zeal, his horror of war grew to the end. He had entered it in a "crack" regiment, with a dandy uniform, and was first encamped near Norfolk, where the gardens, with the Northern market hopelessly cut off, were given freely to the soldiers, who lived in every luxury; and every man had his sweetheart in Norfolk. But the tyranny and Christlessness of war oppressed him, though he loved the free life in the saddle and under the stars.

In February, 1865, he was released from Point Lookout and undertook the weary return on foot to his home in Georgia, with the twenty-dollar gold piece which he had in his pocket when captured, and which was returned to him, with his other little effects, when he was released. Of course he had the flute, which he had hidden in his sleeve when he entered the prison, and which had earned him some comforts. He reached home March 15th, with his strength utterly exhausted. There followed six weeks of desperate illness, and just as he began to recover from it his beloved mother died of consumption. He himself arose from his sick-bed with pronounced congestion of one lung, but found relief in two months of out-of-door life with an uncle at Point Clear, Mobile Bay. From December, 1865, to April, 1867, he filled a clerkship in Montgomery, Ala., and in the next month made his first visit to New

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 York on the business of publishing his "Tiger Lilies," written in April. In September, 1867, he took charge of a country academy of nearly a hundred pupils in Prattville, Ala., and was married in December of the same year to Miss Mary Day, daughter of Charles Day, of Macon.

To the years before Mr. Lanier's marriage belong a dozen poems included in this volume. Two of them are translations from the German made during the war; the others are songs and miscellaneous poems, full of flush and force, but not yet moulded by those laws of art of whose authority he had hardly become conscious. His access to books was limited, and he expressed himself more with music than with literature, taking down the notes of birds, and writing music to his own songs or those of Tennyson.

In January, 1868, the next month after his marriage, he suffered his first hemorrhage from the lungs, and returned in May to Macon, in very low health. Here he remained, studying and afterward practising law with his father, until December, 1872. During this period there came, in the spring and summer of 1870, a more alarming decline with settled cough. He went for treatment to New York, where he remained two months, returning in October greatly improved and strong in hope; but again at home he lost ground steadily. He was now fairly engaged in the brave struggle against consumption, which could have but one end. So precarious already was his health that a change of residence was determined on, and in December, 1872, he went to San Antonio, Texas, in search of a permanent home there, leaving his wife and children meanwhile at Macon. But the climate did not prove favorable and he returned in April, 1873.

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 During these five years a sense of holy obligation, based on the conviction that special talents had been given him, and that the time might be short, rested upon Lanier, until it was impossible to resist it longer. He felt himself called to something other than a country attorney's practice. It was the compulsion of waiting utterance, not yet enfranchised. From Texas he wrote to his wife:

Now fully determined to give himself to music and literature so long as he could keep death at bay, he sought a land of books. Taking his flute and his pen for sword and staff, he turned his face northward. After visiting New York he made his home in Baltimore, December, 1873, under engagement as first flute for the Peabody Symphony Concerts.

With his settlement in Baltimore begins a story of as brave and sad a struggle as the history of genius records. On the one hand was the opportunity for study, and the full consciousness of power, and a will never subdued; and on the other a body wasting with consumption, that must be forced to task beyond its strength not merely to express the thoughts of

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 beauty which strove for utterance, but from the necessity of providing bread for his babes. His father would have had him return to Macon, and settle down with him in business and share his income, but that would have been the suicide of every duty and ambition. So he wrote from Baltimore to his father, November 29, 1873:

"I have given your last letter the fullest and most careful consideration. After doing so I feel sure that Macon is not the place for me. If you could taste the delicious crystalline air, and the champagne breeze that I've just been rushing about in, I am equally sure that in point of climate you would agree with me that my chance for life is ten times as great here as in Macon. Then, as to business, why should I, nay, how can I, settle myself down to be a third-rate struggling lawyer for the balance of my little life, as long as there is a certainty almost absolute that I can do some other thing so much better? Several persons, from whose judgment in such matters there can be no appeal, have told me, for instance, that I am the greatest flute-player in the world; and several others, of equally authoritative judgment, have given me an almost equal encouragement to work with my pen. (Of course I protest against the necessity which makes me write such things about myself. I only do so because I so appreciate the love and tenderness which prompt you to desire me with you that I will make the fullest explanation possible of my course, out of reciprocal honor and respect for the motives which lead you to think differently from me.) My dear father, think how, for twenty years, through poverty, through pain, through weariness, through sickness, through the uncongenial atmosphere of a farcical college and of a bare army and then of an exacting business life, through all the discouragement of being wholly unacquainted with literary people and literary ways—I say, think how, in spite of all these depressing circumstances, and of a thousand

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 more which I could enumerate, these two figures of music and of poetry have steadily kept in my heart so that I could not banish them. Does it not seem to you as to me, that I begin to have the right to enroll myself among the devotees of these two sublime arts, after having followed them so long and so humbly, and through so much bitterness?"

What could his father do but yield? And what could he do during the following years of his son's fight for standing-room on the planet but help? But for that help, generously given by his father and brother, as their ability allowed, at the critical times of utter prostration, the end would not have been long delayed. For the little that was necessary to give his household a humble support it was not easy for the most strenuous young author to win by his pen in the intervals between his hemorrhages. He asked for very little, only the supply of absolute necessities, what it would be easy for a well man to earn, but what it was very hard for a man to earn scarce able to leave his bed, dependent on the chance income had from poems and articles in magazines that would take them, or from courses of lectures in schools. Often for months together he could do no work. He was driven to Texas, to Florida, to Pennsylvania, to North Carolina, to try to recover health from pine breaths and clover blossoms. Supported by the implicit faith of one heart, which fully believed in his genius, and was willing to wait if he could only find his opportunity, his courage never failed. He still kept before himself first his ideal and his mission, and he longed to live that he might accomplish them. It must have been in such a mood that, soon after coming to Baltimore, he wrote to his wife, who was detained in the South:

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Lanier's was an unknown name, and he would write only in obedience to his own sense of art, and he did not fit his wares to the taste of those who buy verse. It was to comfort his wife, in this period of greatest uncertainty whether he had not erred in launching in the sea of literature, that he wrote again a letter of frankest confession:

"I will make to thee a little confession of faith, telling thee, my dearer self, in words, what I do not say to my not-so-dear-self except in more modest feeling.

"Know, then, that disappointments were inevitable, and will still come until I have fought the battle which every great artist has had to fight since time began. This—dimly felt while I was doubtful of my own vocation and powers—is clear as the sun to me now that I know, through the fiercest tests of life, that I am in soul, and shall be in life and utterance, a great poet.

"The philosophy of my disappointments is, that there is so much cleverness standing betwixt me and the public Richard Wagner is sixty years old and over, and one-half of the most cultivated artists of the most cultivated art-land, quoad music, still think him an absurdity. Says Schumann in one of his letters: 'The publishers will not listen to me for a moment'; and dost thou not remember Schubert, and Richter, and John Keats, and a sweet host more?

"Now this is written because I sit here in my room daily, and picture thee picturing me worn, and troub-

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 WORKS BY JEAN PAUL.

TITAN.

2 vols. $3.00.

FLOWER, FRUIT, AND THORN PIECES.

2 vols. $2.75.

LEVANA.

1 vol. $1.50.

The above are published in uniform size and style.

IN PRESS.

I.

LIFE OF JEAN PAUL.

By Mrs. Lee. New and Revised Edition.

II.

MISCELLANEOUS WRITINGS.

1 vol. 16mo.

TICKNOR AND FIELDS, Publishers.


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 Flower, Fruit, and Thorn Pieces

OR THE

MARRIED LIFE, DEATH, AND WEDDING

OF

THE ADVOCATE OF THE POOR,

FIRMIAN STANISLAUS SIEBENKÄS.

BY

JEAN PAUL FRIEDRICH RICHTER.

TRANSLATED FROM THE GERMAN

By EDWARD HENRY NOEL.

With a Memoir of the Author,

By THOMAS CARLYLE.

In Two Volumes.

I.

BOSTON:

TICKNOR AND FIELDS.

1863.


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Rh I too was awakened by my rapture, but nothing had disappeared but the storm, for the mother, who in my dream had pressed her child to her heart, was still reposing on the earth in the sweet embrace; and she will read this dream, and it is hoped will pardon the dreamer for dreaming the truth.


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text: Flower, Fruit, and Thorn Pieces/Volume 1/Biographical Sketch of Jean Paul Friedrich Richter


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Rh not uninspired heart, strove to represent it in the Visible, and published tidings of it to his fellow-men. • This one virtue, the foundation of all other virtues, and which a long study more and more clearly reveals to us in Jean Paul, will cover far greater sins than his were. It raises him into quite another sphere than that of the thousand elegant sweet-singers, and cause-and-effect philosophers, in his own country, or in this; the million Novel-manufacturers, Sketchers, practical Discoursers, and so forth, not once reckoned in. Such a man we can safely recommend to universal study; and for those who, in the actual state of matters, may the most blame him, repeat the old maxim: "What is extraordinary, try to look at with your own eyes."


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 led, or disheartened; and because I do not wish thee to think up any groundless sorrow in thy soul. Of course I have my keen sorrows, momentarily more keen than I would like any one to know; but I thank God that in a knowledge of Him and of myself which cometh to me daily in fresh revelations, I have a steadfast firmament of blue, in which all clouds soon dissolve. I have wanted to say this several times of late, but it is not easy to bring one's self to talk so of one's self, even to one's dearer self.

"Have then no fears nor anxieties in my behalf; look upon all my disappointments as mere witnesses that art has no enemy so unrelenting as cleverness, and as rough weather that seasons timber. It is of little consequence whether I fail; the I in the matter is a small business: 'Que mon nom soit flétri, que la France soit libre!' quoth Danton; which is to say, interpreted by my environment: Let my name perish—the poetry is good poetry and the music is good music, and beauty dieth not, and the heart that needs it will find it."

Having now given sacredly to art what vital forces his will could command, he devoted himself, with an intense energy, to the study of English literature, making himself a master of Anglo-Saxon and early English texts, and pursuing the study down to our own times. He read freely, also, and with a scholar's nice eagerness, in further fields of study, but all with a view to gathering the stores which a full man might draw from in the practice of poetic art; for he had that large compass which sees and seeks truths in various excursions, and no field of history, or philology, or philosophy, or science found him unsympathetic. The opportunity for these studies opened a new era in his development, while we begin to find a crystallization of that theory of formal verse which he adopted, and a growing power to master it. To

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Talk:Bible (Douay-Rheims, Challoner)/3 Kings

1 Kings aka 1 Samuel, why is the link broken and redirects to 3 Kings (1st Kings of other translations)?
I clicked on 1 Kings and I get 3 Kings without any explanation. Similarly, when I click on 2 Kings I get 4 Kings instead. 198.91.201.72 07:20, 24 January 2024 (UTC)

 * Someone got confused when setting up the links. I've fixed them for now. Thanks, Beeswaxcandle (talk) 07:52, 24 January 2024 (UTC)
 * Beeswaxcandle, I undid your well-meaning fixes because when someone goes to 1 Kings (Bible) and clicks on the link, then what they're looking for is 3 Kings (known in most Bibles as "1 Kings") and similarly, when someone goes to 2 Kings (Bible) and clicks on the link, then what they're looking for is 4 Kings (known in most Bibles as "2 Kings"). I think I got it all straight now. Thanks for understanding. (If I didn't explain it good enough, then please let me know and I'll try to explain in better.) Sincerely, Sije (talk) 23:37, 31 May 2024 (UTC)


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 126 until they amount to forty in number. He must then give one for one hundred and twenty, and two for the next eighty, and then one for every hundred afterwards. For camels the following is the rate:—from 5 to 24, one sheep or goat; from 25 to 35, one yearling female (bint-i-mukház) camel; from 36 to 45, one two-year old female (bint-i-labún) camel; from 46 to 60, one three-year old female (hiqqah) camel; from 61 to 75, one four-year old female (jazʾah) camel; from 76 to 90, two two-year old female camels; from 91 to 120, two three-year old female camels; and from 121 and upwards, either a two-year old female camel for every forty, or a three-year old female camel for every fifty.

For cows or bulls:—If 30 cows, a one-year old female calf; if 40, a two-year old female calf, and so on, a one-year old female calf for every 10.

Alms for buffaloes are the same as for sheep.

For horses, either the same rate as for camels, or two rupees eight annas for every horse whose value exceeds one hundred rupees. Animals used for riding, and beasts of burden, are exempt.


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 this artistic side of poetry he gave, from this time, very special study, until he had formulated it in his lectures in the Johns Hopkins University, and in his volume "The Science of English Verse."

But from this time the struggle against his fatal disease was conscious and constant. In May, 1874, he visited Florida under an engagement to write a book for distribution by a railroad company. Two months of the summer were spent with his family at Sunnyside, Ga., where "Corn" was written. This poem, published in Lippincott's Magazine, was much copied, and made him known to many admirers. No one of these was of so much value to him as Bayard Taylor, at whose suggestion he was chosen to write the cantata for the opening of the Centennial Exposition at Philadelphia, and with whom he carried on a correspondence so long as Mr. Taylor lived. To Mr. Taylor he owed introductions of value to other writers, and for his sympathy and aid his letters prove that he felt very grateful. In his first letter to Mr. Taylor, written August 7, 1875, he says:

The selection of Mr. Lanier to write the Centennial Cantata first brought his name into general notice; but its publication, in advance of the music by Dud-

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 ley Buck, was the occasion of an immense amount of ridicule, more or less good-humored. It was written by a musician to go with music under the new relations of poetry to music brought about by the great modern development of the orchestra, and was not to be judged without its orchestral accompaniment. The criticism it received pained our poet, but did not at all affect his faith in his theories of art. To his father he wrote from New York, May 8, 1876:

Since first coming to the North in September, 1873, Mr. Lanier had been separated from his family. The two happy months with them after his visit to Florida was followed by several other briefer visits. The winters of 1874–75 and 1875–76 found him still in Bal-

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Rh (3.) Fruits. For fruits watered by rain a tenth is given; but if irrigated, then a twentieth part.

(4.) Grain. The same rate as for fruits.

(5.) Merchandise. For the capital, as well as for the profits, Zakát is given at the rate of one in forty, provided the owner be a Sáhib-i-nissáb. For gold bullion, half a misqál (=67½ grains) is given for every 20 misqál weight. For silver bullion at the rate of 2½ per cent. For whatever is found in mines, if over 240 dirhams in weight (=2 lbs. 2 oz. 2dr.), a fifth is required; and if the money be laid out in merchandise, alms are to be given on the profits.

Wood and pearls are exempt, and also clothing; but not jewels.

The following are the classes of persons on whom it is lawful to bestow the Zakát:—

1. Such pilgrims to Mecca as have not the means of defraying the expenses of the journey.

2. Religious mendicants.

3. Debtors who cannot discharge their debts.

4. Beggars.

5. Poor travellers.


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 128 6. Proselytes to Muhammadanism.

The Zakát, or legal alms, must be distinguished from the Sadaqa, or offerings, which is a term more especially applied to the offerings on the ʾId-ul-Fitr (q.v.) although it is used for almsgiving in general.

As far as we have been able to ascertain, it does not appear that the Muhammadans of the present day are very regular in the payment of the Zakát, which ought to be given on the termination of a year's possession. In countries under Muhammadan rule it is exacted by Government.

It is somewhat remarkable that Muhammad in his institution of legal almsgiving did not more closely copy the Jewish law in the giving of the "tenths," more particularly as the number ten appears to have been so frequently preferred as a number of selection in the cases of offerings in both sacred and secular history. The Muhammadan Zakát, however, differs very materially from the Jewish tithe; for the latter was given to the Levites of the Temple, and employed by them for their own support and for that of the priests, as well as for festival


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 Rh purposes. The Muhammadan priesthood are supported by grants of land, and offerings at the time of harvest, and are not permitted to take any of the Zakát. Moreover, the descendants of the "Prophet" are not allowed to accept of either Zakát or Sadaqa, because "they are of the Prophet's own blood and not to be included in the indigent."

Whatever may be the weak points in Muhammadanism, all candid observers, acquainted with the condition of Muhammadan nations, must admit that its provision for the poor is highly commendable. As we have journeyed from village to village amongst the Afghans, we have been frequently struck with the absence of great poverty; and even in our large cities, where Muhammadan beggars are numerous, it must be remembered that they are either religious mendicants or professional beggars, and for the most part quite unworthy of charitable relief.


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xii

(page 183)—The existing factories—The supply produced (184)—The Oriental Salt Company—Earth-salt (185)—Fish curing yards (186). —Abkari in the Agency—Toddy—Spirit— Abkari in the ordinary tracts; arrack (189)—Toddy (191)—Opium—Hemp-drugs (192). (193)—Sea-customs—Land-customs. . (194) ... ...

(page 195). —Limits of the Agency (196)—Agency rules (197)—Laws in force in the Agency. —Existing courts—Amount of litigation (198)— Registration. —The various tribunals— Former meriah sacrifices (199)—Crime and criminal castes (203). (205). (206)., Laws in force in the Agency (208) ... ... ...

(page 212)—The Unions—Finances of the boards (213). —Anakapalle municipality—Bimlipatam municipality (214)—Vizianagram municipality—Improvements effected by it— Water-supply and drainage (215)—Vizagapatam municipality—Its many undertakings (216)—The water-works (217)

(page 218)—Anakapalle (219)—Kasimkota (222)— Sankaram (223). (226)—Bimlipatam—Padmanabham (230)—Potnuru—Saintapilly (231). (232)—Bissam- kaiak. (236)—Bobbili. (243)— Chipurupalle—Garugubilli—Gujaratipeta—Shermuhammadpuram (244). (245)—Andra—Gajapatinagaram—Jayati (246) —Marupilli—Regulavalasa. (247)—Balighattam (252) —Gudem—Krislinadevipet (253)—Lotugedda—Narasapatam—Uratla (254)~Vajragada (255). (257)—Gudari (258)—Gunupur—Jagamanda (259). (260)—Guptasvara Cave— Jeypore (261)—Kotapad (274). (277)—Koraput. (278)— Kondnkamberu (281)—Malkanagiri—Motu. (282)— Naurangpur—Pappadahandi (283). (284)—Borra Cave (285)— Matsya gundam. (287)—Palkonda (290)-Razam—Siripuram — Viraghattam (292).

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 timore, playing at the Peabody, pursuing his studies and writing the "Symphony," the "Psalm of the West," the "Cantata," and some shorter poems, with a series of prose descriptive articles for Lippincott's Magazine. In the summer of 1876 he called his family to join him at West Chester, Pa. This was authorized by an engagement to write the Life of. The work was begun, but the engagement was broken two months later, owing to the illness of the friend of the family who was to provide the material from the mass of private correspondence.

Following this disappointment a new cold was incurred, and his health became so much impaired that in November the physicians told him he could not expect to live longer than May, unless he sought a warmer climate. About the middle of December he started with his wife for the Gulf coast, and visited Tampa, Fla., gaining considerable benefit from the mild climate. In April he ventured North again, tarrying through the spring with his friends in Georgia; and, after a summer with his own family in Chadd's Ford, Pa., a final move was ventured in October to Baltimore as home. Here he resumed his old place in the Peabody orchestra, and continued to play there for three winters.

The Old English studies which he had pursued with such deep delight, he now put to use in a course of lectures on Elizabethan Verse, given in a private parlor to a class of thirty ladies. This was followed by a more ambitious "Shakspere Course" of lectures in the smaller hall of the Peabody Institute. The undertaking was immensely cheered on and greatly praised, but was a financial failure. It opened the way, however, to one of the chiefest delights of

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 ] urgency, are unbecoming in a problem demanding above all things the calm gravity, deliberateness, freedom, which alone befit representatives of an eternal Church. The probability of an interruption of the Council before anything is decreed is a miserable subterfuge. Is it really believed that the majority is accidental and could not be counted upon again?

"What appears to us most serious in this coup d'etat is not so much the disordering of the Council's regular work, as the proof thereby displayed of an arbitrary and absolute will, determined to override everything in order to secure an end long since designed although long concealed.

"Certainly those who urge the Holy Father to such extremes take upon themselves a most tremendous responsibility. Considering the circumstances (especially the doubts already raised as to the Council's freedom), under which they have demanded and secured an exercise of supreme authority, placing so many venerable Bishops in the dilemma of a struggle with the Pope or with their own consciences, we cannot refrain from the enquiry, What future do they expect will await this assembly of the Vatican?

"The Council has now resumed its labours under new Regulations. Undoubtedly these will facilitate rapidity. But the aim of a Council is not rapidity, but truth. If the speed is increased, it is at the price of the freedom of the Bishops; at the price of real deliberation; of the dignity and security of the Church. The new Regulations on Procedure had provoked a protest from one hundred Bishops of the minority: they feel themselves burdened by intolerable restrictions. They find themselves completely under the control of the Presidents, of the Commissions, of the majority. And behind all these there is the perpetual intervention of the Pope himself. The Presidents control absolutely the order of the day, the length of the Sessions, the regularity of meetings, the intervals for the study of documents. The Council, under such dominion, has no life of its own, and no power of initiative. It has


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 his life, his appointment as lecturer on English literature for the ensuing year at the Johns Hopkins University. After some correspondence on the subject with President Gilman, he received notice on his birthday, 1879, of his appointment, with a salary attached (it may be mentioned), which gave him the first income assured in any year since his marriage. This stimulated him to new life, for he was now barely able to walk after a severe illness and renewed hemorrhage.

The last two years had been more fruitful in verse than any that had gone before, as he had now acquired confidence in his view of the principles of art. In 1875 he had written:

Among his poems of this period may be mentioned "A Song of the Future," "The Revenge of Hamish," and—what are excellent examples of the kind of art of which he had now gained command—"The Song of the Chattahoochee," and "A Song of Love." It was at this time that he wrote "The Marshes of Glynn," his most ambitious poem thus far, and one which he intended to follow with a series of "Hymns of the Marshes," which he left incomplete.

The summer of 1879 was spent at Rockingham Springs, Va., and here, in six weeks, was begun and finished his volume, "Science of English Verse." Another severe illness prostrated him in September,

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 ] were reluctant to take this final step. Which of the two was the wiser course the future will show."

The author complains still further of pressure exerted from without; of ordinary priests encouraged by Roman influences to make declarations in favour of Infallibility against their Bishops—a sort of novel Presbyterianism in which the Bishop's testimony to the faith is superseded by a section of his clergy. More serious still is the personal intervention of the Pope. A powerful moral pressure is brought to bear upon the Bishops by Pius IX. Bellarmine wrote a courageous letter to Clement VIII., counselling him not to influence the assembled theologians with the weight of his personal opinions, nor to bestow his favours and coveted distinctions exclusively upon those who thought as he did, but to leave all men in these serious discussions to the unimpeded expression of his own belief. Certainly Pius IX. had met with other advisers, and Bellarmine has no equivalent in the Vatican of to-day. Semi-official papers ascribed to the Pope a sentiment of dignified reserve on the question of his Infallibility. But, as a fact, every movement in that direction has received papal blessings and encouragement. An astonishing number of briefs has been issued from the secretariat of latin letters. Each tract in favour of Infallibility is commended. Thus the subject before the Council is prejudged, and the minority bishops themselves indirectly attacked.

The author's conclusion is that the character of the Council is seriously compromised, and its freedom more than questionable.

The general discussion of Infallibility began on the 13th of May, and continued to the 3rd of June. No


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Rh (293)—Addapusila—Kurupam—Morangi (295)—Parvatipar (297)—Sangamvalasa (298). (300)— Nandapuram—Pottangi. (301)—Payakapad—Rayagada-Singapur (302). (301)— Korravanivalasa—Pachipenta (305)— Saldr (30G). (309)—Dimila—Gopalapatnam—Nakkapalli— Pancha-dharala (310)—Payakaraopeta (312)—Pentakota (313)—Pudimadaka—Rayavaram—Sarvasiddhi (314)—Uppalam— Vatada (315)—Yellamanchili. (316)—Dharmavaram—Jami— Kasipuram (317)—Srungavarapukota (318). (319)— Chodavaram—Madgole. (323)— Simhachalam—Vizagapatam (335). (335)—Ramatirtham—Vizianagram (336)

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 262 no liberty. Is there," asks the writer, "any deliberative assembly in Europe or America similarly restricted? And yet the necessity of freedom is more imperative here than in any assembly in the world, considering the eternal interests here involved.

"The minority feel themselves still more crippled by the power of numbers. There exists a majority and a minority; unequal in numerical strength, but far more equal considering the Churches which they represent. The composition of this majority raises serious thoughts. The Council includes, besides diocesan Bishops, whose right alone is indisputable, Bishops with no diocese; Vicars Apostolic, dependent on Rome and removable at will; Cardinals who are not Bishops and some not even priests; superiors of religious Orders." According to the author, the proportion whose right of membership was uncertain amounted to 195. "Moreover the preponderance of Italian influence is shown in the fact that it is represented by 276 Bishops, while all the rest of Europe has only 265. A considerable proportion of Bishops are being maintained by the Pope, which increases the difficulties of real independence.

"If it be said that decision by majorities is the method of all deliberative assemblies, the answer is, that this is not true of a Universal Council of the Church; least of all can it be permissible with an Assembly so constituted as that of the Vatican. Creation of dogmas by such a method is impossible. It has never been done in the Church. And, accordingly, the protest of a hundred Bishops declares that moral unanimity alone can determine dogmatic questions. So serious they declare is this matter that unless their protest against the New Regulations be attended to, and that without delay, their consciences will be burdened with intolerable difficulties. A hundred Bishops say this. And they have secured no reply whatever. The perplexities resulting from this treatment may be well imagined. Certainly the function of an Episcopal minority in a Council is no sinecure. Some desired at once to withdraw altogether. Others, and these the more numerous,


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 264 less than sixty-four Bishops desired to speak upon it. Their names are known, but their speeches, with few exceptions, are only known in fragments. They all exist of course in the shorthand reports stored in the Vatican archives, but they have not yet appeared. This remains for a future historian. Meanwhile, we know fairly well what Manning said, and we have in full the speech of the Archbishop of Paris.

The Archbishop of Paris discussed three points: the introduction, the contents, and the results of this proposed decree. Two facts might show whether its introduction into the Council was in accordance with the principles and dignity of such an Assembly.

One fact was, that while Papal Infallibility was obviously the real object for which the Vatican Council as assembled (as indeed the creation of a new dogma is the most momentous act a Council can perform), nevertheless this momentous subject was never mentioned in the official documents. And this omission was natural. For the Catholic world had no desire for a settlement of the question; nor was there any real ground for meddling with what had hitherto always been a subject of free enquiry among theologians.

The second fact was the introduction of the subject into the Council completely out of its logical and natural order. It was not logical to begin the doctrine on the Church with a definition on the Papacy; for the Infallibility of the Church must clearly be considered prior to that of the Pope.

So far as to its introduction. As to its subject matter: the substance of the formula before the Council contained ambiguous expressions, and was full of difficulty. Under what conditions is this Infallibility supposed to be exercised? By what external signs can we rest assured that the Pope is discharging the


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 but the necessity of work allowed no time for such distractions. In October he opened three lecture courses in young ladies' schools; and through the winter, notwithstanding a most menacing illness about January 1st, he was in continuous rehearsals and concerts at the Peabody, and besides miscellaneous writings and studies, gave weekly ten lectures upon English literature, two of them public at the University, two to University classes, and the remaining six at private schools. The University public lectures upon English Verse, more especially Shakspere's, in part contained, and in part were introductory to, "The Science of English Verse."

The final consuming fever opened in May, 1880. In July he went with Mrs. Lanier and her father to West Chester, Pa., where a fourth son was born in August. Unable to bear the fall climate, he returned, alone, early in September to his Baltimore home.

This winter brought a hand-to-hand battle for life. In December he came to the very door of death. Before February he had essayed the open air to test himself for his second University lecture course. His improvement ceased on that first day of exposure. Nevertheless, by April he had gone through the twelve lectures (there were to have been twenty), which were later published under the title "The English Novel." A few of the earlier lectures he penned himself; the rest he was obliged to dictate to his wife. With the utmost care of himself, going in a closed carriage and sitting during his lecture, his strength was so exhausted that the struggle for breath in the carriage on his return seemed each time to threaten the end. Those who heard him listened with a sort of

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 fascinated terror, as in doubt whether the hoarded breath would suffice to the end of the hour.

It was in December of this winter, when too feeble to raise his food to his mouth, with a fever temperature of 104 degrees, that he pencilled his last and greatest poem, "Sunrise," one of his projected series of the "Hymns of the Marshes." It seemed as if he were in fear that he would die with it unuttered.

At the end of April, 1881, he made his last visit to New York, to complete arrangements with Charles Scribner's Sons for the publication of other books of the King Arthur series. But in a day or two aggravated illness compelled his wife to join him, and his medical adviser pronounced tent-life in a pure, high climate to be the last hope. His brother Clifford was summoned from Alabama to assist in carrying out the plans for encamping near Asheville, N. C., whither the brothers went soon after the middle of May. By what seemed a hopeful coincidence he was tendered a commission to write an account of the region in a railroad interest as he had done six years before with Florida. This provided a monthly salary, which was to be the dependence of himself and family. The materials for this book were collected, and the book thoroughly shaped in the author's mind when July ended; but his increasing anguish kept him from dictating, often from all speech for hours, and he carried the plan away with him.

A site was chosen on the side of Richmond Hill, three miles from Asheville. Clifford returned to Alabama, after seeing the tents pitched and floored, and Mrs. Lanier came with her infant to take her place as nurse for the invalid. Early in July Mr. Lanier the father, with his wife, joined them in the

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 encampment. As the passing weeks brought no improvement to the sufferer he started, August 4th, on a carriage journey across the mountains with his wife, to test the climate of Lynn, Polk County, N. C. There a deadly illness attacked him. No return was possible, and Clifford was summoned by telegraph, and assisted his father in removing the encampment to Lynn. Deceived by hope, and pressed by business cares, Clifford went home August 24th, and the father and his wife five days later, expecting to return soon. Mrs. Lanier's own words, as written in the brief "annals" of his life furnished me, will tell the end:

So the tragedy ended, the manly struggle carried on with indomitable resolution against illness and want and care. Just when he seemed to have conquered success enough to assure him a little leisure to write his poems, then his feeble but resolute hold upon earth was exhausted. What he left behind him was written with his life-blood. High above all the evils of the world he lived in a realm of ideal serenity, as if it were the business of life to conquer difficulties.

This is not the place for an essay on the genius of Sidney Lanier. It is enough to call attention to some marked points in his character and work.

He had more than Milton's love for music. He

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 sung like a bard to the accompaniment of a harp. He lived in sweet sounds: forever conscious of a ceaseless flow of melody which, if resisted for awhile by business occupations, would swell again in its natural current and break at his bidding into audible music.

We have the following recognition of his genius from, his Director for six years in the Peabody Symphony Orchestra of Baltimore:

"To him as a child in his cradle Music was given: the heavenly gift to feel and to express himself in tones. His human nature was like an enchanted instrument, a magic flute, or the lyre of Apollo, needing but a breath or a touch to send its beauty out into the world. It was indeed irresistible that he should turn with those poetical feelings which transcend language to the penetrating gentleness of the flute, or the infinite passion of the violin; for there was an agreement, a spiritual correspondence between his nature and theirs, so that they mutually absorbed and expressed each other. In his hands the flute no longer remained a mere material instrument, but was transformed into a voice that set heavenly harmonies into vibration. Its tones developed colors, warmth, and a low sweetness of unspeakable poetry; they were not only true and pure, but poetic, allegoric as it were, suggestive of the depths and heights of being and of the delights which the earthly ear never hears and the earthly eye never sees. No doubt his firm faith in these lofty idealities gave him the power to present them to our imaginations, and thus by the aid of the higher language of Music to inspire others with that sense of beauty in which he constantly dwelt.

"His conception of music was not reached by an analytic study of note by note, but was intuitive and spontaneous; like a woman's reason: he felt it so, because he felt it so, and his delicate perception required no more logical form of reasoning.

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 "His playing appealed alike to the musically learned and to the unlearned—for he would magnetize the listener; but the artist felt in his performance the superiority of the momentary living inspiration to all the rules and shifts of mere technical scholarship. His art was not only the art of art, but an art above art.

"I will never forget the impression he made on me when he played the flute-concerto of Emil Hartmann at a Peabody symphony concert, in 1878: his tall, handsome, manly presence, his flute breathing noble sorrows, noble joys, the orchestra softly responding. The audience was spellbound. Such distinction, such refinement! He stood, the master, the genius."

In the one novel which he wrote at the age of twenty-five, he makes one of his characters say:

The theoretical relation between music and poetry would hardly have attracted his study had it not been that his mind was as truly philosophically and scientifically accurate, as it was poetically sensuous and imaginative. In a letter to Mr. E. C. Stedman he complained that "in all directions the poetic art was suffering from the shameful circumstance that criticism was without a scientific basis for even the most elementary of its judgments."

Although the work was irksome to him, he could

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 not go on writing at hap-hazard, trusting to his own mere taste to decide what was good, until he had settled for himself scientifically what are the laws of poetical construction. This accounts for his exposition of the laws of beauty in that unique work, "The Science of English Verse," which was based on Dante's thought, "The best conceptions cannot be save where science and genius are." The book is chiefly taken up with a discussion of rhythm and tone-color in verse; and it is well within the truth to say that it is the most complete and thorough original investigation of the formal element in poetry in existence. The rhythm he treated as the marking of definite time measurements, which could be indicated by bars in musical notation, having their regular time and their regular number of notes, with their proper accent. To this time measurement Mr. Lanier gave the preeminence which Coleridge and other writers have given to accent. He conceived of a line of poetry as consisting of a definite number of bars (or feet), each bar containing, in dactylic metre, three equal "eighth notes," of which the first is accented, or in iambic metre (which has the same "triple" time), of one "eighth note," and one "quarter note," with the accent on the second. Thus the accented syllable is not necessarily "longer" than the unaccented, except as the rhythm happens to make it so. This idea is very fully developed and with great wealth of curious Old English illustrations. Under the designation of "tone-color" he treats very suggestively of rhyme, alliteration, and vowel and consonant distribution, showing how the recurrence of euphonic vowels and consonants secures that rich variety of tone-color which music gives in orchestration. The work thus

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 breaks away from the classic grammarian's tables of trochees and anapæsts, and discusses the forms of poetry in the terms of music; and of both tone-color and of rhythm he would say, in the words of old King James, "the very touch-stone whereof is music."

Illustrations of these technical beauties of musical rhythm, and vowel and consonant distribution, abound in Lanier's poetry. Such is the "Song of the Chattahoochee," which deserves a place beside Tennyson's "Brook." It strikes a higher key, and is scarcely less musical. Such passages are numerous in his "Sunrise on the Marshes," as in the lines beginning,

or the other lines beginning,

These investigations in the science of verse bore their fruit especially in the poems written during the last three or four years of his life, when his sense of the solemn sacredness of Art became more profound, and he acquired a greater ease in putting into practice his theory of verse. And this made him thoroughly original. He was no imitator either of Tennyson or of Swinburne, though musically he is nearer to them than to any others of his day. We constantly notice in his verse that dainty effect which the ear loves, and which comes from deft marshalling of consonants and vowels, so that they shall add their suppler and subtler reinforcement to the steady infantry tramp of rhythm. Of this delicate art, which is much more than mere alliteration, which is concerned with dominant accented vowels as well as consonants, with the easy flow of liquids and fricatives,

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 and with the progressive opening or closing of the organs of articulation, the laws are not easy to formulate, but examples abound in Lanier's poems.

Mr. Stedman, poet and critic, raises the question whether Lanier's extreme conjunction of the artistic with the poetic temperament, which he says no man has more clearly displayed, did not somewhat hamper and delay his power of adequate expression. Possibly, but he was building not for the day, but for time. He must work out his laws of poetry, even if he had almost to invent its language; for to him was given the power of analysis as well as of construction, and he was too conscientious to do anything else than to find out what was best and why, and then tell and teach it as he had learnt it, even if men said that his late spring was delaying bud and blossom.

But it would be a great mistake to find in Lanier only, or chiefly, the artist. He had the substance of poetry. He possessed both elements, as Stedman says, "in extreme conjunction." He overflowed with fancy. His imagination needed to be held in check. This was recognized in "Corn," and appears more fully in "The Symphony," the first productions which gave him wide recognition as a poet. Illustrations too much abound to allow selection.

And for the substance of invention there needed, in Lanier's judgment, large and exact knowledge of the world's facts. A poet must be a student of things, truths, and men. His own studies were wide and his scholarship accurate. He did not believe that art comes all by instinct, without work. In one of his keen criticisms of poets he said of Edgar A. Poe, whom he esteemed more highly than his countrymen are wont to do: "The trouble with Poe was, he did

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 not know enough. He needed to know a good many more things in order to be a great poet." Lanier had "a passion for the exact truth," and all of it.

The intense sacredness with which Lanier invested Art held him thrall to the highest ethical ideas. To him the most beautiful thing of all was Right. He loved the words, "the beauty of holiness," and it pleased him to reverse the phrase and call it "the holiness of beauty." When one reads Lanier, he is reminded of two writers, Milton and Ruskin. More than any other great English authors they are dominated by this beauty of holiness. Lanier was saturated with it. It shines out of every line he wrote. It is not that he never wrote a maudlin line, but that every thought was lofty. That it must be so was a first postulate of his Art. Hear his words to the students of Johns Hopkins University:

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30 Philo of Gadara is asserted by Montucla, on the authority of Eutocius, the commentator on Archimedes, to have squared the circle within the ten-thousandth part of a unit, that is, to four places of decimals. A modern classical dictionary represents it as done by Philo to ten thousand places of decimals. Lacroix comments on Montucla to the effect that myriad (in Greek ten thousand) is here used as we use it, vaguely, for an immense number. On looking into Eutocius, I find that not one definite word is said about the extent to which Philo carried the matter. I give a translation of the passage:—

Montucla, or his source, ought not to have made this mistake. He had been at the Greek to correct Philo Gadetanus, as he had often been called, and he had brought away and quoted 🇬🇷. Had he read two sentences further, he would have found the mistake.

We here detect a person quite unnoticed hitherto by the moderns, Magnus the arithmetician. The phrase is ironical; it is as if we should say, 'To do this a man must be deep in Cocker.' Accordingly, Magnus, Baveme, and Cocker, are three personifications of arithmetic; and there may be more.

Aristotle, treating of the category of relation, denies that the quadrature has been found, but appears to assume that it can be done. Boethius, in his comment on the passage, says that it has been done since Aristotle, but that the demonstration is too long for him to give. Those who have no notion of the quadrature question may look at the English Cyclopædia, art. 'Quadrature of the Circle.'


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 And he returns to the theme:

Thus was it true, as was said of his work by his associate, Dr. Wm. Hand Browne, that "one thread of purpose runs through it all. This thread is found in his fervid love for his fellow-men, and his never ceasing endeavors to kindle an enthusiasm for beauty, purity, nobility of life, which he held it the poet's first duty to teach and to exemplify." And so there came into his verse a solemn, worshipful element, dominating it everywhere, and giving loftiness to its beauty. For he was the democrat whom he described in contrast to Whitman's mere brawny, six-footed, open-shirted hero, whose strength was only that of the biceps:

"My democrat, the democrat whom I contemplate with pleasure, the democrat who is to write or to read the poetry of the future, may have a mere thread for his biceps, yet he shall be strong enough to handle hell; he shall play ball with the earth; and albeit his stature may be no more than a boy's, he shall still be

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 "Remarkable coincidence that 'ere, sir," replied Sam.

"Why remarkable, Sam?" inquired Mr. Pickwick.

"Walentine's day, sir," responded Sam; "reg'lar good day for a breach o' promise trial."

Mr. Weller's smile awakened no gleam of mirth in his master's countenance. Mr. Pickwick turned abruptly round, and led the way in silence.

They had walked some distance: Mr. Pickwick trotting on before, plunged in profound meditation, and Sam following behind, with a countenance expressive of the most enviable and easy defiance of everything and everybody when the latter, who was always especially anxious to impart to his master any exclusive information he possessed, quickened his pace until he was close at Mr. Pickwick's heels; and, pointing up at a house they were passing, said:

"Wery nice pork-shop that 'ere, sir."

"Yes, it seems so," said Mr. Pickwick.

"Celebrated Sassage factory," said Sam.

"Is it?" said Mr. Pickwick.

"Is it!" reiterated Sam, with some indignation; "I should rayther think it was. Why, sir, bless your innocent eyebrows, that's where the mysterious disappearance of a 'spectable tradesman took place four year ago."

"You don't mean to say he was burked, Sam?" said Mr. Pickwick, looking hastily round.

"No, I don't indeed, sir," replied Mr. Weller, "I wish I did; far worse than that. He was the master o' that 'ere shop, sir, and the inwenter o' the patent-never-leavin'-off sassage steam ingine, as ud swaller up a pavin' stone if you put it too near, and grind it into sassages as easy as if it was a tender young babby. Wery proud o' that machine he was, as it was nat'ral he should be, and he'd stand down in the celler a lookin' at it wen it was in full play, till he got quite melancholy with joy. A wery happy man he'd ha' been, sir, in the procession o' that ere ingine and two more lovely hinfants besides, if it hadn't been for his wife, who was a most


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 "Oh, that's the 'rig'nal, is it?' said Sam. "Well, I'm wery glad I've seen the 'rig'nal, cos it's a gratifyin' sort o' thing, and eases vun's mind so much."

"And here's the shilling," said Jackson. "It's from Dodson and Fogg's.

"And it's uncommon handsome o' Dodson and Fogg, as knows so little of me, to come down vith a present," said Sam. "I feel it as a wery high compliment, sir; it's a wery hon'rable thing to them, as they knows how to reward merit werever they meets it. Besides wich, it's affectin' to one's feelin's."

As Mr. Weller said this, he inflicted a little friction on his right eye-lid, with the sleeve of his coat, after the most approved manner of actors when they are in domestic pathetics.

Mr. Jackson seemed rather puzzled by Sam's proceedings; but, as he had served the subpoenas, and had nothing more to say, he made a feint of putting on the one glove which he usually carried in his hand, for the sake of appearances; and returned to the office to report progress.

Mr. Pickwick slept little that night; his memory had received a very disagreeable refresher on the subject of Mrs. Bardell's action. He breakfasted betimes next morning, and, desiring Sam to accompany him, set forth towards Gray's Inn Square.

"Sam!" said Mr. Pickwick, looking round, when they got to the end of Cheapside.

"Sir?" said Sam, stepping up to his master.

"Which way?"

"Up Newgate Street."

Mr. Pickwick did not turn round immediately, but looked vacantly in Sam's face for a few seconds, and heaved a deep sigh.

"What's the matter, sir?" inquired Sam.

"This action, Sam," said Mr. Pickwick, "is expected to come on, on the fourteenth of next month."


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 "I suppose, sir," said Mr. Pickwick, his indignation rising while he spoke; "I suppose, sir, that it is the intention of your employers to seek to criminate me upon the testimony of my own friends?"

Mr. Jackson struck his forefinger several times against the left side of his nose, to intimate that he was not there to disclose the secrets of the prison-house, and playfully rejoined:

"Not knowin', can't say."

"For what other reason, sir," pursued Mr. Pickwick, are these subpoenas served upon them, if not for this?"

"Very good plant, Mr. Pickwick," replied Jackson, slowly shaking his head. "But it won't do. No harm in trying, but there's little to be got out of me."

Here Mr. Jackson smiled once more upon the company, and, applying his left thumb to the tip of his nose, worked a visionary coffee-mill with his right hand: thereby performing a very graceful piece of pantomime (then much in vogue, but now, unhappily, almost obsolete) which was familiarly denominated "taking a grinder."

"No, no, Mr. Pickwick," said Jackson, in conclusion; "Perker's people must guess what we've served these subpœnas for. If they can't, they must wait till the action comes on, and then they'll find out."

Mr. Pickwick bestowed a look of excessive disgust on his unwelcome visitor, and would probably have hurled some tremendous anathema at the heads of Messrs. Dodson and Fogg, had not Sam's entrance at the instant interrupted him.

"Samuel Weller?" said Mr. Jackson, inquiringly.

"Vun o' the truest things as you've said for many a long year," replied Sam, in a most composed manner.

"Here's a subpœna for you, Mr. Weller," said Jackson.

"What's that in English?" inquired Sam.

"Here's the original," said Jackson, declining the required explanation.

"Which?" said Sam.

"This," replied Jackson, shaking the parchment.


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 taller than the great redwoods of California; his height shall be the height of great resolution, and love, and faith, and beauty, and knowledge, and subtle meditation; his head shall be forever among the stars."

This standard he could not forget in his judgments of artists. There was something in Whitman which "refreshed him like harsh salt spray," but to Whitman's lawlessness of art he was an utter foe. We find it written down in his notes:

So he says of Swinburne:

And of William Morris:

Though not what would be called a religious writer, Lanier's large and deep thought took him to the deepest spiritual faiths, and the vastness of Nature drew him to a trust in the Infinite above us. Thus, his young search after God and truth brought him into the membership of the Presbyterian Church while at Oglethorpe College; and though in after years his creed became broader than that imposed by the Church he had joined on its clergy, he could not

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 At this inquiry Mr. Snodgrass gave such a very undisguised and palpable start, that no further reply was needed.

"Ah! I thought so," said Mr. Jackson, more affably than before. "I've got a little something to trouble you with, sir."

"Me!" exclaimed Mr. Snodgrass.

"It's only a subpœna in Bardell and Pickwick on behalf of the plaintiff," replied Jackson, singling out one of the slips of paper, and producing a shilling from his waistcoat pocket. "It'll come on, in the settens after Term; fourteenth of Febooary, we expect; we've marked it a special jury cause, and it's only ten down the paper. That's yours, Mr. Snodgrass." As Jackson said this he presented the parchment before the eyes of Mr. Snodgrass, and slipped the paper and the shilling into his hand.

Mr. Tupman had witnessed this process in silent astonishment, when Jackson, turning sharply upon him, said:

"I think I ain't mistaken when I say your name's Tupman, am I?"

Mr. Tupman looked at Mr. Pickwick; but, perceiving no encouragement in that gentleman's widely-opened eyes to deny his name, said:

"Yes, my name is Tupman, sir."

"And that other gentleman's Mr. Winkle, I think?" said Jackson.

Mr. Winkle faltered out a reply in the affirmative; and both gentlemen were forthwith invested with a slip of paper, and a shilling each, by the dexterous Mr. Jackson.

"Now," said Jackson, "I'm afraid you'll think me rather troublesome, but I want somebody else, if it ain't inconvenient. I have Samuel Weller's name here, Mr. Pickwick."

"Send my servant here, waiter," said Mr. Pickwick. The waiter retired, considerably astonished, and Mr. Pickwick motioned Jackson to a seat.

There was a painful pause, which was at length broken by the innocent defendant.


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 walking straight into the George and Vulture, demanded to know whether one Mr. Pickwick was within.

"Call Mr. Pickwick's servant, Tom," said the barmaid of the George and Vulture.

"Don't trouble yourself," said Mr. Jackson, "I've come on business. If you'll show me Mr. Pickwick's room I'll step up myself."

"What name, sir?" said the waiter.

"Jackson," replied the clerk.

The waiter stepped up stairs to announce Mr. Jackson; but Mr. Jackson saved him the trouble by following close at his heels, and walking into the apartment before he could articulate a syllable.

Mr. Pickwick had, that day, invited his three friends to dinner; they were all seated round the fire, drinking their wine, when Mr. Jackson presented himself, as above described.

"How de do, sir?" said Mr. Jackson, nodding to Mr. Pickwick.

That gentleman bowed, and looked somewhat surprised, for the physiognomy of Mr. Jackson dwelt not in his recollection.

"I have called from Dodson and Fogg's," said Mr. Jackson, in an explanatory tone.

Mr. Pickwick roused at the name. "I refer you to my attorney, sir: Mr. Perker, of Gray's Inn," said he. "Waiter, show this gentleman out."

"Beg your pardon, Mr. Pickwick," said Jackson, deliberately depositing his hat on the floor, and drawing from his pocket the strip of parchment. "But personal service, by clerk or agent, in these cases, you know, Mr. Pickwick—nothing like caution, sir, in all legal forms?"

Here Mr. Jackson cast his eye on the parchment; and, resting his hands on the table, and looking round with a winning and persuasive smile, said: "Now, come; don't let's have no words about such a little matter as this. Which of you gentlemen's name's Snodgrass?"


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 monetary system of the country, when they were rejoined by Pell and Wilkins Flasher, Esquire, who led them to a part of the counter above which was a round black board with a large "W." on it.

"Wot's that for, sir?" inquired Mr. Weller, directing Pell's attention to the target in question.

"The first letter of the name of the deceased," replied Pell.

"I say," said Mr. Weller, turning round to the umpires. "There's somethin' wrong here. We's our letter—this won't do."

The referees at once gave it as their decided opinion that the business could not be legally proceeded with, under the letter W, and in all probability it would have stood over for one day at least, had it not been for the prompt, though, at first sight, undutiful behaviour of Sam, who, seizing his father by the skirt of the coat, dragged him to the counter, and pinned him there, until he had affixed his signature to a couple of instruments; which from Mr. Weller's habit of printing, was a work of so much labour and time, that the officiating clerk peeled and ate three Ripstone pippins while it was performing.

As the elder Mr. Weller insisted on selling out his portion forthwith, they proceeded from the Bank to the gate of the Stock Exchange, to which Wilkins Flasher, Esquire, after a short absence, returned with a cheque on Smith, Payne, and Smith, for five hundred and thirty pounds; that being the sum of money to which Mr. Weller at the market price of the day, was entitled, in consideration of the balance of the second Mrs. Weller's funded savings. Sam's two hundred pounds stood transferred to his name, and Wilkins Flasher, Esquire, having been paid his commission, dropped the money carelessly into his coat pocket, and lounged back to his office.

Mr. Weller was at first obstinately determined on cashing the cheque in nothing but sovereigns: but it being represented by the umpires that by so doing he must incur the expense


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 outgrow the simple faith and consecration which are all it requires of its membership. His college notebook records his earnestness:

How naturally his large faith in God finds expression in his "Marshes of Glynn;" or his reverent discipleship of the great Artist and Master in his "Ballad of the Trees and the Master," or his "The Crystal," which was Christ. Yet, with not a whit less of worshipfulness and consecration, there grew in him a repugnance to the sectarianism of the Churches which put him somewhat out of sympathy with their formal organizations. He wrote, in what may have been a sketch for a poem:

It was this quality, high and consecrate, as of a palmer with his vow, this knightly valiance, this constant San Greal quest after the lofty in character and aim, this passion for Good and Love, which fellows

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 "Done."

Another entry was made in the little books, with the gold pencil-cases; and Mr. Simmery having, by this time, killed all the flies and taken all the bets, strolled away to the Stock Exchange to see what was going forward.

Wilkins Flasher, Esquire, now condescended to receive Mr. Solomon Pell's instructions, and having filled up some printed forms, requested the party to follow him to the Bank: which they did: Mr. Weller and his three friends staring at all they beheld in unbounded astonishment, and Sam encountering everything with a coolness which nothing could disturb.

Crossing a court-yard which was all noise and bustle; and passing a couple of porters who seemed dressed to match the red fire engine which was wheeled away into a corner; they passed into an office where their business was to be transacted, and where Pell and Mr. Flasher left them standing for a few moments, while they went up stairs into the Will Office.

"Wot place is this here?" whispered the mottled-faced gentleman to the elder Mr. Weller.

"Counsel's Office," replied the executor in a whisper.

"Wot are them gen'l'men a settin' behind the counters?" asked the hoarse coachman.

"Reduced counsels, I s'pose," replied Mr. Weller. "Ain't they the reduced counsels, Samivel?"

"Wy, you don't suppose the reduced counsels is alive, do you?" inquired Sam, with some disdain.

"How should I know?" retorted Mr. Weller; "I thought they looked wery like it. Wot are they, then?"

"Clerks," replied Sam.

"Wot are they all a eatin' ham sangwidges for?" inquired his father.

Cos it's in their dooty, I suppose," replied Sam, "it's a part o' the system; they're alvays a doin' it here, all day long!"

Mr. Weller and his friends had scarcely had a moment to reflect upon this singular regulation as connected with the