text:
Page:Executive Order 14110.pdf/32

75222 technical roles, and, where the Director of OPM finds such authority is appropriate, grant it; this review shall include the following job series at all General Schedule (GS) levels: IT Specialist (2210), Computer Scientist (1550), Computer Engineer (0854), and Program Analyst (0343) focused on AI, and any subsequently developed job series derived from these job series;
 * (ii) within 60 days of the date of this order, consider authorizing the use of excepted service appointments under 5 CFR 213.3102(i)(3) to address the need for hiring additional staff to implement directives of this order;
 * (iii) within 90 days of the date of this order, coordinate a pooled-hiring action informed by subject-matter experts and using skills-based assessments to support the recruitment of AI talent across agencies;
 * (iv) within 120 days of the date of this order, as appropriate and permitted by law, issue guidance for agency application of existing pay flexibilities or incentive pay programs for AI, AI-enabling, and other key technical positions to facilitate appropriate use of current pay incentives;
 * (v) within 180 days of the date of this order, establish guidance and policy on skills-based, Federal Government-wide hiring of AI, data, and technology talent in order to increase access to those with nontraditional academic backgrounds to Federal AI, data, and technology roles;
 * (vi) within 180 days of the date of this order, establish an interagency working group, staffed with both human-resources professionals and recruiting technical experts, to facilitate Federal Government-wide hiring of people with AI and other technical skills;
 * (vii) within 180 days of the date of this order, review existing Executive Core Qualifications (ECQs) for Senior Executive Service (SES) positions informed by data and AI literacy competencies and, within 365 days of the date of this order, implement new ECQs as appropriate in the SES assessment process;
 * (viii) within 180 days of the date of this order, complete a review of competencies for civil engineers (GS–0810 series) and, if applicable, other related occupations, and make recommendations for ensuring that adequate AI expertise and credentials in these occupations in the Federal Government reflect the increased use of AI in critical infrastructure; and
 * (ix) work with the Security, Suitability, and Credentialing Performance Accountability Council to assess mechanisms to streamline and accelerate personnel-vetting requirements, as appropriate, to support AI and fields related to other critical and emerging technologies.

(e) To expand the use of special authorities for AI hiring and retention, agencies shall use all appropriate hiring authorities, including Schedule A(r) excepted service hiring and direct-hire authority, as applicable and appropriate, to hire AI talent and AI-enabling talent rapidly. In addition to participating in OPM-led pooled hiring actions, agencies shall collaborate, where appropriate, on agency-led pooled hiring under the Competitive Service Act of 2015 (Public Law 114–137) and other shared hiring. Agencies shall also, where applicable, use existing incentives, pay-setting authorities, and other compensation flexibilities, similar to those used for cyber and information technology positions, for AI and data-science professionals, as well as plain-language job titles, to help recruit and retain these highly skilled professionals. Agencies shall ensure that AI and other related talent needs (such as technology governance and privacy) are reflected in strategic workforce planning and budget formulation.

(f) To facilitate the hiring of data scientists, the Chief Data Officer Council shall develop a position-description library for data scientists (job series 1560) and a hiring guide to support agencies in hiring data scientists.

(g) To help train the Federal workforce on AI issues, the head of each agency shall implement—or increase the availability and use of—AI training and familiarization programs for employees, managers, and leadership in

title: Page:Executive Order 14110.pdf/32


text:
Page:Samuel Gompers - Out of Their Own Mouths (1921).djvu/137

 Rh in a communistic society will be on our side only if we lighten and improve its economic conditions. …

The middle peasant is very practical and values only actual assistance, quite carelessly thrusting aside all commands and instructions from above.

First help him and then you will secure his confidence. If this matter is handled correctly, if each step taken by our group in the village, in the canton, in the food-supply detachment, or in any organization, is carefully made, is carefully verified from this point of view, then we shall win the confidence of the peasant, and only then shall we be able to move forward. Now we must give him assistance. We must give him advice and this must not be the order of a commanding officer, but the advice of a comrade. The peasant then will be absolutely for us.

The measures previously described are, evidently, examples of "comradely advice" and "actual assistance."

Under these methods the peasants hid their products and sowed less grain in order that there should be nothing left for the plunderers. It was then that the Soviets decided to put still more terror into their actions and to give their requisitions a new name. In order to be able to seize plausibly all grain under all circumstances they declared grain and certain other food products the monopoly of the state. They decreed that the peasants should be left only enough to supply their own families with food and that all the "surplus" should go to the Soviet Government.

Instead of making things better the new method made matters worse. Bolshevist statistics in 1920 admitted that the agricultural productivity of the country had fallen to fifty per cent or less. The area under cultivation had fallen to about seventy per cent. The yield as

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/


text:
Page:Samuel Gompers - Out of Their Own Mouths (1921).djvu/138

 112 the result of bad seeds, the lack of manure, agricultural implements and horses (taken by the Soviet armies), as well as poor and negligent methods of cultivation (partly voluntary) had also fallen so as to reduce the crop to less than fifty per cent.

The following description of the agricultural position in Russia was given in one of the reports read at a meeting in Moscow on February 22, and printed in the Economic Life of February 24 (1921):

Alarmed at such figures and at the prospect of a greater and more rapid agricultural decay and food shortage the Soviet Congress in December, 1920, decided upon still more violent persecution of the peasantry. The new situation is thus summed up by a friendly correspondent, Michael Farbman:

The threatening famine and its causes should obviously have led to an immediate loosening of the screws and a change of policy, yet the opposite took place. In fact, the Food Department published a programme of grain requisitions almost twice as big as that obtained in the previous year, while Ossinsky, who frankly admitted the peasants' refusal to cultivate their land, outlined a most


text:
Page:Samuel Gompers - Out of Their Own Mouths (1921).djvu/139

 Rh fantastic scheme of compelling them to do so. He was not in the least alarmed by the crisis, but frankly expressed satisfaction that the terrible miscarriage of previous schemes for socializing agriculture and the obstinate refusal of the peasants to fall into line justified the state in intervening.

Unfortunately, Ossinsky's ideas aroused the sympathy of the heads of the Food Administration, who were sure their enormous programme of food requisitioning during this famine year would fail unless they were permitted to apply more force than usual. In a few weeks Ossinsky and the Food Administration were able to convince the Communist Party that this new scheme was a necessity. The All-Russian Congress of Soviets last December sanctioned Ossinsky's ideas, adopting a decree "In Aid of Agriculture." The main provisions of this embodied the scheme of compulsory sowing of the fields and established seed funds.

The giving to this decree the title "In Aid of Agriculture" is typical. Lenin also repeated his beneficent phrases at this Congress: "We shall not advance a step in our program without the peasants," and he again said that the law should "assist" peasant farming.

By March the food reserve was almost completely exhausted, the prospects for agriculture were still worse, and the peasant revolts, especially in the grain producing districts, South Russia, Siberia and the Caucasus, were more frequent and menacing than ever before. The Communists, led by Lenin, now decided once more to change the name of their requisitions, reverting from the "grain monoplymonopoly [sic]" back to "taxation in kind." The Moscow wireless of March 16, 1921, thus reports Lenin's speech indicating this second change in method:


text:
Page:Samuel Gompers - Out of Their Own Mouths (1921).djvu/140

 114

It will be noted that Lenin reassured the Communists that no concession whatever was to be made in the direction of democracy or towards giving the peasant majority any voice whatever over their own affairs. Indeed in a speech which was made to the railway men at Moscow after the enactment of the new legislation, reported by the wireless on April 3, Lenin made this doubly clear:

Again we have fair phrases with no real change in the peasants' economic condition:


text:
Page:Executive Order 14110.pdf/33

Rh technology as well as relevant policy, managerial, procurement, regulatory, ethical, governance, and legal fields. Such training programs should, for example, empower Federal employees, managers, and leaders to develop and maintain an operating knowledge of emerging AI technologies to assess opportunities to use these technologies to enhance the delivery of services to the public, and to mitigate risks associated with these technologies. Agencies that provide professional-development opportunities, grants, or funds for their staff should take appropriate steps to ensure that employees who do not serve in traditional technical roles, such as policy, managerial, procurement, or legal fields, are nonetheless eligible to receive funding for programs and courses that focus on AI, machine learning, data science, or other related subject areas.

(h) Within 180 days of the date of this order, to address gaps in AI talent for national defense, the Secretary of Defense shall submit a report to the President through the Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs that includes:
 * (i) recommendations to address challenges in the Department of Defense’s ability to hire certain noncitizens, including at the Science and Technology Reinvention Laboratories;
 * (ii) recommendations to clarify and streamline processes for accessing classified information for certain noncitizens through Limited Access Authorization at Department of Defense laboratories;
 * (iii) recommendations for the appropriate use of enlistment authority under 10 U.S.C. 504(b)(2) for experts in AI and other critical and emerging technologies; and
 * (iv) recommendations for the Department of Defense and the Department of Homeland Security to work together to enhance the use of appropriate authorities for the retention of certain noncitizens of vital importance to national security by the Department of Defense and the Department of Homeland Security.

Sec. 11. Strengthening American Leadership Abroad. (a) To strengthen United States leadership of global efforts to unlock AI’s potential and meet its challenges, the Secretary of State, in coordination with the Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs, the Assistant to the President for Economic Policy, the Director of OSTP, and the heads of other relevant agencies as appropriate, shall:
 * (i) lead efforts outside of military and intelligence areas to expand engagements with international allies and partners in relevant bilateral, multilateral, and multi-stakeholder fora to advance those allies’ and partners’ understanding of existing and planned AI-related guidance and policies of the United States, as well as to enhance international collaboration; and
 * (ii) lead efforts to establish a strong international framework for managing the risks and harnessing the benefits of AI, including by encouraging international allies and partners to support voluntary commitments similar to those that United States companies have made in pursuit of these objectives and coordinating the activities directed by subsections (b), (c), (d), and (e) of this section, and to develop common regulatory and other accountability principles for foreign nations, including to manage the risk that AI systems pose.

(b) To advance responsible global technical standards for AI development and use outside of military and intelligence areas, the Secretary of Commerce, in coordination with the Secretary of State and the heads of other relevant agencies as appropriate, shall lead preparations for a coordinated effort with key international allies and partners and with standards development organizations, to drive the development and implementation of AI-related consensus standards, cooperation and coordination, and information sharing. In particular, the Secretary of Commerce shall:

title: Page:Executive Order 14110.pdf/33


text:
Page:Executive Order 14110.pdf/34

75224 :(i) within 270 days of the date of this order, establish a plan for global engagement on promoting and developing AI standards, with lines of effort that may include:
 * (A) AI nomenclature and terminology;
 * (B) best practices regarding data capture, processing, protection, privacy, confidentiality, handling, and analysis;
 * (C) trustworthiness, verification, and assurance of AI systems; and
 * (D) AI risk management;
 * (ii) within 180 days of the date the plan is established, submit a report to the President on priority actions taken pursuant to the plan; and
 * (iii) ensure that such efforts are guided by principles set out in the NIST AI Risk Management Framework and United States Government National Standards Strategy for Critical and Emerging Technology.

(c) Within 365 days of the date of this order, to promote safe, responsible, and rights-affirming development and deployment of AI abroad:
 * (i) The Secretary of State and the Administrator of the United States Agency for International Development, in coordination with the Secretary of Commerce, acting through the director of NIST, shall publish an AI in Global Development Playbook that incorporates the AI Risk Management Framework’s principles, guidelines, and best practices into the social, technical, economic, governance, human rights, and security conditions of contexts beyond United States borders. As part of this work, the Secretary of State and the Administrator of the United States Agency for International Development shall draw on lessons learned from programmatic uses of AI in global development.
 * (ii) The Secretary of State and the Administrator of the United States Agency for International Development, in collaboration with the Secretary of Energy and the Director of NSF, shall develop a Global AI Research Agenda to guide the objectives and implementation of AI-related research in contexts beyond United States borders. The Agenda shall:
 * (A) include principles, guidelines, priorities, and best practices aimed at ensuring the safe, responsible, beneficial, and sustainable global development and adoption of AI; and
 * (B) address AI’s labor-market implications across international contexts, including by recommending risk mitigations.

(d) To address cross-border and global AI risks to critical infrastructure, the Secretary of Homeland Security, in coordination with the Secretary of State, and in consultation with the heads of other relevant agencies as the Secretary of Homeland Security deems appropriate, shall lead efforts with international allies and partners to enhance cooperation to prevent, respond to, and recover from potential critical infrastructure disruptions resulting from incorporation of AI into critical infrastructure systems or malicious use of AI.
 * (i) Within 270 days of the date of this order, the Secretary of Homeland Security, in coordination with the Secretary of State, shall develop a plan for multilateral engagements to encourage the adoption of the AI safety and security guidelines for use by critical infrastructure owners and operators developed in section 4.3(a) of this order.
 * (ii) Within 180 days of establishing the plan described in subsection (d)(i) of this section, the Secretary of Homeland Security shall submit a report to the President on priority actions to mitigate cross-border risks to critical United States infrastructure.

Sec. 12. Implementation. (a) There is established, within the Executive Office of the President, the White House Artificial Intelligence Council (White House AI Council). The function of the White House AI Council is to coordinate the activities of agencies across the Federal Government to ensure the effective formulation, development, communication, industry engagement

title: Page:Executive Order 14110.pdf/34


text:
Page:Executive Order 14110.pdf/35

Rh related to, and timely implementation of AI-related policies, including policies set forth in this order.

(b) The Assistant to the President and Deputy Chief of Staff for Policy shall serve as Chair of the White House AI Council.

(c) In addition to the Chair, the White House AI Council shall consist of the following members, or their designees:
 * (i) the Secretary of State;
 * (ii) the Secretary of the Treasury;
 * (iii) the Secretary of Defense;
 * (iv) the Attorney General;
 * (v) the Secretary of Agriculture;
 * (vi) the Secretary of Commerce;
 * (vii) the Secretary of Labor;
 * (viii) the Secretary of HHS;
 * (ix) the Secretary of Housing and Urban Development;
 * (x) the Secretary of Transportation;
 * (xi) the Secretary of Energy;
 * (xii) the Secretary of Education;
 * (xiii) the Secretary of Veterans Affairs;
 * (xiv) the Secretary of Homeland Security;
 * (xv) the Administrator of the Small Business Administration;
 * (xvi) the Administrator of the United States Agency for International Development;
 * (xvii) the Director of National Intelligence;
 * (xviii) the Director of NSF;
 * (xix) the Director of OMB;
 * (xx) the Director of OSTP;
 * (xxi) the Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs;
 * (xxii) the Assistant to the President for Economic Policy;
 * (xxiii) the Assistant to the President and Domestic Policy Advisor;
 * (xxiv) the Assistant to the President and Chief of Staff to the Vice President;
 * (xxv) the Assistant to the President and Director of the Gender Policy Council;
 * (xxvi) the Chairman of the Council of Economic Advisers;
 * (xxvii) the National Cyber Director;
 * (xxviii) the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff; and
 * (xxix) the heads of such other agencies, independent regulatory agencies, and executive offices as the Chair may from time to time designate or invite to participate.

(d) The Chair may create and coordinate subgroups consisting of White House AI Council members or their designees, as appropriate.

Sec. 13. General Provisions. (a) Nothing in this order shall be construed to impair or otherwise affect:
 * (i) the authority granted by law to an executive department or agency, or the head thereof; or
 * (ii) the functions of the Director of the Office of Management and Budget relating to budgetary, administrative, or legislative proposals.

(b) This order shall be implemented consistent with applicable law and subject to the availability of appropriations.

title: Page:Executive Order 14110.pdf/35


text: Page:Theresa Serber Malkiel - Woman of Yesterday and To-day.djvu/1


text:
Page:Executive Order 14110.pdf/36

75226 (c) This order is not intended to, and does not, create any right or benefit, substantive or procedural, enforceable at law or in equity by any party against the United States, its departments, agencies, or entities, its officers, employees, or agents, or any other person.

THE WHITE HOUSE,

October 30, 2023.

[FR Doc. 2023–24283 Filed 10–31–23; 11:15 am] Billing code 3395–F4–P

title: Page:Executive Order 14110.pdf/36


text: Page:Theresa Serber Malkiel - Woman of Yesterday and To-day.djvu/3


text:
Page:Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission Act 2009.pdf/3

3 LAWS OF MALAYSIA Act 694 MALAYSIAN ANTI-CORRUPTION COMMISSION ACT 2009

ARRANGEMENT OF SECTIONS


text: Page:Theresa Serber Malkiel - Woman of Yesterday and To-day.djvu/20


text:
Page:Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission Act 2009.pdf/4

4


text: Woman of Yesterday and To-day

title: Woman of Yesterday and To-day


text:
Page:Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission Act 2009.pdf/5

Rh


text:
Page:The Practice and Theory of Bolshevism - Russell - 1920.djvu/28

 I entered Soviet Russia on May 11th and recrossed the frontier on June 16th. The Russian authorities only admitted me on the express condition that I should travel with the British Labour Delegation, a condition with which I was naturally very willing to comply, and which that Delegation kindly allowed me to fulfil. We were conveyed from the frontier to Petrograd, as well as on subsequent journeys, in a special _train de luxe_; covered with mottoes about the Social Revolution and the Proletariat of all countries; we were received everywhere by regiments of soldiers, with the Internationale being played on the regimental band while civilians stood bare-headed and soldiers at the salute; congratulatory orations were made by local leaders and answered by prominent Communists who accompanied us; the entrances to the carriages were guarded by magnificent Bashkir cavalry-men in resplendent uniforms; in short, everything was


text:
Page:The Practice and Theory of Bolshevism - Russell - 1920.djvu/29

 done to make us feel like the Prince of Wales. Innumerable functions were arranged for us: banquets, public meetings, military reviews, etc.

The assumption was that we had come to testify to the solidarity of British Labour with Russian Communism, and on that assumption the utmost possible use was made of us for Bolshevik propaganda. We, on the other hand, desired to ascertain what we could of Russian conditions and Russian methods of government, which was impossible in the atmosphere of a royal progress. Hence arose an amicable contest, degenerating at times into a game of hide and seek: while they assured us how splendid the banquet or parade was going to be, we tried to explain how much we should prefer a quiet walk in the streets. I, not being a member of the Delegation, felt less obligation than my companions did to attend at propaganda meetings where one knew the speeches by heart beforehand. In this way, I was able, by the help of neutral interpreters, mostly English or American, to have many conversations with casual people whom I met in the streets or on village greens, and to find out how the whole system appears to the ordinary non-political man and woman. The first five days we spent in Petrograd, the next eleven in Moscow. During this time we were living in daily contact with important


text:
Page:Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission Act 2009.pdf/6

6


text:
Page:The Practice and Theory of Bolshevism - Russell - 1920.djvu/30

 men in the Government, so that we learned the official point of view without difficulty. I saw also what I could of the intellectuals in both places. We were all allowed complete freedom to see politicians of opposition parties, and we naturally made full use of this freedom. We saw Mensheviks, Social Revolutionaries of different groups, and Anarchists; we saw them without the presence of any Bolsheviks, and they spoke freely after they had overcome their initial fears. I had an hour's talk with Lenin, virtually _tête-à-tête_; I met Trotsky, though only in company; I spent a night in the country with Kamenev; and I saw a great deal of other men who, though less known outside Russia, are of considerable importance in the Government.

At the end of our time in Moscow we all felt a desire to see something of the country, and to get in touch with the peasants, since they form about 85 per cent, of the population. The Government showed the greatest kindness in meeting our wishes, and it was decided that we should travel down the Volga from Nijni Novgorod to Saratov, stopping at many places, large and small, and talking freely with the inhabitants. I found this part of the time extraordinarily instructive. I learned to know more than I should have thought possible of the life and outlook of peasants, village schoolmasters, small


text:
Page:The Practice and Theory of Bolshevism - Russell - 1920.djvu/31

 Jew traders, and all kinds of people. Unfortunately, my friend, Clifford Allen, fell ill, and my time was much taken up with him. This had, however, one good result, namely, that I was able to go on with the boat to Astrakhan, as he was too ill to be moved off it. This not only gave me further knowledge of the country, but made me acquainted with Sverdlov, Acting Minister of Transport, who was travelling on the boat to organize the movement of oil from Baku up the Volga, and who was one of the ablest as well as kindest people whom I met in Russia.

One of the first things that I discovered after passing the Red Flag which marks the frontier of Soviet Russia, amid a desolate region of marsh, pine wood, and barbed wire entanglements, was the profound difference between the theories of actual Bolsheviks and the version of those theories current among advanced Socialists in this country. Friends of Russia here think of the dictatorship of the proletariat as merely a new form of representative government, in which only working men and women have votes, and the constituencies are partly occupational, not geographical. They think that "proletariat" means "proletariat," but "dictatorship" does not quite mean "dictatorship." This is the opposite of the truth. When a Russian Communist


text:
Page:The Practice and Theory of Bolshevism - Russell - 1920.djvu/32

 speaks of dictatorship, he means the word literally, but when he speaks of the proletariat, he means the word in a Pickwickian sense. He means the "class-conscious" part of the proletariat, _i.e._, the Communist Party. He includes people by no means proletarian (such as Lenin and Tchicherin) who have the right opinions, and he excludes such wage-earners as have not the right opinions, whom he classifies as lackeys of the _bourgeoisie_. The Communist who sincerely believes the party creed is convinced that private property is the root of all evil; he is so certain of this that he shrinks from no measures, however harsh, which seem necessary for constructing and preserving the Communist State. He spares himself as little as he spares others. He works sixteen hours a day, and foregoes his Saturday half-holiday. He volunteers for any difficult or dangerous work which needs to be done, such as clearing away piles of infected corpses left by Kolchak or Denikin. In spite of his position of power and his control of supplies, he lives an austere life. He is not pursuing personal ends, but aiming at the creation of a new social order. The same motives,


text:
Page:The Practice and Theory of Bolshevism - Russell - 1920.djvu/33

 however, which make him austere make him also ruthless. Marx has taught that Communism is fatally predestined to come about; this fits in with the Oriental traits in the Russian character, and produces a state of mind not unlike that of the early successors of Mahomet. Opposition is crushed without mercy, and without shrinking from the methods of the Tsarist police, many of whom are still employed at their old work. Since all evils are due to private property, the evils of the Bolshevik régime while it has to fight private property will automatically cease as soon as it has succeeded.

These views are the familiar consequences of fanatical belief. To an English mind they reinforce the conviction upon which English life has been based ever since 1688, that kindliness and tolerance are worth all the creeds in the world--a view which, it is true, we do not apply to other nations or to subject races.

In a very novel society it is natural to seek for historical parallels. The baser side of the present Russian Government is most nearly paralleled by the Directoire in France, but on its better side it is closely analogous to the rule of Cromwell. The sincere Communists (and all the older members of the party have proved their sincerity by years of persecution) are not unlike the Puritan soldiers


text:
Page:The Practice and Theory of Bolshevism - Russell - 1920.djvu/34

 in their stern politico-moral purpose. Cromwell's dealings with Parliament are not unlike Lenin's with the Constituent Assembly. Both, starting from a combination of democracy and religious faith, were driven to sacrifice democracy to religion enforced by military dictatorship. Both tried to compel their countries to live at a higher level of morality and effort than the population found tolerable. Life in modern Russia, as in Puritan England, is in many ways contrary to instinct. And if the Bolsheviks ultimately fall, it will be for the reason for which the Puritans fell: because there comes a point at which men feel that amusement and ease are worth more than all other goods put together.

Far closer than any actual historical parallel is the parallel of Plato's Republic. The Communist Party corresponds to the guardians; the soldiers have about the same status in both; there is in Russia an attempt to deal with family life more or less as Plato suggested. I suppose it may be assumed that every teacher of Plato throughout the world abhors Bolshevism, and that every Bolshevik regards Plato as an antiquated _bourgeois_. Nevertheless, the parallel is extraordinarily exact between Plato's Republic and the régime which the better Bolsheviks are endeavouring to create.

Bolshevism is internally aristocratic and externally


text:
Page:The Practice and Theory of Bolshevism - Russell - 1920.djvu/35

 militant. The Communists in many ways resemble the British public-school type: they have all the good and bad traits of an aristocracy which is young and vital. They are courageous, energetic, capable of command, always ready to serve the State; on the other hand, they are dictatorial, lacking in ordinary consideration for the plebs. They are practically the sole possessors of power, and they enjoy innumerable advantages in consequence. Most of them, though far from luxurious, have better food than other people. Only people of some political importance can obtain motor-cars or telephones. Permits for railway journeys, for making purchases at the Soviet stores (where prices are about one-fiftieth of what they are in the market), for going to the theatre, and so on, are, of course, easier to obtain for the friends of those in power than for ordinary mortals. In a thousand ways, the Communists have a life which is happier than that of the rest of the community. Above all, they are less exposed to the unwelcome attentions of the police and the extraordinary commission.

The Communist theory of international affairs is exceedingly simple. The revolution foretold by Marx, which is to abolish capitalism throughout the world, happened to begin in Russia, though Marxian theory would seem to demand that it should begin


text:
Page:The Practice and Theory of Bolshevism - Russell - 1920.djvu/36

 in America. In countries where the revolution has not yet broken out, the sole duty of a Communist is to hasten its advent. Agreements with capitalist States can only be make-shifts, and can never amount on either side to a sincere peace. No real good can come to any country without a bloody revolution: English Labour men may fancy that a peaceful evolution is possible, but they will find their mistake. Lenin told me that he hopes to see a Labour Government in England, and would wish his supporters to work for it, but solely in order that the futility of Parliamentarism may be conclusively demonstrated to the British working man. Nothing will do any real good except the arming of the proletariat and the disarming of the _bourgeoisie_. Those who preach anything else are social traitors or deluded fools.

For my part, after weighing this theory carefully, and after admitting the whole of its indictment of _bourgeois_ capitalism, I find myself definitely and strongly opposed to it. The Third International is an organization which exists to promote the class-war and to hasten the advent of revolution everywhere. My objection is not that capitalism is less bad than the Bolsheviks believe, but that Socialism is less good, not in its best form, but in the only form which is likely to be brought about by war.


text:
Page:The Practice and Theory of Bolshevism - Russell - 1920.djvu/37

 The evils of war, especially of civil war, are certain and very great; the gains to be achieved by victory are problematical. In the course of a desperate struggle, the heritage of civilization is likely to be lost, while hatred, suspicion, and cruelty become normal in the relations of human beings. In order to succeed in war, a concentration of power is necessary, and from concentration of power the very same evils flow as from the capitalist concentration of wealth. For these reasons chiefly, I cannot support any movement which aims at world revolution. The damage to civilization done by revolution in one country may be repaired by the influence of another in which there has been no revolution; but in a universal cataclysm civilization might go under for a thousand years. But while I cannot advocate world revolution, I cannot escape from the conclusion that the Governments of the leading capitalist countries are doing everything to bring it about. Abuse of our power against Germany, Russia, and India (to say nothing of any other countries) may well bring about our downfall, and produce those very evils which the enemies of Bolshevism most dread.

The true Communist is thoroughly international. Lenin, for example, so far as I could judge, is not more concerned with the interests of Russia than


text:
Page:The Practice and Theory of Bolshevism - Russell - 1920.djvu/38

 with those of other countries; Russia is, at the moment, the protagonist of the social revolution, and, as such, valuable to the world, but Lenin would sacrifice Russia rather than the revolution, if the alternative should ever arise. This is the orthodox attitude, and is no doubt genuine in many of the leaders. But nationalism is natural and instinctive; through pride in the revolution, it grows again even in the breasts of Communists. Through the Polish war, the Bolsheviks have acquired the support of national feeling, and their position in the country has been immensely strengthened.

The only time I saw Trotsky was at the Opera in Moscow. The British Labour Delegation were occupying what had been the Tsar's box. After speaking with us in the ante-chamber, he stepped to the front of the box and stood with folded arms while the house cheered itself hoarse. Then he spoke a few sentences, short and sharp, with military precision, winding up by calling for "three cheers for our brave fellows at the front," to which the audience responded as a London audience would have responded in the autumn of 1914. Trotsky and the Red Army undoubtedly now have behind them a great body of nationalist sentiment. The reconquest of Asiatic Russia has even revived what is essentially an imperialist way of feeling, though


text:
Page:The Practice and Theory of Bolshevism - Russell - 1920.djvu/39

 this would be indignantly repudiated by many of those in whom I seemed to detect it. Experience of power is inevitably altering Communist theories, and men who control a vast governmental machine can hardly have quite the same outlook on life as they had when they were hunted fugitives. If the Bolsheviks remain in power, it is much to be feared that their Communism will fade, and that they will increasingly resemble any other Asiatic Government--for example, our own Government in India.


text:
Page:The Practice and Theory of Bolshevism - Russell - 1920.djvu/40

 Soon after my arrival in Moscow I had an hour's conversation with Lenin in English, which he speaks fairly well. An interpreter was present, but his services were scarcely required. Lenin's room is very bare; it contains a big desk, some maps on the walls, two book-cases, and one comfortable chair for visitors in addition to two or three hard chairs. It is obvious that he has no love of luxury or even comfort. He is very friendly, and apparently simple, entirely without a trace of _hauteur_. If one met him without knowing who he was, one would not guess that he is possessed of great power or even that he is in any way eminent. I have never met a personage so destitute of self-importance. He looks at his visitors very closely, and screws up one eye, which seems to increase alarmingly the penetrating power of the other. He laughs a great deal; at first his laugh seems merely friendly and


text:
Page:The Practice and Theory of Bolshevism - Russell - 1920.djvu/41

 jolly, but gradually I came to feel it rather grim. He is dictatorial, calm, incapable of fear, extraordinarily devoid of self-seeking, an embodied theory. The materialist conception of history, one feels, is his life-blood. He resembles a professor in his desire to have the theory understood and in his fury with those who misunderstand or disagree, as also in his love of expounding, I got the impression that he despises a great many people and is an intellectual aristocrat.

The first question I asked him was as to how far he recognized the peculiarity of English economic and political conditions? I was anxious to know whether advocacy of violent revolution is an indispensable condition of joining the Third International, although I did not put this question directly because others were asking it officially. His answer was unsatisfactory to me. He admitted that there is little chance of revolution in England now, and that the working man is not yet disgusted with Parliamentary government. But he hopes that this result may be brought about by a Labour Ministry. He thinks that, if Mr. Henderson, for instance, were to become Prime Minister, nothing of importance would be done; organized Labour would then, so he hopes and believes, turn to revolution. On this ground, he wishes his supporters in this country to do everything


text:
Page:The Practice and Theory of Bolshevism - Russell - 1920.djvu/42

 in their power to secure a Labour majority in Parliament; he does not advocate abstention from Parliamentary contests, but participation with a view to making Parliament obviously contemptible. The reasons which make attempts at violent revolution seem to most of us both improbable and undesirable in this country carry no weight with him, and seem to him mere _bourgeois_ prejudices. When I suggested that whatever is possible in England can be achieved without bloodshed, he waved aside the suggestion as fantastic. I got little impression of knowledge or psychological imagination as regards Great Britain. Indeed the whole tendency of Marxianism is against psychological imagination, since it attributes everything in politics to purely material causes.

I asked him next whether he thought it possible to establish Communism firmly and fully in a country containing such a large majority of peasants. He admitted that it was difficult, and laughed over the exchange the peasant is compelled to make, of food for paper; the worthlessness of Russian paper struck him as comic. But he said--what is no doubt true--that things will right themselves when there are goods to offer to the peasant. For this he looks partly to electrification in industry, which, he says, is a technical necessity in Russia, but will take ten


text:
Page:The Practice and Theory of Bolshevism - Russell - 1920.djvu/43

 years to complete. He spoke with enthusiasm, as they all do, of the great scheme for generating electrical power by means of peat. Of course he looks to the raising of the blockade as the only radical cure; but he was not very hopeful of this being achieved thoroughly or permanently except through revolutions in other countries. Peace between Bolshevik Russia and capitalist countries, he said, must always be insecure; the Entente might be led by weariness and mutual dissensions to conclude peace, but he felt convinced that the peace would be of brief duration. I found in him, as in almost all leading Communists, much less eagerness than existed in our delegation for peace and the raising of the blockade. He believes that nothing of real value can be achieved except through world


text:
Page:The Practice and Theory of Bolshevism - Russell - 1920.djvu/44

 revolution and the abolition of capitalism; I felt that he regarded the resumption of trade with capitalist countries as a mere palliative of doubtful value.

He described the division between rich and poor peasants, and the Government propaganda among the latter against the former, leading to acts of violence which he seemed to find amusing. He spoke as though the dictatorship over the peasant would have to continue a long time, because of the peasant's desire for free trade. He said he knew from statistics (what I can well believe) that the peasants have had more to eat these last two years than they ever had before, "and yet they are against us," he added a little wistfully. I asked him what to reply to critics who say that in the country he has merely created peasant proprietorship, not Communism; he replied that that is not quite the truth, but he did not say what the truth is.

The last question I asked him was whether resumption of trade with capitalist countries, if it took place, would not create centres of capitalist influence, and make the preservation of Communism more difficult? It had seemed to me that the more ardent Communists might well dread commercial


text:
Page:The Practice and Theory of Bolshevism - Russell - 1920.djvu/45

 intercourse with the outer world, as leading to an infiltration of heresy, and making the rigidity of the present system almost impossible. I wished to know whether he had such a feeling. He admitted that trade would create difficulties, but said they would be less than those of the war. He said that two years ago neither he nor his colleagues thought they could survive against the hostility of the world. He attributes their survival to the jealousies and divergent interests of the different capitalist nations; also to the power of Bolshevik propaganda. He said the Germans had laughed when the Bolsheviks proposed to combat guns with leaflets, but that the event had proved the leaflets quite as powerful. I do not think he recognizes that the Labour and Socialist parties have had any part in the matter. He does not seem to know that the attitude of British Labour has done a great deal to make a first-class war against Russia impossible, since it has confined the Government to what could be done in a hole-and-corner way, and denied without a too blatant mendacity.

He thoroughly enjoys the attacks of Lord Northcliffe, to whom he wishes to send a medal for Bolshevik propaganda. Accusations of spoliation, he remarked, may shock the _bourgeois_, but have an opposite effect upon the proletarian.


text:
Page:The Practice and Theory of Bolshevism - Russell - 1920.djvu/46

I think if I had met him without knowing who he was, I should not have guessed that he was a great man; he struck me as too opinionated and narrowly orthodox. His strength comes, I imagine, from his honesty, courage, and unwavering faith--religious faith in the Marxian gospel, which takes the place of the Christian martyr's hopes of Paradise, except that it is less egotistical. He has as little love of liberty as the Christians who suffered under Diocletian, and retaliated when they acquired power. Perhaps love of liberty is incompatible with whole-hearted belief in a panacea for all human ills. If so, I cannot but rejoice in the sceptical temper of the Western world. I went to Russia a Communist; but contact with those who have no doubts has intensified a thousandfold my own doubts, not as to Communism in itself, but as to the wisdom of holding a creed so firmly that for its sake men are willing to inflict widespread misery.

Trotsky, whom the Communists do not by any means regard as Lenin's equal, made more impression upon me from the point of view of intelligence and personality, though not of character. I saw too little of him, however, to have more than a very superficial impression. He has bright eyes, military bearing, lightning intelligence and magnetic personality. He is very good-looking, with admirable


text:
Page:The Practice and Theory of Bolshevism - Russell - 1920.djvu/47

 wavy hair; one feels he would be irresistible to women. I felt in him a vein of gay good humour, so long as he was not crossed in any way. I thought, perhaps wrongly, that his vanity was even greater than his love of power--the sort of vanity that one associates with an artist or actor. The comparison with Napoleon was forced upon one. But I had no means of estimating the strength of his Communist conviction, which may be very sincere and profound.

An extraordinary contrast to both these men was Gorky, with whom I had a brief interview in Petrograd. He was in bed, apparently very ill and obviously heart-broken. He begged me, in anything I might say about Russia, always to emphasize what Russia has suffered. He supports the Government--as I should do, if I were a Russian--not because he thinks it faultless, but because the possible alternatives are worse. One felt in him a love of the Russian people which makes their present martyrdom almost unbearable, and prevents the fanatical faith by which the pure Marxians are upheld. I felt him the most lovable, and to me the most sympathetic, of all the Russians I saw. I wished for more knowledge of his outlook, but he spoke with difficulty and was constantly interrupted by terrible fits of coughing, so that I could not stay. All the intellectuals whom I met--a class who have suffered terribly--expressed


text:
Page:The Practice and Theory of Bolshevism - Russell - 1920.djvu/48

 their gratitude to him for what he has done on their behalf. The materialistic conception of history is all very well, but some care for the higher things of civilization is a relief. The Bolsheviks are sometimes said to have done great things for art, but I could not discover that they had done more than preserve something of what existed before. When I questioned one of them on the subject, he grew impatient, and said: "We haven't time for a new art, any more than for a new religion." Unavoidably, although the Government favours art as much as it can, the atmosphere is one in which art cannot flourish, because art is anarchic and resistant to organization. Gorky has done all that one man could to preserve the intellectual and artistic life of Russia. I feared that he was dying, and that, perhaps, it was dying too. But he recovered, and I hope

no match
it will recover also.


text:
Page:Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission Act 2009.pdf/7

7 LAWS OF MALAYSIA Act 694 MALAYSIAN ANTI-CORRUPTION COMMISSION ACT 2009 An Act to provide for the establishment of the Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission, to make further and better provisions for the prevention of corruption and for matters necessary thereto and connected therewith. [] ENACTED by the Parliament of Malaysia as follows:

Short title and commencement

1. (1) This Act may be cited as the Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission Act 2009.

(2) This Act comes into operation on 1 January 2009.

Principal objects of Act

2. The principal objects of this Act are—
 * (a) to promote the integrity and accountability of public and private sector administration by constituting an independent and accountable anti-corruption body; and
 * (b) to educate public authorities, public officials and members of the public about corruption and its detrimental effects on public and private sector administration and on the community.


text:
Page:Masterpieces of German literature volume 10.djvu/49

 greetings and assurances of my love to your parents, and the former—the latter, too, if you like—to all your cousins, women friends, etc. What have you done with Aennchen? My forgetting the Versin letters disturbs me; I did not mean to make such a bad job of it. Have they been found? Farewell, my treasure, my heart, consolation of my eyes.

Your faithful

Another picture, a description of a storm in the Alps, which catches my eye as I turn over the pages of the book, and pleases me much:

On such a night the suggestion comes uncommonly near to me that I wish to be a sharer in the delight, a portion of tempest, of night; mounted on a runaway horse, to dash down the cliffs into the falls of the Rhine, or something similar. A pleasure of that kind, unfortunately, one can enjoy but once in this life. There is something intoxicating in nocturnal storms. Your nights, dearest, I hope you re-


text:
Page:The Finer Grain (London, Methuen & Co., 1910).djvu/319

Rh which thus affected him for the moment as more than he could bear. He leaned forward, dropping his elbows to his knees and pressing his head on his hands. So he stayed, saying nothing; only, with the sense of her own sustained, renewed and wonderful action, knowing that an arm had passed round him and that he was held. She was beside him on the bench of desolation.


text:
Page:Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission Act 2009.pdf/8

8 Interpretation

3. In this Act, unless the context otherwise requires—

“member of a State Legislative Assembly” includes an officer of a public body who is a member of a State Executive Council by virtue of his office;

“member of the administration” has the meaning assigned to it in Clause (2) of Article 160 of the Federal Constitution;

“public body” includes—
 * (a) the Government of Malaysia;
 * (b) the Government of a State;
 * (c) any local authority and any other statutory authority;
 * (d) any department, service or undertaking of the Government of Malaysia, the Government of a State, or a local authority;
 * (e) any society registered under subsection 7(1) of the Societies Act 1966 [Act 335];
 * (f) any branch of a registered society established under section 12 of the Societies Act 1966;
 * (g) any sports body registered under section 17 of the Sports Development Act 1997 [Act 576];
 * (h) any co-operative society registered under section 7 of the Co-operative Societies Act 1993 [Act 502];
 * (i) any trade union registered under section 12 of the Trade Unions Act 1959 [Act 262];
 * (j) any youth society registered under section 9 of the Youth Societies and Youth Development Act 2007 [Act 668];
 * (k) any company or subsidiary company over which or in which any public body as is referred to in paragraph (a), (b), (c), (d), (e), (f), (g), (h), (i) or (j) has controlling power or interest; or
 * (l) any society, union, organization or body as the Minister may prescribe from time to time by order published in the Gazette;


text:
Page:Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission Act 2009.pdf/9

Rh “bank” means a bank, a finance company, a merchant bank, or a discount house, licensed under the Banking and Financial Institutions Act 1989 [Act 372], or any other financial institution established or licensed under any other written law or any cooperative society registered or deemed to have been registered under the Co-operative Societies Act 1993;

“banker’s book” includes ledgers, day books, cash books, account books and all other books and documents used in the ordinary course of business of a bank;

“agent” means any person employed by or acting for another, and includes an officer of a public body or an officer serving in or under any public body, a trustee, an administrator or executor of the estate of a deceased person, a subcontractor, and any person employed by or acting for such trustee, administrator or executor, or subcontractor;

“property” means real or personal property of every description, including money, whether situated in Malaysia or elsewhere, whether tangible or intangible, and includes an interest in any such real or personal property;

“financial institution” means any person, which, in fact, lawfully or unlawfully, carries on any banking business or finance company business as defined in the Banking and Financial Institutions Act 1989;

“monetary instrument” means coin or currency of Malaysia or of any other country, travellers’ cheque, personal cheque, bank cheque, money order, investment security or negotiable instrument in bearer form or otherwise in such form that title thereto passes upon delivery or upon delivery and endorsement;

“offence under this Act” includes a prescribed offence;

“prescribed offence” means—
 * (a) any offence under any written law as specified in the Schedule;
 * (b) an offence punishable under section 137 of the Customs Act 1967 [Act 235];
 * (c) an offence under Part III of the Election Offences Act 1954 [Act 5];


text:
Page:Masterpieces of German literature volume 10.djvu/50

 gard, however, as sent for slumber, not for writing. I see with regret that I write English still more illegibly than German. Once more, farewell, my heart. Tomorrow noon I am invited to be the guest of Frau Brauchitsch, presumably so that I may be duly and thoroughly questioned about you and yours. I'll tell them as much as I please. Je t'embrasse mille fois.

Your own

B.

Schönhausen, February 7, '47.

My Heart,—Just returned through a wild, drifting snowstorm from an appointment (which unfortunately was occasioned by the burning out of a poor family). I have warmed myself at your dear letter; in the twilight, even, I recognized your "Right honorable." All my limbs are twitching with eagerness to be off to Berlin again today, and to characterize the dikes and floods in terms of the unutterable Poberow dialect. The inexorable thermometer stands at 2 below freezing-point, accompanied with howling wind and large flakes, as though it would soon rain. What is duty? Compare Falstaff's expressions touching honor. At any rate, I shall write you straightway, even if I ruin myself in postage, and no sensible thoughts find their way through the debris of the fire that still has possession of my imagination. After reading your last remark I have just lit my cigar and stirred the ink. First, like a businessman, to answer your letter. I begin with a request smacking of the official desk—namely, that when you write you will, if you please, expressly state what letters you have received from me, giving their dates; otherwise one is uncertain as to the regular forwarding of them, as I am in doubt whether you have received my first letter, which I wrote the day of my arrival here, while on a business trip, in Jerichow, if I mistake not, on very bad paper, Friday, the 29th


text: The Finer Grain (London: Methuen & Co., 1910)/The Bench of Desolation


text:
Page:Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission Act 2009.pdf/10

10 :(d) an attempt to commit any of the offences referred to in paragraphs (a) to (c); or
 * (e) an abetment of or a criminal conspiracy to commit (as those terms are defined in the Penal Code) any of the offences referred to in paragraphs (a) to (c), whether or not the offence is committed in consequence thereof;

“Chief Commissioner” means the Chief Commissioner of the Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission appointed under section 5;

“court” means—
 * (a) a High Court or a Judge of a High Court; or
 * (b) a Sessions Court or a Magistrate’s Court or a Sessions Court Judge or a Magistrate,

as the case may be;

“Minister” means the Minister responsible for the Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission;

“officer” or “junior officer” means any officer or junior officer appointed under subsection 6(1) or (2);

“foreign public official” includes—
 * (a) any person who holds a legislative, executive, administrative or judicial office of a foreign country whether appointed or elected;
 * (b) any person who exercises a public function for a foreign country, including a person employed by a board, commission, corporation, or other body or authority that is established to perform a duty or function on behalf of the foreign country; and
 * (c) any person who is authorized by a public international organization to act on behalf of that organization;

“officer of a public body” means any person who is a member, an officer, an employee or a servant of a public body, and includes a member of the administration, a member of Parliament, a member of a State Legislative Assembly, a judge of the High Court, Court of Appeal or Federal Court, and any person receiving any remuneration from public funds, and, where the public body is a corporation sole, includes the person who is incorporated as such;


text:
Page:Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission Act 2009.pdf/11

Rh “senior officer of the Commission” means the Chief Commissioner, the Deputy Chief Commissioner, a Commissioner, a Deputy Commissioner, a Chief Senior Assistant Commissioner, a Senior Assistant Commissioner, an Assistant Commissioner, a Senior Superintendent, and a Superintendent;

“officer of the Commission” means the Chief Commissioner and any officer appointed under subsection 6(1);

“purchaser in good faith for valuable consideration” means any transferee, assignee, chargee, mortgagee, pledgee, holder of a lien, or lessee, of any property where the transfer, assignment, charge, mortgage, pledge, lien, or lease was obtained by him for adequate consideration in money or money’s worth, without notice that the property was obtained in consequence of the commission of any offence under this Act;

“business” means any activity carried on for the purpose of gain or profit and includes all property derived from or used in or for the purpose of carrying on such activity, and all the rights and liabilities arising from such activity;

“statutory authority” means an authority, whether consisting of a single person or a body of persons, established by Federal or State law and exercising powers, discharging duties or performing functions conferred upon the authority by any Federal or State law;

“local authority” has the meaning assigned to it in section 2 of the Local Government Act 1976 [Act 171];

“principal” includes any employer, any beneficiary under a trust, any trust estate, any person beneficially interested in the estate of a deceased person, the estate of a deceased person, and, in the case of any person serving in or under a public body, the public body;

“relative”, in relation to a person, means—
 * (a) a spouse of the person;
 * (b) a brother or sister of the person;
 * (c) a brother or sister of the spouse of the person;


text:
Page:Masterpieces of German literature volume 10.djvu/51

 of January. I am very thankful that you do not write in the evening, my love, even if I am myself to suffer thereby. Every future glance into your gray-blue-black eye with its large pupil will compensate me for possibly delayed or shortened letters.

If I could only dream of you when you do of me! But recently I do not dream at all—shockingly healthy and prosaic; or does my soul fly to Reinfeld in the night and associate with yours! In that case it can certainly not dream here; but it ought to tell about its journey in the morning, whereas the wayward thing is as silent about its nocturnal employments as though it, too, slept like a badger.

Your reminder of the bore, Fritz, with the letter-pouch transports me to Reinfeld and makes me long still more eagerly for the time when I can once again hug my black Jeannette for my good-morning at the desk. About the letter with the strange address, evidently in a woman's hand, I should like to tell you a romantic story, but I must destroy every illusion with the explanation that it comes from a man who used to be a friend of mine, who, if I do not mistake, once in Kniephof took a copy of an Italian address that I received. Again a curtain behind which one fancies there is all the poetry in the world, and finds the flattest prose. (I once saw in Aix-la-Chapelle, while strolling about the stage, the Princess of Eboli, after I had just spent my sympathy upon her as she lay overwhelmed and fainting at the queen's feet in one of the scenes, eating bread and butter and cracking bad jokes behind the scenes.) That cousin Woedtke is fond of me, and that the Versin sausage and letter affair is all right, I am glad to learn.

I need not assure you that I have the most heartfelt sympathy for the sufferings of your good mother; I hope rest and summer will affect her health favorably, and that she will recover after a while, with the joy of seeing her children happy. When she is here she shall not have any steps to go up to reach you, and shall live directly next to you.


text:
Page:Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission Act 2009.pdf/12

12 :(d) a lineal ascendant or descendant of the person;
 * (e) a lineal ascendant or descendant of a spouse of the person;
 * (f) a lineal descendant of a person referred to in paragraph (b);
 * (g) the uncle, aunt or cousin of the person; or
 * (h) the son-in-law or daughter-in-law of the person;

“associate”, in relation to a person, means—
 * (a) any person who is a nominee or an employee of such person;
 * (b) any person who manages the affairs of such person;
 * (c) any organisation of which such person, or any nominee of his, is a partner, or a person in charge or in control of, or has a controlling interest in, its business or affairs;
 * (d) any corporation within the meaning of the Companies Act 1965 [Act 125], of which such person, or any nominee of his, is a director or is in charge or in control of its business or affairs, or in which such person, alone or together with any nominee of his, has or have a controlling interest, or shares to the total value of not less than thirty per centum of the total issued capital of the corporation; or
 * (e) the trustee of any trust, where—
 * (i) the trust has been created by such person; or
 * (ii) the total value of the assets contributed by such person to the trust at any time, whether before or after the creation of the trust, amounts, at any time, to not less than twenty per centum of the total value of the assets of the trust;

“gratification” means—
 * (a) money, donation, gift, loan, fee, reward, valuable security, property or interest in property being property of any description whether movable or immovable, financial benefit, or any other similar advantage;


text:
Page:Masterpieces of German literature volume 10.djvu/52

 Why do you wear mournful black in dress and heart, my angel? Cultivate the green of hope that today made right joyous revelry in me at sight of its external image, when the gardener placed the first messengers of spring, hyacinths and crocus, on my window-ledge. ''Et dis-moi done, pourquoi es-tu paresseuse? Pourquoi ne fais-tu pas de musique?I fancied you playing c-dur when the hollow, melting wind howls through the dry twigs of the lindens, and d-moll'' when the snow-flakes chase in fantastic whirls around the corners of the old tower, and, after their desperation is spent, cover the graves with their winding-sheet. Oh, were I but Keudell, I'd play now all day long, and the tones would bear me over the Oder, Rega, Persante, Wipper—I know not whither. A propos de paresse, I am going to permit myself to make one more request of you, but with a preface. When I ask you for anything I add (do not take it for blasphemy or mockery) thy will be done—your will, I mean; and I do not love you less, nor am I vexed with you for a second if you do not fulfil my request. I love you as you are, and as you choose to be. After I have, by way of preface, said so much with inmost, unadorned truth, without hypocrisy or flattery, I beg you to pay some attention to French—not much, but somewhat—by reading French things that interest you, and, what is not clear to you, make it clear with the dictionary. If it bores you, stop it; but, lest it bore you, try it with books that interest you, whatever they may be—romances or anything else. I do not know your mother's views on such reading, but in my opinion there is nothing that you cannot read to yourself. I do not ask this for my own sake, for we will understand each other in our mother tongue, but in your intercourse with the world you will not seldom find occasions when it will be disagreeable or even mortifying if you are unfamiliar with French. I do not know, indeed, to what degree this is true of you, but reading is in any case a way to keep what you have and to acquire more. If it pleases you, we shall find a way for you to become more fluent in talking,


text:
Page:Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission Act 2009.pdf/13

Rh :(b) any office, dignity, employment, contract of employment or services, and agreement to give employment or render services in any capacity;
 * (c) any payment, release, discharge or liquidation of any loan, obligation or other liability, whether in whole or in part;
 * (d) any valuable consideration of any kind, any discount, commission, rebate, bonus, deduction or percentage;
 * (e) any forbearance to demand any money or money’s worth or valuable thing;
 * (f) any other service or favour of any description, including protection from any penalty or disability incurred or apprehended or from any action or proceedings of a disciplinary, civil or criminal nature, whether or not already instituted, and including the exercise or the forbearance from the exercise of any right or any official power or duty; and
 * (g) any offer, undertaking or promise, whether conditional or unconditional, of any gratification within the meaning of any of the preceding paragraphs (a) to (f);

“Commission” means the Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission;

“appointed date” means the date on which this Act comes into operation;

“dealing” includes—
 * (a) any purchase, sale, loan, charge, mortgage, lien, pledge, caveat, transfer, delivery, assignment, subrogation, transmission, gift, donation, trust, settlement, deposit, withdrawal, transfer between accounts, or extension of credit;
 * (b) any agency or grant of power of attorney; and
 * (c) any act which results in any right, interest, title or privilege, whether present or future or whether vested or contingent, in the whole of or in part of any property being conferred on any person.


text:
Page:Masterpieces of German literature volume 10.djvu/53

 too, than, as you say, you are now. If you do not like it, rely with entire confidence on the preface to my request.

I wrote to poor Moritz yesterday, and, after reading your description of his sadness, my letter lies like a stone on my conscience, for, like a heartless egotist, I mocked his pain by describing my happiness, and in five pages did not refer to his mourning by even a syllable, speaking of myself again and again, and using him as father-confessor. He is an awkward comforter who does not himself feel pain sympathetically, or not vividly enough. My first grief was the passionate, selfish one at the loss I had sustained; for Marie, so far as she is concerned, I do not feel it, because I know that she is well provided for, but that my sympathy with the suffering of my warmest friend, to whom I owe eternal thanks, is not strong enough to produce a word of comfort, of strong consolation from overflowing feeling, that burdens me sorely. Weep not, my angel; let your sympathy be strong and full of confidence in God; give him real consolation with encouragement, not with tears, and, if you can, doubly, for yourself and for your thankless friend whose heart is just now filled with you and has room for nothing else. Are you a withered leaf, a faded garment? I will see whether my love can foster the verdure once more, can brighten up the colors. You must put forth fresh leaves, and the old ones I shall lay between the pages of the book of my heart so that we may find them when we read there, as tokens of fond recollection. You have fanned to life again the coal that under ashes and debris still glowed in me ; it shall envelop you in life-giving flames.

Le souper est servi, the evening is gone, and I have done nothing but chat with you and smoke: is that not becoming employment for the dike-captain? Why not?

A mysterious letter from lies before me. He writes in a tone new for him; admits that he perceives that he did many a wrong to his first wife; did not always rightly guide and bear with her weakness; was no prop to the "child,"


text:
Page:Masterpieces of German literature volume 10.djvu/54

 and believes himself absolved by this severe castigation. Qu'est-ce qu'il me chante? Has the letter undergone transformation in the Christian climate of Reinfeld, or did it leave the hand of this once shallow buffoon in its present form? He asserts, moreover, that he lives in a never dreamed of happiness with his present wife, whose acquaintance he made a week before the engagement, and whom he married six weeks after the same event: a happiness which his first marriage has taught him rightly to prize. Do you know the story of the French tiler who falls from the roof, and, in passing the second story, cries out, "Ça va bien, pourvu que ça dure?" Think, only, if we had been betrothed on the 12th of October '44, and, on November 23d, had married: What anxiety for mamma!

The English poems of mortal misery trouble me no more now; that was of old, when I looked out into nothing—cold and stiff, snow-drifts in my heart. Now a black cat plays with it in the sunshine, as though with a rolling skein, and I like to see its rolling. I will give you, at the end of this letter, a few more verses belonging to that period, of which fragmentary copies are still preserved, as I see, in my portfolio. You may allow me to read them still; they harm me no more. Thine eyes have still {and will always have) a charm for me. Please write me in your next letter about the uncertain marriage-plans. I believe, by Jove! that the matter is becoming serious. Until the day is fixed, it still seems to me as though we had been dreaming; or have I really passed a fortnight in Reinfeld, and held you in these arms of mine? Has Finette been found again? Do you remember our conversation when we went out with her in leash—when you, little rogue, said you would have "given me the mitten" had not God taken pity on me and permitted me at least a peep through the keyhole of His door of mercy? That came into my mind when I was reading I Cor. vii. 13 and 14 yesterday. A commentator says of the


text:
Page:Masterpieces of German literature volume 10.djvu/55

 Permission Philipp Reclam, Jr., Leipzig


text: Page:Masterpieces of German literature volume 10.djvu/56


text:
The Bench of Desolation

 * "The Bench of Desolation" in Putman's Magazine 7:
 * "The Bench of Desolation" in Putman's Magazine 7 (October 1909): 56–62.
 * "The Bench of Desolation" in Putman's Magazine 7 (November 1909): 151–160.
 * "The Bench of Desolation" in Putman's Magazine 7 (December 1909): 297–303.
 * "The Bench of Desolation" in Putman's Magazine 7 (January 1910): 487–494.
 * — First publication in any form.
 * "The Bench of Desolation" in The Finer Grain (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1910): ?–?.
 * — First American book edition.
 * "The Bench of Desolation" in The Finer Grain (London: Methuen & Co., 1910): 185–229.
 * — First English book edition.
 * "The Bench of Desolation" in Maud-Evelyn, The Special Type, The Papers and Other Tales (London: Macmillan & Co., 1923): 409–474.
 * — Volume 28 of The Novels and Stories of Henry James, the first posthumous collection of James' works; uses the "New York Edition" text.

title: The Bench of Desolation


text:
Page:Masterpieces of German literature volume 10.djvu/57

 passage that, in all relations of life, Christ regards the kingdom of God as the more powerful, victorious, finally overcoming all opposition, and the kingdom of darkness as powerless, falling in ruins ever more and more. Yet, how do most of you have so little confidence in your faith, and wrap it carefully in the cotton of isolation, lest it take cold from any draught of the world; while others are vexed with you, and proclaim that you are people who esteem yourselves too holy to come into contact with publicans, etc. If every one should think so who believes he has found truth—and many serious, upright, humble seekers do believe they find it elsewhere, or in another form—what a Pennsylvania solitary-confinement prison would God's beautiful earth become, divided up into thousands and thousands of exclusive coteries by insuperable partitions! Compare, also, Rom. xiv. 22 and xv. 2; also, particularly, I Cor. iv. 5; viii. 2; ix. 20; also xii. 4 and the following; further, xiii. 2; all in the First Ep. to the Cor., which seems to me to apply to the subject. We talked, during that walk, or another one, a great deal about "the sanctity of doing good works." I will not inundate you with Scripture passages in this connection, but only tell you how splendid I find the Epistle of James. (Matt. xxv. 34 and following; Rom. ii. 6; II Cor. v. 10; Rom. ii. 13; I Epistle of John iii. 7, and countless others.) It is, indeed, unprofitable to base arguments upon separate passages of Scripture apart from their connection; but there are many who are honestly striving, and who attach more importance to passages like James ii. 14 than to Mark xvi. 16, and for the latter passage offer expositions, holding them to be correct, which do not literally agree with yours. To what interpretation does the word "faith" not lend itself, both when taken alone and in connection with that which the Scriptures command us "to believe," in every single instance where they employ the word! Against my will, I fall into spiritual discussion and controversies. Among Catholics the Bible is read not at all, or with great precaution, by the laity; it is expounded


text:
Page:Sonnets and Ballate of Guido Cavalcanti.djvu/30

 SONETTI

SONETTO I

T"7*0I, che per gli occhi miei passaste al core, is E svegliaste la mente che dormia, Guardate a la' ngosciosa vita mia,

Che sospirando la distrugge Amore. E' va tagliando di sì gran valore,

Che i deboluzzi spiriti van via :

Campa figura nova in signoria,

E boce è quando mostra lo dolore : Questa verta d' Amor, che m ha disfatto,

Da' vostri occhi gentil presta si mosse,

Lanciato m' ha d' un dardo entro lo fianco ; Si giunse il colpo dritto al primo tratto,

Che l'anima tremando si riscosse,

Veggendo morto il cor nel lato manco.

16

 * 1) REDIRECT


text:
Page:Sonnets and Ballate of Guido Cavalcanti.djvu/32

 Guido Cavalcanti

SONETTO II

/0 vidi gli occhi dove Amor si mise, Quando mi fece di sé pauroso, Che mi sguardar come fosse annoioso Allora, dico, che il cor si divise ; E se non fosse, che donna mi rise, Io parlerei di tal guisa doglioso, Ch' Amor medesmo ne f aria cruccioso, Che fé V immaginar, che mi conquise. Dal del si mosse un spirito in quel punto, Che quella donna mi degnò guardare, E vennesi a posar nel mio pensiero. E lì mi conta sì d' amor lo vero,

Che ogni sua vertù veder mi pare, Sì come fossi dentro al suo cor giunto.

18


text:
Page:Sonnets and Ballate of Guido Cavalcanti.djvu/34

 Guido Cavalcanti

SONETTO III

O DONNA mia, non vedestu colui, Che su lo core mi tenea la mano, Quand' io ti rispondea fiochetto e piano Per la temenza de gli colpi sui ? El fu Amore, che trovando vui Meco ristette, che venia lontano 1 A guisa d' uno arder presto soriano, Acconcio sol per ancidere altrui, E trasse poi degli occhi miei sospiri. I guai si gittan da lo cor sì forte, Ch' io mi partii sbigottito fuggendo. Allor mi parse di seguir la morte, Accompagnato di quelli martiri, Che soglion consumar altrui piangendo.

1 Cioè, io credo, da Venere. — E. P.

20


text: Index:The Outcry (London, Methuen & Co., 1911).djvu


text: Page:The Outcry (London, Methuen & Co., 1911).djvu/1


text: Page:The Outcry (London, Methuen & Co., 1911).djvu/2


text: Page:The Outcry (London, Methuen & Co., 1911).djvu/3


text: Page:The Outcry (London, Methuen & Co., 1911).djvu/4


text: Page:The Outcry (London, Methuen & Co., 1911).djvu/5


text: Page:The Outcry (London, Methuen & Co., 1911).djvu/6


text: Page:The Outcry (London, Methuen & Co., 1911).djvu/7


text: Page:The Outcry (London, Methuen & Co., 1911).djvu/8


text: Page:The Outcry (London, Methuen & Co., 1911).djvu/9


text: Page:The Outcry (London, Methuen & Co., 1911).djvu/10


text:
Page:The Outcry (London, Methuen & Co., 1911).djvu/11

 THE OUTCRY


text:
Page:Ante-Nicene Christian Library Vol 9.djvu/220

198


text: Page:The Outcry (London, Methuen & Co., 1911).djvu/14


text: Page:The Outcry (London, Methuen & Co., 1911).djvu/326


text: Page:The Outcry (London, Methuen & Co., 1911).djvu/358


text: Page:The Outcry (London, Methuen & Co., 1911).djvu/359


text: Page:The Outcry (London, Methuen & Co., 1911).djvu/360


text: Page:The Outcry (London, Methuen & Co., 1911).djvu/361


text: Page:The Outcry (London, Methuen & Co., 1911).djvu/362


text: Page:The Outcry (London, Methuen & Co., 1911).djvu/363


text: Page:The Outcry (London, Methuen & Co., 1911).djvu/364


text: Page:The Outcry (London, Methuen & Co., 1911).djvu/365


text: Page:The Outcry (London, Methuen & Co., 1911).djvu/366


text: Page:The Outcry (London, Methuen & Co., 1911).djvu/367


text: Page:The Outcry (London, Methuen & Co., 1911).djvu/368


text:
Page:The Outcry (London, Methuen & Co., 1911).djvu/12

 BY THE SAME AUTHOR


text:
Page:The Outcry (London, Methuen & Co., 1911).djvu/13

 HENRY JAMES


text:
Page:The Outcry (London, Methuen & Co., 1911).djvu/15

 BOOK FIRST


text: Page:The Outcry (London, Methuen & Co., 1911).djvu/16


text:
Page:The Outcry (London, Methuen & Co., 1911).djvu/17

 I

, my lord," Banks had replied, "no stranger has yet arrived. But I'll see if any one has come in—or who has." As he spoke, however, he observed Lady Sandgate's approach to the hall by the entrance giving upon the great terrace, and addressed her on her passing the threshold. "Lord John, my lady." With which, his duty majestically performed, he retired to the quarter—that of the main access to the spacious centre of the house—from which he had ushered the visitor.

This personage, facing Lady Sandgate as she paused there a moment framed by the large doorway to the outer expanses, the small pinkish paper of a folded telegram in her hand, had partly before him, as an immediate effect, the high wide interior, still breathing the quiet air and the fair panelled security of the couple 3


text:
Page:The Practice and Theory of Bolshevism - Russell - 1920.djvu/49

 It has often been said that, whatever the inadequacy of Bolshevik organization in other fields, in art and in education at least they have made great progress.

To take first of all art: it is true that they began by recognizing, as perhaps no other revolutionary government would, the importance and spontaneity of the artistic impulse, and therefore while they controlled or destroyed the counter-revolutionary in all other social activities, they allowed the artist, whatever his political creed, complete freedom to continue his work. Moreover, as regards clothing and rations they treated him especially well. This, and the care devoted to the upkeep of churches, public monuments, and museums, are well-known facts, to which there has already been ample testimony.

The preservation of the old artistic community practically intact was the more remarkable in view of the pronounced sympathy of most of them with


text:
Page:The Practice and Theory of Bolshevism - Russell - 1920.djvu/50

 the old régime. The theory, however, was that art and politics belonged to two separate realms; but great honour would of course be the portion of those artists who would be inspired by the revolution.

Three years' experience, however, have proved the falsity of this doctrine and led to a divorce between art and popular feeling which a sensitive observer cannot fail to remark. It is glaringly apparent in the hitherto most vital of all Russian arts, the theatre. The artists have continued to perform the old classics in tragedy or comedy, and the old-style operette. The theatre programmes have remained the same for the last two years, and, but for the higher standard of artistic performance, might belong to the theatres of Paris or London. As one sits in the theatre, one is so acutely conscious of the discrepancy between the daily life of the audience and that depicted in the play that the latter seems utterly dead and meaningless. To some of the more fiery Communists it appears that a mistake has been made. They complain that _bourgeois_ art is being preserved long after its time, they accuse the artists of showing contempt for their public, of being as untouched by the revolutionary mood as an elderly _bourgeoise_ bewailing the loss of her personal comfort; they would like to see only the revolutionary mood embodied in art, and to achieve


text:
Page:The Practice and Theory of Bolshevism - Russell - 1920.djvu/51

 this would make a clean sweep, enforcing the writing and performance of nothing but revolutionary plays and the painting of revolutionary pictures. Nor can it be argued that they are wrong as to the facts: it is plain that the preservation of the old artistic tradition has served very little purpose; but on the other hand it is equally plain that an artist cannot be drilled like a military recruit. There is, fortunately, no sign that these tactics will be directly adopted, but in an indirect fashion they are already being applied. An artist is not to blame if his temperament leads him to draw cartoons of leading Bolsheviks, or satirize the various comical aspects--and they are many--of the Soviet régime. To force such a man, however, to turn his talent only against Denikin, Yudenitch and Kolchak, or the leaders of the Entente, is momentarily good for Communism, but it is discouraging to the artist, and may prove in the long run bad for art, and possibly for Communism also. It is plain from the religious nature of Communism in Russia, that such controlling of the impulse to artistic creation is inevitable, and that propaganda art alone can flourish in such an atmosphere. For example, no poetry or literature that is not orthodox will reach the printing press. It is so easy to make the excuse of lack of paper and the urgent need for manifestoes. Thus there may


text:
Page:The Practice and Theory of Bolshevism - Russell - 1920.djvu/52

 well come to be a repetition of the attitude of the mediæval Church to the sagas and legends of the people, except that, in this case, it is the folk tales which will be preserved, and the more sensitive and civilized products banned. The only poet who seems to be much spoken of at present in Russia is one who writes rough popular songs. There are revolutionary odes, but one may hazard a guess that they resemble our patriotic war poetry.

I said that this state of affairs may in the long run be bad for art, but the contrary may equally well prove to be the truth. It is of course discouraging and paralysing to the old-style artist, and it is death to the old individual art which depended on subtlety and oddity of temperament, and arose very largely from the complicated psychology of the idle. There it stands, this old art, the purest monument to the nullity of the art-for-art's-sake doctrine, like a rich exotic plant of exquisite beauty, still apparently in its glory, till one perceives that the roots are cut, and that leaf by leaf it is gradually fading away.

But, unlike the Puritans in this respect, the Bolsheviks have not sought to dig up the roots, and there are signs that the paralysis is merely temporary. Moreover, individual art is not the only form, and in particular the plastic arts have shown


text:
Page:The Practice and Theory of Bolshevism - Russell - 1920.djvu/53

 that they can live by mass action, and flourish under an intolerant faith. Communist artists of the future may erect public buildings surpassing in beauty the mediæval churches, they may paint frescoes, organize pageants, make Homeric songs about their heroes. Communist art will begin, and is beginning now, in the propaganda pictures, and stories such as those designed for peasants and children. There is, for instance, a kind of Rake's Progress or "How she became a Communist," in which the Entente leaders make a sorry and grotesque appearance. Lenin and Trotsky already figure in woodcuts as Moses and Aaron, deliverers of their people, while the mother and child who illustrate the statistics of the maternity exhibition have the grace and beauty of mediæval madonnas. Russia is only now emerging from the middle ages, and the Church tradition in painting is passing with incredible smoothness into the service of Communist doctrine. These pictures have, too, an oriental flavour: there are brown Madonnas in the Russian churches, and such an one illustrates the statistics of infant mortality in India, while the Russian mother, broad-footed, in gay petticoat and kerchief, sits in a starry meadow suckling her baby from a very ample white breast. I think that this movement towards the Church tradition may be unconscious and instinctive, and


text:
Page:The Practice and Theory of Bolshevism - Russell - 1920.djvu/54

 would perhaps be deplored by many Communists, for whom grandiose bad Rodin statuary and the crudity of cubism better express what they mean by revolution. But this revolution is Russian and not French, and its art, if all goes well, should inevitably bear the popular Russian stamp. It is would-be primitive and popular art that is vulgar. Such at least is the reflection engendered by an inspection of Russian peasant work as compared with the spirit of _Children's Tales_.

The Russian peasant's artistic impulse is no legend. Besides the carving and embroidery which speak eloquently to peasant skill, one observes many instances in daily life. He will climb down, when his slowly-moving train stops by the wayside, to gather branches and flowers with which he will decorate the railway carriage both inside and out, he will work willingly at any task which has beauty for its object, and was all too prone under the old régime to waste his time and his employer's material in fashioning small metal or wooden objects with his hands.

If the _bourgeois_ tradition then will not serve, there is a popular tradition which is still live and passionate and which may perhaps persist. Unhappily it has a formidable enemy in the organization and development of industry, which is far more dangerous to art


text:
Page:The Practice and Theory of Bolshevism - Russell - 1920.djvu/55

 than Communist doctrine. Indeed, industry in its early stages seems everywhere doomed to be the enemy of beauty and instinctive life. One might hope that this would not prove to be so in Russia, the first Socialist State, as yet unindustrial, able to draw on the industrial experience of the whole world, were it not that one discovers with a certain misgiving in the Bolshevik leaders the rasping arid temperament of those to whom the industrial machine is an end in itself, and, in addition, reflects that these industrially minded men have as yet no practical experience, nor do there exist men of goodwill to help them. It does not seem reasonable to hope that Russia can pass through the period of industrialization without a good deal of mismanagement, involving waste resulting in too long hours, child labour and other evils with which the West is all too familiar. What the Bolsheviks would not therefore willingly do to art, the Juggernaut which they are bent on setting in motion may accomplish for them.

The next generation in Russia will have to consist of practical hard-working men, the old-style artists will die off and successors will not readily arise. A State which is struggling with economic difficulties is bound to be slow to admit an artistic vocation, since this involves exemption from practical work. Moreover the majority of minds always turn instinctively


text:
Page:The Practice and Theory of Bolshevism - Russell - 1920.djvu/56

 to the real need of the moment. A man therefore who is adapted by talent and temperament to becoming an opera singer, will under the pressure of Communist enthusiasm and Government encouragement turn his attention to economics. (I am here quoting an actual instance.) The whole Russian people at this stage in their development strike one as being forced by the logic of their situation to make a similar choice.

It may be all to the good that there should be fewer professional artists, since some of the finest work has been done by men and groups of men to whom artistic expression was only a pastime. They were not hampered by the solemnity and reverence for art which too often destroy the spontaneity of the professional. Indeed a revival of this attitude to art is one of the good results which may be hoped for from a Communist revolution in a more advanced industrial community. There the problem of education will be to stimulate the creative impulses towards art and science so that men may know how to employ their leisure hours. Work in the factory can never be made to provide an adequate outlet. The only hope, if men are to remain human beings under industrialism, is to reduce hours to the minimum. But this is only possible when production and organization are highly efficient, which will not be the


text:
Page:The Practice and Theory of Bolshevism - Russell - 1920.djvu/57

 case for a long time in Russia. Hence not only does it appear that the number of artists will grow less, but that the number of people undamaged in their artistic impulses and on that account able to create or appreciate as amateurs is likely to be deplorably small. It is in this damaging effect of industry on human instinct that the immediate danger to art in Russia lies.

The effect of industry on the crafts is quite obvious. A craftsman who is accustomed to work with his hands, following the tradition developed by his ancestors, is useless when brought face to face with a machine. And the man who can handle the machine will only be concerned with quantity and utility in the first instance. Only gradually do the claims of beauty come to be recognized. Compare the modern motor car with the first of its species, or even, since the same law seems to operate in nature, the prehistoric animal with its modern descendant. The same relation exists between them as between man and the ape, or the horse and the hipparion. The movement of life seems to be towards ever greater delicacy and complexity, and man carries it forward in the articles that he makes and the society that he develops. Industry is a new tool, difficult to handle, but it will produce just as beautiful objects as did the mediæval builder and craftsman, though not until


text:
Page:The Practice and Theory of Bolshevism - Russell - 1920.djvu/58

 it has been in being for a long time and belongs to tradition.

One may expect, therefore, that while the crafts in Russia will lose in artistic value, the drama, sculpture and painting and all those arts which have nothing to do with the machine and depend entirely upon mental and spiritual inspiration will receive an impetus from the Communist faith. Whether the flowering period will be long or short depends partly on the political situation, but chiefly on the rapidity of industrial development. It may be that the machine will ultimately conquer the Communist faith and grind out the human impulses, and Russia become during this transition period as inartistic and soulless as was America until quite recent years. One would like to hope that mechanical progress will be swift and social idealism sufficiently strong to retain control. But the practical difficulties are almost insuperable.

Such signs of the progress of art as it is possible to notice at this early stage would seem to bear out the above argument. For instance, an attempt is being made to foster the continuation of peasant embroidery, carving, &c., in the towns. It is done by people who have evidently lost the tradition already. They are taught to copy the models which are placed in the Peasant Museum, but there is no


text:
Page:The Practice and Theory of Bolshevism - Russell - 1920.djvu/59

 comparison between the live little wooden lady who smiles beneath the glass case, and the soulless staring-eyed creature who is offered for sale, nor between the quite ordinary carved fowl one may buy and the amusing life-like figure one may merely gaze at.

But when one comes to art directly inspired by Communism it is a different story. Apart from the propaganda pictures already referred to, there are propaganda plays performed by the Red Army in its spare moments, and there are the mass pageant plays performed on State occasions. I had the good fortune to witness one of each kind.

The play was called _Zarevo_ (The Dawn), and was performed on a Saturday night on a small stage in a small hall in an entirely amateur fashion. It represented Russian life just before the revolution. It was intense and tragic and passionately acted. Dramatic talent is not rare in Russia. Almost the only comic relief was provided by the Tsarist police, who made one appearance towards the end, got up like comic military characters in a musical comedy--just as, in mediæval miracle plays, the comic character was Satan. The play's intention was to show a typical Russian working-class family. There were the old father, constantly drunk on vodka, alternately maudlin and scolding; the old mother; two sons, the one a Communist and the other an Anarchist;


text:
Page:The Practice and Theory of Bolshevism - Russell - 1920.djvu/60

 the wife of the Communist, who did dressmaking; her sister, a prostitute; and a young girl of _bourgeois_ family, also a Communist, involved in a plot with the Communist son, who was of course the hero of the play.

The first act revealed the stern and heroic Communist maintaining his views despite the reproaches of father and mother and the nagging of his wife. It showed also the Anarchist brother (as might be expected from the Bolshevik hostility to Anarchism) as an unruly, lazy, ne'er-do-well, with a passionate love for Sonia, the young _bourgeoise_, which was likely to become dangerous if not returned. She, on the other hand, obviously preferred the Communist. It was clear that he returned her love, but it was not quite clear that he would wish the relation to be anything more than platonic comradeship in the service of their common ideal. An unsuccessful strike, bringing want and danger from the police, together with increasing jealousy on the part of the Anarchist, led up to the tragic dénouement. I was not quite definite as to how this was brought about. All violent action was performed off the stage, and this made the plot at times difficult to follow. But it seemed that the Anarchist in a jealous rage forged a letter from his brother to bring Sonia to a rendezvous, and there murdered her, at the same time


text:
Page:The Practice and Theory of Bolshevism - Russell - 1920.djvu/61

 betraying his brother to the police. When the latter came to effect his arrest, and accuse him also, as the most likely person, of the murder, the Anarchist was seized with remorse and confessed. Both were therefore led away together. Once the plot is sketched, the play calls for no comment. It had not great merit, though it is unwise to hazard a judgment on a play whose dialogue was not fully interpreted, but it was certainly real, and the link between audience and performers was established as it never seemed to be in the professional theatre. After the performance, the floor was cleared for dancing, and the audience were in a mood of thorough enjoyment.

The pageant of the "World Commune," which was performed at the opening of the Third International Congress in Petrograd, was a still more important and significant phenomenon. I do not suppose that anything of the kind has been staged since the days of the mediæval mystery plays. It was, in fact, a mystery play designed by the High Priests of the Communist faith to instruct the people. It was played on the steps of an immense white building that was once the Stock Exchange, a building with a classical colonnade on three sides of it, with a vast flight of steps in front, that did not extend the whole width of the building but left at each side a platform that was level with the floor of the colonnade.


text:
Page:The Practice and Theory of Bolshevism - Russell - 1920.djvu/62

 In front of this building a wide road ran from a bridge over one arm of the river to a bridge over the other, so that the stretches of water and sky on either side seemed to the eye of imagination like the painted wings of a gigantic stage. Two battered red columns of fantastic design, that were once light towers to guide ships, stood on either side midway between the extremities of the building and the water, but on the opposite side of the road. These two towers were beflagged and illuminated and carried the limelight, and between and behind them was gathered a densely packed audience of forty or fifty thousand people. The play began at sundown, while the sky was still red away to the right and the palaces on the far bank to the left still aglow with the setting sun, and it continued under the magic of the darkening sky. At first the beauty and grandeur of the setting drew the attention away from the performers, but gradually one became aware that on the platform before the columns kings and queens and courtiers in sumptuous conventional robes, and attended by soldiers, were conversing in dumb show with one another. A few climbed the steps of a small wooden platform that was set up in the middle, and one indicated by a lifted hand that here should be built a monument to the power of capitalism over the earth. All gave signs of delight. Sentimental