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 Chap. VIIL] TWO COMPANIES ESTABLISHED. 377

to the several benefits of the said act," proceeds to dechire that they shall • con- a.d koo. tinue and be one body, corporate and politick, by the name aforesaid, subject, nevertheless, to be determined upon redemption of the fund. ' The reasons given for the enactment are, that the London Com})any, though entitled to the ])enefits confen-ed on the subscribers to the loan, would, notwithstanding, be dejuived of them " should they cease to be a coqjoration ;" and " for that several hundred persons are interested in the said subscription of £315,000, they cannot manage the same, and the benefit of trade accruing thereby, but in a corporation."

Thus, by solenni acts of the legislature, two indeiiendent East India Com- Tw., in.ie panics were estal)lished, without any provision whatever to prevent the evils East indu which would necessarily arise from their rivalship and collision. The geogra- phical limits of the trade were sufficiently ample for both, and each might have been assigned a distinct field, within which it would have found ample scope for all its capital and enterprise. Iii-stead of this they were placed at once in hostile array, and commenced a system of warfare which, while it exposed them to the derision and extortion of the native rulei-s, could only terminate in their common ruin. So early was this perceived, that the new or English Company, afraid to face the difficulties which, from the very first, began to gather around them, made overtures for a union. The London Company were not disposed to listen. They had been forced into a struggle which they were most anxious to prevent ; but, now that it had commenced, felt so confident of victor}', that when their agents abroad expressed their alarm, they spoke slightingly of the danger, and described it "as a blustering storm, which was so f;u- from tearing them up, that it only a little shook the roots, and made them thereby take the better hold, and grow the firmer, and flourish the faster." The language thus em])loyed was more vainglorious than sincere ; and when tiie violent feeling-s which at the com- mencement of the struggle kept the companies aloof had been giaduall- mode- rated, a general desire for union began to be entertained. The king himself, probably convinced that the legislature itself was to blame for much of the con- fusion which had arisen, openly declared in favour of a union, and in particular when, agreeably to a practice then usual in pfvssing a private act, a deputation of the London Company, consisting of the governor and committees, and about 100 inoprietoi-s, accompanied by the lord-mayor, sherifts, and ten of the alder- men of London, obtained an audience of his majesty at Kensington on the 8th of March, 1700, to re(piest that he would give the royal assent to the bill for continuing them a corporation, he took the opportunity, while assuring them of his favour and protection, to recommend the union of the two companies to their serious coiLsideration, on the ground '• that it would he mo.st for the interest of the India trade. '

Though the union of the companies was not effected during the reign of Toms on

.,,. tiT-ii* 1" 1*11 f t • n • "1 which tlie

Kmg William, las recommendation had a powerful influence m paving the way .,.iiii..-»ni«>

for it At first, indeed, the London Company, instead of meeting its rival on ur^^*** VuL. 1. 48


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 HISTOUY OF INDIA.

[iiOOK J I.

A.D. 1700.

Tenns on which the cumpanies were amal- gamated.

a footing of equality, endeavoured to get rid ol' it altogether by making an offer to parliament to advance, at a reduced interest, as much money as would suffice to pay the whole of the £2,000,000 loan. Thi.s offer could not have been accepted without a gi-os.s breach of faith with the subscribers to that loan, and wa« there- fore justly rejected. It was now felt that the union ajuld only be effected on equitable terms; and as the necessity for it became daily more and more apparent, the deputies of the two companies, abandoning all attempts to overreach each other, began in good earnest to arrange an amalgamation. The result was embodied in a deed dated the 2d of July, 1 702, and entitled " Indenture Tri- partite between her majesty Queen Anne and the two East India Companies, for uniting the said Companies." The leading object of this deed was to place the companies in the very same position, by dividing the whole sum advanced to government into two equal portions, and assigning one portion to each. At the time of its execution, the subscription to the £2,000,000 loan stood as follows: —

English Company's subscription, ;£l, 662,000

London Company's subscription, ..... .315,000

Sejiarate traders' subscription, ..... 23,000

.£2,000,000

Leaving out of view the separate traders, who were so called because they preferred to trade, to the amount of their subscription, on their own individual responsibility, and not on a joint stock, the whole sum subscribed by the two companies was £1,977,000. The share allotted to each company, under the new arrangement, was the half of this sum, or £988,500; but as the London Company had subscribed only £315,000, it was necessary for them to make up the difference by purchasing stock at par from the English Company, to the amount of £673,500. This arranged, the next object was to fix the value of what was called the dead stock of the companies, or that portion of stock which, consisting of forts, factories, buildings, &c., coiild not be tiu-ned into money, but behoved to be reserved in common for the pm-pose of carrjdng on the trade. The whole of this dead stock was valued at £400,000, of which £330,000 belonged to the London, and only £70,000 to the English Company. It was therefore necessary, in order to maintain equality, that the latter Company should make up the difference by paying to the former £130,000. Dm-ing seven years, the companies were to maintain their separate existence, but the trade was to be carried on as an united trade, for the common benefit of both, and under the direction of twenty-four managers, twelve of them chosen by each company. At the end of the seven years the London was to be entirely merged in the Eng- lish Company, which should, "from thenceforth, for ever, continue the same corporation and body politick, with change of its name, and be from thenceforth called by the name of ' The United Company of Merchants of England trading to the East Indies.' "

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 Chap. VIII.] FINANCIAL POSITION OF THE OLD COMPANY.

379

Of the same date as the indenture tripartite, another was executed under the name of " Quinque-partite Indenture of Conveyance of the Dead Stock of the two East India Companies." The inventory which it gives of this stock is of some interest, in so far at least as relates to the original Company, as it not only furnishes the names, but also indicates the extent of the acc^uisitions which it had made in the East during the 100 years of its existence. The various places and subjects conveyed, in terms of the above agi'eement, at the valuation of £'330,000, are enumerated as follows: — "The ports and islands of Bombay and St. Helena, with all their rights, profits, territories, and a})pin-tenances what- soever. Under the pre- sidency of the aforesaid island Bombay, the fac- tories of Surat, Swall}^, and Broach, and the factories of Amadavad, Agra, and Lucknow (in which three last places the Company liave only houses and buildintjs and some other conve- niences remaining, but

A U. ITin

Position of theoMCtini- puny at the time of the anialgania- tiun.

G0MBR(K)N, OR BENDER ABBAZ. — Stnijs, Voyages ell iloBcovie. Tartarie,

they have at present no " "'""■ "'■ '"*'■

factors that reside there). On the coast of Malabar, the forts of Carwar, Tellicherry, and Anjengo, and the fectory of Calicut. In Persia, the factories of Gombroon, Shiraz, and Ispahan, and the yeai-ly rent, pension, or sum of 1000 tomands, amounting to the yearly sum of £3333, 6s. 8(/. English mone', gi-anted by the Sophy of Persia to the said governor and Company. On the coast of Choromandel, Chinghee and Orixa, Fort St. George, with the castle and fortifica- tions, and territory thereto belonging, upon which a large city is built, consisting

of houses, which are held of and pay rent to the said governor and Comjiany,

together with the said city and its dependencies ; and also all that fort called Fort St. David (being a strong fort and factory), and about three miles compass of the cu'cumjacent country, upon which several small towns or villages ai-e erected; the Victories of Cuddalore, Porto-Novo, Pettipolee, Melchlepatam (Masulipatam), and MadapoUam, and the fort and fiictory of Vizagapatam. On the island of Sumatra, the settlement of York Fort at Bencoolen, and the fac- tory there, with a territory of about five miles thereto belonging, and the factory at Indrapore; also the factories of Tr^-aming and Sillebar, and some other out-pagars or factories dejiending on tlio factory of Bencoolen. In Cochin- China, the factoiy of Tonquin, in tlu' kingdom of Bengal ; the Fort William and the fictory of Chuttanuttee, with a large territory thereto belonging ; the fiictories of Balasore. Cossimbuzar, Dacca, Hooghly, Moulda. Rajahmaul, and

Eiiumera- tioii of factories.


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 380

IIISTOItV OF INI)IA.

[Book IF.

A.D. iron

Obstacles to cordial uiiiun.

Patna. Also the right and title of the said governor and Company to Bantam, or any other' settlements in tiie South Seas; and all rents, customs, and other profits, and all privileges, graunts, and phirrnaunds in India."

It must be admitted that the sulyects above enumerated were very mrxle- rately valued, and had not only cost more, but would have been rated far higher for an absolute sale. The object, however, being to effect an amicable amalgamation, the London Company lost little by con.senting to liVjeral terms, though the effect certainly was to give an unfavourable view of the .state of their affairs, and countenance the allegation that at the period when the arrangement was made, notwithstanding the large dividends regvdarly declared, they were barely solvent. This would almost seem to have been their own impression, for though they had at first professed aversion to the union, they at la.st became so urgent for it as once more to a«k in the aid of the now notorious Sir Basil Firebrace, and purchase it by the promise of an enormoas reward. As a compensation for his services, if they proved .successful, £150,000 of the Company stock was to be transferred to him at £80. Assuming the .stock to be at par, he was to make a gain of twenty per cent., or in other rewards receive a douceur of £30,000. The arrangement- was not more extravagant than impolitic, because it led many of the English Company to imagine that they had been outwitted in the bargain, and thus disposed them instead of entering into it cordially, to throw obstacles in the way of its completion. This want of cordiality was especially manifested abroad, where the servants of both companies, disregarding the instructions which they received from

home, seemed determined to carry on a kind of internecine warfare. Year after year thus passed away, and the process of winding up the separate concerns of the companies, prepara- tory to the final amalgamation, made little progress. The necessity of tak- ing some more decisive step for this purpose having become apparent, it was at last resolved to have recourse to a referee. This important office was undertaken b}^ no less a personage than Sidney, Earl of Godolphin, the lord high-treasurer of Great Britain; and in order that fuU effect might be given to his award, it was previously made binding on both companies by a special clause in an act of parlia- ment.

This act of parliament (6th Anne, chap. 17), exa<;ted a new loan of £1,200,000

Sidney, Earl of Godolphin.— After Sir G. Kneller.


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 Chap. VTIT.] CAPITAL (W THE UNITED COMPANY. 381

from tlie United Company, thus making the whole amount of the advance to a.d. ivns. government £3,2,. No interest was allowed on the latter loan ; but as the former had borne interest at eight per cent., the effect was to accumulate both capitjiiof

° ^ ^ the United

loans into one, bearing a connnon interest of five per cent. In return for Uie loan comitmy. thus exacted, certain new advantjiges were conferred. The portion of the original loan, which still belonged to the separate traders of the General Society, had been reduced to £7200, and it was now made optional to the United Company, on giving three years' notice of their intention after 29th September, 1711, to pay off this sum and incorporate it with their own stock, so as to put them in exclusive possession of the whole East India trade, and leave them without even the siuidow of a competitor. It was also enacted that the existence of the Company, instead of being terminable by three years' notice after 1711, on repayment of the loan, should he prolonged under the same conditions till 1 726 ; and power was given them to borrow £1,500,000, which they might either allow to remain as a bonded debt, or repay by means of calls on their share- liolders. In this way the amount of capital, which would othenvise have been absorbed by the additional loan, was more than replaced. Lord Go- dolphin's award was pronounced on the 29th September, 1708; and the arrangements consequent upon it being immediately completed, the amalga- mation was finally etlected. One Company only, bearing the name of " The United Company of Merchants of En^dand trading to the East Indies," nowNamooi

. ® . * . theUiiitt.l

existed ; and preparations were forthwith made for canying on the East cnixni}. India trade on a larger scale than it had previously attained. The circum- stances were propitious: the charter of the English Company on which the trade was in future to be conducted could no longer be called in question, as it had obtained the direct sanction of the legislature — the internal dissensions and animosities which at one time threatened to bring ruin on both companies had been suppressed — and the native governments, in consequence of the political changes which followed the death of Am-ungzebe, had beeomc less able to practise extortion and oppression.

GAROOKrH OF THE PERSIAN GULT.

I


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 BOOK III.

FROxM THE UNION OF THE COMPANIES TO THE ACQUISITION OF

BENGAL, BEHAR, AND ORISSA.

CHAPTER I.

Actual position of the United Company — Political state of India — The immediate succesaorB of Aurunsjzebe — The Mahrattas and other native states — The invasion of Nadir Shah.

A.D. 170S.

Difficulties with the Mogul.

Acquisitions of the Company in Bengal.

SiHILE parliament was discus.sing the best mode of estab- I lisbing the trade to the East, the trade itself had been >l almost suspended, particularly on the west coast of I India, by an embargo which Am-ungzebe had laid on all European ships in the harbour of Surat. Yarioas "^^^^^^ acts of piracy had been committed, and the Mogul. xN-fe^r instead of endeavouring to discover the guilty parties, took the more compendious method of throwing the responsibility on the different Em^opean nations on whom he had conferred pri'ileges of trade. An imperial mandate accordingly was issued, obliging the English, Dutch, and French not only to pay the damage which had been sastained, but to give security for the payment of any similar damage which might be sustained in futm"e. Remonstrances against this despotic proceeding proved unavailing ; and the different companies saw themselves reduced to the neces- sity of saving their trade by submitting to injustice. Under an aiTangement which boimd them to clear the seas of pirates, the Dutch engaged for that pm'pose to cruise in the Red Sea, the French in the Persian Gulf, and the English along the Indian coast. The hardship thus inflicted entailed a serious loss on the London Company, at a time when the threatening aspect of their affairs at home made retrenchment and rigid economy more than ever desirable. It says much for their spirit and foresight, that in these untoward circum- stances they even ventured on a heavy outlay, in order to make a valuable acquisition in another part of India.

This acquisition is described in the inventory above quoted as " the Foil; William and the factor}^ of Chuttanuttee, with a large territory thereto belong- ing." The factory of Chuttanuttee had, it wiU be remembered, been estabHshed some years before, when, after the humiliating result of the war rashly entered into with the Mogul, an insulting permission was given to re-.ume the trade;


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 Chap. I.] CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED COMPANY. 383

but the territory now cac»j[uired included the three entire towns, or rather ad. 1708. villages of Chuttanuttee, Govindpore, and Calcutta — thus giving the Company a territorial footing in Bengal similar to that previously possessed at Madi'as and Bombay. Bengal was in conset^uence again raised to the rank of an inde- pendent presidency, and Fort William, newly erected, and so called in honoiu" of the reigning English monarch, became its capital.

The United Company had thus at the very outset three distinct presidencies, Coiistituticm each governed by its own president and council, and entitled to act indepen- cunipim.v. dently of the others. Madnis was the oldest, Bombay the strongest, and Bengal commercially the most important, but no one possessed any recognized sujie- riority ; and the only controlling power which could give them unity of purpose and action centred in the court of directors, who met in Leadenhall Street. This court, as constituted by the new charter, laboured under several very obvious defects. Its members, twenty -four in number, were elected by the • general court of proprietors, composed of all who possessed at least £500 of stock. This amount gave one vote ; but, contrary to the provisions of earlier charters, no additional amount of .stock, however large, gave more votes than one. The proprietor of £500 and of £50,000 were placed on the very same footing, and, constitutionally at least, exercised tlie same degree of influence in the general management. Tlie object of this provision apparently was to counteract the tendency to monopoly, and prevent the recurrence of the abuse which had taken place at an earlier period, when a few overgrown proprietors, with Sir Josiah Child at their head, usurped a selfish and injurious ascendency. If this was the object, the means employed were not well calculated to accomplish it. Common fairness required that some proportion should have been established between the power of voting and the interest at stake ; and it is therefore not sur})rising that the larger proprietors took the remedy into their own hands, and had recom-se to the obvious but not very creditable expedient of manufacturing votes by splitting up their stock into £500 shares, and conveying them to confidential parties, who were bound to vote at their dictation. While no precaution was taken against this practice, the evils produced by it were per- mitted to assume their most aggravated form. The directors held office only for a single year ; and hence, as each annujil election came round, it was not impossible that the whole body of managers, and consequently the whole system of manajrement, would be chanfjed. The electioneering carried on under such circumstances was not onl}' unseemly but coiTupt, and the directors often owed their seats far less to their qualifications than to the superabundance of their promises. In proportion as the Company extended their operations, extensive and valuable rights of patronage were acquired : and the ajipointments which might be obtained in retiu'n for votes, induced many to purchase stock who cared little for the dividends which might be realized from it. The true interest of the Company Mas to such voters a matter of secondary moment ;


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 384 HLSTOUY OF INDIA. [Book III.

A. I). 1708. and their influence wa-s accordingly often employed not in promoting hut in thwarting it. A court of directors elected on eiToneous principles, and con- sisting of members who had no certainty of retaining office beyond a single year, could scarcely be expected to ccmduct the affairs of the Company on any regular and permanent system. This serious defect was aggravated by the constitution of the court itself. Under the old chartei-s provision was made for the appointment of a governor and deputy-governor, who, by occupying the chaii- for a definite period, were able to arrange the basiness and give some degree of uniformity to the proceedings ; but in the new charter this provision had been lost sight of, and for several years, whenever the directors met, the occupation of the chair was determined by a new election made on the spur of the moment. The obvious inconveniences of this arrangement were ultimately obviated by a by-law, which re-established the original practice. The othei" defects, however, remained ; and more than half a century elapsed before any serious attempt was made to remedy them. K;iii.viii.stor.v Tlic liistory of the United Company during the first years of its existence

fuinpan.v. fumislies few incidents deserving of special notice. The rivals who had ques- tioned the legality of former charters with the view of securing a .share in the East India trade, seeing themselves excluded by express acts of the legislature, had been obliged to quit the field; and encroachments on the exclusive monopoly which had been seem-ed, being now deemed hopeless, were no longer attempted. All the commercial transactions of the Company were henceforth carried on according to a regular routine ; and the record of them would only present a dry detail of exports and imports, vaiying in amount from year to year, yet exhibiting on the whole a permanent and important increase. The pi'ofit also increased, though not always in the same proportion, the amount of dividend often fluctuating with the state of af^iiire at home and abroad. In 1 708, when the complete union of the companies was effected, the dividend was at the rate of only five per cent., in 1709 it was eight per cent., in 1710 and

1711 nine per cent., and thereafter annually till 1723 ten per cent. A decline then took place, and the rate settled down at eight per cent. In

1712 the exclusive privileges of the Company, prexdouslj' terminable in 1726, were prolonged by 10 Anne, c. 28, to 1733. By a subsequent prolongation, three years were added to this period; and finally, by 17 Geo. II. c. 17, the exclusive trade was secured till the expiration of three years' notice after 1780.

Unsettled While the Company were thus secm'ed at home against any attempts which

Mogiu em- might havc been made to deprive them of their privileges, dangers threatened '^"^ them from various other quarters. Of these, the first in order, if not the most

alarming, was the state of anarchy with which the whole country seemed about

to be overwhelmed, in consequence of the dismemberment of the Mogul empire.

After Aurungzebe's death in 1707, a kind of will was found under his pillow.

He had foreseen the contest which would be wag-ed for his succession, and endea-


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 y8

HISTORY OF INDIA.

(Book III.

A D 1712.

Rypo .t lonfedenuv

Disputed

succession to tlie Mogi J throne.

his own officials, and pay Salio the proceeds. This was at tlie best a very humiliating arrantrement, hut tiie fortunes of the Mogul had already so far declined that any terms were deemed [jreferable to the hazard of a new strui'tfle.

In returning from tlie Deccan, Bahadur Shah was encountered by a new confedera(y of Rajpoots, headed by the Rana of Odeypoor and the Rajahs of

Jeypoor and Marwar. Be- /# fore he could crush it, a new

alarm broke out which ob- liged him to comjjly with their demands, and in fact make them independent in everything but the name. The alarm proceeded from the Punjab, where the Sikh.s, originally an insignificant religious sect, had risen rapid- ly into importance, and were now avenging themselves on their Mu.ssiilman pereecutors by fearful devastations and wholesale massacres. The insurrection was deemed for- midable enough to demand

EAJPOOT.S —From Buinouf, L'Inde Francaise ; Sohyn, Les Hindous ; and the CmperOr's perSOUal pre- Todd's Annals of RnjAsthan. .. ^ i* ll

sence, and was only partially suppressed when he died suddenly at Lahore, in Februarj^ 1712

As usual, the succession was disputed by his four sons. Azim-u-Shan, the second son, was the favourite both with the nobility and the army ; and, by a rapid march from his government of Bengal, where he had for several years been providing himself with the sinews of war, gained so much upon his competitors that resistance seemed all but hopeless. The other three brothers, seeing that their only chance of success was to unite against him as a common enemy, joined their forces, and, under the able guidance of ZuLfikar Khan, forced him to action under circumstances so disadvantageous, that after a short struggle lie lost both the battle and his life. The question of precedence among the remaining brothers stiU remained to be determined ; but Zulfikar Khan settled it by a very summary process. Moiz-u-din, who, as the eldest, had the best legal title, seemed excluded by incapacity; but to Zullikar this was his strongest recommendation. He had determined to use him as a tool, and therefore, espousing his cause, found little difficulty in seating him on the throne, under the title of Jehandar Shah. Zulfikar, almost as a matter of course, became


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 Chai'. 1. 1 KEIGN OF FAllOKSlllK. oS7

vizier, and wielded all the power of the state, while the pageant emperor gave ad. 1:13 himself up to folly and licentiousness.

One of the first acts of the new reign had been to seize and murder all who R-'s" of might have become rival claimants to the throne. Some of them, however, not- shai, withstanding the remorselessness with which this barbarous policy was carried out, had escaped. Among them was Faroksliir, son of the second l^'othei-, Azim-u-Shan, who, when he set out to contend for the succession, had left him to govern Bengal as his deputy. The incapacity of Jehandar Shah, and the arrogance and tyranny of Zultikar Khan, having jn-oduced general discontent. Farokshir saw his opportunity, and resolved to improve it. Supported by two brothers, Abdallah Khan and Hosen Ali, who, as Seyeds, or descendants of the Prophet, were held in reverence by the Mahometans, while their po.ssession of the respective governments of Allahabad and Behar ])laced a powerful force at their command, he raised the standard of revolt and advanced to the vicinit}' of Agi'a. There Jehandar and Zulfikar encountered him at the head of 70,000 men. Tiie battle was so fiercely contested that the issue Wcis long doul)tful. Ultimately the ini])erial troops, who had little good-will to the cause for which they were fighting, gave way, and Jeliandar, fleeing in disguise to Delhi, left Zulfikar to follow with the remaining troops as he best could. Farokshir was ^close upon his heels, and learned with delight, that instead of being obliged to wait the tedious process of a siege, the capital was already in his power. Zul- fikar met him as he approached, and delivered Jehandar a prisoner into his hands. This new act of perfidy did not save him. and both he and his master were immediately put to death.

Farokshir having thus mounted the Mogul throne on 4th February, 1713, iteignof naturally conferred the highest offices of the state on the two Seyeds. Abdal- lah, the elder, was made vizier; and Hosen Ali, who had almost miraculoasly recovered after being left for dead on the field, became Ameer-ut-Omrah, or commander-in-chief Pluming themselves on the important services which they had rendered, the brothei>5 were disposed to repeat the game which had been played by Zulfikar Khan, by leaving Farokshir only the name of emperor, while they really governed. The task proved more difficult than they had antici- pated. Farokshir, though of a feeble and irresolute character, ha<l a high idea of his own qualifications for reigning, and was surrounded by worthless favour- ites, whose raiiacity and ambition could not be satisfied while nothinjr but the shadow of power was left him. The Seyeds, accordingly, soon found themselves thwarted in their arbitrary proceedings by a strong court party, who, without venturing to j)rovoke an open rupture, were unwearied in intrigue. The fii-st scheme was to get rid of the presence of Hosen Ali by exciting a war which required his presence. In this there was no difficulty, as Ajit Sing, the power- ful Rajah of Marwar, was again in rebellion, and was, moreover, actually encour- aged in it by the court faction, who gave him to undei-stand that obstinate


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 to the Com-

b<SS llISTOliY OF IMHA. [Took III.

however, was too acute to play the game of Farokshir's favourites ; and, find- ing Hosen willing to grant him terras by which his own interests were secured, liastened to conclude a peace. hnixrtant One of the stipulations of this peace was that the rajah should give his
 * . u. i7i:i resistance would please the emperor more than rea/ly submission. The rajah,

Faioksiiii (laughter in marriage to the emperor. What the attractions of the lady were is not mentioned, but Faroksiiir seems to have felt all the ardour and im- patience of a lover. There was, however, a serioas obstacle in the way. The di«^ sipated course of life which he led had undermined Ms health, and he was labour- ing under a disease which did not permit him to marry. Fortunately, at this very period the Company had sent a formal emba.s.sy to Delhi to complain of the extortion and oppression practised upon them at their different factories, and more especially in Bengal. They had been induced to take this step in conse- quence of the favour which Farokshir had shown them while holding the government of this province, and their consequent hope that he would protec-t them against the harsh treatment which they were receiving from Jafiier Khan, his successor. The embassy carried with them presents to the value of about £30,000, intended partly for the emperor himself, and partly for the favourites by whom he was surrounded. It is not to be doubted that at a com-t where intrigue prevailed and all things had become venal, these presents must have smoothed down many difficulties ; but the idtimate success of the embassy was owing not to them but to a cause on which they had not calculated. ^Ir. Hamilton, the phy- sician to the embassy, had been called to court to give his professional aid, and succeeded so well, that the disease of the emperor, whicb had refused to yield to native treatment, was removed, and his marriage, which had been vexa- tiously delayed, was celebrated with unprecedented splendour. There was in consequence no limit to the favour which Mr. Hamilton enjoyed. The emperor publicly attested his gratitude by bestowing rich presents upon him in the pre- sence of all his courtiers, and was afterwards easily induced to comply with the petition which the embassy had presented, by issuing a firman which invested the Company with new and extensive priAoleges. Besides the three ^'illages which they aheady possessed in the vicinity of Fort WiUiam, authority was given them to acquire other thirty-seven on the same terms and in the same locality. For a time, in consequence of the hostility of Jafiier Khan, this grant was rendered inoperative ; but at last full effect was given to it, and the Com- pany, though not without serious misgivings of allowing themselves to be "encumbered with much territory," acquired right to a tract extending nearly ten miles along both sides of the Hooghly, and completely commanding its navi- gation. Among the other more important privileges confeiTed by the fii-man were the conversion of the duties previously payable at Siuat into a fixed annual sum, beyond which no charge of any kind was to be made ; and above all, the removal of one of the greatest impediments which trade had experienced,


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 Chap. I.] THE SEYEDS' liULE. 'S^'J

by exempting all goods protected by the Company's dustid; or passport, from ad iru

stoppage or examination by the officials of the Bengal government.

At the very time when Farokshir was making these concessions to the Com- vimua mie

f the

j)any his own affiiirs were hastening to a crisis. While Hosen Ali was absent seyedc. with the army, the corn-tiers had thrown off part of their former caution, and by evincing a more undisguised hostility, furnished him with a pretext for providing additional secmuties for his personal safety. Pretending an aliinu which it is probable they did not feel, the two brothers at first refused to appear at court, and then began to prepare for open hostihties. After a period of general consternation, during which the capit<l was threatened with anarchy, Farok.shu' found it necessary to submit, and consented to become virtually a prisoner in the hands of the Seyeds, by allowing the gates of the citadel, within which his [)alace stood, to be occupied by their guards, while an attempt was made to effect a reconcihation. After various abortive propo.sals it was at last arranged that Mir Junda, the emperor's favourite and head of the court faction, and Hosen Ali, should both quit Delhi, the former proceeding to his government of Behar and the latter to his government of the Deccan, while Abdallah Khan shoidd still retain his office of vizier. There was no sincerity on either side, and though the actual crisis was prevented, the course of in- trigue continued as before.

During the confusion caused by the dissensions at Delhi, the Sikhs, after xiie siwiis sustaining a series of disasters, had again become formidable. Their chief, uandii. Bandu, who had been made captive, had e.scaped, and suddenly i.ssuing from his mountain retreat renewed his ravages in the level country. Feeble {.s the central government now was, the necessity of vigorous measm-es was so .strongly felt, that a powerful force was despatched into the Punjab under the command of a chief called Abdusemed Khan, who conducted the campaign with consummate ability. After gaining repeated i-uccesses in the open field, he hunted the Siklis out of their fiistnesses, and made many of their leaders pri.soners. Bandu himself was again among the number, and expiated his crimes on the scaffold at Delhi by a death in which all kinds of horrific tor- tures were accumulated. Numerous other executions followed, and the Sikh.s, though still destined to play an important part in the history of India, were so completely subdued, that many years elap.sed before their existence as a nation acjain became discernible.

In the Deccan the Mogul arms were less successful. At first, on Hosen Alis Piooewiing* arrival in 1715, their emplojTiient was in civil warfare, said to have been insti- uoixiu. gated by the emperor himself Daoud Khan Panni, who, as luis been mentioned, was appointed by Zulfikar Khan to hold the government of the Deccan as his deputy, and negotiated a peace with the Mahrattas, was removed in 1713 on the accession of Farokshir, and was now governing the united provinces of Gujerat and Candeish. His immediate succes.sor in the Deccan was Chin Kilicli


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 390

HISTORY OF INDIA.

[Book HI.

ill the Uecuaii

A u. 17I.V Khan, afterwards well known as the founder of the Nizam dynasty, under his title of Nizam-ul-Moolk, meaning " Regulator or Governor of the State." To Proceedings make Way for Hosen Ali, he was removed to the comparatively insignificant government of Moradabad. B(tli of these chiefs considering themselves aggrieved by the loss of their more important appointments, hated Hosen, and were di.s- posed to throw their weight into any confederacy that might he formed against liim. Daoud, naturally the more headstrong and impetuous of the two, was first worked upon ; and no sooner learned that Hosen's destruction would be hailed at Delhi as a deliverance, than he resolved to attempt it, not covertly, but liy open hostility. With this view, having mustered the forces of his own govern- ments, and increased them by leaes from the Mahrattas and other Deccan chiefs

among whom he had

any influence, he at once made his appear- ance in the field, and that there might be no doubt as to his intentions, sent Ho.sen his defiance. The trial (jf strength thas pro- voked was speedily decided. Daoud, act- ing with his usual im- j)etuosity, commenced the battle with a charge, before which those opposed to him were

M.HRATTA.s. — From Forbas, Oriental Memoirs; and Bumouf, L'lude Francaise.

Progress of the Mahrattas

fleeing panic- struck, when he fell, pierced through the brain with a bullet. The fortune of the day was immediately reversed, and Hosen saw his threatened defeat con- verted into a complete victory.

While Daoud Khan Panni and Nizam-ul-Moolk governed in the Deccan, the Mahrattas, either distracted by internal dissensions, or satisfied with the advan- tageous peace which they had extorted, gave little trouble. The aspect of affairs was now changed. Hosen, offended at the assistance which they had given to his enemies, and deeming himself strong enough to put them down by main force, was not at all dissatisfied when the proceedings of one of their leading chiefs gave him good ground for interfering. This chief, whose family name was Dabari, by establishing a line of fortified villages in Candeish, had become the terror of caravans and travellers along the highroad leading from the Dec- can to Surat. A stroncj detachment which Hosen sent against him met with little obsti'uction, and marched on unconscious of danger till it became entangled


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in ravines. The Mahrattas, true to their mode of warfare, had possessed themselves of every possible outlet, and almost every man of the detachment perished by the sword or was made prisoner. The whole of the Mahratta confederacy was now in motion, and Hosen, fearing that he might be involved in an interminable and inglorious warfare, at the very time when his presence was imperatively required at Delhi, hastily concluded a peace with Saho, which confirmed him in the possession of a larger extent of territory than the Mahrattas had ever possessed before, and sanctioned the levying not only of the chout, but of the sirdesmuki, or an additional tenth of the whole remaining revenue throughout the Deccan. The only return which Saho made for these concessions was an agreement to guarantee the country from future depredations, to furnish a contingent of 15,000 for the maintenance of the public tranquillity, and to pay an annual tribute of ten lacs of rupees (£100.000).

Farokshir, while aware that his own intrigues had in a manner compelled Hosen to conclude this disgraceful treaty, refused to ratify it. The quarrels Farokshir which ensued hastened the crisis. Farokshir, had he possessed any degree of steadiness and energy, might easily have found in the chiefs who envied or hated the Seyeds, a combination powerful enough to free him from their galling yoke. His father-in-law, Ajit Sing, Rajah of Marwar, Jei Sing, Rajah of Amber, Sirbuland Khan, governor of Behar, and Nizam-ul-Moolk, who, considering himself exiled at Moradabad, was pining for higher employment, were all ready to have lent their aid. Instead of taking proper measures to court it, he only alienated them by the preference shown to unworthy favourites; and hence, when the period for a decisive trial arrived, found himself almost totally abandoned. Alarmed at the dangers by which he was beset, he now consulted only his fears, and endeavoured, by abject submission, to obtain at least a respite. Even this was denied; and after some attempts at a rescue, by a few partisans who still adhered to him in the capital, the Seyeds dragged him forth from his hidingplace in the seraglio, and caused him to be privately put to death in Feb. 1719.

The brothers, Hosen Ali and Abdallah Khan, were now absolute masters of the government, and might at once have put an end for ever to the Mogul dynasty. This was probably for themselves the safest course which they could have adopted; but its boldness deterred them, and they set up first one young prince of the blood and then another. By a singular fatality both died, it is said, not by violence, but naturally, within six months. A third was found of more robust constitution, and mounted the throne with the title of Mahomed Shah. The Seyeds evidently contemplated a continuance of their arbitrary rule; but symptoms of opposition were soon manifested in various quarters, and were rather encouraged than repressed by a timid and vacillating policy on the part of the government. It would indeed seem from the timid measures of the brothers, that they were conscious of having fallen greatly in public opinion, and felt the ground slipping from beneath their feet. With some of the earlier


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 3!»2 HISTOllV OF INDIA. [Kook JU

A. D. 1719. 1" 'beln against tlieir autliority, they found little difficulty in efTecting a com- pi'omise. It was otherwise when Nizam- ul-Moolk began to bestir himself, lie had been in communication with Farokshir's party; but, on seeing how little confidence could be placed in that fickle monarch, had given in his adhesion to the Seyeds. He expected that they would have rewarded him with the govern- ment of the Deecan, and was much dissatisfied on receiving only that of Malwah. Even here the Seyeds deemed him too formidable, and they endeavoured to remove him by pressing on his acceptance any one of the four governments of Allahabad, Agra, Candeish, and Moultan. He refused, and at the same tune, considering it unnecessary any longer to dissemble, prepared to rasLst a threat- ened attempt to oust him by force. An open rupture ensued, and Nizam-ul- Moolk proceeded to execute a scheme which he had long been meditating. Instead of remaining in Malwah, he crossed the Nerbudda, gained posseasion by force or bribery of several important places, signally defeated two armies that were sent against him, obtained the adhesion of many chiefs, came to an under- standing with the Mahrattas, and was soon virtually master of the whole Deecan. Niziim-ui- His success had been greatly aided by a course of intrigue which had again

tLe^De'ccaii Commenced at the com-t of Delhi. Mahomed Shah, like his predecessor Farok- shir, was bent on throwing off the yoke of the Seyeds. The revolt of Xizam-ul- Moolk seemed to promise the means, and that ambitious chief was according!}' made aware that he could not do the emperor a gi'eater ser^•ice than b}' persist- ing in the course which he had so successfully begam. The Seyeds, perfectly aware of the dangerous position in which they stood, were perplexed how to act, and lost much precious time before they were able to decide. The final resolution was, that Hosen, carrying the emperor and several of the suspected nobles along with him, should make the campaign of the Deecan against Nizam- ul-Moolk, while Abdallali should overawe the disaffected by residing and main- taining a strong force in the capital. Downfall Meantime a conspiracy, to which the emperor himself was privj^ had been

Ljeda. formed. Its object was to get rid of the Seyeds at aU events, by any means however atrocious. At the head of this conspiracy were Mahomed Ameer Khan, a nobleman of Turki origin, who, while ostensibly opposed to the em- peror's party, was deep in his confidence ; and Saadut Khan, who, originalh* a merchant of Khorasan, rose to importance by liis military talents, and ultimately became the progenitor of the Kings of Oude. The mode by which the conspira- tors proposed to effect their object was a barbarous assassination. It was not difficult to find both an agent and an opportunity. As Hosen was proceeding to the Deecan in his palanquin, a Calmuck, of the name of Meer Heider, ap- ])roached with a petition, and while Hosen was reading it, drew a dagger and staljbed him to the heart. The whole camp was immediately tlu'own into oom- motion, and ultimately divided into two hostile bodies — the one comj^osed of the adherents of the Seyeds, and the other of the adherents of the conspirators.


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 Chap. T.'

NIZAM-UL-MOOLK, VIZIER.

393

The latter, now openly countenanced by the emperor, who placed himself at ad. 1722. their head, proved victorioas, and drove the former from the field. Abdullah, ~"

who was only on his way to Delhi when the intelligence reached him, endea- voured to maintain the struggle by setting up a new sovereign in the person of

Jhalledab. ' — Adapted from Solvjn, Les Hindous.

one of the princes confined in the capital, and mustering a large army. It was, liowever, in a great measure undisciplined, and when the final encounter took ])lace, offered Uttle more than a show of resistance. Abdallah was taken pri- soner; but, contrary to the usual practice on such occasions, was not put to death ; Mahomed Shah returned to Delhi, and, not at all abashed at the atro- cious means which he had employed, made a pompous celebration of his recovered authority.

The office of vizier, conferred at first on Mahomed Ameer Khan, as a reward Nizam-ui-

r 1 T 1 • • Mo..lk.

for headmg the conspiracy, was, on his sudden death, reserved for Nizam-ul- vizkr. Moolk. He was still in the Deccan, and found so much emploanent in settling its affairs, that nearly two years elapsed before he reached Deliii. On his amval ill January, 1722, he found everything in disorder. Mahomed Shah, occupied only with his pleasures, acted at the dictation of a favourite mistress, who had acquired such an ascendency over him, that slie was allowed to keep his private signet and use it for her own purposes. His principal counsellors were young men whose only qualification was companionship with then* master in liis revels. Nizam-ul- Moolk, who still regained the austere habits acquired in the court of Aurungzebe, soon became disgusted. Not only were all his reforms thwarted,^ but his personal ai)})earance and manners, so different from those of the youthful courtiers, were held up to ridicule for their master's special amusement. He was not the man to tolerate these rude and insulting liberties, and it was not

' Jballedar is a palanquin used by ri^ahs and wealthy persona. It is covered with silk embroidered with gold, &c.

Vol. I. 50


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 3iil- IIISTOl;- ol- INIdA. ' [Book III.

AT) 17:4. long before the emperor unci his vizier were mutually desirous to j»ait. It is

needless to dwell on the plots and counterplots to which this feeling gave rise. Suffice it to say, that in October, 1723, the vizier sent in his resignation, and set out for the Deccan. Ostensibly there was no (quarrel ; for the emperor, in accepting the resignation, lavished on Nizam-ul-Moolk the highest honours which a subject could receive. It wa.s not long, however, before the enmity rankling at his heart was fully ncianifested. Mobariz Klian, the local governor of Hyderabad, proceeding on instructions from Delhi, collected a poweiful army for the avowed purpose of extending his own authority over the whole Deccan. Nizam-ul-Moolk, whose skill as a diplomati.st was at least equal to his prowess as a soldier, had recourse to negotiation, and having protracted it till his preparations were complete, defeated Mobariz in battle, slew him, and affect- ing ignorance of the instigation which had been given from Delhi, .sent liLs head to the emperor as a trophy. Mahratta When Nizam-ul-Moolk marched off to the Deccan, he was in po.ssession of

connived at the govemments of both Malwah and Gujerat. He was formally removed from iii^-Mooik! them, and took his revenge by encouraging incursions of the Mahratta.s, who, notwithstanding partial repulses, had, during the rajahship of Saho, continued to make rapid progress. The main instruments of this success were the rajah's two ministers — first, Balajee Wiswanat, who, originally the accountant of a dis- trict of the Concan, became the founder of the Brahmin djmasty of Pei.shwas ; and next, his son Bajee Rao, who, after Sevajee, ranks as the ablest leader whom the Mahratta nation has produced. Balajee, before his death in 1720, had obtained from Mahomed Shah a ratification of the treaty made with Hosen Ali dm-ing the reign of Farokshir ; and Bajee Rao, following in his father's steps, had not only consolidated the rights of chout and sirdesmuki previously ac- quired, but introduced them into provinces where they had never before been levied. Progress of This extcnsiou of Mahratta power had, as already observed, been partly

Mahratta

power. owing to Nizani-ul-Moolk, who, in revenge for his removal from Malwah and Gujerat, had encouraged the Mahrattas to invade them. His policy in the Dec- can, which he now regarded as his own independent kingdom, was dictated by opposite motives, his great object here being to confine the Mahratta power and influence within as narrow limits as possible. With this Anew, shortly after liis victory over Mobariz in 1724f, he dexterously availed himself of the disputed succession by which the Mahratta counsels had long been distracted. Saho, under the able ministry of Bajee Rao, had established a complete ascendency over his rival Samba, and confined him to a comparatively insignificant district lying near the western coast to the south of Sattarah. Still, however, Samba was equally with Saho himself recognized as rajah ; and there was at least plau- sibility in the answer of Nizam-ul-Moolk, when, without denying his obligation to pay chout and sirdesmuki for the Deccan, he asked which of the two rajahs


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 Chap. 1.

PROGRESS OF TilE MAHRATTA POWER.

395

BooRHANRWR — From Elliott's Views in the East.

liiul the legal right to it, and called upon them to exhibit their respecti^'« claims. Saho, indignant at the very suggestion of a doubt on such a subject, disdained to give any explanation, and sent Bajee Rao at the head of a nmnerous army to compensate himself by plmider for the more regular revenue which was withheld. Nizam -ul- Moolk had prepared for this result, and along with Samba, who had now openly joined him, advanced to the relief of Boorhanpoor, which was threatened by Bajee. Tlie first effect of this advance was to send the Mahrattfis into Gujerat. After a short time spent in pillaging it, they again suddenly made

their appearance in the Deccan, and ultimately reduced Nizam -ul-Moolk to such straits, that ho was glad to buy them oft' by humiliating concessions. His experience of the kind of enemy he had to deal with, left him little inclination to provoke a renewal of the contest; and though he did, on more than one occasion, endeavour to weaken their power by sowing dissensions among them, he came at last to a thorough understanding with Bajee, and entered into a formal agreement, by which he undertook to protect Bajee's interests in the Deccan, while the latter was ravaging Malwah and extending hi.s

authority over other ' "^= portions of the Mogul

dominions.

Bajee Rao easily found a pretext for this invasion. The gi'ant of chout in Gujerat had been revokeil, and Sir- buland Khan, who had consented t<t it, wa.s recalled from the gov- ernment to make way for a successor in Abhi Sing, Rajah of Joodpoor. The Mogul court, in making thi.s appointment in iixvour of a rajah who, to other infamies, had recently added that of murdering his father Ajit Sing, was influenced chiefly by the expectation that his ovm

A.D. 1724.

Joodpoor —From Toild's .Viiii:ils of Raj.isth.in

Subjugation of Gujerat by Bajei- Rao.


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 396 HI.ST(JlfY OF INDIA. [Book III.

A.D. 1734. resources would enable him to make head again.st the Mahratta.s. He was far from fulfilling this expectation. The Mahratta Pilajee Guicowar, ancestor of the Guicowar family still ruling in Gujerat, resi.sted all his efforts to expel him, but was at last, at Abhi Sing's instigation, basely assassinated. Nothing was gained by the atrocity; for it only exasperated the Mahrattas to such a pitch that, not satisfied with overrunning Gujerat, they carried their ravages to Jood- poor, and made the rajah glad to compound with the loss of Gujerat for the safety of his hereditary state. Successes of In Malwali, where the Mahrattas were headed by Bajee Rao in person, their

Bajee Rao, ^

in Malwali. arms wcre equally triumphant; and the Mogul government, after several inef- fectual expedients, tacitly concurred in the surrender of the province to the Peishwa in 1734. This important concession, so far from satisfying his ambi- tion, only made it more grasping ; and in proportion as the weakness of his adversaries was disclosed, he rose in his demands, and insisted not merely on levying the chout, but on holding, in full right, as a jaghire, the province of Malwah, and the whole country south of the Chumbul, together with the cities of Muttra, Allahabad, and Benares. Mahomed Shah, alarmed above measure by this new demand, evaded it for a time by temporizing, and endeavoured to induce the Mahratta to withdraw it by giving him a right to levy tribute on the Rajpoots, and to increase the amount of that already exigible from the Dec- can. This last grant cost the emperor nothing, and was regarded as a stroke of good policy, because its natural tendency was to set the Mahrattas and Nizam - ul-Moolk at variance. In this respect it was not altogether a failure, as it drew Nizam- ul-Moolk's attention to his true position, and convinced him that he had much more to fear from the Mahrattas than from the Mogul. Under the influ- ence of this conviction, he adopted a new system of policy, and resuming friendly communications with Mahomed Shah, midertook to employ all his power in protecting him against the encroachments of the Mahrattas.

He threatens This engagement was not allowed to remain long as a dead letter. In 1737, at the very time when it was entered into, Bajee Rao was advancing on the Mogul capital. The only check he sustained was in the defeat, by Saadut Khan, governor of Oude, of Malliur Rao Holkar, the founder of the Holkar family, who with a marauding party was ravaging the country beyond the Jiunna. Tliis defeat elated the Moguls, who magnified it into a discomfiture of the whole Mahratta army, which was represented as in full retreat to the Deccan. When Bajee Rao was informed of these vain boastings, he simply remarked that he would soon show the emperor he was still in Hindoostan. He was as good as his word. Suddenly quitting the Jiunna, and leaving the Mogul army which had been sent to oppose him inactive before Muttra, he hastened on by forced marches, and never halted till he presented himself before the gates of Delhi. The expedition, however, appears to have been undertaken rather in a spirit of bravado than with any serious design of attempting the capture of the city,

Delhi,


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for after a few days he disappeared and encamped at a considerable distance, Meanwhile, the consternation produced by his presence caused hasty messages to be despatched to every quarter from which relief might be expected; and while the Vizier Kamr-u-din Khan, who had formed a junction with Saadut Khan, was advancing from his encampment at Muttra, Nizam-ul-Moolk also hastened from the Deccan. Bajee Rao, true to the Mahratta tactics, avoided an encounter, and by a precipitate retreat soon placed the Nerbudda between himself and his pursuers.

Nizam-ul-Moolk, notwithstanding Bajee's departure, continued his march to Delhi, where on his arrival he was invested with full powers to adopt whatever measures might be necessary for the safety of the empire ; and his eldest son, Ghazi-u-din, was appointed governor both of Malwah and Gujerat. So low had the Mogul resom'ces now fallen, that after his utmost efforts the army under his command did not exceed 34,000 men. With this army, and a reserve com- manded by the nephew of Saadut Khan, he set out in search of the Mahrattas; and proceeding southward past Seronge, took up a position near the fort of Bhopaul, while Bajee Rao crossed the Nerbudda and advanced to meet him. As Nizam-vd-Moolk was outnumbered by the Mahrattas, but possessed a power- ful artillery while they were almost entirely destitute of it, he deemed it advisable to retain his position and act on the defensive. With an ordinary enemy this might have been expedient, but with the enemy with whom he had now to deal it was a decided blunder. The Mahrattas, keeping carefully beyond the reach of his artillery, commenced their usual system by laying waste the surrounding country, and cutting off his supplies. This they did so effectually that no alternative was left him but to commence a retreat. As may be supposed, it was only a series of disasters ; and he was obliged to make a peace by which he conceded all the demands of the Peishwa, and bomd himself to pay him £500,000 sterling. This humiliating peace, concluded in February, 1738, was only the forerunner of a far more overwhelming calamity.

The Persian dynasty of the Sophis or Safaris, after existing for two centuries, became so degenerate as to fall an ea.sy prey to the Afghans of Kandahar in 1722, when, on the capture of Ispahan, after a dreadful siege. Shah Hosen, the last Sophi, went forth with his principal courtiers in deep mourning, and with his own hand placed the diadem on the head of Mahmood, his Khilji conqueror. It had been worn by the new monarch only for two years when he died raving mad, and was succeeded by his nephew Ashref, who was no sooner seated on the throne than he was called to struggle against both foreign and internal foes. The Turks and Russians, leagued together to dismember the kingdom and share it between them, advanced, the one from the west and the other from the north, with powerful armies, while Tahmasp, who had made his escape from Ispahan when his father Shah Hosen was obliged to surrender, had mustered a body of retainers, and annoimced his determination to make


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 seconded the nomination of Chaophraya Thammasakmontri.

Phraya Nitisatphaisan nominated Phraya Manopakonnitithada, who made a refusal, saying: "I wish for an opportunity to work for the people to the best of my ability. Being a mere Representative like this furnishes me with a better opportunity to contribute to the people than being the President, because the President has the duty to refrain from engaging in arguments at meetings."

The meeting eventually adopted a unanimous resolution in favour of Chaophraya Thammasakmontri without any objection. Phraya Phahonphonphayuhasena then invited Chaophraya Thammasakmontri to ascend the seat of the President.

Chaophraya Thammasakmontri stated: "I am greatly obliged to all the Representatives for specifically selecting me to preside over our meetings. I accept to hold the regular post of President of the meetings of the House of Representatives from now on, and by virtue of the duties of the President, I should not allow today's meeting to be delayed any longer. As the House requires a secretary for recording its meetings and for others and I find that Luang Praditmanutham has been doing this duty since the beginning of the meeting, if all of you have no objection, I would like to ask Luang Praditmanutham to further serve as our secretary."

Phraya Siwisanwacha objected, saying: "If you would like to have Luang Praditmanutham as our regular secretary, then I have an objection for I find that Luang Pradit-


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 308

HISTORY OF INDIA

[Book III

His invasion of India.

A.D. i7:i7. good his claim t(tlic crown wiiich his unc;(.stors had so lori;^ worn. Of these various combatants, it might have been supposed that the Turks and Russians, from the superiority of their discipline, would be the most fonni<lable. It proved otherwise. Ashref compelled the Turks, after repeated defeats, t<; acknowledge his title ; and, before he had measured his strength with the Russians, had the satisfaction to learn that the- death of the czar had induced them to withdraw. Tahmasp alone remained, and was not to be so easil' disposed of In himself he was not very foimidable, but fortune had drawn to Rue of Nadir his standard one of the greatest warriors whom Persia has ever produced. Tliis

Sliah, ...

was Nadir Kouli, who began life as the head of a band of freebooters, and at last, after freeing his country from a foreign yoke, became the usurper of its throne. Victory scarcely ever failed to attend him ; and by dexterously playing the two leading Afghan tribes, the Khiljies and the Abdalees or Dooranees, against each other, succeeded in crushing both. Patriotism .seemed for a time to be his ruling passion, and Tahmasp, as the legitimate monarch, ascended the Persian throne ; but patriotism was eventually supplanted by ambition, and Nadir, unable to brook a superior, first declared the throne vacant, and then took possession of it in his own name in 1737, alleging that he had been called to it by the popular voice.

Henceforth known as Nadir Shah, he resolved to pursue his career of

victory; and proceeding eastward, at the head of an army of 80,000 men, laid siege to Kan- dahar. It originally belonged to the Persian monarchy, but had been wTested from it, and was now in possession of the Khiljies. It was valiantly defended, and stood several assaults before it was taken. The capture of Kandahar and conquest of the adjoining teni- tory made Persia conterminous with India. Nadir Shah, as he looked eastward into the valley of the Indus, and beheld a mighty empire torn by intestine wars and tottering to its fall, must have been strongly tempted, if not to become its conqueror, to obtain a share in its spoils. He had already some ground of quarrel with its government. Diu-ing the siege of Kandahar, not only had an application which he made for the delivery of some Afghans who had taken refuge within its territory been treated with neglect, but even the validity of his title to the Persian crown had been called in question. Instead of wasting time in unavailing remonstrance, he took a more effectual mode of expressing his resentment by seizing upon Cabool. The court of Delhi ought now to have

Nadir Shah. — From Fraser's Hist, of Nadir Sluih.


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 Chap. T.] NADIR SUAJl'S INVASION. 399

been fully alive to the danger, but months passed away, during which Nadir was ad. itss. left to settle his conquest and make new preparations. The actual invasion seemed indeed to have become impossible, at least for one season ; for the winter was approaching, and it was never dreamed that he woiUd commence a cam- paign which, in its very first operations, would ex])Ose him to the rigours of a mountainous country and the assaults of its warlike inhabitants. How great then must have been the consternation when it was learned that all these sui)])osed impossibilities had been overcome, and that Nadir, after crossing the Indus by a bridge of boats in November, 1738, had advanced into the Punjab at tlie head of a mighty army !

Great as was the danger, so tardily were the means of defence provided, Nauii shai. that Nadir for the first time came in sight of the Indian army after he had Moguls reached the banks of the Jumna, and was within 100 miles of the Mogul capital. Here, in the neighbourhood of Camoul, Nizam-ul-Moolk, to whom the chief command was intrusted, occupied a fortified camp. Just at the time when Nadir was ap})roaching, Saadut Khan arrived with a reinforcement from Oude, and the battle immediately commenced. The Indians, consisting for the most part of raw levies, were no match for the Persian veterans, and after little more than a show of resistance were signally discomfited. Mahomed Shah, deeming all further resistance hopeless, sent Nizam-ul-Moolk to make his sub- mission, and then repaii'ed in person to the Persian camp. He was courteously received, but was not permitted to attempt negotiation, as Nadir Shah, conscious of being complete master, had determined to dictate his terms within the walls of Delhi. Thither therefore the two monarchs proceeded, the one as a miser- able captive, the other as a conqueror in triumphant procession at the head of his victorious army. Tlie entrance took place in the beginning of March. 1739.

Nadir Shah took up his residence with Mahomed Shah at the jialace, and Deiiii taken

I'll 1/»1- c "'"' **"^1"^<'-

appears, from the careful arrangements which he made for the mamtenance of di.scipline and the protection of the inhabitants, to have meditated no gi-eater severity than the levy of a very heavy contribution. This mild intention, if he had it, was frustrated by the inhabitants themselves. On the very second day, hastily believing a rumour of Nadir Shah's death, they broke through all restraint, .and commenced an indiscriminate massacre of the Persians at their various isolated stations throughout the city. The shah was furious, and forth- with i.ssued ordei-s for a fearful retaliation. From sunrise to sunset the citv was given up to the fury of 20,000 soldiers, and lust, rapine, and slaughter raged in their most horrific forms. This was only a deed of vengeance. Nadirs own claims still remained to be satisfied ; and the work of confiscation and plunder was carried on for weeks without interruption. The "Peacock Throne " foi-med an important item in the spoils. At the most moderate estimate, the amount carried off in money, plate, and jewels, could not be less than £30,000.000 sti^rlinij-.


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 400

IIIS'IOU^' OF S)IA.

[Book ill.

A U. 1711)

V;i<lir.Shah ilijparture.

Rival factions at DeUii.

Death of Hajee Rao.

After possessing Dellii during fifty-eight days Nadir Shah departed, lejiving it a scene of wretchedness and desolation. The terror of the capital ha/1 spread s into the provinces, the government was paralyzed, and the people remained sunk in a kind of stupor. The Mahrattas might now have comjdeted their conquests, but even they were overawed by the suddenness and extent of the general calamity. Bajee Kao, adverting to it, expressed himself thus : — " Our domestic quarrels are now insignificant; there is but one enemy in Hindoostan." " Hindoos and Mussulmans — the whole power of the Deccan must assemble." Tliese feelings of alarm soon began to subside, and tlie elements of disunion were again at work. At the court of Delhi old animosities resumed all their former bitterness. A powerful faction, composed of Turki, or as they were called Tooranee nobles, and headed by the Vizier Kamr-u-din Khan and Nizam- ul-Moolk, endeavoured to absorb the leading offices of the state, and even hold the emperor himself in subjection to their wi.shes, while their enemies were numerous and powerful enough to wage a constant struggle for ascendency. Feeble and discordant counsels were the necessary result, and no bond of union existed among the numerous dependencies still belonging nominally to the Mogul empire. In point of fact, the Mahrattas were now the most powerful nation on the Indian continent, and had the best prospect of becoming its ultimate masters. Even they, however, were not free from difficulties. Saho, the nominal head of the government, had been deprived of all real power, and reduced to a mere cipher. Several of the chiefs who willingly acknowledged his authority, were not disposed to yield the same submission to the usurpations of the Peishwa, and stood ready to avail themselves of the first favourable opportunity of either re-establishing the rajah or asserting their own indepen- dence. Bajee Rao, well aware of the precarious position in which he stood, was obliged to regulate his policy accordingly, and often abandoned the coiu^e which his judgment approved for that which his own immediate interest seemed to require. Before the Mogul government recovered from the shock given to it by Nadir Shah, he might easily have established the complete ascendency of his nation by mustering his forces and marching at once upon the capital Instead of this, he suddenly withdrew into the Deccan. The only apparent inducement was, that he might be able more effectually to watch the proceedings of his countrymen, Ragojee Bosla and the Guicowar of Gujerat, who were plotting his overthrow. Of his feelings while thus employed he liimself gave the following account : — " I am involved in difficulty, in debt, and in disappointments, and like a man ready to swallow poison. Near the rajah are my enemies, and should I go at this time to Sattarali they will put their feet on my breast. I should be thankful if I could meet death." This solemn event was nearer than he imagined, for he died shortly after, on the 28th of April, 1740, as he was returning to Hindoostan.

Bajee Rao left tliree sons, the eldest of whom, Balajee Rao, succeeded linn


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 Chap. I.]

THE MOGUL EMPIRE IN DANGER.

401

Sattaaah. — From Duff's History of the Mahrattas

as Peishwa. The succession would liave been disputed; but fortunately for him, Ragojee Bosk, his most formidable opponent, was absent with his army in the Carnatic, on an expedition on which Bajee Rao had despatched him, mainly for the pm-pose of preventing him from plotting mischief nearer home. On hearinor of Bajee's death, he hastened back to Sattarah ; but as he came without his army, and found the Guicowar and the ^jr^/- nicllii, or delegate of the rajah, on whose co-opera- tion he had calculated, unprepared or indisposed to second him, he was obliged to abandon all thought of opposition, at least till a more favourable opportunity should arise. The deatli of Bajee Rao, and the time necessary to enable Balajee to secure himself in his new seat, gave Mahomed Shah a short respite from actual warfare. It was only a respite ; for the clouds of another storm were again gathering thick around him, and indeed from so many quarters, that it was difficult to say from which it was destined first to come. On the one hand Balajee Rao, advancing into Malwah, insisted that this province should, in terms of the treaty which had been made with Nizam-ul-Moolk, but which had never received the imperial sanction, be formally confirmed to him ; on the other hand the Rohillas, a recent Afghan colony occupying the tract which from them still bears the name of Rohilcund, had begun, under an able leader of the name of Ali Mahomed, to assume an alarming appearance. In themselves, indeed, the Rohillas were not so numerous }is to be verv formidable; but they belonored to the warlike race which had repeatedly devastated the fairest provinces of India, and the danger apprehended was, that in the event of a new invasion from the west, they would league with their countrjnnen. The idea of such an invasion wfis by no means chimerical. Ever since the visit of Nadir Shah, who on retiring declared the Indus to be the eastern boundary of the Persian monarchy, it had been threatened, and in consequence of recent political changes in Persia it was beccmiing a certainty.

Nadir Shah perished by the hands of assassins in June, 1747. He had latterly become a cruel tyrant, and deserved his fate; though it was not so nmch his cruelty as his fonn of Mahometan faith that provoked it. He was a Sun- nite, while the Persians were zealous Shiites. The repugnance between them was therefore invincible, and his death was the work of Pei-sian conspirators. But the same cause which made the Persians abhor his rule was its sn-eatest recommendation to the Afghans, who like him were Sunnites, and devotedly Vol. I. 51

AD. 1747.

liiiiiemlinf? dangers of the Mogul tiiipire.

Dentil of N'adir Shah.


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 402

HISTORY OF INDIA.

[Book 111.

A.D. 1748.

Rise of Ah- meil Shah Abilalee.

Death of Mahomed Sliah.

Inglorious reign of Ah- med Shah.

attached to his service. Accordingly tlie Ahdalees, headed by their liereditary chief, Ahmed Khan, on hearing of the con.spiracy, ha/1 hastened U> tlie rescue; and, after finding that they were a day too late, fought their way through the hostile Persians, and succeeded in reaching their own country. Ahrned Khan immediately declared himself independent, changed the name of his tribe from Abdalee to Dooranee, and before a year elapsed was crowned king at Kandahar Ere long Balkh, Scinde, Cashmere, and other provinces, acknowledged liis sway. His ambition was not yet satisfied, and he looked round for new fields of con- quest. Both the west and east lay before him, but various reasons induced him to prefer the latter. The left bank of the Indus was already in his power ; and among other temptations to cross this river and commence an Indian campaign, was the fact that a civil war was raging in the Punjab in consequence of the revolt of its Mogul governor. Little opposition was made ; and Alimed, after capturing many towns, including Lahore, the capital, arrived at the Sutlej. On the other side lay a Mogul army, commanded by Prince Alimed, the heir apparent, and Kamr-u-din Khan, the vizier. The Abdalee force, though not mustering 12,000 men, crossed the river by selecting a spot which, from not being fordable, was not watched; and, hastening on to Sirhind, made a rich capture of stores and baggage. This bold movement so intimidated the Moguls, that notwithstanding theii' superiority in numbers, they stood on the defensive, and even formed an entrenched camp. This coiu-se, dictated by excessive timidity, was the wisest which they could have pursued. The Dooranees had no alternative but to retreat, or hazard a battle under the most disadvantageous circumstances. They chose the latter and sustained a defeat, but took advan- tage of the night to escape.

The Mogul vizier had fallen, and the Mogul prince was prevented from following up liis victory, by the intelligence that the succession to the crown had opened to him by the death of his father in April, 1748. Mahomed Shah thus ended a reign, remarkable only for its length, during a most disastrous period. Prince Ahmed, henceforth known by the title of Ahmed Shah, imme- diately repaired to Delhi; and his Afghan namesake, now distinguished fi-om him by the name of Ahmed Shah Dooranee, instead of continuing his retreat, stopped short, and did not quit the Punjab till he had made it tributary. This, however, did not satisfy him. After a short absence he returned, and insisted on a formal cession of the whole province. As he was able to take it by force, it was deemed good policy to make a merit of necessity, and give him aU he asked. This concession may serve to characterize Ahmed Shah's short and inglorious reign. The office of vizier, first offered to Nizam -ul-Moolk, who declined it, and died almost immediately after, in 1748, was conferred on Sufder Jung, who had succeeded his father, Saadut Khan, as governor of Oude. He soon gave proof of his unfitness, by undertaking an expedition against the Rohillas, and so mismanaging it as to allow them to penetrate to Allahabad,


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 Chap. I.] REIGN OF ALUMGEER II. 403

and set the whole Mogul power at defiance. In this emergency he could devise ad i:

no better remedy than to call in the aid of the Mahrattas, who indeed drove out the Rohillas, but compensated themselves by establishing a right to levy the chout over all the territory that they conquered. After a course of intrigue and crime, Sufder Jung was supplanted in the royal favour by Ghazi-u-din, one of Nizam -ul-Moolk's grandsons, an unprincipled youth familiar with perfdy and murder. Like Sufder he employed the Mahrattas to extricate himself from difficulties, and ultimately succeeded by these means, in July, 1754, in seizing the person of his sovereign, Ahmed Shah, and raising to the throne a young prince of the blood, who assumed the title of Alumgeer.

Alumo^eer — or, as he is often called, Alumgeer II., to distinguish him from R>^^'mi"f

 * = ' . Alumgeerll.

Aurungzebe, who used the same title in all regular documents — usually closes the list of Mogul sovereigns who actually held the reins of govenmient. For this reason, more than any other, he is entitled to a brief notice. When he was raised to the throne, Sufder Jung was still nominally vizier. On his death, which happened soon after, he was succeeded by his son Shuja-u-Dowlah in the government of Oude, but the viziership was immediately appro})riated by Ghazi-u-din, under whose mismanagement nothing but additional confusion and disaster could be anticipated. By treacherously seizing the infant successor of the governor of the Punjab, whom Ahmed Shah Dooranee had appointed, he })rovoked the vengeance of this formidable foe, who, having crossed the Indus, did not halt till he had made himself master of Delhi, and inflicted on this ill- fated city a renewal of the calamities which it had suffered from Nadii- Shah. So low had the authority of the sovereign now fxllen, that Alumgeer is said to have besought Ahmed not to leave him to the mercy of his vizier. Accordingly, on departing, he endeavoured to provide a kind of counterpoise by giving the command of the army to an able Rohilla chief of the name of Najib-u-Dowlah. Ghazi-u-din only waited till Ahmed was out of India, and then endeavoured to set Najib aside, in order to make way for one of his own creatures. Meeting with a resistance which he was unable to overcome, he again called in the aid of the Mahrattas, who advanced from Malwah under Ragolia, the second son of Bajee Rao, entered Delhi, and after spending a month in the siege of the fortified l>alace, compelled Alumgeer to reinstate Ghazi-u-din in all his former authority.

As usual, the Mahi-attas took good care to be fully compensated for their Tiit- >riiirat- service. Feeling that no effectual resistance could be offered, they set no limits I'.mjab. to their ambition, and openly talked of extending their conquests over the whole of Hindoostan. The Punjab first attracted their attention, and Ragoba, learning that it was feebly governed by Timour, a son of Ahmed Shah Dooranee, marched at once to Lahore, gained possession of it in May, 1758, and continuing his tiiumphant career, so intimidated the Dooranees, that they retired beyond the Indus without risking a battle. The Mahrattas next engaged in a similar attempt to subjugate Oude, but were met with spirit by Shuja-u-Dowlah. who,


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 un

UISTORY OF INDIA.

[Book HI.

A.D. 1759.

New iiiva- Bion of Ah- med Sliiih Dooranee.

Prospect of a Mahratta empire.

in league with the Roiiillas, inflicted a severe loss on an iwjlated detachment, and drove it across the Ganges. Datajee Scindia, the Maliratta in command of the main body, deemed it expedient to come to terms, and a kind of peace, not intended to be long kept, was patched up.

One main inducement to the peace was tiie rumoured a])j>roach of Ahmed Shah Dooranee. When his son Tiraoui- amved from the Punjab, he was en- gaged in suj)pressing a revolt among the Beloochees. This delayed him till September, 1759, when he commenced a new Indian campaign by cro.ssing the Indus at Pesliawer, and continuing his course to Saharunpoor, at some dis- tance beyond the left bank of the Jumna. While he was thiLS advancing, Ghazi-u-din — remembering how Alumgeer had formerly obtained the protection of Ahmed, and nearly succeeded in expelling him from his viziership — was deter- mined not again to run a similar risk, and followed the course which his cruel and perfidious natui-e dictated, by causing the unhappy monarch to be as.sas- sinated in November, 1759. Shah Alum, the heir apparent, was then absent in Bengal, and the new prince whom Ghazi-u-din seated on tlie throne was never recognized. There was tlius no ostensible sovereign at Delhi ; the Mogul empire had ceased to exist.

When the Mogul empire was extinguished, the general expectation was that a Malu'atta empire would immediately arise on its ruins. Originally confined to a limited district in the Deccan, the Mahrattas had established their ascen- dency in every part of India, possessing immense tracts of territory in absolute right, and levying heavy tribute from nearly the whole of the remainder. One great obstacle to the establishment of a consolidated Mahratta empire had been disunion among the members composing its confederacy. Saho, its nominal I lead, had been deprived of aU real power by the Peishw^a. Latterly, indeed, he was unfit for government, and died in a state of imbecility, in 1749. This event led to new complications, which were not arranged until many of the chiefs had acquired a kind of independence and become the founders of minor dynasties. Among the more conspicuous of these were Petajee Guicowar in Gu.jerat, Mulhar Rao Holkar, and Datajee Scindia, who, by obtaining an assignment to nearly the whole revenues of Malw^ah, secured the dominions wdiich still bear their name and are possessed by their descendants. Other chiefs who have not left such permanent traces of their authority were equally powerful. Ragojee Bosla and Ragoba have been already mentioned. Another, Sedashao Rao Bhao, or simply "the Bhao," a cousin of the Peishwa Balajee, possessed great influence, but had been contented, while the other chiefs were pursu- ing distant conquests, to remain in the Deccan as home minister and com- mander-in-chief He was acting in this capacity v4ien Ragolia retui-ned from his campaign in the Punjab. His .success had not been obtained without a very heavy outlay, and the Bhao, on learning that, instead of bringing any sum into the treasury, he had made it liable to a debt of nearly £1,000,000


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 Chap. I.]

THE MAHRATTAS AND DOORANEES.

10 :

sterling, expressed his dissatisfaction so strongly, that Ragoba was piqued, and told him he had better conduct the next expedition himself. The Bhao, elated by some recent successes which had somewhat increased the Mahratta territory, and added largely to its revenue, was not disinclined to avail himself of an opportunity of ac(iuiring new distinction. Treating Ragoba's taunt as if it had been a serious propositi, he exchanged situations with him, and assumed the chief command in Hindoostau.

The only formidaljle enemy whom the Mahrattas had now to encounter was in the field. Ahmed Shah Dooranee, after nearly annihilating two separate Mahratta detachments, the one commanded by Holkar and the other by Scindia, had taken up a po.sition at Anopsheher, situated on the right bank of tlie Ganges, seventy-three miles south-east of Delhi. The Bhao, accom])anied by Wiswas Rao, the youthful son and heir of the Peishwa, and the leading Mahratta chiefs, advanced at the head of a numerous host, without encountering serious opposition, and having gained possession of the t-apital, disgraced himself by rapacit3^ Palaces, tombs, and .shrines were defaced for the sake of their rich ornaments, and the silver ceiling of the hall of audience torn down was coined into rupees, to the amount, it is said, of seventeen lacs (£170,000). Ahmed, in addition to his own Dooranees, was cordially joined by the Rohillas, and rather lukewarmly by Shuja-u-Dowlah, governor of Oude, who would willingly have remained neutral, and afterwards made the most of the event by taking part with the winning side. As the contest, however, had a.ssumed a religious aspect, the Hindoos being ranged on one side and Mahometans on the other, lie found it impossible to withhold his aid from Ahmed, who was considered as the representative of the latter.

Ahmed, as soon as the rains permitted him to move, hastened to the Jumna, with the view of relieving a fort on its banks to which the Mahrattas had laid siege. He arrived only in time to learn that it had fallen, but showed such desperate determination, by effecting a ])a.'*sage of the river more by swimming than fording, that his enemies were intimidated and drew off to Panijnit. Here the Bhao encamped with an anny consisting of 70.000 cavalry and 15,000 infjintry, of whom 9000 were disciplined sepoya In addition to these were

A.U. 1759.

Decisive Btnigiile be- t«eeii tlie Malinittiis and l»(Kir- anees.

DuoHANtES. — Fn.iii Kliiliiimtoiie's Cabool.

Their two .imiiee.


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 +'>f! HISTORY OF INDIA. [Book III

AD 17.W, prediitoiy uiid other followers to the number of 200,000. In artillerj', an ann of war which the Mahrattas had at la.st learned to piize, he was amply provided, and was able, after suiTOunding his camp with a broad and deep ditch, to mount 200 guns for its defence. Ahmed's araiy consisted of about 40,000 Afghans and Persians, and 50,000 Indians, of whom 1 3,000 were cavalry. The armies were thas not unfairly matched. In respect of available troops they were nearly equal, while at the same time each laboured under a great disadvantage — the Bhao, in the excessive number of followers, who, without adding to his strength, hamjxired his movements and consumed his provisions; and Ahmed, in an artillery- .so defective that it barely mustered thirty pieces of various calibre, and, furni.shing no proper means of attack, compelled him to imitate the Bhao's example, and remain on the defensive. The battle Under such circumstances, time rather than prowess was to decide the

of Paiiiput.

struggle ; for neither leader felt disposed to force on an action so long as he could obtain subsistence for his army from the surrounding country^ At this mode of warfare the Mahrattas could not easily be surpassed, and their foraging parties at first found no difficulty in bringing in abundant supplies. Gradually, however, the Dooranees, by the rapidity and boldness of their movements, made foraging so dangerous, that the Bhao, threatened with famine, saw the peiil of his position, and attempted to escape from it by proposing negotiation. Ahmed, whose supplies had also begun to fail, was urged by his Indian allies to come to terms or risk a decisive action; but his constant answer was — "This is a matter of war with which you are not acquainted In other affairs do as you please, but leave this to me." He was aware of the straits to wdiich his enemies were I'educed; and, even after they had begun in a kind of desperation to make vigorous attacks upon his lines, seemed more inclined than ever to confine himself to skirmishing, in which he usually had the advantage. He was well aware of the crisis which was approaching, and fully prepared to profit by it. The Bhao's supplies were completely exhausted ; and after a last efibrt at foraging which proved utterly mavailing, becoming convinced that he could no longer maintain his position, he yielded to the urgency of his soldiers, and, with many prognostications of disaster, issued orders for a general attack. It was made with the utmost impetuosity, and so long as it was directed against the Rohillas and other Indian allies of Ahmed, seemed iiTesistible. Tlie Dooranee chief endeavoured to rally the fugitives, but finding it impossible, ordered his own men to advance. This at once changed the fortune of the day. By a dexterous movement, while the main body attacked in front, a di^dsion wheeled round to Defeat of the the flank, and the whole Mahratta army, panic-struck by this double onset, ttmied

Mahrattas.

their backs and fled. As no quarter was given, the slaughter was fearful. About 200,000 are said to have fallen. Among the slain were the Peishwa's son Wiswas Rao, the Bhao, recognized only by what was supposed to be his headless trunk, and many other great Mahratta chiefs. The dream of a Mali-


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 ClIAP. II.]

PROGRESS OF THE FRENXH IN INDIA.

-tOi

rattii empire had vanished The wreck of the army, abandoning the acqui.sition.s ad. 17-12. made in Hindoostan, retired beyond the Nerbudda ; the Pei.shwa, .slnitting him- self up in a temj)le near Poonah, died of a broken heart; and the whole nation, sunk in grief and despondency, became as it were paralyzed.

Stranffe to say, Ahmed did not ])rofit much by his victory, for the Mahometan Aj.i.roaiiiing ® -^ ' •, *' . . Btniggie he-

confederacy which he had formed having broken up, he quitted India, and never tween Great

1 1 1 ••/»•• mi I'll Britain aiid

retm-ned to take any shai-e in its anairs. 1 he only two powei's which then France. seemed capable of ^vielding the sceptre, which had been wrested from the hands of the Mogul, having thus been providentially removed, the work of conquest pa.ssed to other hands. The two most powerful nations of Europe, after they had long been contented to play a subordinate part in the contest, resolved at last to become principals, and France and Great Britain started as rival candidates for the establishment of a new Indian empire. The liistory of this memorable struggle is now to engage our attention.

CHAPTER 11.

The progress of the French in India — War between France and England — Naval and military operations

— The capture of Madras.

 * - -^ *. *. .^ *^ >^,^ ^^ y^r^

J ROM the first the French East India Company, much more than that of England, was the creature of the state. All the influence of the crown was employed to obtain suliscribers to their funds; and no unimportant part of the otHcial correspon- dence of a commercial nature, during the ministry of the cele- brated Colbert, relates to solicitation"-* employed for this purpose. It is very ([uestionable whether the prosperity of the company was much promoted by this state patronage, but there cannot be a doubt that they were able in conse- ([uence of it to escape many of the dangers which might have beset them at the outset, and to start at once as a body able not only to repel aggression but to become aggressive. The alarm which their presence in the East excited in the Dutch and English companies must not be ascribed exclusively to commercial jealousy. As mere traders they could not appear very formidable rivals, but from their close connection with government their trade might easily be made subser- vient to political purposes, and become a dangerous instrument of intrigue at the native courts. In this way Louis XIV., not satisfied with disturbing the peace of Evu'ope by his ambitious .scheme.s, miglit be tempted to extend them to India, and by engaging in wai-s of conquest make the operations of trade impo.ssible. Knowing the character of the French monarch, it was not uncharitable to

nise and progress of tlio Frenili Rikst India Cciniiiany.


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 4-08 IIISTOlfV OF IM«I.. [Book III.

AD. 1712. suspect liiiii of siicli iiitcntioiLs. It iiitist }>e confessed, iiowever, that tlie company established undei' his auspices continued for the greater part of a century to rest satisfied with commercial operation.s, and the erection of such factories as seemed necessary for conducting tliem with ease and safety. The most important of the localities on which they had thus fixed were those of Chandernagore, situated, like the Dutch factory of Chiasurah, near tlie town of Hooghly, on the river of that name in Bengal, and Pondicherry on the Coro- mandel coast. The latter was the seat of goveniment, and had gradually become, by the regularity of its buildings and the strength of its fortifications, worthy of the honour thus assigned to it, though, like Madras and all other places on the same coast, it laboured under- the gi'eat disadvantage of having no proper harbour.

Dupieix In the year 1742 the office of governor of the French settlements in India

iippoiuteJ

govemoi. was Conferred on Joseph Dupleix. The son of a wealthy farmer -general and a director of the company, he had at a comparatively early age obtained the appointment of first member of council at Pondicherry. After ten years' serce in this capacity, he was, in 1730, made head of the factory of Chandernagore. Here by engaging in private trade he accumulated a large fortune ; and at the same time, by the ability of his public management, rose so high in the confi- dence of his employers, that in 174!2, as already mentioned, they made him governor. Thus recalled to Pondicherry, he entered on the duties of his new station in the possession of very superior advantages. To natural talents of a high order, he added a thorough acquaintance with the manners of the inhabitants, and with the political circumstances of the country. These advantages both vanity and ambition disposed him to improve to the utmost, and he was no sooner installed in office than he began to entertain schemes with a view to the ultimate establishment of French ascendency in the East. It was vain to expect this from the commercial operations of the company. In these it had been found impossible to compete successfully with the British and the Dutch ; but another coui'se was still open, and Dupleix was deteimined to put its practicability fairly to the test.

His iimbi The approaching dismemberment of the Mogul empire was now manifest.

tiinis desigus. i i o

Its soubahdars or governors were almost openly aspiring to independence, and even their subordinate deputies, or nabobs, were disposed to imitate the example. The parties thus formed were often so equally balanced, that neutrals of compara - tively feeble resources could easily, by throwing their weight into one of the opposite scales, determine the result. This was the plan on which the governor of Pondicherry began to act. In carrying it out he found an able coadjutor in his own family. Madame Dupleix, though of European parentage, had been born and brought up in India. Many of the native languages were familiar to her, and by giving easy access to the natives enabled her to be the fittest medium of comnmnication between them and her husband in any course of intrigue.


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 f'HAr. II.]

EARLY CAREER OF LABOURDONNAIS.

409

In this way his measures for extending the influence and territory of the French in India were earned on with equal secrecy and success.

While Dupleix was revolving plans of aggrandisement, and smoothing the way for the accomplishment of them, the relations between Great Britain and France had ceased to be friendly, and the war known as that of the Austrian succession was declared in 1744. The companies on both sides of tlie Channel su])posed it possible that warlike operations might be excluded from the countries lying within the limits of the Indian Ocean, and with this view endeavoiu-ed to enter into airangements which would have left each as free as before to prosecute the Indian trade. Had the respective governments sanctioned the arrangements, the singular and not uninstructive spectacle might have been seen of two nations living peacefully with each other in one cpiarter of the globe while a fierce war was raging between them in all other quarters. But without such sanction the projjosed an-angement, though seriously entertained, was a dream. This seems ultimately to have been the conclusion of all parties, for it soon appeared that at tlie very time when the proposal of an Indian neutrality was under discussion, the French government were secretly entertaining a project which was to enable them, as soon as war was actually declared, to bring an overwhelming force into the East, and strike a blow by which English interests there would be at once annihilated.

The project referred to was suggested to the French ministry by Bernard Fran9ois Mahd de la Bourdonnais, usu- ally designated for brevity as Labour- donnais. He was bom at St. Malo, apparently of humble parentage, in T690, and when only ten years of age began life as a sailor, by making a voyage to the Pacific. During a second voyage, made in 1713, to the East Indies, he emplo3'ed his leisure in stiulying matlie- matics, vmder a Jesuit who hajipened to be on bo.ard, and kintUy undertook to give him lessons. After other two vov {ges, one to the North and the other to the Levant, he in 1710 entered tlie service of the East India Company as second lieutenant, and had become second captain in 1724, when he took part in an expedition to the Malabar coast for the purjiose of relieving the settle- ment of Mah^, which had for a considerable time been suttt'ring severely from a blockade by the natives. The success of the expedition was mainly owing to his ability; but from some cause not explained, he shortly after quitted the company's service and engaged in commerce, making several suc- VoL. I. 52

A.D 1T44.

W.-ir between G resit Bri- tain  Vm. Vangelisty, 1776.

Early carec. of Ijal«iir (lonnais