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A2190 (2) The Governor shall appoint a person to be the Chairman of the Appeal Board and such other person or such number of other persons as he thinks fit to be the Deputy Chairman or Deputy Chairmen of the Appeal Board.

(3) Subject to subsection (7), the Chairman or any Deputy Chairman shall be appointed for a term of not more than 2 years but may be reappointed.

(4) A person appointed under subsection (2) shall be a solicitor or barrister admitted under the Legal Practitioners Ordinance (Cap. 159).

(5) The Governor shall appoint a panel of persons not being public officers whom he considers suitable for appointment under section 36 as members of the Appeal Board.

(6) An appointment under subsection (2) or (5) shall be notified in the Gazette.

(7) The Chairman and any Deputy Chairman or person appointed under subsection (5) may at any time resign by notice in writing to the Governor.

(8) The Chairman and any Deputy Chairman or person appointed under subsection (5) shall be remunerated out of money provided by the Legislative Council for that purpose at a rate that the Financial Secretary may determine.

36. Constitution and powers of Appeal Board

(1) The Appeal Board shall consist of the Chairman or any Deputy Chairman who shall preside at the hearing and such number of persons, not being fewer than 2, from the panel referred to in section 35(5) as the Chairman may appoint to be members of the Appeal Board to hear any appeal.

(2) In relation to the hearing of appeals every question before the Appeal Board shall be determined by the opinion of the majority of the members hearing the appeal except a question of law which shall be determined by the Chairman or (where appropriate) the Deputy Chairman and in the case of an equality of votes the Chairman or Deputy Chairman shall have a casting vote.

(3) In hearing an appeal the Appeal Board may—
 * (a) receive and consider any material, whether by way of oral evidence, written statements, documents or otherwise, and whether or not it would be admissible in a court of law;
 * (b) by notice in writing signed by the Chairman, summon any person—
 * (i) to produce to it any document that is relevant to the appeal and is in his custody or under his control; or
 * (ii) to appear before it and to give evidence relevant to the appeal;
 * (c) administer oaths and affirmations;
 * (d) require evidence to be given on oath or affirmation;


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A2192 :(e) make an award of such sum, if any, in respect of the costs involved in the appeal as is just and equitable in all the circumstances of the case.

(4) After hearing an appeal made in respect of any decision specified in Schedule 6 the Appeal Board may uphold, vary or quash that decision and make such consequential orders as may be necessary.

37. Appeal Board’s decision is final

Subject to section 39, the determination of an appeal by the Appeal Board or any order as to costs made by the Appeal Board shall be final.

38. Supplementary provisions relating to appeals

(1) The procedure and practice of the Appeal Board shall, subject to this Ordinance, be determined by the Chairman.

(2) If the Chairman is precluded by illness, absence from Hong Kong or any other cause from exercising his functions, the Governor may appoint any Deputy Chairman to act as Chairman and as such to exercise all the functions of the Chairman during the period of his appointment.

(3) If a person appointed by the Chairman under section 36(1) to hear an appeal is precluded by illness, absence from Hong Kong or any other cause from exercising his functions, the Chairman may appoint any other person from the panel referred to in section 35(5) to act in his place.

(4) In the hearing of an appeal, the appellant and the Authority shall be entitled to be heard either in person or through a solicitor or barrister admitted under the Legal Practitioners Ordinance (Cap. 159) and if the appellant is a corporate trustee, through any of that corporate trustee’s directors or employees or if a partnership, through any of the partners or, with the leave of the Appeal Board, through any other person.

(5) In relation to any appeal to the Appeal Board, the members of the Appeal Board, the appellant, and any witness, representative or other person appearing before the Appeal Board shall have the same privileges and immunities as they would have if the proceedings were civil proceedings before a court.

(6) Any sum awarded to the Authority under section 36(3)(e) shall constitute a debt due and payable to the Government and be recoverable in the District Court and any sum payable by the Authority under such an award shall be charged on the general revenue.

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/


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, younger son of Meredith, refused to live at ease in the palace of his brother, King Madoc. He rode therefore into Logres to steal a kingdom. He and his men plundered, and none could withstand them. But one day he vanished. Madoc sent men on all sides to seek him. But in vain they sought, and the searchers were foiled again and again, and found themselves often in strange countries.

Now Rhonabwy and two others made one search-party and they could come upon no traces and hear no news of Iorwerth. One night of rain they arrived at an old dark house. Heavy smoke billowed out of the hall over the mire and the dead thistle as they entered. The floor was all mounds and puddles, foul and slippery as a cattlefold, but carpeted in places with boughs of holly. At one side was a range of dark chambers full of dust; at the other a hag, too old to be quite human, bent shivering to feed a bad fire with lapfuls of damp chaff. Rhonabwy and his companions could hardly endure the cold smoke that poured from the chaff. Nevertheless, they did not go out again into the tempest of rain and wind, but lay down to rest on a couch that had given its choicest portions to the cattle for provender. The other two fell asleep in spite of the knotty bed and the vermin, but only when he had lain down on a yellow calfskin before the fire could Rhonabwy sleep.

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 North Wales towards the Ford of the Cross. As he rode he heard a noise such as he had never heard before, and turning round he saw a fierce youth of gigantic stature with curled yellow hair, riding on a chestnut horse. He was carrying a golden-hilted sword; his coat and scarf were of yellow satin sewn with green silk. The horse was caparisoned in the same colours; the green like that of the larch tree in April, the yellow like broom-flower. Fear overcame their admiration of this horse and horseman and the three began to fly, but in vain; for though the horse's breath drove them far away on its current it drew them back again right to his chest. They asked for mercy and the youth gave it, and they continued their journey in his company. Rhonabwy asked his name. He told them that he was Iddawc, who had stirred up strife between Arthur and his nephew Mordred, in mere youthful love of battles; and for that reason he was called Iddawc the Hammer of Britain. So Rhonabwy and his companions and Iddawc reached the ford together.

There Rhonabwy saw a city of tents and heard the cries of an innumerable army. On a flat islet in the Severn below the ford, Arthur the emperor was sitting between Bedwini the bishop and Gwarthegyd; and a tall youth with auburn hair and jet-black eyebrows stood before him, bearing a sheathed sword and wearing a coat and cap of jet-black satin. Riding a little into the shallows Iddawc and Rhonabwy and the other saluted those four upon the islet, and Arthur spoke:—

'Iddawc,' he asked, 'where didst thou find these little men?'

'Yonder, lord, upon the road,' replied Iddawc, and Arthur smiled.

'Why dost thou laugh?' said Iddawc.


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 'I do not laugh,' was the reply; 'but pity it is that men so little should be guardians of this island after the men who used to guard it.'

Then they stretched themselves out to rest on the grass under an alder, and Iddawc pointed out to Rhonabvvy a stone in the ring of Arthur, telling him that it had the power to make him remember all that he would see this day.

As they rested, Rhonabwy saw troop after troop of armed men riding down and encamping about the ford, and Iddawc told him who were the men and horses all in crimson; who were those riding upon black-legged white horses; and those who were all white except for the jet-black borders of their white scarves, the black shoulders of the white horses, and the black points to their snowy banners; and those who were jet-black with white points and borders. All were haughty riders and one of the knights on the black-legged white horses spurred so furiously into the river that he drenched Arthur and his counsellors. The youth standing before Arthur turned, therefore, and struck the knight's horse over the nostrils with the sheathed sword. Instantly the man reined in his horse with a scattering of foam like a mill-wheel, and drew his sword half out of the scabbard, asking loudly:

'Didst thou strike for insult or for counsel?'

'Thou dost lack counsel,' said the youth, 'thus to drench the Emperor.'

'For counsel then will I take the blow,' answered the knight, and mounted the bank.

'That', said Iddawc, 'was Adaon the son of Taliesin, wisest and most eloquent youth in this island. The quick-tempered youth standing before Arthur is Elphin the son of Gwyddno.'


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 to retain the friendship of Cœur-de-Lion. Their old and tried adherents, the friar among the foremost, flocked again round their forest-banner; and in merry Sherwood they long lived together, the lady still retaining her former name of Maid Marian, though the appellation was then as much a misnomer as that of Little John.


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User talk:Squirist

Statement of the National Task Force for the West Philippine Sea (October 22, 2023)
Hello and thanks very much for your contribution. I have noticed that your attempt to add the link to the source was caught by the edit filter, so I have added the source there. Next time it should help if you fill in the summary. --Jan Kameníček (talk) 09:45, 12 December 2023 (UTC)

Statement of the National Task Force for the West Philippine Sea (August 22, 2023)
Please can you include the source for this document, too. -- Beardo (talk) 21:02, 13 December 2023 (UTC)
 * I have added it from the abuse filter log too. --Jan Kameníček (talk) 22:50, 13 December 2023 (UTC)

title: User talk:Squirist


text:
Author:Thomas Skidmore

Works

 * The Rights of Man to Property!

title: Author:Thomas Skidmore


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 In a little while Rhonabwy saw a tall man rise up and speak to Arthur:

'By noon, lord, we are to be at the battle of Badon, fighting Osla. I at least will set out at once, either with or without thee.'

'Thou sayest well,' said Arthur, 'we will go together.'

'Rhonabwy,' said Iddawc, 'that man of daring and mighty speech was Caradoc, cousin and chief counsellor to Arthur, a man who may speak as he pleases to any man.'

Then the army crossed the Severn and the river swelled over its banks with the multitude of men and horses. Iddawc and Rhonabwy and his companions rode with them, not dismounting until they looked up at Badon Castle and heard the wind roar in ten thousand beeches on Badon hill; whether this were Bath, or Baydon in Wiltshire, few care and no man knows. When they had halted, one knight in white mail with rivets of blood-red set the host in tumult by his wondrous and fierce riding. 'That,' said Iddawc to Rhonabwy, 'is Kay.' The tumult was stilled only by a prince lifting up the sword of Arthur in its scabbard that was like two serpents. When he drew forth the blade it resembled the gushing of flames out of the mouths of the serpents, and it was hard to look, and hard not to look, upon this marvel. 'That man', said Iddawc, 'is Cador Earl of Cornwall, who arms the Emperor.'

When all was quiet a huge red man rode up on a huge red horse, rough and hideous like his master, and dismounted before Arthur. He brought a chair large enough to seat three armed warriors, and a satin carpet which had an apple of ruddy gold at each corner and made any one upon it invisible. In the chair Arthur


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 sat down, and Owen the son of Urien stood before him. 'Owen,' said Arthur, 'wilt thou play chess? '

'I will, lord,' replied Owen.

So the red man brought a chessboard of silver and golden chess-men, and Arthur began to play with Owen.

While they were deep in their game, Rhonabwy sitting among the beeches saw a white tent having a red canopy and on top a jet-black serpent painted, with red eyes and a red tongue in his open gorge. Out of the tent strode a yellow-haired page in coat and surcoat of yellow satin, greenish-yellow hose, and parti-coloured shoes fastened with golden clasps. His three-edged sword had a golden hilt and a gold-pointed black scabbard. He advanced to Owen and saluted him.

'Lord,' he said, 'is it by thy permission that the young pages and attendants of the Emperor torment thy Ravens? If not, beseech the Emperor to forbid them.'

'Lord,' said Owen, 'thou hearest the youth; if it seems good to thee, forbid thy pages and attendants.'

'Owen,' said Arthur, 'it is thy turn to play.'

So the youth returned to the tent, and Arthur and Owen finished the game of chess and began another. In the midst of this game Rhonabwy saw a goodly youth emerging from a yellow tent that had a bright red lion painted on top of it. He was ruddy, with auburn curled hair. His coat was of yellow satin red silk embroidery, his hose were white, his buskins black and their clasps of gold. He carried a huge three-edged sword in a gold-tipped scabbard of red deer-hide. He also strode up to Owen and saluted him, saying:

'Lord, is it by thy permission that the young pages and attendants of the Emperor torment thy Ravens? If not, beseech the Emperor to forbid them.'


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 'Lord,' said Owen, 'thou hearest the youth; if it seem good to thee, forbid thy pages and attendants.'

'Owen,' said Arthur, 'it is thy turn to play.'

So the youth returned to the tent, and Arthur and Owen finished the game and began another. At the beginning of this game Rhonabwy saw a goodly youth striding out of a great tent speckled yellow and adorned with an eagle of gold, having a precious stone on its head. His hair was thick and yellow, his cheeks ruddy, and his eyes large and like a hawk's, and he wore a scarf of blue satin fastened on his right shoulder by a golden brooch. His shoes of parti-coloured leather were clasped with gold. In his right hand he bore a mighty lance, speckled yellow and displaying a banner. Anger was in his speed as he came up to the chess-players and saluted Owen.

'Lord,' he said, 'most of thy Ravens are dead. Those that live are so wounded they cannot raise their wings a fathom above the earth.'

'Lord,' said Owen, 'forbid thy men.'

'Play,' said Arthur, his eyes on the board.

Till he had spoken to the youth, Owen did not regard the chess-men.

'Go back,' he said, 'and in the thickest of the strife lift up the banner and let come what pleases Heaven.'

So the youth returned, and where the Ravens most suffered, Rhonabwy saw him lift up the banner on his yellow-speckled lance. Immediately the Ravens clapped their wings in the wind with a noise that drowned the roaring of the trees. They were shaking off their hurts and their weariness and even death. They rose up into the air boldly and very angrily, and swept down together in a frenzy on Arthur's men. They caught the men by their heads, by their eyes, by their ears, by their arms,


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User talk:Linjieshi

— billinghurst  sDrewth  10:12, 12 December 2023 (UTC)

title: User talk:Linjieshi


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160 covery of the instrument, he made the remark that for an orthopedic treatment of squint, no plan promised more than that of methodical practice with the stereoscope. Javal arrived later at the same opinion.

The stereoscope presents the advantage that each eye has its own separate field of vision, into which suitable objects may be introduced. The only difficulty is, that in many cases the patient is not able to see in the stereoscope the two fields of vision at the same time, but always perceives only that of the eye used for fixation. This may be regarded as a "suppression" of the retinal image in the squinting eye; but it is remarkable that the retinal image of the normal eye can be suppressed with the same readiness so soon as the generally squinting eye is used for fixation. But another interpretation of this phenomenon is possible. One who is generally accustomed to binocular fixation will endeavor to fix binocularly in the stereoscope, but the squinting patient, accustomed to monocular fixation, will endeavor to fix monocularly in the stereoscope. The entire retina of the squinting eye serves in this case only for eccentric vision, and just such stereoscopic experiments are well calculated to demonstrate how difficult it is to perceive distinctly eccentric retinal images even with the normal visual act.

In other cases, after some effort, the patient succeeds in seeing the two stereoscopic fields of vision simultaneously; when this is accomplished, he may proceed to practice in uniting the two retinal images. For this purpose, Javal proposes to place in each of the two stereoscopic fields of vision, a wafer contrasting in color with the background. The distance between the two wafers corresponds to the distance between the lines of vision where they pierce the fields. In order to know from the statements of the patient whether binocular union or only monocular vision takes place, a wafer of another color is placed above one of the first wafers and another below the other. In the binocular image there must appear to be three wafers one above the other.

One must be very careful in drawing conclusions from the statements of the patients. Even when the three wafers are seen to stand perpendicularly over each other, there need be no binoc-


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 and soared with them on high. The air was full of the flapping and croaking of the triumphant Ravens and the groans of their victims struggling and wounded.

Arthur and Owen, still playing their game, marvelled at this conflict, and Rhonabwy noticed that Owen looked rather at Arthur than at the board. Then there galloped towards them a knight upon a dun horse, his right shoulder bright red, his legs yellow to the hoof. Both were in heavy foreign armour, and the caparison of the horse was bright red above and bright yellow below. Golden-hilted was the knight's sword and the scabbard light blue. His helmet was of gold set with precious stones, the crest a flame-coloured leopard with eyes of rubies. His blue-shafted lance was crimson red from haft to point with the blood of the Ravens. The face of the knight, even more than the leopard, astounded the heart of stoutest warriors.

Enraged but weary he saluted Arthur and said: 'Lord, the Ravens of Owen are slaying thy young men and attendants.'

'Forbid thy Ravens,' said Arthur, looking at Owen.

'Lord,' answered Owen, staring at the board, 'it is thy turn to play.'

So they played on and the knight returned to the tumult of men and Ravens, and the chess-players could not but hear the wails of men and the croaking of Ravens as they sailed with the men through the air and tore them and let them fall piecemeal to the earth. A second knight galloped towards them on a light-grey horse whose left foreleg was jet-black to the hoof. Both were in heavy blue armour. The knight's robe of honour was of yellow-diapered satin, blue-bordered; the horse was caparisoned in jet-black with yellow border. Three-edged and heavy was the knight's sword, and the


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Author:R. M. Macdonald

Works

 * Convocation Addresses of the Universities of Bombay and Madras/Part 2/Col. R. M. Macdonald (1877)

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382 was pushed forward close to Italy, and it followed as a matter of course that the Saracens became an important factor in the diversified confusion of the States of Central and Southern Italy.

The occasion was a military revolt, such as was of everyday occurrence in Sicily, the "Siberia" of the Byzantine Empire. The details are not clear, but we may probably assume, with Amari, that Euphemius, the leader of the rebels, was compelled to flee from the Byzantine governor, Photeinos. He went to Africa to Ziyādatallāh I, the third prince of the race of Aghlabids, requested help, and promised, after the conquest of the island, to regard himself as Ziyādatallāh's vassal. The latter took counsel with his all-powerful minister, the Ḳāḍī Asad ibn al-Furāt, then seventy years of age, who, as head of the clergy, was leader of the internal policy of the Aghlabids, founded as it was on orthodoxy, and who moreover must be described as a military leader of eminence. The opportunity was favourable, and therefore no delay could be brooked in carrying the religious war to the long-coveted island. Apart from this, no better opportunity could be found to keep the ever-insubordinate Arabs and Berbers employed. Thus the undertaking was resolved on and at once commenced.

The aged Ḳāḍī himself undertook to lead the army, consisting of 11,000 men, which landed at Mazara, defeated Photeinos, and advanced to Syracuse. But at this stage of the proceedings a reverse followed. The town was impregnable; an epidemic, to which Asad himself succumbed, broke out among the besieging troops; Euphemius was murdered; the Byzantines sent fresh troops, but Ziyādatallāh was unable to send reinforcements on account of the unrest in Africa. The Africans therefore were compelled to retire on Mazara and Mineo, and it began to appear as if this energetic attempt to conquer the island would fail. The blockaded Africans however were relieved by Spanish co-religionists (829), and then the aspect of affairs was changed. Palermo was conquered in the beginning of September 831 by fresh troops from Africa. The Muslims even began to form connexions with the States on the Continent, of which we shall see more presently. The Byzantines were forced back step by step. For all that, the war lasted over ten years longer before the capture of Messina (probably 843) by the Aghlabid prince, Abu-l-Aghlab Ibrāhīm. Byzantium could no longer help the Sicilians, for all the troops were required in the East. They still held out however at a few points. The apparently impregnable Castrogiovanni, situated on a high sugar-loaf mountain, which even to the present has maintained a remarkably sinister medieval character, did not fall till the year 859, after a long defence, into the hands of 'Abbās ibn al-Faḍl, who had succeeded Ibrāhīm. But the energy of the undisciplined African soldiery did not last beyond this stage, and even before the island was completely conquered the Arabs and Berbers were at daggers drawn and the Saracenic advance appears to have


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 scabbard on his thigh was of red leather; his helmet was gold, set with sapphires of great virtue and crested with a lion of flame-colour, having a fiery red tongue and crimson eyes; the ashen lance headed with silver in his right hand was steeped in blood. He saluted the Emperor and said:

'Lord, dost thou not heed this slaughter? Thy pages and thy young men and the sons of the nobles of Britain are being killed, and who is to defend this island?'

'Owen,' said Arthur, 'forbid thy Ravens,' and it seemed to Rhonabwy that as the Emperor spoke there was no other sound in the world. But Owen answered only:

'Lord, play this game.'

Owen lost, and they began another game. As they were finishing, Rhonabwy heard a greater clamour of armed men and a yet greater croaking and flapping of Ravens flinging down armour and shreddings of men and horses. A third knight was riding up on a lofty-headed piebald horse, its left shoulder bright red and its right foreleg pure white. Horse and man were in armour of speckled yellow, and both wore robes of honour, black and white and bordered with purple. The knight's sword was three-edged and golden-hilted; his yellow helmet was set with crystals, and its crest was a griffin with a stone of many virtues in its head; and his spear was ashen, the shaft azure, the head overlaid with silver and stained with new blood. He came in anger.

'Lord,' he said to Arthur, 'the Ravens have slain the men of your household and the chief men of the island. Command Owen to forbid his Ravens.'

'Owen,' said Arthur, 'forbid them'; and Arthur's hands crushed the golden chess-men like clay under


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814-1061] come to a standstill here from the same reasons as in Southern France. The last energetic prince of the house of the Aghlabids, Ibrāhīm II, further succeeded (21 May 878) in capturing and destroying Syracuse. Later on he came himself to Sicily and attacked with brutal cruelty the only Christian communities who were still independent, in the Etna district, and he also destroyed Taormina (902). The conquest of Sicily was thus completed. The re-conquest by the Normans did not begin till 1061.

Ibrāhīm II met his death in the same year before Cosenza, after having carried the religious war across the straits into Calabria. He was not the first Saracen on Italian ground, for immediately after the conquest of Palermo the Aghlabid generals had interfered in the internecine quarrels of the Lombard States in Southern Italy, and thus these Aghlabids had soon become the terror of Southern and Central Italy. Everyone who has travelled along the incomparable coast between Naples and Palermo knows the numerous "Saracen towers," the ruins of the coastguard towers, from which the approach of Sicilian or African fleets had to be announced. Even to-day, in the time of a peaceful, money-bringing invasion of foreigners, there still dwells in the memories of the people occupying this favoured country the recollection of that other invasion of quite other character, the Saracen calamity, which for centuries restricted all healthy development. This forms the final chapter in the spread of Islām into Central Europe. In depicting it we must rely mostly on western sources, as the Arab-Berber robber-States which sprang up in Southern Italy never attained civilisation enough to have literary records, and Sicilian and Eastern writers tell us little about Italy.

As in Sicily so in Italy the Saracens did not come without an appeal. For a long time past the Duchy of Benevento had endeavoured to annex the free town of Naples, which was besieged at various times and was compelled to agree to the payment of a tribute, which however was at once suspended whenever any resistance appeared possible. After having unsuccessfully requested Louis the Pious (814-840) to intervene, and having also been unable to find any sufficiently powerful allies in his own neighbourhood, Duke Andreas of Naples turned to the Saracens in Sicily. These availed themselves eagerly of this opportunity to interfere in Italy and in the year 887 they relieved Naples, at that time besieged by Duke Sikard of Benevento. Sikard retired with indignation, but the alliance thus formed by Naples lasted for many a long year to the benefit of both parties. The Duchy of Benevento was a natural enemy to both of them and it could not be otherwise than agreeable to the Neapolitans when, shortly afterwards, Sikard's troops were defeated by Saracens at Brindisi, and the town itself was burnt. In fact Naples even returned the assistance rendered in 837 by helping the Saracens in 842-843 to conquer Messina.


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384 After Sikard's death the Duchy of Benevento was divided into two principalities; Radelchis resided in Benevento and Sikonolf in Salerno, and the two were constantly fighting. This self-destruction on the part of the sole great power of Southern Italy was of course in the highest degree welcome to the Saracens. Sikard died in 839, and immediately afterwards the Saracens of Sicily were once more in Calabria. They even advanced as far as Apulia, and though the conquest of Bari was not at first attained, Taranto fell and was not relieved even with the help of the Venetians, whom the Byzantines had called to their assistance (840). The victorious Muslims pushed forward to the Adriatic, burned Ossero on the island of Cherso, and Ancona, and even appeared temporarily in the neighbourhood of Venice, whose trading ships they captured. In 842 also the Venetians suffered a further defeat. Bari, which was to be the main base of the Saracens for thirty years, had already fallen (probably 841). Radelchis, pressed hard by Sikonolf, had called the masters of Sicily to his assistance, and they had begun by taking Bari from their ally. Radelchis had of course in his distress to accept this with a good grace and come to terms with these strange and unruly allies. The Saracens under the Berber Khalfūn advanced from Bari as a base against Sikonolf, but after a bloody battle they were driven back on Bari, which in the meantime they had converted into a strong fortress. As the Muslims constantly received reinforcements this one victory served Sikonolf but little; and Radelchis too, especially after he had received (in 842), whether he liked it or not, his infidel allies under the leadership of Masar into his capital, Benevento, became the puppet of the Saracens, who ravaged the whole country with their despotism and cruelty — a terrible scourge for friend and foe alike.

In spite of all such misfortunes however Radelchis was of course under the circumstances victorious over his adversary. As Sikonolf could not help himself in any other way, he too sought Saracen allies. He is said to have applied to the Spaniards, whose numerous raids into Provence, Northern Italy, and in fact as far afield as Switzerland do not come within the scope of this chapter. It is moreover much more probable that Sikonolf did not draw his auxiliaries directly from the Iberian peninsula, but from Crete, where a Muslim robber-State had been in existence since 826, founded there by Spanish Saracens who had been expelled for mutiny from their country. With these new troops, who were more easily governed, as they had no neighbouring great power on whose support they could calculate, Sikonolf succeeded in defeating his opponent and locking him up in Benevento. He was however unable to take the town owing to difficulties in his own camp, and so everything remained in the same state as before. Masar with his Saracens swept through the whole country, plundering as he went, and undertook expeditions far towards the north.

These advances however of the Saracens, starting from Bari and


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845-849] Benevento, were not the only raids with which the unfortunate country was infested. The large ports of the western coast were in constant dread of unpleasant surprises, for in the year 845 the Sicilians had chosen Ponza and Ischia as naval bases, to which moreover they soon added Cape Miseno. The towns of Naples, Gaëta, Amalfi, and Sorrento formed an alliance for the purpose of mutual defence, as the Duke of Salerno was not in a position to assist them. In the following years the Muslims prepared to deal a severe blow. For a long time Rome with its vast church treasures had tempted them. On 23 Aug. 846, a fleet of 73 vessels, stated to have been manned by 1100 Muslims, appeared before Ostia, and in the early morning of 26 August the Saracens stood before the walls of Rome, where they plundered the quarters of the town lying outside the walls, especially the church of St Peter and the cathedral of St Paul, and they broke open the graves of the apostolic prelates. Unfortunately the information we have respecting this event is extremely scanty and it is moreover distorted by legend, for the very idea of the hordes of the false prophet having ravaged in the capital of Christendom gave a magnificent scope for the imagination of the western world. God himself immediately afterwards seemed to desire to avenge this visitation, for after a few successes before Gaëta, whither the Saracens had withdrawn from Rome, and just when they proposed to return, their entire fleet, conveying all their stolen treasures, was destroyed in a storm (847).

The impression made by these events was enormous. In 847 King Louis II appeared in Southern Italy, defeated the Saracens, and conquered Benevento. With the disputing parties there he arranged that they should make common cause against the infidels in Bari and Taranto. This plan was frustrated through the selfish policy of the small States of Southern Italy. Nothing was effected against the continued piratical raids of the Sicilians. It was not until the year 849, when the Saracens planned another great expedition against Rome and collected for this purpose in Sardinia, that the seaports of the western coast united for the defence of Rome. The fleets met before Ostia, and the fight had already begun when the elements waxed tempestuous and the naval battle and the Sicilian fleet came to a sudden and violent end. The Italian fleet was probably also destroyed — information on the point is missing — but the sacred city was rescued. Even now, in the Stanzas of the Vatican, the celebrated picture of this sea fight, painted from sketches by Raphael, recalls this wonderful rescue of Rome.

Even though these naval expeditions were but episodes, the Saracen fortress at Bari was a constant menace to Southern Italy. The successes gained by King Louis had been lost again immediately after his departure, and Bari once more extended its power to Benevento. Louis II, who had in the meantime been crowned as Emperor, was therefore compelled once more to decide on an expedition to the south. On this occasion he advanced on Bari, but was unable to capture it, as his vassal States failed


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 Owen's eyes. Then Owen ordered the young man with the mighty lance speckled yellow to lower his banner. He lowered it and Rhonabwy saw peace and heard great silence. The Ravens gathered in ranks about the banner, and as their human fellows walked in and out amongst them not a beak or an eyelid stirred, and they looked wiser than any man that Rhonabwy had ever seen.

Rhonabwy now saw twenty-four knights come up to Arthur from Osla to crave a truce. The Emperor rose up and assembled his counsellors, Rhun the son of Maelgwn Gwynedd, Bedwini the bishop, Mark, Caradoc, Gwalchmai, Mabon, Peredur, Trystan, Morien, Cador, Adaon the son of Taliesin, and Cadyriaith, and men of Norway and Denmark and men of Greece and many others.

'Who is the tall auburn knight?' asked Rhonabwy.

'He,' said Iddawc, 'is Rhun son of Maelgwn Gwynedd.'

'And why,' again asked Rhonabwy, 'why is such a stripling as Cadyriaith admitted to this council?'

'Because,' answered Iddawc, 'there is no man throughout Britain more skilled in counsel.'

Then the bards came and recited verses before Arthur, but no man save Cadyriaith understood more of them than that they were in praise of the Emperor.

Next arrived twenty-four wayworn men leading each an ass, bearing gold and silver as tribute to Arthur from the Islands of Greece, and Cadyriaith rose and spoke, proposing that the asses and the gold and silver should be given to the bards as a reward for their verses, and that the truce should be granted to Osla.

'Rhonabwy,' said Iddawc, 'would it not be wrong to exclude so liberal a youth as Cadyriaith from the councils of his Lord?'


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 As Cadyriaith proposed, so it was agreed, and Kay rose up and spoke to the host:—

'Let whosoever will follow Arthur be with him tonight in Cornwall, and whosoever will not is Arthur's enemy.' Not a man, not a raven, remained still or silent at these words, and in the clamour of that host beginning to surge towards Cornwall, Rhonabwy awoke upon the yellow calfskin. His sleep was three nights and three days long when he dreamed this dream.


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Author:Harry Watson Martin

Academic papers

 * Robert V. Day, M.D.; Harry W. Martin, M.D. Diverticula of the Urinary Bladder. Feature Observations. JAMA. 1925;84(4):268–272
 * Robert V. Day and Harry W. Martin. Injuries to the Urinary Organs in Relation to Industrial Accidents. Cal West Med. Jul 1925; 23(7): 849–853.
 * Harry W. Martin, M.D.; Rachel E. Arbuthnot, M.D. Spinal Anesthesia: A Review Of More Than Six Thousand Cases In The Los Angeles General Hospital, With Especial Consideration Of Genito-Urinary Operations. JAMA. 1926;87(21):1723–1725.

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was once upon a time a thief, who, being out of a job, was wandering by himself up and down the sea-shore. As he walked he passed a man who was standing still, looking at the waves.

‘I wonder,’ said the thief, addressing the stranger, ‘if you have ever seen a stone swimming?’

‘Most certainly I have,’ replied the other man, ‘and, what is more, I saw the same stone jump out of the water and fly through the air.’

‘This is capital,’ replied the thief. ‘You and I must go into partnership. We shall certainly make our fortunes. Let us start together for the palace of the king of the neighbouring country. When we get there, I will go into his presence alone, and will tell him the most startling thing I can invent. Then you must follow and back up my lie.’

Having agreed to do this, they set out on their travels. After several days’ journeying, they reached the town where the king’s palace was, and here they parted for a few hours, while the thief sought an interview with the king, and begged his majesty to give him a glass of beer.

‘That is impossible,’ said the king, ‘as this year there has been a failure of all the crops, and of the hops and the vines; so we have neither wine nor beer in the whole kingdom.’

‘How extraordinary!’ answered the thief. ‘I have just come from a country where the crops were so fine

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Author:P. O'Sullivan

Works

 * Convocation Addresses of the Universities of Bombay and Madras/Part 2/Honorable P. O'Sullivan (1885)

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 that I saw twelve barrels of beer made out of one branch of hops.’

‘I bet you three hundred florins that is not true,’ answered the king.

‘And I bet you three hundred florins it is true,’ replied the thief.

Then each staked his three hundred florins, and the king said he would decide the question by sending a servant into that country to see if it was true.

So the servant set out on horseback, and on the way he met a man, and he asked him whence he came. And the man told him that he came from the self-same country to which the servant was at that moment bound.

‘If that is the case,’ said the servant, ‘you can tell me how high the hops grow in your country, and how many barrels of beer can be brewed from one branch?’

‘I can’t tell you that,’ answered the man, ‘but I happened to be present when the hops were being gathered in, and I saw that it took three men with axes three days to cut down one branch.’

Then the servant thought that he might save himself a long journey; so he gave the man ten florins, and told him he must repeat to the king what he had just told him. And when they got back to the palace, they came together into the king’s presence.

And the king asked him: ‘Well, is it true about the hops?’

‘Yes, sire, it is,’ answered the servant; ‘and here is a man I have brought with me from the country to confirm the tale.’

So the king paid the thief the three hundred florins; and the partners once more set out together in search of adventures. As they journeyed, the thief said to his comrade: ‘I will now go to another king, and will tell him something still more startling; and you must follow and back up my lie, and we shall get some money out of him; just see if we don’t.’

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 When they reached the next kingdom, the thief presented himself to the king, and requested him to give him a cauliflower. And the king answered: ‘Owing to a blight among the vegetables we have no cauliflower.’

‘That is strange,’ answered the thief. ‘I have just come from a country where it grows so well that one head of cauliflower filled twelve water-tubs.’

‘I don’t believe it,’ answered the king.

‘I bet you six hundred florins it is true,’ replied the thief.

‘And I bet you six hundred florins it is not true,’ answered the king. And he sent for a servant, and ordered him to start at once for the country whence the thief had come, to find out if his story of the cauliflower was true. On his journey the servant met with a man. Stopping his horse he asked him where he came from, and the man replied that he came from the country to which the other was travelling.

‘If that is the case,’ said the servant, ‘you can tell me to what size cauliflower grows in your country? Is it so large that one head fills twelve water-tubs?’

‘I have not seen that,’ answered the man. ‘But I saw twelve waggons, drawn by twelve horses, carrying one head of cauliflower to the market.’

And the servant answered: ‘Here are ten florins for you, my man, for you have saved me a long journey. Come with me now, and tell the king what you have just told me.’

‘All right,’ said the man, and they went together to the palace; and when the king asked the servant if he had found out the truth about the cauliflower, the servant replied: ‘Sire, all that you heard was perfectly true; here is a man from the country who will tell you so.’

So the king had to pay the thief the six hundred florins. And the two partners set out once more on their travels, with their nine hundred florins. When they reached the country of the neighbouring king, the thief

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 entered the royal presence, and began conversation by asking if his majesty knew that in an adjacent kingdom there was a town with a church steeple on which a bird had alighted, and that the steeple was so high, and the bird’s beak so long, that it had pecked the stars till some of them fell out of the sky.

‘I don’t believe it,’ said the king.

‘Nevertheless I am prepared to bet twelve hundred florins that it is true,’ answered the thief.

‘And I bet twelve hundred florins that it is a lie,’ replied the king. And he straightway sent a servant into the neighbouring country to find out the truth.

As he rode, the servant met a man coming in the opposite direction. So he hailed him and asked him where he came from. And the man replied that he came out of the very town to which the man was bound. Then the servant asked him if the story they had heard about the bird with the long beak was true.

‘I don’t know about that,’ answered the man, ‘as I have never seen the bird; but I once saw twelve men shoving all their might and main with brooms to push a monster egg into a cellar.’

‘That is capital,’ answered the servant, presenting the man with ten florins. ‘Come and tell your tale to the king, and you will save me a long journey.’

So, when the story was repeated to the king, there was nothing for him to do but to pay the thief the twelve hundred florins.

Then the two partners set out again with their ill-gotten gains, which they proceeded to divide into two equal shares; but the thief kept back three of the florins that belonged to the liar’s half of the booty. Shortly afterwards they each married, and settled down in homes of their own with their wives. One day the liar discovered that he had been done out of three florins by his partner, so he went to his house and demanded them from him.

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 early and hid himself under a truss of hay in the hay-loft.

When the liar appeared to demand his three florins, the wife met him with tears in her eyes, and told him that her husband was dead.

‘Where have you buried him?’ asked the liar.

‘In the hay-loft,’ answered the wife.

‘Then I will go there, and take away some hay in payment of his debt,’ said the liar. And proceeding to the hay-loft, he began to toss about the hay with a pitchfork, prodding it into the trusses of hay, till, in terror of his life, the thief crept out and promised his partner to pay him the three florins on the following Saturday.

When the day came he got up at sunrise, and going down into the crypt of a neighbouring chapel, stretched himself out quite still and stiff in an old stone coffin. But the liar, who was quite as clever as his partner, very soon bethought him of the crypt, and set out for the chapel, confident that he would shortly discover the hiding-place of his friend. He had just entered the crypt, and his eyes were not yet accustomed to the darkness, when he heard the sound of whispering at the grated windows. Listening intently, he overheard the plotting of a band of robbers, who had brought their treasure to the crypt, meaning to hide it there, while they set out on fresh adventures. All the time they were speaking they were removing the bars from the window, and in another minute they would all have entered the crypt, and discovered the liar. Quick as thought he wound his mantle round him and placed himself, standing stiff and erect, in a niche in the wall, so that in the dim light he looked just like an old stone statue. As soon as the robbers entered the crypt, they set about the work of dividing their treasure. Now, there were twelve robbers, but by mistake the chief of the band divided the gold into thirteen heaps. When he saw his mistake he said they had not time to count it all over again, but that the thirteenth heap should

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 belong to whoever among them could strike off the head of the old stone statue in the niche with one stroke. With these words he took up an axe, and approached the niche where the liar was standing. But, just as he had waved the axe over his head ready to strike, a voice was heard from the stone coffin saying, in sepulchral tones: ‘Clear out of this, or the dead will arise from their coffins, and the statues will descend from the walls, and you will be driven out more dead than alive.’ And with a bound the thief jumped out of his coffin and the liar from his niche, and the robbers were so terrified that they ran helter-skelter out of the crypt, leaving all their gold behind them, and vowing that they would never put foot inside the haunted place again. So the partners divided the gold between them, and carried it to their homes; and history tells us no more about them.

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386 him at the critical moment. However he managed to obtain possession of Benevento for the second time, and he caused the Saracen leader Masar to be executed (28 May 852). The Saracen commander-in-chief in Sicily, 'Abbās ibn al-Faḍl, avenged this deed by plundering and occupying the Calabrian coast.

The same performance was repeated as after the first departure of Louis. Meanwhile Mufarrij ibn Sālim had taken up Khalfūn's position at Bari. He took his revenge for past failures by founding an independent State, declaring his allegiance directly to the Abbasid Caliph. His successor assumed the title of Sultan, thus proclaiming his independence of the Sicilian Amīr. Little is known of the doings of these rulers of Bari, who were probably soldier-emperors like the subsequent Mamelukes in Egypt. The country as far as Central Italy lay defenceless at their feet, as the troubles in the territory of the old Duchy of Benevento became greater and greater, and prevented all defence. The western historians give the most incredible reports of the bloodthirstiness of these sultans. Capua and Naples had to suffer the most, but the rich monasteries further to the north, as San Vincenzo on the Volturno, and Monte Cassino, also saw the enemy either within their walls, or at least before them.

In order to put a stop to this distress the Emperor once more undertook (866) a great expedition against the Saracens, and finally forced them back on Bari and Taranto. In order to subjugate Bari however a fleet was necessary, and after long negotiations this was eventually placed at his disposal by the Byzantines. By co-operation at this stage the two emperors and their vassals at last succeeded (2 Feb. 871) in breaking the power of Bari. On his way to Taranto however to take this last bulwark from the Muslims the Emperor was compelled to fall back on Ravenna, and this too through the treachery of the self-same petty princes, whom he had just rescued from the severest distress. At the same time the Saracens appeared once more, this time on the western coast, and attacked Salerno, pushing forward also even as far as Capua. Louis sent help once more, and the Saracens were defeated at Capua on the Volturno, whereupon they left Italy, but only to return shortly afterwards with renewed forces. They did not meet the Emperor again in the south. He died in 875 in Northern Italy, and with his death all his successes appear to have vanished.

At this point Byzantium assumed the moral heritage of the Carolingian and profited by his deeds. The further struggle with the Saracens and their final expulsion from Italy belongs to the great Byzantine restoration under the Macedonian emperors of the Basilian dynasty. A few words only may here be added in regard to the conclusion of the Saracen domination on Italian soil. With the consent of the residents the Byzantines, who were up to that time stationed in Syracuse, had also settled in Bari. The loss of Syracuse in the


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 This little work, with the exception of the three last chapters, was written in the autumn of 1818.

March 15, 1822.


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875-916]Byzantine Conquest of Bari year 878 was certainly a severe blow; Calabria and Taranto were still in the hands of the Muslims, and the Adriatic too was not safe from them. Basil was however the first to succeed in defeating the Saracens at sea, to land in Calabria, conquer Taranto (880), and a few years later to expel the last remnants of the Saracens from Calabria. Thus Southern Italy became once more a portion of the Byzantine Empire. The subsequent attacks of the Saracens in this quarter were no more than episodes, although the coast towns were again occasionally laid under tribute to the Saracens, and the constant strife between Saracens and Byzantines did not in fact cease until the Normans conquered both contending parties.

Through the downfall of Bari, the Saracens' base of attack for Central Italy had naturally been shifted. They came now exclusively from the West. The small Lombard States, rendered shrewd by their experiences in the past, had made a treaty with the Sicilian Saracens, on which account the latter, from 875 onwards, directed their raids principally towards the north, and harassed the pope. In 878 Pope John VIII was even compelled to pay the Saracens a tribute, in order to purchase a short period of rest and quiet. For several years thereafter the Saracens succeeded once again in gaining strong bases on the coast and in the interior, as, for instance, in the mountains to the north of Benevento and on the right bank of the Garigliano at Trajetto. Especially from the latter point they still undertook numerous plundering expeditions through Central Italy up to the gates of Rome; Monte Cassino too, which they had not previously entered, was looted and destroyed in the course of one of these raids. It was not until 915 that, thanks to the initiative of John X, the camp on the Garigliano was destroyed. Thus ended the reign of Islām on Italian soil, though we still hear of many a later piratical excursion.

Owing to the irregular nature of the Saracenic raids in Southern Italy, the events in Sicily and on the mainland have had to be portrayed separately, but it is easy to see the inner connexion of the two. The subsequent march of events can be given without further ceremony in connexion with the history of the island. The Muslim command here had been in the meantime changed. On the ruins of the Aghlabid dominion the Fāṭimite Mahdī had founded a new and promising State; the Arabs and Berbers of Sicily seemed apparently to have submitted with a good grace to the new order of things in their native country (910), but the fact soon made itself apparent, that the governor sent by Mahdī was not equal to the situation. The Saracens of Sicily, under the leadership of the Arab Amīr Ahmad ibn Ḳurhub, thereupon declared their independence and named the Abbasid Caliph instead of the Fāṭimite in their pulpit prayers (913). But such a period of unity, patched up in times of need, between Berbers and Arabs, never lasted long. As early as 916 the Berbers gave up the unfortunate Amīr to


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 "Misfortunes don't ever come singly," said Mrs. Croome with quiet satisfaction, leaning across the table to brush some spilt salt from off the cloth to the floor. She was not going to make any rash promises about Mrs. Huss.

"We 'ave to bear up with what is put upon us," said Mrs. Croome. "We 'ave to find strength where strength is to be found."

She stood up and regarded him with pensive malignity. "Very likely all you want is a tonic of some sort. Very likely you've just let yourself go. I shouldn't be surprised."

The sick man gave no welcome to this suggestion.

"If you was to go round to the young doctor at the corner—Barrack isnameis—very likely he'd put you right. Everybody says he's very clever. Not that me and Croome put much faith in doctors. Nor need to. But you're in a different position."

The man in the chair had been to see the young doctor at the corner twice already, but he did not want to discuss that interview with Mrs. Croome just then. "I must think about it," he said evasively.

"After all it isn't fair to yourself, it isn't fair to others, to sicken for—it might be anything—without proper advice. Sitting there and doing nothing. Especially in lodgings at this time of year. It isn't, well—not what I call considerate."

"Exactly," said Mr. Huss weakly.

"There's homes and hospitals properly equipped."

The sick man nodded his head appreciatively.

"If things are nipped in the bud they're nipped in the bud, otherwise they grow and make trouble."


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"A clever little burlesque on all the favourite hobbies, whether of men of science or taste, of amateurs or professors, of sciolists or philosophers, of perfectionists or deteriorationists. To all curious or even casual observers of the solemn and important whims of the day, it will afford a pleasant evening's amusement: and we recommend it as a very harmless care-killer to a numerous class of readers."—Monthly Review.

"We have already had occasion to speak favourably of this writer's late performance, 'Headlong Hall,' and we may announce 'Melincourt,' as a work of equal pleasantry and more argument. For quaint burlesque, for characteristic satire, and for ingenious discussion, it will stand high among the lighter productions of the present day"—''Month. Rev''.

"We cannot offer kinder advice to the reader than by recommending him to read this very entertaining novel: the gloomy philosophy and metaphysical poetry of the present


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 day are exposed with so humorous and masterly a hand, and the characters of those who, as Hadibras has it,

are painted with so much wit and spirit, that he must be splenetic indeed whose muscles will not relax at the drollery of the exhibition."—Month. Rev.

"This is a very elegant little work. It is a Grecian fairy tale, which required considerable knowledge of erotic antiquity in the author, and no ordinary command of the lighter graces of versification,. All the charms of the story would be destroyed by any thing like an abstract of its brief but ingenious contents; and for the same reason, viz. the fear of diminishing the pleasure of the reader and the just attractiveness of the poem, we shall abstain from any quotation which would reveal the main incidents of Rhododaphne."—''Month. Rev''.


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388 the Caliph Mahdī to be cruelly executed, and Sicily became once more a province of the Fāṭimite Empire (917).

Thus strengthened the Fāṭimites again commenced their piratical trips from Africa and Sicily, and the Byzantines purchased peace for their coasts for some time by a treaty with Mahdī. The latter recouped himself for this in the north, by plundering the district of Genoa and the town itself in 984 and 935, at the same time casually honouring Corsica and Sardinia with a visit.

These years were not happy ones for Sicily; one unscrupulous governor drove the Islāmic upper classes to revolt, whilst another subjected them in an unprecedentedly bloody struggle. Thereafter a more favoured time began under the rule of the Arab Ḥasan ibn Ali, who had been entrusted with the governorship by the second Fāṭimite in 948. Ḥasan belonged to a family called Banū abi-l-Husain, and the Fāṭimite to the Kalb; he and his successors and relatives who ruled after him are therefore called the Kalbites, a brilliant dynasty, under whom all the gifts of civilisation began to collect and take shape, which gave later a distinctive character to the Norman culture, and even to that of Frederick II.

The energetic Amīr repressed the particularism which militated against successful development, and thus created the foundations of a well-regulated and more or less independent State. The Fāṭimites were shrewd enough to restrict their choice to members of the race of Banū abi-l-Ḥusain, whenever a new governor was required, without however permitting too much private power to arise by so doing. Closely related members of the family were always employed by the Fāṭimites in Egypt, thus securing themselves against any efforts at independence on the part of the Amīr for the time being. But apart from this the governor had complete freedom, especially since the Fāṭimites had removed their capital to Egypt. In this way the Amīr of Sicily acted as a necessary counterpoise to the Amīr of Ḳairawān. In the foreign policy of the Fāṭimites moreover Sicily played in the long run a more and more important part, especially since the Fāṭimites had become the leading Muslim power in the eastern Mediterranean territory and were engaged in constant struggles with the Byzantines for supremacy. This however can only for the present be briefly touched upon.

Ḥasan ibn Ali reigned until 965. During his rule renewed fights took place in Calabria and Apulia, in fact the Byzantines even ventured on a landing in Sicily, but in the year 965 the Greek fleet was utterly destroyed off Messina. But shortly after, when the conquest of Egypt was impending, the Fāṭimites concluded terms of peace with Byzantium and thus Italy also obtained a period of rest from the Saracens, and an alliance was even made with them temporarily when the movements of the Emperor Otto II began in Lower Italy. In 982 however Otto was seriously defeated by the Saracens at Stilo in the Bay of Taranto.


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 It was exactly what her hearer was thinking.

Mrs. Croome ducked to the cellarette of a gaunt sideboard and rapped out a whisky bottle, a bottle of lime-juice, and a soda-water syphon upon the table. She surveyed her handiwork with a critical eye. "Cruet," she whispered, and vanished from the room, leaving the door, after a tormenting phase of creaking, to slam by its own weight behind her

The invalid raised his hand to his forehead and found it wet with perspiration. His hand was trembling violently. "My God!" he whispered

This man's name was Job Huss. His father had been called Job before him, and so far as the family tradition extended the eldest son had always been called Job. Four weeks ago he would have been esteemed by most people a conspicuously successful and enviable man, and then had come a swift rush of disaster.

He had been the headmaster of the great modern public school at Woldingstanton in Norfolk, a revived school under the Papermakers' Guild of the City of London; he had given himself without stint to its establishment and he had made a great name in the world for it and for himself. He had been the first English schoolmaster to liberate the modern side from the entanglement of its lower forms with the classical masters; it was the only school in England where Spanish and Russian were honestly taught; his science laboratories were the best school labora-


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989-1042] This strange friendship soon came to an end, and in the decades before and after the year 1000 we come across the Kalbite Amīr again in Southern Italy. In Sicily however the population experienced years of progress and prosperity under intelligent rulers. The general welfare was shewn most completely in the households of the Amīrs. The material prosperity of the Orient of the time, the refined style of living, the rich intellectual life of Court circles in Bagdad, Cordova, and Cairo, were also to be met with in Palermo, whose best period corresponds to the reign, unfortunately but too short, of the Amīr Yūsuf (989-998). But immediately after Yūsuf's decease indications began to appear which shewed that the Kalbite dynasty had passed its highest point of excellence. Yūsuf was rendered incapable of holding the reins of government by a stroke and his son Ja'far (998-1019) was not fortunate in his methods. The opposition between Arabs and Berbers, never quite extinct, now started up again. The revolt which followed ended with the expulsion of the Berbers and the execution of a brother of the Amīr, who had led them. Ja'far was however compelled to yield to another revolt, carried out by another brother. Thus weakened inwardly Sicily was no longer able effectively to resist the various hostile naval powers, such as Byzantium and Pisa, which threatened it; and early in the new century the Sicilian fleet suffered various defeats. It was not until the Zīrids allied themselves with the Sicilians that, during its third decade, more extended raids could be undertaken against the Byzantine lands, but these too always ended in defeat.

Added to these defeats there followed, from 1035 onwards, a civil war, which was the beginning of the end of the dynasty and also of the sway of Islām in Sicily. On this occasion the trouble was not between Arabs and Berbers, but was the consequence of the expulsion of the latter. The Berbers had to be replaced by other troops, and these of course cost money, so that the taxes had to be raised. The native population thereupon took up arms. The Amīr Aḥmad at this stage applied to Byzantium for assistance, whilst the rebels, who were led by a brother of the Amīr, called in the help of the Zīrids. The Byzantine general Maniakes, in whose army were numerous Normans, gained battle after battle (1038-1040), but then experienced difficulties with the Normans on account of his bad treatment of them, and also fell out with Stephanos the leader of the Byzantine fleet, so that all the fruits of their victories were lost to the Byzantines (up to 1042). The native population too had in the meantime forced the Zīrids, on account of their licentious behaviour, to return to Africa, so that there would really have been a good field for the revival of the Kalbite rule.

In the course of this general fight, each party against the others, the individual minor magnates and the towns had learned to fight for themselves, so that Sicily emerged from the great war no longer as an undivided State, but as a conglomerate of petty principalities and civic


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On every side one heard a grief so great, that the palace and the towers rang with the wailing. Then a liegeman of Dietrich heard it, too. How quickly he gan haste him with the fearful tales! To the lording he spake: “Hear, my lord, Sir Dietrich, however much I’ve lived to see till now, yet heard I never such a monstrous wail, as now hath reached mine ears. I ween, King Etzel himself hath come to grief. How else might all be so distressed? One of the twain, the king or Kriemhild, hath surely been laid low by the brave strangers in their wrath. Full many a dapper warrior weepeth passing sore.”

Then spake the Knight of Berne: “My faithful men, now haste ye not too fast. Whatever the homeless warriors may have done, they be now in mickle need. Let it profit them, that I did offer them my peace.”

At this brave Wolfhart spake: “I will hie me hence and ask for tidings of what they have done, and will tell you then, my most dear lord, just as I find it, what the wail may be.”

Then spake Sir Dietrich: “Where one awaiteth wrath, and rude questions then are put, this doth lightly sadden the lofty mood of warriors. In truth, I will not, Wolfhart, that ye ask these questions of them.”

Then he told Helfrich to hasten thither speedily, and bade him find from Etzel’s men or from the guests


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 tories in Great Britain and perhaps in the world, and his new methods in the teaching of history and politics brought a steady stream of foreign inquirers to Woldingstanton. The hand of the adversary had touched him first just at the end of the summer term. There had been an epidemic of measles in which, through the inexplicable negligence of a trusted nurse, two boys had died. On the afternoon of the second of these deaths an assistant master was killed by an explosion in the chemical laboratory. Then on the very last night of the term came the School House fire, in which two of the younger boys were burned to death.

Against any single one of these misfortunes Mr. Huss and his school might have maintained an unbroken front, but their quick succession had a very shattering effect. Every circumstance conspired to make these events vividly dreadful to Mr. Huss. He had been the first to come to the help of his chemistry master, who had fallen among some carboys of acid, and though still alive and struggling was blinded, nearly faceless, and hopelessly mangled. The poor fellow died before he could be extricated. On the night of the fire Mr. Huss strained himself internally and bruised his foot very painfully, and he himself found and carried out the charred body of one of the two little victims from the room in which they had been trapped by the locking of a door during some "last day" ragging. It added an element of exasperating inconvenience to his greater distresses that all his papers and nearly all his personal possessions were burned.


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390 republics, all mutually at variance with each other. One main antagonism was in evidence among these States, the same that had called forth the whole civil war; the opposition between the Arab aristocracy and the natives who had been converted to Islām. The former congregated around Syracuse, the latter at Girgenti and Castrogiovanni. The leader of the Arabs was Ibn ath-Thimna. Being defeated by the opposing party he called the Normans into the country in 1061; these had in the meantime founded a vigorous State on the mainland. The Norman conquest, the details of which are given elsewhere, was completed in 1091.

The rule of Islām in Italy is therewith at an end, the expansion has passed its zenith, and it is now thrown back on Africa. The process lasted a few centuries longer in Spain, but here too Islām remained merely an episode in history. The blessings of culture which were given to the West by its temporary Islāmitic elements are at least as important as the influence of the East during the time of the Crusades. The lasting injuries which the constant Saracen scourge inflicted on Europe must not be exaggerated, for the Saracens did only what every Christian maritime power of that period held to be justifiable. Robbery and a trade in slaves were as legitimate on one side as on the other. As far as their deeds were concerned the opponents were evenly matched. It was only later on that the western land produced from its own inner self a new world, whilst the East has never since attained a higher pitch of excellence than that which immediately followed the Saracen expansion.


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623-626] before March was out. As to the precise route which he followed on his march to the Sarus there is considerable dispute, but there is no doubt that after a hotly contested engagement on that river Heraclius forced the Persian general to beat a hasty retreat under cover of night. It seems probable that the Emperor remained for a considerable time in this district, but our sources fail us here, and we know only that he ultimately marched to Sebastia, and crossing the Halys spent the winter in that Pontic district where he had left his army at the end of the first campaign.

The following year (626) is memorable for the great siege of the capital by the united hordes of Avars, Bulgars, Slavs, and Gepids, acting in concert with a Persian force, which endeavoured to co-operate with them from the Asiatic side of the strait. Sarbar's ill success on the Sarus led Chosroes, we are told, to withdraw from his command 50,000 men and to place them, together with a new army raised indiscriminately from foreigners, citizens, and slaves, under the leadership of Sahîn. Sahrbarâz, with the remainder of his army, took up his position at Chalcedon with orders to support the Khagan in his attack on Constantinople. Heraclius in turn divided his forces: part were sent to garrison the capital, part he entrusted to his brother Theodore who was to meet the "Golden Lances" of Sahîn, and the rest the Emperor himself retained. Of Theodore's campaign we know nothing save the result: with the assistance of a timely hail-storm and by the aid of the Virgin he so signally defeated Sahîn that the latter died of mortification. Of the operations in Europe we are better informed. From the moment that Heraclius had left the capital on his crusade against Persia the Khagan had been making vast preparations, in the hope of capturing Constantinople. It was the menace from the Danubian provinces which had recalled Heraclius in the winter of 623, and now at last the Avar host was ready. On Sunday, 29 June, on the festival of St Peter and St Paul, the advance guard, 30,000 strong, reached the suburb of Melanthias and announced that their leader had passed within the circuit of the Long Walls. Early in the year, it seems, Bonus and Sergius had sent the patrician Athanasius as an ambassador to the Avar chief, virtually offering to buy him off at his own terms. But since the spring the walls had been strengthened, reinforcements had arrived from Heraclius, and his stirring letters had awakened in the citizens a new spirit of confidence and enthusiasm. Athanasius, who had been kept a prisoner by the Khagan, was now sent from Hadrianople to learn the price at which the capital was prepared to purchase safety. He was amazed at the change in public feeling, but volunteered to carry back the city's proud reply. On 29 July 626 the Avars and the countless forces of their subject tribesmen encamped


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Rh themselves, what there had fortuned, for men had never seen from folks so great a grief. The messenger gan ask: “What hath here been done?”

At this one among them spake: “Whatever of joy we had in the Hunnish land hath passed away. Here lieth Rüdeger, slain by the Burgundians’ hands; and of those who were come with him, not one hath ’scaped alive.”

Sir Helfrich could never have had a greater dole. Sorely weeping, the envoy went to Dietrich. Never was he so loth to tell a tale. “What have ye found for us?” quoth Dietrich, “Why weep ye so sore, Knight Helfrich?”

Then spake the noble champion: “I have good cause for wail. The Burgundians have slain the good Sir Rüdeger.”

At this the hero of Berne made answer: “Now God forbid. That were a fearful vengeance, over which the foul fiend would gloat. Wherewith hath Rüdeger deserved this at their hands? I know full well, forsooth, he is the strangers’ friend.”

To this Wolfhart answered: “And have they done this deed, ’t will cost them all their lives. ’T would be our shame, should we let this pass, for of a truth the hand of the good knight Rüdeger hath served us much and oft.”

The lord of the Amelungs bade learn it better. In bitter grief he sate him at a window and begged Hildebrand to hie him to the strangers, that he might find from them what had been done. The storm-brave warrior, Master Hildebrand, bare neither shield nor weapon in his hand. In courtly wise he would hie him to the strangers; for this he was chided by his sister’s son.


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 On the morning after the fire Mr. Huss's solicitor committed suicide. He was an old friend to whom Mr. Huss had entrusted the complete control of the savings that were to secure him and Mrs. Huss a dignified old age. The lawyer was a man of strong political feelings and liberal views, and he had bought roubles to his utmost for Mr. Huss as for himself, in order to demonstrate his confidence in the Russian revolution.

All these things had a quite sufficiently disorganising effect upon Mr. Huss; upon his wife the impression they made was altogether disastrous. She was a worthy but emotional lady, effusive rather than steadfast. Like the wives of most schoolmasters, she had been habitually preoccupied with matters of domestic management for many years, and her first reaction was in the direction of a bitter economy, mingled with a display of contempt she had never manifested hitherto for her husband's practical ability. Far better would it have been for Mr. Huss if she had broken down altogether; she insisted upon directing everything, and doing so with a sort of pitiful vehemence that brooked no contradiction. It was impossible to stay at Woldingstanton through the vacation, in sight of the tragic and blackened ruins of School House, and so she decided upon Sundering on Sea because of its nearness and its pre-war reputation for cheapness. There, she announced, her husband must "pull himself together and pick up," and then return to the rebuilding of School House and the rehabilitation of the school. Many formalities had to be gone through before the building could be


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290 in a second engagement they were put to flight; Cilicia and Tarsus were occupied by the enemy. Meanwhile in Armenia Philippicus had encamped at Valarsapat, but was compelled to beat a hurried retreat before the Persian forces. The Romans were repulsed on every side.

But the worst was not yet: with the year 614 came the overwhelming calamity of the fall of the Holy City. Advancing from Caesarea along the coast the Persians under Sahrbarâz arrived before Jerusalem in the month of April. Negotiations were put an end to by the violence of the circus factions, and the Roman relief force from Jericho, which was summoned by Modestus, was put to flight. The Persians pressed forward the siege, bringing up towers and rams, and finally breaching the walls on the twenty-first day from the investment of the city (? 3 or 5 May 614). For three days the massacre lasted, and the Jews joined the victors in venting their spite on their hated oppressors. We hear of 57,000 killed and 35,000 taken captive. Churches went up in flames, the patriarch Zacharias was carried into Persia and with him, to crown the disaster, went the Holy Cross. At the news Nicetas seems to have hastened to Palestine with all speed, but he could do no more than rescue the holy sponge and the holy lance, and these were despatched for safe custody to the capital. It was true that, when once Jerusalem was in his power, Chosroes was prepared to pursue a policy of conciliation: he deserted his former allies and the Jews were banished from the city, while leave was accorded to rebuild the ruined churches; but this did little to assuage the bitterness of the fact that a Christian empire had not been able to protect its most sacred sanctuary from the violence of the barbarian fire-worshipper.

In 615 the Persians began afresh that occupation of Asia Minor which had been interrupted by the evacuation of Caesarea in 611. When Sahîn marched towards Chalcedon, Philippicus invaded Persia, but the effort to draw off the enemy's forces proved unsuccessful. Asia Minor however was not Syria, and Sahîn realised that his position was insecure. He professed himself ready to consider terms of peace. Heraclius sailed over to the enemy's camp and from his ship carried on negotiations with the Persian general. Olympius, praetorian praefect, Leontius, praefect of the city, and Anastasius, the treasurer of St Sophia, were chosen as ambassadors, while the Senate wrote a letter to the Persian monarch in support of the Emperor's action. But as soon as Sahîn had crossed the frontier, the Roman envoys became prisoners and Chosroes would hear no word of peace.

Thus while Syria was lost to the Empire and while Slavs were ranging at will over the European provinces, Heraclius had to face the overwhelming problem of raising the necessary funds to carry on the war. Even from the scanty records which we possess of this period we can trace the Emperor's efforts towards economy: he reduced the number of the clergy who enjoyed office in the capital, and if any above


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304 Grim Wolfhart spake: “And ye will go thither so bare, ye will never fare without upbraiding; ye must return with shame. But if ye go there armed, each will guard against that well.”

Then the wise man armed him, through the counsel of youth. Or ever he was ware, all Dietrich’s warriors had donned their war-weeds and held in their hands their swords. Loth it was to the hero, and he would have gladly turned their mind. He asked whither they would go.

“We will hence with you. Perchance Hagen of Troneg then will dare the less to address him to you with scorn, which full well he knoweth how to use.” When he heard this, the knight vouchsafed them for to go.

Soon brave Folker saw the champions of Berne, the liegemen of Dietrich, march along, well armed, begirt with swords, while in their hands they bare their shields. He told it to his lords from out the Burgundian land. The fiddler spake: “Yonder I see the men of Dietrich march along in right hostile wise, armed cap-à-pie. They would encounter us; I ween ’t will go full ill with us strangers.”

Meanwhile Sir Hildebrand was come. Before his feet he placed his shield, and gan ask Gunther’s men: “Alas, good heroes, what had Rüdeger done you? My Lord Dietrich hath sent me hither to you to say, that if the hand of any among you hath slain the noble margrave, as we are told, we could never stand such mighty dole.”

Then spake Hagen of Troneg: “The tale is true. How gladly could I wish, that the messenger had told


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611-613] a year the enemy resisted, but at last, in the late summer of 611, famine drove them to evacuate the city. They cut their way through the Roman troops, inflicting serious loss, and retired to Armenia where they took up winter quarters. In the same year Emesa was lost to the Empire. In 612, on the news that the Persians were once more about to invade Roman territory in force, Heraclius left the capital to confer with Priscus in Caesarea. The general pleaded illness and treated the Emperor with marked coolness and disrespect. His ambitions were thwarted: he had gained nothing by the revolution and objected that the Emperor's place was in Constantinople: it was no duty of his to intermeddle personally with the conduct of the war. For the moment Heraclius had no forces with which to oppose Priscus; he was condemned to inaction and compelled to await his opportunity. In the summer Sahîn led his army to Karin, and reduced Melitene to submission, afterwards joining Sahrbarâz in the district of Dovin. The Persians were masters of Armenia. In 611 Eudocia had given birth to a daughter and in May 612 a son was born, but on 13 Aug. the Empress died. In 613 the Emperor, despite the protests of the Church, married his niece Martina. In the autumn of 612 Nicetas came to Constantinople, doubtless to confer with Heraclius as to the methods which were to be adopted in the government of Egypt. Priscus also made his way to the capital to honour the arrival of the Emperor's cousin, and was invited by Heraclius to act as sponsor at his son's christening which took place, it would seem, on 5 Dec. 612. Here the Emperor charged his general with treason, and forced him to enter a monastery. In Constantinople Priscus could no longer rely on the support of an army and resistance was impossible. Heraclius appealed to the troops then in the capital, and was enthusiastically greeted as their future captain. Nicetas succeeded Priscus as comes excubitorum, while the Emperor appointed his brother Theodore curopalates; he also induced Philippicus to leave the shelter of a religious house and once more to undertake a military command.

In the following year (613) Heraclius was free to carry out his own plan of campaign: he determined to oppose the enemy on both their lines of attack. Philippicus was to invade Armenia, while he himself and his brother Theodore would check the Persian advance on Syria. The aim of Chosroes was clearly to occupy the Mediterranean coast line. A battle took place under the walls of Antioch, and there, after their army had been strengthened by reinforcements, the Persians succeeded in routing the Greeks: the road was now open for the southward march, and in this year Damascus fell. Further to the north the Roman troops held the defiles which gave access to Cilicia: though at first victorious,


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288 and to flee through Asia to Constantinople. The imperialist resistance was at an end and the new rule was established in Egypt (apparently end of 609).

We have no certain information as to what the younger Heraclius was doing during the year 609, but it seems not unlikely that it was at this time that he occupied Thessalonica, for here he could draw reinforcements from the European malcontents. It is at least clear that, when he finally started in 610 on his voyage to Constantinople, he gathered supporters from the sea-side towns and from the islands on his route. At the beginning of September, it would seem, he cast anchor at Abydus in Mysia, where he was joined by those whom Phocas had driven into exile. Crossing the Propontis he touched at Heraclea and Selimbria, and at the small island of Calonymus the Church, through the bishop of Cyzicus, blessed his enterprise. On Saturday, 3 Oct., the fleet, with images of the Virgin at the ships' mastheads, sailed under the sea-walls of the capital. But in face of the secret treachery of Priscus and the open desertion of the demesmen of the Green party, the cause of Phocas was foredoomed; Heraclius waited upon his ship until the tyrant's own ministers dragged his enemy before him on the morning of 5 Oct. "Is it thus, wretch, that you have governed the State?" asked Heraclius. "Will you govern it any better?" retorted the fallen Emperor. He was forthwith struck down, and his body dismembered and carried through the city. Domentiolus and Leontius, the Syrian minister of finance, shared his fate and their bodies, together with that of Bonosus, were burned in the Ox Forum. In the afternoon of the same day Heraclius was crowned emperor by Sergius the patriarch: people and senate refused to listen to his plea that Priscus should be their monarch: they would not see in their liberator merely the avenger of Maurice, nor suffer him to return whence he came. On the same day Heraclius married Eudocia (as his betrothed, Fabia, daughter of Bogatus of Africa, was re-named) who became at once bride and empress. Three days later, in the Hippodrome, the statue of Phocas was burned and with it the standard of the Blues.

During 610 the Persians had been advancing westwards in the direction of Syria: Callinicum and Circesium had fallen and the Euphrates had been crossed. After his accession Heraclius sent an embassy to Persia: Maurice was now avenged, and peace could be restored between the two empires. Chosroes made no reply to the embassy: he had proved all too conclusively Rome's weakness and was not willing to surrender his advantage. Meanwhile Priscus was appointed general and sent to Cappadocia to undertake the siege of Caesarea, which was at this time in the occupation of the Persians. For


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Rh you false, for Rüdeger’s sake, and that he still did live, for whom both man and wife may well ever weep.”

When they heard aright that he was dead, the warriors made wail for him, as their fealty bade them. Over the beards and chins of Dietrich’s champions the tears were seen to run. Great grief had happened to them.

Siegstab, the Duke of Berne, then spake: “Now hath come to an end the cheer, that Rüdeger did give us after our days of dole. The joy of all wayfaring folk lieth slain by you, sir knights.”

Then spake the Knight Wolfwin of the Amelungs: “And I saw mine own father dead to-day, I should not make greater dole, than for his death. Alas, who shall now comfort the good margrave’s wife?”

Angry of mood Knight Wolfhart spake: “Who shall now lead the warriors to so many a fight, as the margrave so oft hath done? Alas, most noble Rüdeger, that we should lose thee thus!”

Wolfbrand and Helfrich and Helmnot, too, with all their men bewailed his death. For sighing Hildebrand might no longer ask a whit. He spake: “Sir knights, now do what my lord hath sent you here to do. Give us the corse of Rüdeger from out the hall, in whom our joy hath turned to grief, and let us repay to him the great fealty he hath shown to us and to many another man. We, too, be exiles, just as Rüdeger, the knight. Why do ye let us wait thus? Let us bear him away, that we may yet requite the knight in death. More justly had we done it, when he was still alive.”

Then spake King Gunther: “Never was there so good a service as that, which a friend doth do to a friend after his death. When any doeth that, I call it


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306 faithful friendship. Ye repay him but rightly, for much love hath he ever shown you.”

“How long shall we still beseech?” spake Knight Wolfhart. “Sith our best hope hath been laid low in death by you, and we may no longer have him with us, let us bear him hence to where the warrior may be buried.”

To this Folker made answer: “None will give him to you. Fetch ye him from the hall where the warrior lieth, fallen in the blood, with mortal wounds. ’T will then be a perfect service, which ye render Rüdeger.”

Quoth brave Wolfhart: “God wot, sir minstrel, ye have given us great dole and should not rouse our ire. But that I durst not for fear of my lord, ye should all fare ill. We must perforce abstain, sith he forbade us strife.”

Then spake the fiddler: “He hath a deal too much fear who doth abstain from all that one forbiddeth him. That I call not a real hero’s mood.” This speech of his war comrade thought Hagen good.

“Long not for that,” answered Wolfhart, “or I’ll play such havoc with your fiddle strings, that ye’ll have cause to tell the tale, when ye ride homeward to the Rhine. I cannot brook in honor your overweening pride.”

Quoth the fiddler: “If ye put out of tune my strings, then must the gleam of your helmet grow dim from this hand of mine, however I ride to the Burgundian land.”

Then would he leap at him, but his uncle Hildebrand grasped him firmly. “I ween, thou wouldst rage in thy silly anger. Then hadst thou lost forever the favor of my lord.”


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Rh “Let go the lion, master, he is so fieree of mood,” quoth the good knight Folker. “ Had he slain the whole world with bis one hand, I’ll smite him, and he come within my reach, so that he may never sing the answer to my song.”

At this the men of Berne waxed passing wroth of mood. Wolfhart, a doughty knight and a good, snatched up bis shield. Like a wild lion he ran to meet him, swiftly followed by all his friends. But howsoever great the strides he took towards the hall, yet did old Hildebrand overtake him at the steps. He would not let him reach the fray before him. At the hands of the homeless knights they later found the strife they sought. Master Hildebrand then sprang at Hagen. In the hands of both one heard the swords ring out. That both were angry, might be plainly seen; from the swords of the twain streamed forth a blast of fire-red sparks. Then they were parted in the stress of battle by the men of Berne, as their strength did bid them. At once Hildebrand turned him away from Hagen, but stout Wolfhart addressed him to Folker the bold. Such a blow he smote the fiddler upon his good helmet, that the sword’s edge pierced to the very helmet bands. This the bold gleeman repaid with might; he smote Wolfhart, so that the sparks flew wide. Enow of fire they struck from the armor rings, for each bare hatred to the other. Then Knight Wolfwin of Berne did part them—an’ he be not a hero, never was there one.

With willing hand Gunther, the champion, greeted the heroes of the Amelung land. Lord Giselher made many a gleaming helmet red and wet with blood. Dankwart, Hagen’s brother, a fierce man was he;


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Rh Naturally the activity of the nomads was not uniform over this immense region; it was greater at their base, the steppe, among the South Russian Slavs, of whom in 952 the Emperor Constantine Porphyrogenitus says that they reared no horses, oxen, or sheep — and consequently must have been vegetarians — although at that time they had already been for a century under the powerful sway of Scandinavian Rōs.

Thus we see how Slavdom was influenced on all sides by plundering peoples. All so-called Slav States of which we have sufficient information turn out to be either Germanic or Altaian foundations. And unless we do violence to all German, Byzantine, and Oriental evidence of the political and military incapacity of the Slavs, we must not represent the remaining Slav States as of Slav origin merely because there is no express statement of their Germanic or Altaian origin. The strongest proof of this is the remarkable fact that all titles of rank in Slavic (except voyevoda, duke) are partly from Germanic, partly from Altaian sources.

Between Germanic and Altaic oppressors the Slavs were crushed for centuries; and yet they became the most numerous people of Europe because of the enormous size of their territory and because their tyrants were neither numerous nor united. The robbers could not follow the individual Slavs into the forest thickets and the marshes, so that from them the wastes left by massacre were peopled anew. Besides this, the impetuosity of the two robber-peoples periodically languished. We know this of the Vikings from their activity in Europe. England, France, Spain, Italy suffered terribly from them, but for long intervals they were quiet, and after a single defeat the enemy often did not return for a long time. Their might was also broken from time to time in their own land, and then the afflicted peoples enjoyed a healing respite. This was less the case with Russia, where a few dozen robbers won decisive victories and where the Northmen only had no serious opponents but their like. It was the same with the mounted nomad. His first appearance was terrible beyond description; but his fury exhausted itself on the numerous battle-fields, and when his ranks were thinned he had to call out his Slav serfs to fight on his behalf. Thus he led masses of Slavs into the steppe where they revived and increased until once again a new and vigorous wild horde forced its way in from Asia and repeated the destruction.

The primitive German was as savage in war as the mounted nomad? but far superior in character and capacity for civilisation. The German with one leap into civilisation so to speak from a plunderer becomes a founder of brilliant and well-ordered States, bringing to high perfection the intellectual goods which he has borrowed. On the other hand the


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the first look I took at the cubbyhole on the top floor just about wound matters up. The walls is papered terrible red, or maybe this rabbit hutch kind of blushed when the landlady called it a room. A faded rag carpet on the floor, a white-enameled cot like you get in the hospital, a chair not even fit to use as a weapon, a bureau which I bet come off the Ark, a picture of Theodore Roosevelt with the compliments of the New York "Blade," a cartoon of a vase of roses in a gilt frame, a window with a wide crack in the upper pane of glass—or else it was grinning at me: "Not so good, eh?"

Still, everything is as clean and neat as a new pin. But I can't sleep in a new pin. I'm looking for a out, when Mrs. Willcox, the kind of silvery-haired, sweet-faced old lady your grandmother was or is, takes things in hand.

"This here's seven and a half dollars a week with board—ahump—in advance," she says, and looks at me. I guess she must of heard me gulping. I had