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 applicable to the common concerns of mankind. What shall we say of all the questions relating to taxation, various and extensive as they are? It will hardly be denied that they come home to the business and bosoms of mankind. What shall we say of the laws which regulate exchangeable value, or every act of purchase and exchange which takes place in our markets? What of the laws which regulate the profits of stock, the interest of money, the rent of land, the value of the precious metals in different countries, the rates of exchange, &c. &c.?

The study of the laws of nature is, in all its branches, interesting. Even those physical laws by which the more distant parts of the universe are governed, and over which, of course, it is impossible for man to have the slightest influence, are yet noble and rational objects of curiosity; but the laws which regulate the movements of human society have an infinitely stronger claim to our attention, both because they relate to objects about which we are daily and hourly conversant, and because their effects are continually modified by human interference.

There are some eminent persons so strongly attached to the general rules of political economy, that, though they are aware that in practice some exceptions to them may occasionally occur; yet they do not think it wise and politic to notice them, for fear of directing the public attention too much and too frequently to exceptions, and thus weakening the force and utility of the general rules. In this conclusion, however, I cannot agree with them. If the consequences of not attending to such exceptions were of sufficient magnitude and frequency to be conspicuous to the public, I should be decidedly of opinion that the cause of general principles was much more likely to lose than to gain by concealment.

It is, for instance, a just and general rule in political economy, that the wealth of a particular nation is increased by the increasing wealth and prosperity of surrounding states; and unquestionably there cannot

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 be a more obvious truth than that, if these states are not successful competitors in those branches of trade in which the particular nation had excelled, their increasing wealth must tend to increase the demand for its products, and call forth more effectively its resources. But if this rule be repeatedly insisted upon without noticing the above most important limitation, how is the student in political economy to account for some of the most prominent and best attested facts in the history of commerce. How is he to account for the rapid failure of the resources of Venice under the increasing wealth of Portugal and the rest of Europe, after the discovery of a passage to India by the Cape of Good Hope; the stagnation of the industry of Holland, when the surrounding nations grew sufficiently rich to undertake their own carrying trades, the increasing trade and wealth of Great Britain, during the war of the French Revolution, under the diminishing trade and increasing poverty of the greatest part of Europe, and the comparative distress of America, when other states were enabled to participate in those trades, which as a neutral she had carried on during a great part of the late war with such signal success. It is not favourable to the science of political economy, that the same persons who have been laying down a rule as universal should be obliged to found their explanations of most important existing phenomena on the exceptions to it. It is surely much better that such a rule should be laid down at first with its limitations. Nothing can tend so strongly to bring theories and general principles into discredit as the occurrence of consequences, from particular premises, which have not been foreseen. Though in reality such an event forms no just objection to theory, in the general and proper sense of the term; yet it forms a most valid objection to the specific theory in question, as proving it in some way or other wrong; and with the mass of mankind this will pass for an impeachment of general principles, and of the knowledge or good faith of those who are in the habit of inculcating them. It appears

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 to me, I confess, that the most perfect sincerity, together with the greatest degree of accuracy attainable, founded upon the most comprehensive view of all the circumstances of the case, are necessary to give that credit and circulation to general principles which is so desirable. And no views of temporary advantage, nor, what is more likely to operate, the fear of destroying the simplicity of a general rule, should ever tempt us to deviate from the strict line of truth, or to conceal or overlook any circumstances that may interfere with the universality of the principle.

There is another class of persons who set a very high value upon the received general rules of political economy, as of the most extensive practical use. They have seen the errors of the mercantile system refuted and replaced by a more philosophical and correct view of the subject; and having made themselves masters of the question so far, they seem to be satisfied with what they have got, and do not look with a favorable eye on new and further inquiries, particularly if they do not see at once clearly and distinctly to what beneficial effects they lead.

This indisposition to innovation, even in science, may possibly have its use, by tending to check crude and premature theories; but it is obvious that, if carried too far, it strikes at the root of all improvement. It is impossible to observe the great events of the last twenty-five years in their relation to subjects belonging to political economy, and sit down satisfied with what has been already done in the science. But if the science be manifestly incomplete, and yet of the highest importance, it would surely be most unwise to restrain inquiry, conducted upon just principles, even where the immediate practical utility of it was not visible. In mathematics, chemistry, and every branch of natural philosophy, how many are the inquiries necessary to their improvement and completion, which, taken separately, do not appear to lead to any specifically advantageous purpose! How many useful inventions, and how much valuable and improving know-

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 ledge would have been lost, if a rational curiosity and a mere love of information had not generally been allowed to be a sufficient motive for the search after truth!

I should not, therefore, consider it as by any means conclusive against further inquiries in political economy, if they would not always bear the rigid application of the test of cui bono? But such, in fact, is the nature of the science, so intimately is it connected with the business of mankind, that I really believe more of its propositions will bear this test than those of any other department of human knowledge.

To trace distinctly the operations of that circle of causes and effects in political economy which are acting and re-acting on each other, so as to foresee their results, and lay down general rules accordingly, is, in many cases, a task of very great difficulty. But there is scarcely a single inquiry belonging to these subjects, however abstruse and remote it may at first sight appear, which in some point or other does not bear directly upon practice. It is unquestionably desirable, therefore, both with a view to the improvement and completion of the science, and the practical advantages which may be expected from it, that such inquiries should be pursued; and no common difficulty or obscurity should be allowed to deter those who have leisure and ability for such researches.

In many cases, indeed, it may not be possible to predict results with certainty, on account of the complication of the causes in action, the different degrees of strength and efficacy with which they may operate, and the number of unforeseen circumstances which are likely to interfere; but it is surely knowledge of the highest importance to be able to draw a line, with tolerable precision, between those cases where the expected results are certain, and those where they are doubtful; and further to be able satisfactorily to explain, in the latter case, the reasons of such uncertainty.

To know what can be done, and how to do it, is

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 beyond a doubt, the most valuable species of information. The next to it is, to know what cannot be done, and why we cannot do it. The first enables us to attain a positive good, to increase our powers, and augment our happiness: the second saves us from the evil of fruitless attempts, and the loss and misery occasioned by perpetual failure.

But these inquiries demand more time and application than the practical statesman, whom of all others they most nearly concern, can give to them. In the public measures of every state all are, no doubt, interested; but a peculiar responsibility, as well as interest, must be felt by those who are the principal advisers of them, and have the greatest influence in their enactment; and if they have not leisure for such researches themselves, they should not be unwilling, under the guidance of a sound discretion, to make use of the advantages which may be afforded by the leisure of others. They will not indeed be justified in taking any decided steps, if they do not themselves see, or at least think they see, the way they are going; but they may be fairly expected to make use of all the lights which are best calculated to illumine their way, and enable them to reach the object which they have in view.

It may perhaps be thought that, if the great principle so ably maintained by Adam Smith be true, namely, that the best way of advancing a people towards wealth and prosperity is not to interfere with them, the business of government, in matters relating to political economy, must be most simple and easy.

But it is to be recollected, in the first place, that there is a class of duties connected with these subjects, which, it is universally acknowledged, belongs to the Sovereign; and though the line appears to be drawn with tolerable precision, when it is considered generally; yet when we come to particulars, doubts may arise, and certainly in many instances have arisen, as to the subjects to be included in this classification. To what extent education and the support of the poor

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 should be public concerns? What share the Government should take in the construction and maintenance of roads, canals, public docks? What course it should adopt with regard to colonization and emigration, and in the support of forts and establishments in foreign countries? On all these questions, and many others, there may be differences of opinion; and on all these questions the sovereign and his ministers are called upon to decide.

Secondly, every actual government has to administer a body of laws relating to agriculture, manufactures, and commerce, which was formed at a period comparatively unenlightened, and many of which, therefore, it must be very desirable to repeal. To remain inactive in such a state of things, can only be justified by a conviction, founded on the best grounds, that in any specific change contemplated, taken in all its consequences, the balance of evil will preponderate; while to proceed straight forward in the rigid application of general principles without any reference to the difficulties created by the existing laws of the country, and its actual situation and circumstances, might plunge it into such complicated distress, as not only to excite the public indignation against the authors of such measures, but to bring permanent discredit upon the principles which had prompted them.

Thirdly, there is one cause in every state which absolutely impels the government to action, and puts an end to the possibility of letting things alone. This is the necessity of taxation; and as taxes cannot, in the nature of things, be imposed without interfering with individual industry and wealth, it becomes a matter of the very highest importance to know how they may take place with the least possible prejudice to the prosperity of the state, and the happiness of individuals.

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 With regard to this latter subject indeed, it bears on so many points, that the truth or falsehood of the theories on all the principal questions in political economy would occasion, or at least ought to occasion, a practical difference in the mode of raising some of the actual taxes. It is well known that, if the theory of the Economists were true, all taxes should be laid on the land; and it depends entirely upon the general laws which regulate the wages of labour, the profits of stock, the rent of land, exchangeable value, the currencies of different countries, the production and distribution of wealth, &c. &c. whether any existing system of taxation be the best, or whether it might be altered for the better.

It is obviously, therefore, impossible for a government strictly to let things take their natural course; and to recommend such a line of conduct, without limitations and exceptions, could not fail to bring disgrace upon general principles, as totally inapplicable to practice.

It may, however, safely be asserted, that a propensity to govern too much is a certain indication of ignorance and rashness. The ablest physicians are the most sparing in the use of medicine, and the most inclined to trust to the healing power of nature. The statesman, in like manner, who knows the most of his business, will be the most unwilling to interrupt the natural direction of industry and capital. But both are occasionally called upon to interfere, and the more science they respectively possess, the more judiciously will they do it; nor will the acknowledged propriety of interfering but little supersede, in any degree, the use of the most extensive professional knowledge in both cases.

One of the specific objects of the present work is to prepare some of the most important rules of political economy for practical application, by a frequent reference to experience, and by endeavouring to take a comprehensive view of all the causes that concur in the production of particular phenomena.

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 In this mode of conducting inquiry, there is, no doubt, a chance of falling into errors of an opposite kind to those which arise from a tendency to simplification. Certain appearances, which are merely co-existent and incidental, may be mistaken for causes; and a theory formed upon this mistake will unite the double disadvantage of being both complex and incorrect. Adam Smith has occasionally fallen into this error, and drawn inferences from actual appearances, not warranted by general principles. From the low price of wheat, for instance, during the first half of the last century, he seems to have inferred that wheat is generally cheaper in rich than in poor countries; and from the small quantity of corn actually imported during that period, even in the scarcest years, he has inferred generally, that the quantity imported can never be such as to interfere with the home growth. The actual state of things at a subsequent period, and particularly during the last twenty-five years, has sufficiently shewn that these appearances were merely incidental; that a very rich country may have its corn extremely dear, as we should naturally expect; and that importation in England has amounted to more than instead of  part of the crop raised in the country; and may, therefore, to a considerable extent, interfere with the home growth.

Aware, however, of my liability to this error on the one side, and to the error of not referring sufficiently to experience on the other, my aim will be to pursue, as far as I am able, a just mean between the two extremes, and to approach, as near as I can, to the great object of my research—the truth.

Many of the doctrines of Adam Smith, which had been considered as settled, have lately been called in question by writers entitled to great attention; but they have often failed, as it appears to me, to make good their objections; and in all such cases I have

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 thought it desirable to examine anew, with reference to such objections, the grounds on which his doctrines are founded.

It has been my wish to avoid giving to my work a controversial air. Yet to free it entirely from controversy, while one of my professed objects is to discuss controverted opinions, and to try their truth by a reference to an enlarged experience, is obviously not possible. There is one modern work, in particular, of very high reputation, some of the fundamental principles of which have appeared to me, after the most mature deliberation, to be erroneous; and I should not have done justice to the ability with which it is written, to the high authority of the writer, and the interests of the science of which it treats, if it had not specifically engaged a considerable portion of my attention. I allude to Mr. Ricardo's work, "On the Principles of Political Economy and Taxation."

I have so very high an opinion of Mr. Ricardo's talents as a political economist, and so entire a conviction of his perfect sincerity and love of truth, that I frankly own I have sometimes felt almost staggered by his authority, while I have remained unconvinced by his reasonings. I have thought that I must unaccountably have overlooked some essential points, either in my own view of the subject, or in his; and this kind of doubt has been the principal reason of my delay in publishing the present volume. But I shall hardly be suspected of not thinking for myself on these subjects, or of not feeling such a degree of confidence in my own conclusions, after having taken full time to form them, as to be afraid of submitting them to the decision of the public.

To those who are not acquainted with Mr. Ricardo's work, and do not properly appreciate the ingenuity and consistency of the system which it maintains and developes with so much ability, I am apprehensive that I shall appear to have dwelt too long upon some of the points on which we differ. But as they are, for the most part, of great importance both theoreti-

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 As for pictures and sculptures, I am thoroughly tired of them. The greatest art critic living could not dislike pictures and sculptures more than I do at this moment. We began by spending a whole morning in each gallery. We examined each picture critically, and argued with each other about its "form" and "colour" and "treatment" and "perspective" and "texture" and "atmosphere." I generally said it was flat, and B. that it was out of drawing. A stranger overhearing our discussions would have imagined that we knew something about painting. We would stand in front of a canvas for ten minutes, drinking it in. We would walk round it, so as to get the proper light upon it and to better realise the artist's aim. We would back away from it on to the toes of the people behind, until we reached the correct "distance," and then sit down and shade our eyes, and criticise it from there; and then we would go up and put our noses against it, and examine the workmanship in detail.

This is how we used to look at pictures in the early stages of our Munich art studies. Now we use picture galleries to practice spurts in.

I did a hundred yards this morning through the old Pantechnicon in twenty-two and a half seconds, which, for fair heel-and-toe walking, I consider very creditable. B. took five-eighths of a second longer for the same distance; but then he dawdled to look at a Raphael.

The "Pantechnicon," I should explain, is the name we have, for our own purposes, given to what the Munichers prefer to call the Pinakothek. We could never pronounce Pinakothek properly. We called it "Pynniosec," "Pintactec," and the "Happy Tack." B. one day after dinner called it the "Penny Cock," and


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 then we both got frightened, and agreed to fix up some sensible, practical name for it before any mischief was done. We finally decided on "Pantechnicon," which begins with a "P," and is a dignified, old-established name, and one that we can both pronounce. It is quite as long, and nearly as difficult to spell, before you know how, as the other, added to which it has a homely sound. It seemed to be the very word.

The old Pantechnicon is devoted to the works of the old masters: I shall not say anything about these, as I do not wish to disturb in any way the critical opinion that Europe has already formed concerning them. I prefer that the art schools of the world should judge for themselves in the matter. I will merely remark here, for purposes of reference, that I thought some of the pictures very beautiful, and that others I did not care for.

What struck me as most curious about the exhibition was the number of canvases dealing with food stuffs. Twenty-five per cent. of the pictures in the place seem to have been painted as advertisements for somebody's home-grown seeds, or as coloured supplements to be given away with the summer number of the leading gardening journal of the period.

"What could have induced these old fellows," I said to B., "to choose such very uninteresting subjects? Who on earth cares to look at the life-sized portrait of a cabbage and a peck of peas, or at these no doubt masterly representations of a cut from the joint with bread and vegetables? Look at that 'View in a ham-and-beef shop,' No. 7063, size sixty feet by forty. It must have taken the artist a couple of years to paint. Who did he expect was going to buy it? And that Christmas-hamper scene over in the corner; was it painted, do you think, by some


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 poor, half-starved devil, who thought he would have something to eat in the house, if it were only a picture of it?"

B. said he thought the explanation was that the ancient patrons of art were gentry with a very strong idea of the fitness of things. "For their churches and cathedrals," said B., "they had painted all those virgins and maryrsmartyrs [sic] and over-fed angels that you see everywhere about Europe. For their bedrooms, they ordered those—well, those bedroom sort of pictures, that you may have noticed here and there; and then I expect they used these victual-and-drink-scapes for their banqueting halls. It must have been like a gin-and-bitters to them, the sight of all that food."

In the new Pantechnicon is exhibited the modern art of Germany. This appeared to me to be exceedingly poor stuff. It seemed to belong to the illustrated Christmas number school of art. It was good, sound, respectable work enough. There was plenty of colour about it, and you could tell what everything was meant for. But there seemed no imagination, no individuality,


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  and 150 Unions or Branches covering the whole country (from Hokkaido to Manchuria).

There is no law directly prohibiting the formation of the Trade Unions nor recognizing them. Convinced of the impossibility of wiping out the workers' combinations, the government is now drafting a bill which is expected to be brought forward at the session of the Diet in 1922, in order to restrict the sphere of labour movement and to destroy the true proletarian Union.

Although Japanese workers have never experienced such a brutal suppression of their associations as the British workers did in 1800–1824, and the Russian in 1874, the Article 17 of Police Law (1900), which punishes the instigation for strikes and for the increase of Trade Union membership, is effective enough to hamper the Trade Union activities. The following figure shows, how many strike leaders are thrown into prison every year by the Law.

If we count the victims arrested under the charge of „breach of peace“, etc. by Criminal Law and Press Law, they reach a considerable number.


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 argument, however, is also incorrect. It may be so, but it need not always be so. Different colonial wars in the period between 1900 and 1914 did not have this result; and it would be ridiculous to consider it possible, if this war ends in a general exhaustion of the warring countries, that there should not be a national revolutionary war, perhaps by China together with India, Persia, Siam, etc., against the existing world powers.

The negation of all possible national wars under Imperialism is theoretically and historically incorrect, and in practice promotes European chauvinism: we, belonging to nations that suppress hundreds of millions of people in Europe, Africa and Asia, we declare to these oppressed people that their war against "our" nation is impossible!

Civil wars are also wars. Those who accept the class struggle must accept civil wars, which, under certain circumstances, are a natural and inevitable continuance, development and accentuation of the class struggle in every society based on class divisions. All great revolutions prove this. To deny or to overlook civil wars would mean becoming a victim of the most hopeless opportunism and abandoning the Social Revolution.

The victory of Socialism in one country does not all of a sudden exclude all wars in general. On the contrary, this situation implies wars. The development of Capitalism proceeds differently in different countries: this is inevitable in a society based on the production of commodities. The result is: Socialism cannot be victorious in all countries at the same time. Socialism will be victorious first in one or in some countries, other countries continuing for a certain length of time on a bourgeois or pre-bourgeois basis. This will not only result in antagonisms, but will develop the direct tendency of the bourgeoisie in the other countries to crush the victorious proletariat of the Socialist country. In such cases our war would be justifiable and right, it would be a war for Socialism, for liberation of other peoples from their bourgeoisie. Engels was right when he recognized clearly, in his letter to Kautsky, September 12, 1882, the possibility of wars of defense of Socialism, meaning the defense of the victorious proletariat against the bourgeoisie of other countries.

Only after we have completely forced down and expropriated the bourgeoisie of the whole world and not of one country alone, will wars become impossible. And it is scientifically incorrect and not at all revolutionary to overlook or confuse the most important,


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Rh sign zh(i) and Oppert z(j)i; but both these sounds have since yielded to the one proposed by Rawlinson, and it now appears as j before i. But Rawinson's most striking success was with the last letter, 33 (, another g of Lassen. In his letter to Burnouf, he proposed to substitute m. . It is the initial letter in the name Lassen read 'Gudrâha ' and thought indicated the Gordyaei. Rawlinson suggested the name was M'udraya, and should be compared with the Phoenician 'Mǔdra' and the Hebrew 'Mitsraim,' and signified, in fact, Egypt. Both of these emendations were, however, rejected by Lassen.

There is another sign which came under discussion at this time. It will be recollected that we have assigned 13 to Lassen, who gave it the approximate value of t. Rawlinson, however, suggested to Burnouf that its true value is not t but tr. In this, however, he had been anticipated, as we have seen, by Grotefend in 1837, who suggested thr. It is admitted that it is impossible to distinguish between the comparative merits of tr and thr; ^ and as Rawlinson probably knew nothing of Grotefend's 'Beitriige' at the time, he may be credited with having discerned the correct sound of the sign.

Then, as on subsequent occasions, his great merit lay in the superiority of his translations. He was already in a position to criticise Lassen's efforts in this department with some severity. He thought that Lassen had 'in many cases misunderstood both the etymology of the words and the grammatical structure


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Rh it to them, and they began to eat with excellent appetites. Chuqui-llantu then walked round the hut without finding what she sought, for the shepherd's mother had made Acoya-napa lie down inside the hut, under a cloak. So the princess thought that he had gone after his flock. Then she saw the cloak and told the mother that it was a very pretty cloak, asking where it came from. The old woman told her that it was a cloak which, in ancient times, belonged to a woman beloved by Pachacamac, a deity very celebrated in the valleys on the coast. She said it had come to her by inheritance; but the princess, with many endearments, begged for it until at last the mother consented. When Chuqui-llantu took it into her hands she liked it better than before and, after staying a short time longer in the hut, she took leave of the old woman, and walked along the meadows looking about in hopes of seeing him whom she longed for.

We do not treat further of the sister, as she now drops out of the story, but only of Chuqui-llantu. She was very sad and pensive when she could see no signs of her beloved shepherd on her way back to the palace. She was in great sorrow at not having seen him, and when, as was usual, the guards looked at what she brought, they saw nothing but the cloak. A splendid supper was provided, and when every one went to bed the princess took the cloak and placed it at her bedside. As soon as she was alone she began to weep, thinking of the shepherd. She fell asleep at last, but it was not long before the cloak was changed into the being it had been before. It began to call Chuqui-llantu by her own name. She was terribly frightened, got out of bed, and beheld the shepherd on his knees before her, shedding many tears. She was satisfied on seeing him, and inquired how he had got inside the palace. He replied that the cloak which she carried had arranged about that. Then

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 the most difficult task, the task that contributes most to the struggle during the period of transition of Socialism: the crushing of the resistance of the bourgeoisie. The social quacks and opportunists like to dream of the coming of Socialism peacefully: they are distinguished from the revolutionary Socialists precisely in this, that they refuse to consider and prepare for the desperate class struggles necessary to realize the beautiful future.

We should not be fooled by words. Many of us hate the phrase "defensive wars" because the opportunists try to cover up and justify with those words the lie of the bourgeoisie in this war of robbery. This is a fact, but it does not follow that we must therefore neglect thinking about the meaning of political conceptions. To accept the defense of the country in the present war of Imperialism is to declare this war a "just" war in the interest of the proletariat: a fraudulent declaration. Invasion is always possible in any war. But it would simply be stupid not to justify defense of the country by suppressed and subject people in their war against imperialistic powers, or by a victorious proletariat in its war against the bourgeois of a capitalist country.

It would be absolutely wrong, theoretically, to forget that every war is the continuation of politics by other means: the present imperialistic war is the continuation of the imperialistic policy orginatingoriginating [sic] and developing under the conditions of the epoch of ImperalismImperialism [sic]. But this same epoch must necessarily produce the policy of fighting against national suppression and the struggle of the proletariat against the bourgeoisie; there develops, accordingly, the possibility and inevitability, first, of revolutionary national uprisings and wars, second, of wars and revolts of the proletariat against the bourgeoisie, and third, of the unity of both kinds of revolutionary wars.

There is, moreover, another general argument. A suppressed class that does not strive to acquire knowledge of arms, that does not possess and use arms, such an oppressed class invites being suppressed and enslaved. We should not degrade ourselves to the level of bourgeois pacifists and opportunists; we should not forget that we are in a society based on class divisions, and that no salvation is possible or imaginable other than through the class struggle.

In every class society, whether based on slavery, serfdom, or as at present on wage-labor, the ruling classes are armed. Not


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 only the present standing army, but also the militia, that in Switzerland not excepted, is armament of the bourgeoisie against the proletariat. I consider it necessary to prove this elementary truth; it is sufficient to point to the mobilization of troops during and against strikes in all the capitalistic countries.

The armament of the bourgeoisie against the proletariat is one of the most important features of capitalist society. And with this fact in view, the revolutionary Socialist should accept the "demand" for disarmament! That would be complete abandonment of our class policy and of every thought of the revolution. We claim: armament of the proletariat to overthrow, to expropriate and disarm the bourgeoisie, as the only possible tactic prepared by, based on and forced upon us by the objective development of capitalist militarism. Only after the disarmament of the bourgeoisie by the proletariat can the latter, without betraying its world historical task, throw armaments on the scrap heap, and it will do this—but not until then.

When the social popes and the petty bourgeois point to the terror and fear in armed force, the blood and death produced by this war, we answer: Capitalist society has always been a terror without end. And if this most reactionary of all wars should prepare an end of the terror of this society, there should be no reason to despair. From an objective standpoint, the theory, the demand, or, better, the illusion of disarmament is a result at this moment of despair, since it is now clearly apparent that the bourgeoisie itself prepares the way for the only acceptable revolutionary war, the civil war against the imperialistic bourgeoisie.

Those who call this "pure theory" and "only theoretical talk" are referred to two facts in the world's history: the influence of the trusts and woman labor, and the Paris Commune and the events of 1905 in Russia. [And, again, the Russian Revolution of 1917.]

It is a necessity for the bourgeoisie to further develop the trusts and to send women and children into the factories, to torture and exploit them. We do not support this development, we do not co-operate in this horror: we fight against it. But how do we fight? We explain that trusts and woman labor are transitory periods. We want to go back neither to hand-work and pre-concentrated Capitalism, nor to the period of domestic work for women. On towards the future, beyond trusts, etc., and through them to Socialism.


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 The same holds, mutatis mutandis, for the present militarization of the people. At present Imperialism and the bourgeoisie not only militarize the whole people, but youth also. To-morrow they may, for all we care, militarize the women. We answer: so much the better! Faster, always faster—and the faster the sooner armed revolt against Capitalism. How can Socialists become frightened or discouraged by the militarization of the youth, etc., with the example of the Paris Commune in their minds? That surely was not a theory of a dream, but reality. And it would undoubtedly breed despair if Socialists, in defiance of all economic and political reality, would doubt that the imperialistic epoch and imperialistic wars must lead with elementary force and inevitably toward a repetition of the reality of the Commune.

It was a bourgeois observer of the Commune who wrote in May, 1871, in an English newspaper: "If the French nation consisted wholly of women, what a frightful nation it would be."

The women and the youth, from thirteen years up, fought during the Commune side by side with the men: and it will not be otherwise in the coming battles to subdue the bourgeoisie. The proletarian women will not look on passively while the well-armed bourgeoisie orders the badly armed or unarmed proletariat to be shot down; they will seize arms as they did in 1871. And from the now unnerved or discouraged nations, or, more accurately, from the labor movement now disorganized by the opportunists more than by the governments, will arise, sooner or later, but beyond the shadow of a doubt, an international alliance of "frightful nations" of the revolutionary proletariat.

Militarism permeates the whole public life. Militarism becomes supreme. Imperialism means bitter struggle among the world powers to divide and re-divide the world—and this, therefore, militarizes even the small and neutral countries. What will the proletarian women do against this development? Condemn all war and all militarism, and demand disarmament? Never will the women of a revolutionary class accept such a contemptible task. On the contrary, they will urge their sons: "You will soon be grown up and they will give you a rifle. Take it, and qualify in all military knowledge—that is necessary for the workers, not in order to shoot at your comrades, as is done in this war of robbery and as you have been urged to do by the traitors of Socialism, but to fight the bourgeoisie of your own country to put an end to ex-


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414 Chuqui-llantu embraced him, and put her finely worked lipi mantles on him, and they slept together. When they wanted to get up in the morning, the shepherd again became the cloak. As soon as the sun rose, the princess left the palace of her father with the cloak, and when she reached a ravine in the mountains, she found herself again with her beloved shepherd, who had been changed into himself. But one of the guards had followed them, and when he saw what had happened he gave the alarm with loud shouts. The lovers fled into the mountains which are near the town of Calca. Being tired after a long journey, they climbed to the top of a rock and went to sleep. They heard a great noise in their sleep, so they arose. The princess took one shoe in her hand and kept the other on her foot. Then looking towards the town of Calca both were turned into stone. To this day the two statues may be seen between Calca and Huayllapampa. [I have seen them many times. Those mountains were called Pitu-siray, and that is their name to this day.]

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 ploitation and the misery of wars, not by pious wishes, but by overpowering and disarming the bourgeoisie."

Those who refuse to carry on such a propaganda, and such a propaganda particularly in connection with the present war, should be kind enough to stop talking in grandiloquent phrases about international revolutionary Socialism, about the Social Revolution, about war against war.

The advocates of disarmament are opposed to the armament of the people because in their opinion, this demand might lead readily to concessions towards opportunism. We have examined the main issue: the relation of disarmament to the class struggle and the Social Revolution. Examining the relation of disarmament towards opportunism, we find that one of the most convincing arguments against the demand for disarmament is precisely the fact that this demand and the illusions it creates weakens our fight against opportunism.

The fight against opportunism is a very real issue in the International. The fight against Imperialism is empty and deceitful if it is not combined with a fight against opportunism. One of the principal mistakes of the Zimmerwald and Kienthal conferences and one of the main reasons for the failure of these efforts toward organizing a third International, consist exactly in the fact that the question of a fight against opportunism was not even brought up openly, far less decided in the sense of a complete break with the opportunist Socialists. Outspoken opportunism works in the open and directly against the revolution and against developing revolts and revolutionary movements, and in co-operation with the governments. The clandestine opportunists, as Kautsky & Co., are much more detrimental to the workers' interests and much more dangerous, because they cover up and make attractive their coalition with the undisguised opportunists by using fine Marxian phrases and peace proposals. The struggle against both these forms of opportunism can only be waged on all issues of proletarian policy: parliamentary action, economic action, strikes, propaganda, etc. The fundamental character of both forms of opportunism consists in this, that it tries to conceal and deny or else to answer in the spirit of the police, all actual questions of the revolution and of the general connection between the present war and the revolution. And all this notwithstanding the fact that just prior to the


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 war, the connection between the coming war and the proletarian revolution had been demonstrated unofficially as well as officially in the Basel Manifesto! One of the principal mistakes of disarmament advocacy is that it evades all actual problems of the revolution. Or are the advocates of disarmament altogether in favor of a new kind of disarmed revolution?

Moreover, we are by no means opposed to the struggle for reforms. We will not deny the disagreeable possibility that humanity may have to pass through another imperialistic war if the Revolution, in spite of repeated outbreaks of mass resistance and mass revolts, and in spite of our own efforts, does not result from this war. We advocate a program of reforms directed against the opportunists. The opportunists would prefer that we abandoned the struggle for reforms to them, that we should retreat out of this bad reality to the castle in the air of disarmament. For disarmament means to run away from the reality and not to fight it.

In our program we should state: "The slogan, and the acceptance of, 'defense of the fatherland' in this imperialistic war is nothing else than bribing the labor movement with a bourgeois lie." Such a definite answer to a definite question would be more correct theoretically, more beneficial to the proletariat, and more annoying to the opportunists than the demand for disarmament and the rejection of all wars of defense. And we could add: "The bourgeoisie of all the imperialistic powers, England, France, Germany, Austria, Russia, Italy, Japan and the United States, has become so reactionary and obsessed with the struggle for world power, that any war of the bourgeoisie of these countries must necessarily be reactionary. The proletariat must not only oppose such a war, but must also wish the defeat of 'its own' government and use a defeat for the revolutionary uprising, if a revolt to prevent the war has failed."

As far as the system of militia is concerned, we should say: We are not in favor of a bourgeois militia, but only in favor of a proletarian militia. Accordingly, not a cent and not a man either for the standing army or for the bourgeois militia; and in the case of the bourgeois militia, all the more, as we see even in the most liberal republics, as in Switzerland, a continual Prussianizing of the militia, together with the use of troops against strikes.

We might demand: Election of officers by the rank and file, abolition of all forms of military courts, no discrimination between foreign and native workers (which is especially important in im-


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 perialistic countries that ruthlessly exploit and discriminate against foreign workers), and, furthermore, the right for, every hundred inhabitants of a state to select freely its military instructors, to be paid by the state, etc. In this way the proletariat would acquire military knowledge for its own use and its own interest, and not in favor of the master class. And every result of the revolutionary movement, even when only partial, as, for example, victory in a town or an industrial centre or a part of the army, as has been demonstrated by the Russian Revolution, must naturally result in the adoption by the victorious proletariat of just this program.

After all, it is impossible to overcome opportunism simply with paper programs; only effective action will do it. The greatest and most disastrous mistake of the collapsed second International was the separation of words and deeds, the furtherance of hypocrisy and "revolutionary" phrases. Disarmament as a social expression, that is, an idea that is not simply a personal fancy but arises out of a social condition and influences a social environment, evidently springs from the petty and accidentally "quiet" conditions of some of the small nations that lie close to the bloody war and anxiously hope to continue vegetating. It is worthwhile to examine the arguments of the Norwegian advocates of disarmament: We are a small nation, our army is small, we cannot defend ourselves against the world powers nor being forced into an imperialistic alliance with one or another of these powers, we want to remain quietly in our corner and carry on a corner policy, we demand disarmament, courts of arbitration with binding decisions, permanent (perhaps as exhibited by Belgium) neutrality, etc. The wish of the small nations to stay outside of great world movements, the petty bourgeois conception of living outside of the gigantic world struggle, to use its special situation to remain inactive—this is the objective social condition that secures for the policy of disarmament a certain amount of influence and following in some of the smaller nations. Such an effort is, of course, an illusion and reactionary, because in some way or other Imperialism will sweep the small nations into the whirl-pool of social development and world policy.

Objectively, disarmament only benefits the opportunistic nationalist and narrow tendency in the labor movement. Disarmament is the most nationalistic and the special national program of the small nations, not an international program of revolutionary international Socialism.


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The international duty of the Russian working class has become very evident in these days.

We see not only perfectly inactive people but even chauvinists calling themselves internationalists, men like Messrs. Plekhanov and Potresoff, even Kerensky himself. This imposes upon the proletarian party a stem obligation to draw a clear, accurate line of cleavage between lip internationalism and active internationalism.

Mere appeals to the workers of all lands, professions of internationalist faith, direct or veiled attempts to organize a progressive series of proletarian movements in the various countries at war, frantic efforts to bring about agreements between the Socialists of the belligerent countries on the subject of the revolutionary struggle, Socialistic campaigns for peace propaganda, etc. all that, when we consider its actual value regardless of the honesty of the prime movers of such enterprises is just hot air naive sentimentalism, which can be cleverly used by chauvinists to deceive the masses in an underhand way.

The French social-patriots, the government Socialists, most adroit and best grounded in parliamentary juggling, have broken all records for sonorous and melodious manifestoes and internationalist phraseology, coupled with the baldests betrayal of Socialism and internationalism; for they have accepted positions in a cabinet waging an imperialistic war, they have voted for all credits or loans (as Cheidse, Skobeleff, Tseretelli and Stekloff have been doing recently in Russia) and opposed the social struggle in their own country.

Good people often forget the cruel, savage paraphernalia of a world-wide imperialistic war. Phrases and naive sentimental desires are impotent.


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RV 60 (Rh) If a noun has more than one modifier the relational affix /y(ə)-/ is prefixed to the first one only, e.g. If, however, the modifiers are separated by /-(ı)nna/ 'and' or other conjunctions the relational affix is prefixed to both modifiers, e.g. The relational prefix /y(ə)-/ is not used after prepositions and prefixes, and the possessive relationship is then indicated simply by the word order, e.g. The prefix /y(ə)-/ is affixed to all the independent pronouns (Note 3.1) to form the 'possessive pronouns', e.g. /yəne/ 'mine', /yantə/ 'yours (m.)' /yəssu/ 'his', etc.

Personal pronouns can, therefore, be expressed in Amharic in two ways: The second constructions is often used to show emphasis, or to make the meaning clear when the other form would be ambiguous, e.g. /məSıhafu/ may mean 'his book' or 'the (particular) book', whereas /yəssu məSıhaf/ means 'his book' ('of his the book') only.

Note that 'American Embassy' can be said in Amharic in three ways: /yamerika embassi/ ('Embassy of America'), /amerikan embassi/, directly borrowed from English, and /yamerikan embassi/.

Note 6.2 Verb: Infinitive The infinitive is characterized by the prefix /m(ə)-/, e.g. /məTrat/ 'to call', /məhed/ 'to go', /mayət/ 'to see', etc. (for the loss of the vowel /ə/ see Note 3.3).

The use of the infinitive is often equivalent to that of English, as in /mayət ıfəllıgalləhu/ 'I want to see'. When used as a verbal noun, it may have the prefixes and suffixes characteristically attached to the nouns, as, for example in /kəməhedu bəfit/ 'before his going' (prefix /kə-/, suffix /-u/).


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Who is there who has never heard, About the Burdock and the Bird? And yet how very few, Discriminate between the two, While even Mr. Burbank can't, Transform a Bird into a Plant.


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 There is only one way of being a genuine internationalist: to strain all our energies in an endeavor to develop the revolutionary movement and speed the revolutionary struggle in our own land, to support that struggle in every way, by propaganda, sympathy, material aid, and support only that struggle, in every country without exception. Everything else is a snare and a delusion.

The international Socialist and working class movements the world over have in the course of the war split into three groups. Whoever understands their tendencies, has analyzed them closely and still deserts the fight for real active internationalism, is a weakling and a fraud.

1.—Social-patriots, that is, Socialists in words and chauvinists in fact, who agree to defend their fatherland in an imperialistic war and particularly in this imperialistic war. These men are our class enemies. They have gone over to the bourgeois camp. They count among their numbers the majority of Socialist leaders in every nation. Plekhanov & Co in Russia, Scheidemann in Germany, Renaudel, Guesde and Sembat in France, Bissolati & Co. in Italy, Hyndman, the Fabians and the Laborites in England, Branting & Co. in Sweden, Troelstra and his party in Holland, Stauning and his party in Denmark, Victor Berger and other defenders of the fatherland in America, etc.

2.—The second group, that might be called the center, is hesitating between social-patriotism and actual internationalism. These people swear by all that is holy that they are Marxists, that they are internationalists, that they are for peace, for exerting pressure upon the government, for presenting all sorts of demands that show the desire of the nation for peace, they are peace propagandists and want a peace without annexations and they want peace with the social-patriots. The center is for union and against any sort of shism. The center is the heaven of petty bourgeois phrases of lip internationalism, of cowardly opportunism, of compromise with the social-patriots. The fact is that the center is not convinced of the necessity of a revolution against the government of its own country; it does not preach that kind of revolution; it does not wage


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 his chair. Whether he would have eventually snored is not known, for not more than a quarter of an hour afterwards the butler roused him with the magic words:

“Dinner is served, sir.”

Carstares turned his head lazily.

“What’s that you say, James?”

“Dinner is served, sir,” repeated the man, and held the door wide for him to pass out.

“Faith! I’m glad to hear it!”

My lord rose leisurely and pulled his cravat more precisely into position. Although he was to be alone, he gave his costume a touch here and there, and flicked a speck of dust from one great cuff with his elegant lace handkerchief.

He strolled across the old panelled hall to the dining-room, and sat down at the table.

The curtains were drawn across the windows, and clusters of candles in graceful silver holders were arranged on the table, shedding a warm light on to the white damask and the shining covers. The footmen presented a fish, and my lord permitted a little to be put on his plate. The butler desired to know if Mr. Carr would drink claret or burgundy, or ale? Mr. Carr would drink claret. A sirloin of beef next made its appearance, and went away considerably smaller. Then before my lord was spread an array of dishes. Partridges flanked one end, a pasty stood next, a cream, two chickens, a duck, and a ham of noble proportions.

My lord went gently through.

The butler desired to know if Mr. Carr would drink a glass of burgundy? He exhibited a dusty bottle. My lord considered it through his eyeglass and decided in favour. He sipped reflectively and waved the ham away.

Sweetmeats appeared before him and a soup, while plump pigeons were uncovered at his elbow. K2

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text: Report on Indigenous Education and Vernacular Schools in Agra, Aligarh, Etawah, Farrukhabad, Mainpuri, Mathura, Shahjahanpur, for 1851-52


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Author:Henry Stewart Reid

Works

 * Report on Indigenous Education and Vernacular Schools in Agra, Aligarh, Etawah, Farrukhabad, Mainpuri, Mathura, Shahjahanpur, for 1851-52 (1852)

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Author:Marguerite de Angeli

As illustrator

 * Milady at Arms (1927) by Edith Bishop Sherman

title: Author:Marguerite de Angeli


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Rh remember that the whole tendency of constitutional development at this time was to rob the patricians of exclusive political powers, but it is hard to see how the change made in 339 can have helped to accomplish this end. The principle which the Publilian law applied to legislation was extended by the passed probably in the year 287, to elections also. By th decadence of the influence of the, which followed this legislation, the last serious obstacle was removed from the path of the as an elective and a legislative body. The clauses of the have been discussed. The third clause, according to Livy's narrative, enacted This part of the Publilian law, at least in the form in which it has come down to us, seems to be identical in force, not only with the  of 287, which, according to the elder Pliny, provided  What relation do these three laws bear to one another? It is almost impossible to say. We can assume that the law of 449 made enactments of the plebeian assembly unconditionally binding on the whole people, and that the measures of 339 and 287 reaffirmed the principle already established, and sought to strengthen it at weak points; but on the one hand it is incredible that the plebeian assembly was made a supreme legislative body as early as 449, and on the other hand it would be highly improbable to suppose that the plebeians would have needed almost one hundred and seventy-five years to secure the recognition of the principle already formulated into law. Of one fact we are sure, viz., that after 287 were unconditionally binding on the whole community. We seem forced to assume, therefore, that under the Valerio-Horatian law enactments of the


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 the ideas which they express, consider them the most amenable to adoption of any class of words whatsoever. Accordingly, such words will be found, either to have supplanted native terms altogether, or to be used as familiar synonymes along with them, Thus, to give some examples in Malay; the most familiar words for the head, the shoulder, the face, a limb, a hair or pile, brother, house; elephant, the sun, the day, to speak, and to talk, are all Sanskrit. Jo Javanese we have from the same Sanskrit, the head, the shoulders, the throat, the hand, the face, father, brother, son, daughter, woman, house, buffalo, elephant, with synonymes from the hog and dog, the sun, the moon, the sea, and a mountain. In the language of Bali, the name for the sun in most familiar use is Sanskrit, and a word of the same language is the only one in use for the numeral ten. It is on the same principle that I account for the existence of a similar class of Malayan words in the Tagala of the Philippines, although the whole number of Malayan words does not exceed one fiftieth part of the language. Head, brat, hand, finger, elbow, hair, feather, child, sea, moon, rain, to speak, to die, to give, to love, are examples. In the Maori, or New Zealand, the words forehead, sky, ghat, stone, fruit, to drink, to die, are Malay or Javanese, yet of these two tongues there are not a hun- dred words in the whole language. As to the personal pronouns, which have often been referred to as evidence of a common tongue, in as far as concerns the language under examination,” they are certainly the most interchangeable of all classes of words, aud cannot possibly be received as evidence. Some of them, for example, are found in the Polynesian dialects, where, in a vocabulary of five thousand words, a hundred Malayan terms do not exist. The numerals must surely be considered as out of the category of early-invented words, for they imply a very considerable social advancement, and seem to be just the class of words most likely to be adopted by auy savages of tolerable natural capacity. The Australians are not savages of such capacity, and although with the opportunity of borrowing the Malayan numerals, they have not done so, and, in their own languages, count only as far as “ two.”

The words which appear to me most fit to test the unity of


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 languages are those indispensable to their structure, which con- stitute, as it were, their framework, and without which they cannot be spoken or written. These are the prepositions which represent the cases of languages of complex structure, and the auxiliaries which represent times and moods. If a sentence can be constructed by words of the same origin, in two or more languages, such languages may. safely be considered as sister tongues,—to be, in fact, dialects, or to have sprung from one stock. In applying this test, it is not necessary that the sentence so constructed should be grammatical, or that the parties speaking sister tongues should be intelligible to each other. The languages of the South of Europe can be written with words common to them all, derived from the Latin without the assistance of any of the foreign words which all of them contain. The common stock, therefore, from which they are derived is Latin, and they are sister tongues. English can be written with great ease with words entirely Anglo-Saxon, and without any French word, although French forms a sixth part of the whole body of its words, but no sentence can be constructed consisting of French words only. The parent stock of our language, therefore, is not French or Latin, but Anglo-Saxon. By this test the Irish and Gaelic are shown to be, virtually, the same language, and the Welsh and Armorican to be sister dialects. But it will not prove that the Welsh and Irish, although they contain many words in common, are the same language, and derived from the same source.

Applying this test to the Malayan languages it will be found that a sentence of Malay can be constructed without the assistance of Javanese words, or of Javanese without the help of Malay words. Of course either of these two languages can be written or spoken without the least difficulty, without a word of Sanskrit or Arabic. The Malay and Javanese, then, although a large proportion of their words be in common, are distinct languages, and as to their Sanskrit and Arabic elements they are extrinsic and unessential. When the test is applied to the Polynesian languages we find an opposite result. A sentence in the Maori and Tahitian can be written in words common to both, and without the help of one word of the Malayan which


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 they contain, just as a sentence of Welsh or Irish can be con- structed without the help of Latin, although of this language they contain, at least, as large a proportion of words as the Maori or Tahitian do of Malayan. The Maori and Tahitian are, therefore, essentially the same language, and their Malayan ingredient is extrinsic.

In an inquiry into languages in order to show their affini- ties, it must be obvious that the examination of a limited number of words can lead to no certain or useful conclusion, and this is very satisfactorily shown by the vocabularies exhibited by such careful and indefatigable scholars as Mr. Marsden and Baron Humboldt. Mr. Marsden's English words amount to thirty-four; and of these, as far as his collections admitted, he has given the synonymes in eighty Malayan and Polynesian languages; and it is from this meagre vocabulary that my valued friend would prove the unity of the languages of all the brown-complexioned races from Sumatra to Easter Island. Ten words out of the thirty-four are numerals, three are adjec- tives, and all the rest are nouns,—every other part of speech being omitted. In the very first columu of assumed native words, viz., the Malay, five of the synonymes are Sanskrit words,—a fact which touches on the history, but not on the unity, of the languages. Baron Humboldt's vocabulary of German words amounts to 134, and he has given their syno- nymes, as far as his materials allowed, in nine languages, or more strictly in six only, since four out of the number are Polynesian dialects. His words are all nouns, adjectives, or verbs, to the exclusion of every other part of speech. Favoured with ampler materials than were possessed by my predecessors in the inquiry, I have come to opposite conclusions.

After as careful an examination as I have been able to make of the many languages involved in the present inquiry, and duly considering the physical and geographical character of the wide field over which they are spoken, with the social condition of its various inhabitants, I have come to the conclusion that the words which are common to so many tongues have been chiefly derived from the languages of the two most civilised and adventurous nations of


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 the Archipelago,—the Malays and Javanese; and, adopting this hypothesis, I shall proceed with the inquiry, beginning with a sketch of these two nations and their languages. For con- venience, and in order to avoid repetition, I use the word Malayan for whatever is common to these two people.

According to the universal tradition of the Malays, Sumatra is the parent country of their nation. This greatest island of the Archipelago, after Borneo, contains an area of 128,500 square miles. Its geological formation is partly primitive and partly volcanic. It has some very high mountains and some extensive plains among its hill ranges. Among these plains is that of Mânangkabau on the Equator, the very focus of the Malay nation., Next to Java, Sumatra is the most fertile of the great islands of the Archipelago, and therefore the most likely to be a cradle of early civilisation. The Malays at present possess nearly one half the whole area of the island, including its coasts on the east and west side.

The earliest notice which Europeans received of the existence of the Malay nation, and it was a very meagre one, was given by Marco Polo on his return to Venice in 1295. It was not until 220 years later that they became really acquainted with them. A hundred and thirty years before the Malays were seen by the Venetian traveller, or in the year 1100, took place the only recorded migration of the Malays from Sumatra, that which formed the settlement of Singapore. We must not con- clude, from the comparative recentness of this event, or because the Malays, like the Hindus, have no history, that many earlier migrations had not taken place. When first actually seen by Europeans, they were traders and rovers over the Archipelago. They were the principal carriers of the clove and nutmeg from the most easterly to the most westerly ports of the Archipelago,—forming, in fact, the first link in that long and tedious chain of transport by which these much-valued commodities, were, for nearly twenty centuries, conveyed to Greece and Rome. In the year 180 of Christ the clove and nutmeg were regular articles of import into the Roman Empire; and it is highly probable that the trade was conducted then, in the same manner as when it was first observed by Europeans at its source. By


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 this kind of circumstantial evidence, then, we carry Malayan history back for near seventeen centuries; but as the Hindus were probably consumers of the clove and nutmeg long before Greeks and Romaus, Malayan history, in all likelihood, goes a great deal farther back than this.

In Sumatra, the Malays, from the cradle of the nation, the interior plain of Mânangkabau, pushed their conquests, or settle- ments, to their present extensive limits. From Sumatra they emigrated and formed colonies in the Malay Peninsula and in Borneo; the first probably, and the last certainly, occupied before them by rude tribes of the same race of men, who could offer no effectual resistance. In the remoter islands, or in those occupied by powerful and civilised nations, the Malays appear only as settlers, and not colonists, as Java, the principal islands of the Philippine Archipelago, Timur and the Moluccas.

The peninsula sometimes called Tanah Mâlayu, or the land of the Malays, contains an area of above 60,000 square miles. The geological formation is primitive, rich in metalliferous ores, but generally poor in soil. With the exception of a few dimi- nutive negro mountaineers, it is occupied either by Malays or by men of the same race; for there exist in the interior several wild tribes, who, although not calling themselves Malays, speak the Malay language, and have the same physical form as the Malays. Whether these wild people be the original inhabitants of the peninsula before the invasion of the Malays, and who have adopted the Malay language, or Malays who rejected the Mahomedan religion, it is very difficult to say; but as their language contains many words that are not Malay, and as it is not likely that so extensive a country should be without any inhabitants when invaded by the Malays, except a few scattered negroes, the first supposition seems the more probable. Nearly the whole coast of Borneo is occupied by Malay colonies; but neither here, nor in the peninsula, can any one of the many states which occupy them, tell when, or how their forefathers first arrived. Some intelligent merchants of the state of Brunai, or Borneo Proper, informed me in 1825 that the present inha- bitants were, then, the twenty-ninth in descent from the original settlers from Mânangkabau, and that when they first settled


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 they had not been converted to the Mahomedan religion. Thirty generations, including the first settlers, would make about 900 years. This rough computation would fix the first and principal Malayan migration to Borneo to the reign of our Saxon king Athelstan.

It is not to be supposed, however, that all who now go under the name of Malays in Borneo are of the original stock that migrated from Sumatra. The simple adoption of the Malay language would, it is evident, be quite sufficient to make men of the same race pass for Malays; and where the Malays were dominant, this must have happened frequently. We find on the west coast of Borneo, for example, tribes of the aboriginal inhabitants gradually losing their own tongues by the admission of much Malay, and finally adopting the latter; so that nothing remained to distinguish a tribe but its name. The reverse of this would necessarily be the case where the Malays were few in number, and mere settlers. They would gradually lose their own tongue, adopting that of the dominant race; but at the same time communicating to the latter some portion of their language.

The Malay tongue is now, and was, when Europeans first visited the Archipelago, the common language of intercourse between the native nations among themselves, and between these and foreigners. It is in the Archipelago what French is in Western Europe, Italian in Eastern, Arabic in Western Asia, and Hindi in Hindustan. All nations who hold intercourse of business with strangers must understand it, and all strangers must acquire it. This is now the case, and seems for ages to have been so, in Sumatra, where other languages, besides it, are vernacular, in Java, in Celebes, in the Moluccas, in Timur, and in the Philippine group. The enterprising or roving character of the people whose native tongue it is, with its own softness of sound, simplicity of structure, and consequent facility of acquirement, have given it this preference over so many other languages.

The most striking evidence of the currency of the Malay language will be found in the account of the first voyage round the world, as it is told in the faithful narrative of Piga-


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 fetta. Magellan had with him a Sumatran slave, probably a Malay, but at all events speaking the Malay language. The first land made by the circumnavigators, after crossing the Pacific, was one of the Ladrone islands, and here no intercourse could be held with the natives, for the interpreter was not understood. Such was also the case at the outskirts of the Philippines; but they had no sooner fairly entered this group than he was readily comprehended; and henceforth the intercourse of the Spaniards with the inhabitants was conducted with facility. At Massana, a small island lying on the coast of Leyte, a boat came to the admiral's ship; and, says Pigafetta, "a slave of the captain- general, a native of Sumatra, formerly called Taprobana, spoke to them, and was understood." The petty chief of the island afterwards visited Magellan, and was readily communicated with through the Malay interpreter; "for," adds Pigafetta, "the kings understand more languages than their subjects,"—an explanation, however, not quite accurate, for it ought to have been, that the chiefs, being the principal traders, found it necessary to acquire the language in which foreigners could be communicated with. At the island of Zebu, near which Magellan lost his life, the Sumatran slave betrayed the Spaniards and absconded; and henceforth Pigafetta himself was able to act as interpreter,—a striking proof of his own diligence, and the facility with which Malay may be acquired. He did so, not only in Borneo Proper, of which the language is Malay, but in Palawan, Mindanau and the Moluccas, where it is a foreign tongue, for everywhere some persons were found to understand it.

Although Malayan civilisation, in all probability, sprang up in the interior parts of Sumatra, as Malay tradition alleges, still, as the asserted cradle of the Malay nation is not above fifty miles distant from the coasts, and communicates with them by frequent rivers, at all times navigable for the craft employed, the Malays must be considered as essentially a maritime people; and evidence of this will be found impressed on their language, of which a few examples may be given:—


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 mud͘ik and ilir are two verbs, which mean respectively "to ascend" and "to descend a river," or "to go against" or "with the stream." The same words used as nouns mean the interior" and "the seaboard." Kuwala and muwara are two words which signify "the embouchure" or "mouth of a river," either at its disemboguement in the sea or its junction with another river. Anak-sungai meaus, literally, "child of the river;" tâluk is "a bight," or "cove," and rantau "a reach;" but all these words signify also "the district of a country," or "a settlement.' Sâbrang is a preposition, meaning across the water," and when used as a verb, "to cross the water." The Malay compass, pan- doman, is divided into sixteen points, with native names; and these names, for the purpose of navigation, have been adopted by some other tribes, as the Bugis, although retaining their own for ordinary occasions. The monsoons, or periodical winds, are distinguished by the Malays, and among the tribes of the Archipelago by them only, by native terms, which literally signify, for the westerly, atâs-angin, "above the wind," or "air," for it may mean either; and for the easterly, bawah-angin, "below the wind," or "air." For every part of a vessel and her equipment there is a specific native name; and, considering the simple structure of Malayan shipping, the phraseology is copious. Terms for the different modes of sailing are also numerous.

In one of the many Malay narratives purporting to be true history, but always containing more fable than truth, called the "History of the King of Malacca," the reigning prince is described as sending a mission to claim the assistance of the Turks against the Portuguese. As I shall afterwards have occasion to refer to this mission, I shall at present only observe, that the size of the vessels which made this distant voyage of seventy-three days' duration would probably average from fifty to a hundred tons each. Our own shipping that made the circumnavigation of the globe seventy years later, under Drake, did not, it should not be forgotten, even equal this burthen. Of Drake's five ships, the largest, the "Admiral," was but of a hundred tons, and the rest of eighty, fifty, thirty, and the smallest of no more than fifteen tons burthen.


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N compiling the following pages the Editor has endeavoured to produce a treatise that should not only furnish the amateur of Pigeons with a greater amount of practical information on the different varieties than is to be found in any previous volume, but also to treat the whole subject in a more scientific manner than had hitherto been attempted. Hence the introductory chapters on the structure of the Pigeon; the natural history of the Blue Rock Dove, from whence all our varieties have descended; the account of the origin of the different varieties, &c., &c. But whilst these topics have been discussed, full space has been devoted to the practical part of the subject, and the characteristics and management of the different varieties have been more fully described than has been done in any other book.

The original works in English on the subject of Pigeons are few in number. They include Moore's "Columbarium," which was published in 1735; the reprints of Moore, which appeared, with slight additions, as "The Treatise on Domestic Pigeons," 1765, and "The Complete Pigeon Fancier," aseribed to Girton, but which was originally advertised as having been written by William Thompson; and "The Treatise on the Almond Tumbler," published anonymously. From these works the remaining treatises have been in the main compiled. Eaton's Treatise is confessedly a reprint of Moore and the Treatise on the Almond Tumbler, with additional notes. The Rey. E. S. Dixon's "Doveeote and Aviary," and Mr. Selby's "Treatise on Pigeons," in the "Naturalist's Library," do not call for special notice; but the Editor must not omit to acknowledge his obligations to the valuable fugitive articles contributed by the late Mr. B. P. Brent to the Feild and the Poultry Chronicle. It may be stated, that whatever information he has taken from other writers has been in all cases acknowledged,


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 An examination of 4074 radical words of the Dictionary shows that the Malay language is composed of the following lingual elements:—Native Malay words, 2003; common to the Malay and Javanese, 1040; Sanskrit, 199; Tâlugu or Telinga, 23; Arabic, 160; Persian, 30; and Portuguese, 19; which, in a 1000 words, give the following proportions respectively:—Native, 491; Javanese, 255; Sans- krit, 49; Tâlugu, about $5 1⁄2$; Persian, about 7; and Portuguese, about $4 1⁄2$. Leaving the other elements for consideration until I come to treat of the Javanese language, I shall now describe only the Arabic and Persian.

The Arabic element of the Malay, as stated in the grammar, may be said to be indefinite in its proportion. It was not introduced by conquest, but through commerce, settle- ment, and religious conversion. The missionaries who converted the Malays and other islanders to the religion of Arabia, and hence introduced the language of that religion, were not genuine Arabians, but the mixed descendants of Arab and Persian traders, far more competent instruments by their intimate acquaintance with the manners and languages of the islanders. In the course of time Arabian and Persian traders appear to have settled at various ports of the western parts of the Archipelago, and never being accompanied by their families; to have intermarried with the natives. It was the mixed race that sprang out of such unions which produced the apostles of Islam. The earliest conversion recorded was that of the Achinese, the nearest people of the Archipelago to the continent of Asia. This was in 1206 of our era. The Malays of Malacca were not converted until 1276; the inhabitants of the Moluccas not until 1465, the Javanese not until 1478, and the people of Celebes not until 1495, only the year before Vasco de Gama passed the Cape of Good Hope. These dates refer only to the conversion of the rulers of the country. Many of the people were, no doubt, converted before, and some remained to be converted long after. To this day there are a few mountaineers in Java still professing a kind of Hinduism. Between the first and last conversion, the long period of 289 years intervened. The conversion, in fact, was slow and gradual, and bore little resemblance to the


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 rapid conversion, by the Arabs, of the nations of Western and Northern Asia. The earliest conversion of the islanders took place 574 years after the death of Mahomed, and long after the zeal of his followers had evaporated. The conquest of the Archipelago, however, even had, it been attempted, under the most favourable auspices, was an enterprise too remote and difficult for the Arabs to have achieved, and the conversion was, in reality, brought about by the only feasible means by which it could have been accomplished.

It is probable that some Arabic words were introduced into Malay previous to the conversion. This may be inferred from our finding them, at present, in the Balinese, the language of the only unconverted civilised people of the Archipelago. The nature of the Arabic words admitted into Malay may be judged by a brief analysis. Taking 112 from the vocabularies appended to Sir Stamford Raffles's History of Java, 102 are found to be nouns, six to be adjectives, three to be verbs, and one only to be a particle. To suit the Malay ear, all of them are altered in pronunciation, and none of them are so essential to the language that it cannot be written or spoken with accuracy and propriety without their assistance. The proportion in which Arabic enters into some of the other principal languages of the Archipelago may be judged from the same vocabularies. The 112 in Malay is but seventy-six in Javanese; seventy-two in Madurese; sixty- five in the Lampung; sixty-one in the Sunda; twenty-five in the Bugis, and twenty in the Bali. In a copious dictionary of the Tagala of the Philippines I can find only ten or twelve words. From the similarity of circumstances under which the Arabic has been introduced into these languages, and from their being often communicated from one tribe to another, it may be added that the words are, for the most part, the same. Every- where such words as have been naturalised have been so altered in pronunciation that an Arab would, in most cases, not be able to recognise them. Thus the word săbăb, " cause,” is in Malay, sabab, and in Javanese, sawab; făkăr, "to think,” is in Malay and Javanese, pikir, and in Bugis, pikiri; the word făl'uli, "to meddle,” is in Malay and Javanese, paduli; the word wăkt, "time," is in Malay and Javanese, waktu, and in Bugis, wakatu;


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 no thought, anywhere. Each picture looked as though it could have been produced by anyone who had studied and practised art for the requisite number of years, and who was not a born fool. At all events, this is my opinion; and, as I know nothing whatever about art, I speak without prejudice.

One thing I have enjoyed at Munich very much, and that has been the music. The German band that you hear in the square in London while you are trying to compose an essay on the civilising influence of music, is not the sort of band that you hear in Germany. The German bands that come to London are bands that have fled from Germany in order to save their lives. In Germany, these bands would be slaughtered at the public expense and their bodies given to the poor for sausages. The bands that the Germans keep for themselves are magnificent bands.

Munich, of all places in the now united Fatherland, has, I suppose, the greatest reputation for its military bands, and the citizens are allowed, not only to pay for them, but to hear them. Two or three times a day in different parts of the city one or another of them will be playing pro bono publico, and, in the evening, they are loaned out by the authorities to the proprietors of the big beer-gardens.

"Go" and dash are the chief characteristics of their method; but, when needed, they can produce from the battered, time-worn trumpets, which have been handed down from player to player since the regiment was first formed, notes as soft and full and clear as any that could start from the strings of some old violin.

The German band in Germany has to know its business to be listened to by a German audience. The Bavarian artisan or shopkeeper understands and appreciates good


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 music, as he understands and appreciates good beer. You cannot impose upon him with an inferior article. A music-hall audience in Munich are very particular as to how their beloved Wagner is rendered, and the trifles from Mozart and Haydn that they love to take in with their sausages and salad, and which, when performed to their satisfaction, they will thunderously applaud, must not be taken liberties with, or they will know the reason why.

The German beer-garden should be visited by everyone who would see the German people as well as their churches and castles. It is here that the workers of all kinds congregate in the evening. Here, after the labours of the day, come the tradesman with his wife and family, the young clerk with his betrothed—and also her mother, alack and well-a-day!—the soldier with his sweetheart, the students in twos and threes, the little grisette with her cousin, the shop-boy and the workman.

Here come grey-haired Darby and Joan, and, over the mug of beer they share between them, they sit thinking of the children—of little Lisa, married to clever Karl, who is pushing his way in the far-off land that lies across the great


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 ed the door, and we entered a small damp room."

"Now we are on the spot," said he, after having carefully secured the door, "now tell me, what you want to know."

"First of all, I wanted to give him a brief account of the recovery of my effects, and then to ask him, if he had been my benefactor. However, he prevented me from doing it, exclaiming, "I know it all, I beg you will concentre all you want to know into one question."

"I mused awhile, but I was not able to bring all my wishes to one point, and it is very likely that the presence of that strange extraordinary man, had greatly contributed to my perplexity. I found it impossible to make the question he had ordered me to do."

"Seeing my distress, he said, "Well, then, enquire after the name of the friend who has taken so much care of you."


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 "That was the very question which I was most eager to do; I had been inclined to propose it ere now, but I would not venture to do it for fear of offending the stranger; with great joy did I therefore reply, "Yes, that I will, that I wish to know."

"Well then," replied he, "you shall get personally acquainted with that friend of yours."

"Then I do not know him yet personally?" resumed I, "I thought it was you, Sir."

"The stranger shook his head."

"I am only his deputy," was his answer; "and," added he, after a short pause, "only through the third hand."

"I gazed at him with amazement, but he seemed to take no notice of it, and began to make preparations for introducing my friend


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 in a most mysterious manner. He strewed sand on the floor, and drew two direct circles with an ebony wand, placing me in one and himself in the other."

"How will this end, said I to myself."

"The stranger was now standing opposite to me, in an awful and solemn posture: He folded his hand upon his breast, his looks being lifted up to heaven. Silent and motionless like a statue was he standing there. A chilly sensation of horror penetrated me, I did not dare to fetch breath."

"The stranger remained in that posture for a quarter of an hour, my fear was swallowed up in dumb amazement, and my heart began soon to fail me for fear, and for a looking after those things which were to come: At length my conductor broke his mysterious silence; I heard his voice, but I could not understand what he was uttering; the words he was pronouncing seemed to belong to a fo-


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 reign language. The lamp afforded but a faint light, and I could not well distinguish the objects around me. All was silent as the grave. My conductor whispered only now and then some mysterious words, drawing figures in the sand with his ebony wand."

"Now I heard the clock strike twelve, with the last stroke the stranger began to turn himself round about, within the circle, with an astonishing velocity, pronouncing the christian and sur-name of my deceased mother. I staggered back thrilled with chilly horror. On a sudden I heard a noise under ground, like the distant rolling of thunder. The stranger pronounced the name of my mother a second time, with a more solemn and tremendous voice than at first. A flash of lightning hissed through the room, and the voice of thunder grew louder and louder beneath my feet. Now he pronounced the name of my mother a third time, still louder and more tremendous. At once the whole pleasure-house appeared to be surrounded with fire.


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text: Poems, Chiefly Lyrical/The Merman

title: Poems, Chiefly Lyrical/The Merman


text:
Page:Edwards's Australasian Catalogue 1899.djvu/9

 CATALOGUE OF BOOKS

RELATING TO AUSTRALASIA, MALAYSIA AND POLYNESIA.

1 A'Beckett (T. T.) Magistrates' Manual for the Colony of Victoria, 8vo, clt.th.

Melhoitrtie, 1852 3-

2 A'Beckett (Sir Wm.) Out of Harness, l2uio, cloth. [1854J 3s

Account of a Trip to Europe bj- the Chief justice of Victoria.

3 The Earl's Choice, Sonnets, and other Poems, i3mo, cloth. 1S63 5s

Includes Poems on 'John Brown,' 'The Atlantic Cable,' 'The Gold Rush at Melbourne,'

' Christmas in Australia,' and a lyrical piece, ' Advance Victoria ! '

4 [Abbott (Hon. Edward) of Tasmania] The English and Australian Cookers

Book, ky an Australian Aristologist, i2mo, cloth. 1S64 25 6it

Interspersed with mottoes and anecdotes of cooks and gourmands, etc. — the most interest- ing cookery book ever published.

5 Abbott (V. E.) Water Supply in the Interior of New South Wales (Roy. Soc.

N.S.'.), 8vo, jip. 27, map. 1884 2s

6 Aborigines (British Settlements) Rtp..rtsand Papers published by order

of the House of Commons, in two vols, fi)lio, half morocco, as under : £2. ics

Reports and Despatches, from the Governors of the British Colonies, on

the Aboriginal Inhabitants. 1834 Report from the Select Committee to consider Measures to be adopted with rcsjiect to the Native Inhabitants of the British Settlements and neiglibouring Tribes, with Minutes of Evidence, Appendix, etc. (pp. 847) 5th Aug., 1836 Evidence was taken as to the Aborigines in Southern Africa, Canada, Newfound- land, New South Wales, Van Diemen's Land, New Zealand, and the South Sea Islands. The witnesses examined on N.S.VV., N.Z., X'.D.L. and the S. S. Islands, were Saxe Bannister, Rev. V. Vate, Surgeon Marshall, Vtw Hodgkin, Thomas Trapp, Dandeson Coates, Revs. J. Beecham, W. Ellis, and John Williams. Letters are also included from Governor Arthur, J. Backhouse, Dr. Lang, and Rev. S. Marsden.

Report of the .Select Committee, House of Commons, with Minutes of

Evidence, etc., 26th June, 1837 (pp. 212), folio, cloth

Contains additional Evidence by Saxe Bannister, and further Coriespondence of Gov. Arthur, Sir James Stirling, and Lieut. Irwin relative to the Aborigines of V. I'. Land, Southern and Western Australia.  83, High Street, Marylebone, London, W.


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 Habitat : — West Himalayas, Temperate Zone, Simla, Kumaon and Garwhal.

Low shrubs, with basifixed hairs. Main stems not produced ; branchlets, with densely crowded nodes. Tufts densely congested, armed with the very crowded leaf-rachises which are l½-3in. long Stipules ¼in., lanceolate, adnate only at the very base ; leaflets 21-31 mostly crowded, obovate oblong, 1/12-1/6in. long ; thick in texture, dull green, clothed with silky hairs. Pedicels 1/12-⅛in; bracts linear, exceeding the pedicels. Flowers 1-2 together in leaf axils, usually not peduncled. Calyx gibbous, ⅜in., thinly silky ; teeth linear setaceous, half as long as the tube. Corolla ¾in, yellow ; standard exceeding wings and keel ; stigma naked. Pods sessile, oblong, turgid, bilocular, 12-14-seeded, clothed with fine grey silky hairs. Use : — The seeds are given for colic, and also for leprosy (Stewart).

Vern. : — Jetimad (Sindhi, Bombay.). Habitat :— Plains of Sind and the Punjab ; Deccan.

A copiously-branched under-shrub, l-2ft. high, with slender, finely canescent, terete branches. Leaves shortly petioled, usually 3-foliate. Leaflets very variable in size, ¼-1in. long, obovate-oblong or nearly round, thick, pale green, thinly can-escent beneath, the side ones not opposite. Stipules free, minute, lanceolate, scariose. Racemes few or many-flowered, usually exceeding the leaves. Calyx ⅛-1/6in., thinly silky. Corolla red, glabrous, ⅜-½in. Joints of pod 1-4, roundish. Use :— The leaves of this plant are said to be useful in the form of a poultice, as an application to sloughing ulcers to keep them clean (Murray 123).

Syn. :— A mannifera, Desv, Hedysarum Alhagi Linn., Roxb. 574.


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text: Poems, Chiefly Lyrical/The Mermaid

title: Poems, Chiefly Lyrical/The Mermaid