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could not be maintained; but Mr. Pigott, when he found argument unavailing, cut the matter short, by intimating that if Pondicheiry were not delivered the presidency would not furnish money for the pay of the king's troops, or the subsistence of the French prisoners. As there was no other source from which the necessary funds could be drawn, the council of war had no alternative but to yield the point under protest.

The war which the British and French carried on in India had from the first been truly a war of extermination. The existence of the two nations there as independent rival powers was deemed impossible, and both therefore saw that one or other must perish. Accordingly, when Lally sailed from France at the head of an expedition which anticipated nothing but a series of triumpiis, he was insti-ucted by his government to destroy any British maritime possession in India that should fall into his hands. These instructions were intercepted, and furnished a plausible ground for retaliating the barbarous policy which they enjoined. The presidency of Madras, therefore, as soon as Pondicherry was delivered over to them, is.sued orders for the demolition of its fortifications. They were speedily obeyed, and the citadel and all the other defences were converted into heaps of ruins.

With the fall of Pondicherry the French power in India was to all intents annihilated ; but three places of some importance still remained to be reduced — the settlement of Mahé, on the Malabar coast, and the forts of Gingee and Thiagur in the Carnatic. Mahe, situated seven miles south-east of Tellicherry, occupied a height at the mouth of a stream which descends from the Western Ghauts. In its immediate vicinity are several hills. Two of them, like itself on the south bank of the stream, were crowned with small forts, but its chief defence was Fort St. George, occupying a larger hill on the other bank. The only dependencies of Mahd were five small forts situated at some distance to the north, and a factory at Calicut. In the beginning of January, 1701, several vessels from England had landed troops at Tellicherry, to be employed in the reduction of Mahé ; but as it lies within the limits of the Bombay presidency, it was necessary to have their authority before attacking it, and this authority did not arrive before the beginning of February. The interval was diligently employed by the governor in forming alliances with the neighbouring chiefs. Their assistance was absolutely necessary, for the whole European military available for defence did not exceed 100, while their assailants, under Major Hector Monro, amounted to 900 European and 700 native troops. Though the chiefs had promised liberally, when the push came not a single man appeared; and the governor counted himself fortunate when, instead of being obliged to surrender at discretion, he effected a capitulation, which in addition to other advantages secured to the garrison the full honours of war, and their conveyance at British expense to the Isle of Bourbon or to Europe. Gingee had been previously invested by Captain Stephen Smith with eight companies of sepoys. It


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 Chap. XI.] THE FATE OF LALLY. 643

was commanded by one of Lally's officers of the name of Macgregor, who, on a.d. i:ci.

I

being summoned, answered, that even if besieged by 100,000 men the forts could not be reduced in three years. His gamson consisted only of 150 Euro- l^eans. GOO sepoys, and 1000 Colleries, or natives of the adjoining hills; but he Capture of

' '^ _ _ _ (iii(,'ee and

believed the mountains to be impregnable, and displayed a security Avhich Tiiiagur. would not have been justifiable even if they were really so. He paid the This, however, was only a })artial success, for the two strongest forts still held out, and had a powerful auxiliary in the deadly nature of the climate, under which the sepoys, though 1000 had been added to their number, were rapidly melting away. Macgregor, however, after all his blustering, lost heart, and nffered to capitulate. The terms, though somewhat extravagant, were readily conceded, and on the 5th of April he marched out with all the honours of war. Thiagur, which had returned to the French after their alliance with the Myso- reans was broken w[), shared the same ftite, after a blockade and bombard- ment of sixty five days by Major Preston. Though there was little prospect of reducing it except by famine, the governor capitulated, with two months' pro- visions still in store ; and as if unconscious of the advantages of his position, only asked to receive the same treatment as the troo])S taken in Pondicherry.
 * )enalty, and one of his impregnable forts was scaled and taken by sur])rise.

The fate of Lally deserves to be recorded. His unpopularity in India T'-e cite of preceded his arrival in France ; «and though with the consciousness of injured innocence he took the initiative, and brought formal accusations against the leadinfj officials to whose nejjliy-ence and misconduct he attributed the di.sasters in which his command had terminated, he soon found himself i)ut upon his own <lefence. The arrogance of his manner and the intemperance of his language had raised up a host of enemies, wiio a.s.sailed him with venomous tongues, and brought all sorts of railing accusations against him. These were received by the government with willing ears. The loss of India, after all the sanguine hopes which had been entertained, had filled the public mind with astonishment and indignation ; and ministei"s behoved either to bear the responsibility or transfer it from their own to some other shoulders. There was no difficulty in selecting the victim, and Lally was confined in the Bastile. Father Lavaur, the Jesuit, whom we liave seen forming part of a de})utation at the .surrender of Pondi- cherry, had returned to France and died. Among liis ^lapers were found two documents, the one a fulsome panegyric, the other a defamatory libel on Lally. Considered as evidence, the documents could only neutralize each other; but there were circumstances in Lavaur's conduct which ought to have thro^vn the balance in Lally s favoiu*. iS'ot only was the Jesuit known to be a bitter hater, but also an unscrupulous liar. As if ruined by the capture of Pondicherry, he had petitioned the government for a small pension as a means of subsistence, and yet he had died worth £00,000, in gold, diamonds, and bills of exchange. The evidence of such a man was worthless; and yet it was shamelessly paraded

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 G44

IlISTOllY OF INDIA.

[liooK III.

A.D. 1761

Trial of Lally.

His con <luiiiiiation.

He is

beheaded.

before the pu})lic, doubtless with the view of exciting antipathy if it couM not estaltlish guilt. After lying eighti^en months in the Ba.stile, Lally was confronted with his accasers, but betrayed his old haughty and intractable spirit t/j such a degree as not only to exasperate the witnesses, but to prejudice the judge appointed to report on the case. Under such circumstances the result could not be doubtful. Then, as now, a trial in despotic France, when political end.s were to be gained by a conviction, was a mere mockery. After the lapse of other eighteen months, the case was ripe for decision, and the parliament of Paiis were subservient enough to do what the court expected of them. They found the accused guilty of having betrayed the interests of the king, the state, an<l the East India Company, and condemned him to be attainted and beheaded Before the sentence was made known he was taken before the court, de<n"aded from his military rank, stripped of his military (jrders, and then removed, not to the Bastile, which was now coiLsidered too honourable a place for him, but to the common criminal jail. When the sentence was read to him he threw up liis hands to heaven, and exclaimed, " Is this the reward of forty-five years' ser-ice!" and snatching up a pair of compasses which lay with some maps on a taljle, lie made an attempt to pierce his heart. He failed, and was doomed to drink the bitter cup to the di'egs. . That veiy afternoon he was taken out of prison with a large gag in his mouth, to prevent him from addressing the spectators, carried in a common cart to the Place de Greve, and there beheaded. He was in the sixty-fifth year of his age. Three men of note — Labom-donnais, Dupleix, and Lally — had thus been judicially murdered in order to divert the public hatred from the incompetent and corrupt ofiicials of the French East India Company. Can it be doubted that an institution which called for such monstrous saciifices more than deserved all the calamities which had fallen upon it?

In following out the com'se of events in the Camatic, we have been led awa}- from the not less important events which, during the same period, had occuired in Bengal, and were beginning, after the fii'st excitement was over, to unfold their true character.

Masula Boat, IJaeiJ OD the coast of Coromandel, more especially at Mudras and Pondicherr>-. for traDsporting light goods and passengers

across ilie Dars and through the surf.


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 CiiAP. XIL] NABOBSHIP OF MEER JAFFIEl?. 645

i

CHAPTER XII.

Meer Jaffier nabob, and Clive governor of Bengal — Attempt upon it by the Mogul's son — Hostilities with the Dutch — Departure of Clive — His successors, Hohvell and Vansittart — Meer Jaffier deposed, and Meer Cossim appointed nabob — Meer Cossim deposed, and Meer Jaffier reinstated — Nugum- ud-Dowlah titular nabob — Clive's second government — Dewannee of Bengal, Behar, and Orissa granted to the Company.

LIVE had found it a comparatively easy task to put Surajali a.d 1:57. Dowlah to flight and phiee Meer Jaffier on the musnud. To keej) him there, and induce him to govern with wisdom and vigom*, was a task of greater difficulty. This was })artly owing to the indifferent character and very moderate abilities of the new nabob, but still more to tiie circumstances in which he was placed. His fellow- NaiwUship conspirators naturally expected to share largely in the fruits of his success, and jamer took offence when the rewards which they received fell short of the extravagant value which they attached to their services. The distribution of large sums of money had been anticipated ; but in the very first days of the government, the greater part of what had been found in Surajali Dowlahs treasury had been required to meet the first instalments due to the Company, and pay the enor- mous sums granted or extorted imder the name of presents to their sei''anis. Thus, at the outset, when nothing but a liberality approaching to lavishness could have gratified the selfishness of the nabob's courtiers, and conciliated the good-will of the population generally, he was compelled either to practise a niggardliness which made him contemptible, or to have recourse to measures of extoi'tion which made iiim detested. When pursuing the object of his ambition, Meer Jaffier had readily promised everything that was asked of him. The performance was then both distant and conditional, and many things might occur before it could either be asked or enforced ; and he had imagined, as Oraie cxpressl}' states,' that " his liberalities to individuals, who were the heads of the English nation, would relax their strictness in the public terms." In plainer words, he thought that the large sums which he had given as presents would have operated as bribes, and disposed the recipients to overlook defalcations where the interests of the Com]-tany only were concerned. Great, therefore, was his disappointment, not unmingled with indignation, when he found Clive sternly insisting "on the payments of the treaty monies as they became due."

There was another kind of interference which touched the nabob more nearly, and is said to have been regarded by him with abomination. The authority of a nabob within his own province was absolute, and Meer Jaffier, when seated

' Military Transactions, vol. ii. page 195.


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 G46

HISTOKY OF INDIA.

[Book HI.

A.D. 1767.

IJritish infiuence.

His scheme for dimiii-

jshiii" it.

on the musnud, was not disposed tf^ relinquish any of the powers which had

been exercised by his predecessors. He had partiahties and hatreds, and did

not choose that commands in the army, or the administration of the govem-

Meer .lafiier ment, should bc intrustcd to any but liis own favourites. He accordingly

jealous of T 1

meditated many changes ; but when he would have carried them inU> effect, he was mortified above measure to find that another consent beside his own was necessary. Some of these changes would have been violations of promises made and even sworn to; others of them would have been contrary to .sound policy; and on these and similar grounds Clive did not hesitate to tell him bluntly that he would not permit them. Who then is ma.ster? was the question which the nabob put to himself; and from that moment his resolution was taken to eman- cipate himself from British ascendenc3^ He w^as careful, however, to do nothing which could excite the least suspicion of a change in his feelings ; and therefore, while Clive continued at Moorshedabad, nothing could exceed the deference paid to all his wishes and opinions, and both the nabob and his son lived with him on terms of intimacy and familiarity.

On the 14th of September, 1757, Clive having set out for Calcutta, leaving Watts, Manningham, and Serafton at Moorshedabad, to transact the Company's affairs, Meer Jaffier lost no time in endeavom-ing to carry out his own views. The leading agents in the conspiracy which overthrew Surajah Dowlah were Hindoos. Through them chiefly the previous negotiation with Clive and the other servants of the Company had been carried on; and it was therefore probable that through them also their futm-e influence in the goverament would be exercised. Reasoning thus, the nabob's first object was to cm-tail, and, if possible, extinguish the power of the Hindoos. At the head of them stood Roydullub the dewan. With him, therefore, it was proposed to begin, but with the greatest caution, for Roydullub, aware of the feeling with which he was regarded at court, not only stood upon his guard, but had obtained from Clive a guarantee of personal safety. The first step taken against him was indirect, and was important only as an indication of what might be expected to follow. Ramramsing, who, besides being head of the spies, was Rajah of Midnapore. was summoned to Moorshedabad to settle the accounts of his distiict. Being consi- derably in arrear, and suspicious of what was intended, he did not go in person, but sent his brother and nephew, who were immediately thrown into prison. Roydullub, wdth whom Ramramsing had always been closely connected, believed that this violent proceeding was the precursor of a similar requisition to himself, and established connections in different quarters, determined, if necessary', to repel force by force. He was even suspected of ha^4ng stirred up two rebellions - — one by Ramramsing, who, on hearing how his brother and nephew had been treated, assembled 2000 horse and 5000 foot, with which he threatened to retu'e into the jungles with which his country abounded; and the other by Ogul Sing, whom Surajah Dowdah had appointed governor of Purneah.


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 Chap. XII.]

DISTURBED STATE OF BENGAL.

647

These revolts, both headed by Hindoos, and presumed to liave been insti- gated by RoyduUub, drove Meer Jatiier from his course of dissimuhition, and made him avow his determination to treat Roydullub as a rebel. A kind of open hostilities were accordingly declared ; and the dewan, while still continuing- to hold his office, not only refused to visit the nabob, but assembled a force of 1000 men to set him at defiance. Through the influence of Clive an apparent recon- ciliation was effected, and an interview took place, at which the nabob and his dewan swore "oblivion of former distrusts and future friendship." Nothing could be more false and hollow ; and Roydullub, while he evinced suspicion b}- keeping his house under pretence of sickness, gave a decided proof of hostility by refusing to allow the troops under his own control to take part in the expe- dition to Purneah.

While peace was tiius maintained with difficulty in the very centre of Ben- gal, the frontiers were assuming a threatening aspect. In Dacca a conspiracy to seize the fort was headed by Ammanee Khan, a son of Serferaz Khan, the

AD. 1757.

MeerJaffier'.s quaiTelwith HoyiluUuli.

Conspiracy ofAuinianet" Khan.

Dacca, the Cuouk and lIu*ji:iNi.i: Uh.aitn.' — From Sir C. UOyley's Antinuities of Dacci.

nabob who preceded Ali Verdy ; and though prematurely discovered, was not put down without the aid of troops furnished by the Company. In the opposite direction, in Behar, a formidable rebellion seemed so imminent that Clive left Calcutta and put himself at the head of his troops to marcli directly for Patna. The rumour which prevailed was that Ramnarain, to whom a strong suspicion of disaffection still attached, had formed an alliance with Sujaii Dowlah, the Nabob of Oude, and that they were preparing to unite their forces with the view of marching into Bengal. Another rumom* was, that the elevation of Meer Jaffier to the musnud was disapproved at Delhi, and that an intrigue was

' The chouk is very ancient, situated in the part sweets, and toj-s are e.xposeJ for sale in it. The of the city known as the Old Nekaus; it is a square mosque was built in 1C76. — Sir C. D'Oyley's AtUi- of about 200 yards in extent; and fruit, vegetables, quUics of Dacca.


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 648 HISTOUY OF INDIA. [Book 11 J

A.D. 1767. on foot to proclaim Mirza Mundee, the infjint son of Surajali Dowlah's brother, as

nabob. This latter rumour was traced to Meerun, Meer Jafiier's eldest son, and

Atrocious with what wicked intention soon appeared; for on the morning of the 10th

conduct of 1 1 •

Meenin, tiie November, 1/57, Moorshedabad was thrown mto con.stemation by the announce- "on"'** ment that a band of ruffians, hired by Meerun, had broken into the palace of Ali Verdy's widow, where the infant was living under the charge of his grand- mother, the widow of Zaindee Ahmed, and murdered liim. It was added that both the widows had shared the same fate. They had only been seized and sent off in boats to Dacca, the rumour of their murder having been circulated, and even their fictitious funeral perfbirned, to prevent any attempt that might have been made for their rescue, had it been known that they were still alive. The one murder, however, was barbarity enough to make both the nabob and his son generally detested, though the former declared that he neither sanc- tioned it nor knew of it till it was perpetrated. If credit was given to this declaration, it was surely a dismal reflection for the inhabitants of Bengal that they were already under a government which cormived at such crimes, and ha«l the prospect of being, sooner or later, subjected to the government of the ver' wretch who perpetrated them. Happily, however, as will be seen, this prospect was never realized. Rebellion of On the 25th of November, 1757, Clive arrived with liis troops at Moor-

Ogul Sing

suppressed, shedabad, and on the 30th set out at the head of 550 Europeans and 1500 sepoys to join the nabob's army, which had advanced on the expedition to Pur- neah, as far as Raj amah al. Clives presence alone sufficed to put down the rebellion. In less than a week after his arrival Ogul Sing was taken prisoner, and all the chiefs in league with him submitted or fled the country. The threatened rebellion in Behar still remained ; and the nabob, who was bent on removing Ramnarain, urged an immediate advance on Patna. Clive saw liis advantage, and refused to move until all the pecuniary claims and stipulations of the treaty should be satisfactorily arranged. This was impossible without the assistance of RoyduUub, through whose office as dewan all money bills and patents behoved to pass. The nabob was thus in a dilemma. He mu.st either forego the expedition to Patna, or effect a reconciliation with RoyduUub under such conditions as would not allow him afterwards to recede. The latter course, which was indeed the only rational one, was strongly advocated by Clive. Through his mediation, and with the security of his guarantee, RoyduUub, who had previously refused to quit Moorshedabad, arrived in the camp, and the nabob and dewan once more made a solemn renunciation of their suspicions and animosities. The preliminary obstacle being thus removed, the parts of the treaty still remaining unfulfilled were easily aiTanged. The payment of twenty- three lacs of rupees, actually due, was provided for by order on the treasmy at Moorshedabad for one-half of the amount, and by tuncaws or orders, payable as the revenues should be realized, by the Phousdar of Hooghly and the Rajahs of


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 Chap. XII. j

CLIVE'S EXPEDITION TO PATNA.

649

Part op the City of Moorshedabad. — From Col. Forrest's Views on the Ganges.

)>tiliu.lf of Uiimuaraiu.

Burdwan and Kislmugiu", for the other half Other nineteen lacs, payable in ad. 1757 April, were secured by other tuncaws on the same districts. Patents were also executed, empower- ing the Company to take possession (if the ceded lands south of Calcutta, with the authority of zemindary, but subject to a reserved annual payment to the nabob of 222, 958 rupees. The revenue of these lands, like that of many others in the province, was

allowed by the Mogul government to the actual nabob as jaghire, or a pension for his expenses. We shall hear of it again.

Clive was now ready to accompany the naboli to Patna, l)ut naturally cuves inter required to be informed, before starting, as to the precise object of the expedition. The nabob, seeing it useless to dissemble, avowed his intention to remove Ram- narain, and give the government to some one of his more immediate dependants. The nabob, in forming this resolution, had overlooked the difficulties which might be anticipated in executing it. Clive was more discerning ; and after pointing out tiie possible alliances which Ramnarain might form, and then raise the standard of independence, suggested that it would be better to conciliate thiin to oiist him. This suggestion must have been made under a conviction that Ramnarain did not entertain the treasonable designs imputed to him ; but nothing could be more distasteful to the nabob, as it both interfered with his design of giving the government of Behar to his own brother, and would con- tribute to strengthen, whereas he was now intent on diminishinjx. British influence. An opinion of Clive, distinctly stated and enforced b}' sound argu- ment, could not, however, be lightly set aside; and it was therefore arranged, after much irresolution and tergiversation on the part of the nabob and his counsellors, that Clive should write a letter to Ramnarain, inviting an inter^^ew and assuring him of safety and favour. Meantime the army continued its march on Patna in three divisions, Clive with his troops leading the van, Roydullub with his force of 10,000 men following, and the nabob with the main bod}- bringing up the rear. By the way letters arrived from Delhi, advising that patents, confirming Meer Jaffier in the nabobship, had been made out. They had been delayed merely because the exhausted treasury at Mooi-shedabad could not furnish the money expected at the Mogul court, where all things had become

Vol. I. 82

M


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 ^'•'^0 HISTORY UF INDIA. [Book III.

/ A.D. 1758. venal. In go-anting titles on the occasion Clive had not been forgotten, for he

was informed tlirough the Seits that he had been created a muvJivJjddr of 0000 visitofriatn lior.se, under several pompous names. Ramnarain, as the army advanced, con-

Tiarain to _ j '

Clive. tinued taking mea.sures for liis defence. Clive s letter liaxl not yet reached him ; but as soon as he received it he gave proof of the full confidence which it inspired by complying with its invitation, and embarking in his boats on the Ganges to pay Clive a visit. He arrived on the 25th of January, and the next day proceeded, in company with Mr. Watts, to wait upon the nabob, who received him with all the honours due to his rank, yet not refraining from certain .slights indicative of his real feelings. So equivocal, indeed, was his conduct, that Clive's su.spicions were roused, and Ramnarain and Roydullub, who had previously been at variance, resolved to make common cause. Meer jaffier Matters Were in this unsatisfactory state when startlincr intelligence arrived.

alarmed. •' o o

The Nabob of Oude, it was said, had resumed his aggres.sive designs, and was about to advance from Lucknow, accompanied by a large body of Mahratta horse, and the European troops of M. Law who had been living under his protection at Allahabad. Meer Jaffier was filled with alarm, more especially after a Mahratta chief arrived to demand twenty-four lacs of rupees as the arrears of tribute due from Bengal. He was now as submissive as he had previou.sly been disposed to be insolent ; and in order to conciliate Clive, whose ser'ices had again become indispensable to him, he fulfilled the obligations which he had imdertaken in regard to Ramnarain, by formally confirming him in Ids office of deputy-governor of Behar. Clive was not slow to take advantage of the nabob's altered feelings, and requested for the Company a monopoly of all the saltpetre made witliin his dominions. The nabob made many objections, and ultimately consented with great reluctance. Tlie terms offered were indeed the highest at which the salt- petre monopoly had ever been farmed, but he knew that the stipulated rent was the utmost he could receive from the Company ; whereas in the case of a native renter, he had an unlimited power of exaction in the shape of presents. On obtaining this rather questionable monopoly, Clive proceeded to enforce another claim, the justice of which could not be denied. The stipulated monthly pay ot his troops in the nabob's service was a lac a month, and though nearly four months had already been consumed in the campaign, only two lacs had been received. The demand of the arrears, both under this head and others which had accumulated, in consequence of the difficulty of realizing anything from the tuncaws, was not arranged without difficulty, because the alarms fi'om Oude and the Mahrattas having died away, the nabob had returned to his tortuous pohcy, Ramnarain and was again intriguing for the removal of Ramnarain. Chve's sagacity and

allowed to ^. , . • p l •

retain his firmncss disconccrtcd his schemes, and Ramnarain remained in possession ot his

govemmen • jjgj^j^y^ wlule the wholc army returned by slow marches towards Moorshedabad.

Clive's opinion of Meer Jaffier had undergone considerable modification. His

first communications with him when the conspiracy was planned, had impressed


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 Chap. XII.] CLIVE'S OPINION OF MEER JAFFIER. 051

him favourably, and he speaks of him in one of his letters as a man of sense, a d. itos. When he placed him on the musnud, he congratulated the com'tiers present on their good fortune in having received so excellent a sovereign. His language was now different. In a letter to the select committee of directors he says: — cuve-s

upiuiou of

' ' I am concerned to mention that the present nabob is a prince of little capacity, jieer Jaffier. and not at all blessed with the talent of gaining the love and confidence of his principal officers. His mismanagement threw the country into great confusion in the space of a few months, and miglit have proved of fatal consequence to himself, but for our known attachment to him. No less than three rebellions were on foot at one time." In a letter to Mr. Pigott, written from Patna, his language is still plainer and more significant: — "The nabob's conduct is weak l>eyond conception ; and you may be assured, whenever we are wanting in a force to overawe and protect him, ruin will ensue. You cannot imagine the trouble I have had these three weeks past in our march to this place ; and since his anival, he has been wanting to make his brother, who is a greater fool than himself, Nabob of Behar, in prejudice of Ramnarain, a Gentoo, universally beloved and respected, and that in breach of his promises to me, whom he desired to write to him, to engage him to come down and pay his respects. Not one of his rajahs would come to, or treat with him, without lettei*s of a.ssur- ance from me." He had no reason, however, to repent of his march to Patna. '• Before we took the field," he observes, " it was with the greatest difficulty the nabob could be prevailed upon to issue out of his treasury 10,000 rupees; and since my joining him, he lias already paid twenty -five lacs, and given security for the payment of ten more." A subsequent letter to the directors is in still more hopeful terms. Referring to the tuncaws or assignments on the revenues of certain districts, he says, that through them " the discharge of the debt is now become independent of the nabob, which precaution is become absolutely necessary, as his calls for money are greater than he can answer. Nothing but a total revolu- tion in the government can well interrupt your payment.s." He afterwards adds : — " All domestic troubles are now happily ended ; and the nabob seems so well fixed in his government, as to be able, with a small degree of prudence, to maintain himself quietly in it. For oureelves, we have been so fortiuiate in these transactions, as to attach to us the most considerable persons in the kingdom ; and, by the constancy with which we successively supported Rainrani- sing, RoyduUub, and Ramnarain, to acquire the general confidence and make our friendshii> be solicited on all sides. On the whole we may pronounce, that this expedition, without blood.shed, has been crowned with all the advantages that could be expected or wished to the nabob and the Company."

On the march from Patna, the nabob halted to amuse himself witl' hunting, ciiveretuma

to Mixirelie

and pay a pilgrimage to a celebrated tomb in the vicinity of Rajamahal. Clive Jabiui. t

continuing to proceed, accom})anied by Roydullub, reached Moorshedabad on

the 15th of May, 1758. The state of the city astonished him. The markets i


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 652

HISTORY (W INDIA.

[Book HI.

AT). 17:^8.

Complaint of Olive againiit Meenin.

New foiin of government tor Bengal presidency.

were deserted, the shops shut, many of the princiiud families were preparing to send away their effects, and signs of trepidation were everywhere apparent. On in(|uiry, he learned that Meernn, who w?i.s still more impatient than his father for the removal of Ramnarain and Roydulluh, had no .sooner learned that the latter was accompanying Clive in his return Uj the capital, than he quitted it with great precipitation, giving out that he had reason to saspect designs against his own life, and had therefore resolved to join his father. His conduct struck terror into the inhabitants, who .saw nothing before them but the devastation and bloodshed of a new revolution. Clive might well be angry, for the charge of treasonable designs was levelled at him a.s well as Roydullub, and he therefore wrote the nabob, complaining in the sharpest terms of Meerun's conduct, and declaring that he would no longer remain in Bengal .sacrificing zeal to distrust. This decided course broujjht both the nabob and Meemn to their senses, and they both apologized in the most submissive terms. The nabob, even abandoning his sports and intended pilgrimage, hastened home ; but Clive, still too much offended to desire an interview, had preA^ously set out for Cal- cutta, ordering 2000 of the sepoys to follow, and the rest, together with all the Europeans, to remain at Cossimbazar.

On the 20th of June, the Company's ship Hardwicke arrived from Eng- land, bringing accounts of the arrangements which the directors had made in consequence of the loss of Calcutta. By their first arrangement, made in August, 1757, they committed the government to a select committee of five, of whom Clive was to be pi-e.sident; but in the following November, they appointed a council of ten, in which the four senior members were to preside alternately each for three months. Intelligence of both aiTangements reached Calcutta for the first time by the Hardivicke, another vessel, though prexdously despatched with the August arrangement, not ha^^ng yet arrived The direc- tors had been legislating in the dark, and far from wisely. A rotatory govern- ment would have been, under any circumstances, a clumsy device, and the revolution which had recently taken place, but of which the directors were not cognizant, made it wholly impracticable. In this new and strangely constituted council, Clive had no place. It has been said that no slight was intended, as the directors had assumed, on wdiat must have appeared good groiuids, that he had returned to Madras. It would, however, have been at least more courteous to have acted on the supposition that cu-cumstances might have occurred to pre- vent his departure, and to have assigned him the place to which his past ser- vices entitled him. The appointment might have been made conditionally, on his being still in Bengal; and hence, even if his previous departure should have rendered the appointment ineffectual, it would stiU have been gratifying as a public testimony to his merit. It is certain that CHve himself felt aggrieved, and made no secret of it.

If Clive was indignant, the new members of council were above measure


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 I

Chap. XII.] ('LIVE ArPOINTED COVEr.XOR. 53

perplexed. They were naturally proud of their new dignity, but felt that any a.d. itss. attempt to conduct the government without him would be woi-se than futile. They were aware that nothing but fear could induce the nabob to remain faithful to the obligations he had undertaken ; and that the moment he was set ^"''•'^ ^y ^^^

menibere of

free from the commancUng influence which Olive alone had over him, the large <<>"i'cii to sums of money still remaining due under the treaty never would be paid, and all its other stipulations would either be violated or indirectly evaded. liiHu- enced by such considerations, they took the only course which seemed open to them, and addressed a letter to Clive, in which, after stating the objections to the rotatory governorship, and their readiness 'at this juncture of affairs to waive all personal honours and advantages," they made him " an offer of being president of the Company's affairs in Bengal, till a person is appointed by the Honourable Company." He had previously been sounded on the subject by Mr. Watts, whose name stood first in the rotation, and declared his determination not to accept. He was above being influenced by spiteful feelings, and gave strong reasons for his intended refusal, when he said: — "Both the public and my private advices, I think, i)lainly discover that the presidency of Bengal was by no means intended for me by the court of directors; and a tem[)orary acceptance can only expose me, upon the further alterations which may arrive from Europe, to circumstances of disgrace in the eyes of tlie country govern- ment, which, I believe, it is unnecessary for me to remark, might be prejudicial to the Company's affiiirs." If the directors had, as he here supposes, deliberately resolved to exclude him from the office of president, this objection was unanswer- able ; but further consideration, and especially the very friendly tenor of a letter from Mr. Payne, their chairman, convinced him that their omission of his name might be explained without construing it into an intended slight; and he accepted the offer in a letter, in which he says: — " Though I think I have cjiuse to be dissatisfied with the court of directors, for laying me aside in their new form of government, without any reason Jissigned, after having named me as liead of the general conunittee in the letter of the 3d of August last, yet, animated by the noble example of public spirit which you have set me, I have determined to waive all private considerations, where the general good is concerned ; and as there is no doubt but the government of a single person, involved as we are now with the country powers, must have infinite advantage over that compli- cated form of government established from home, I shall, from tiiat motive He aceepu

it.

(though both my health and private concerns strongly require my returning to Europe), accept the offer you have done me the honour to make me, till such time as our employers have appointed a president in the usual form. ' This was a manly as well as fortunate decision, for it eventually proved, instead of con- tradicting, to have only anticipated the final wishes of the directors, who no sooner heard of the victory of Plassey, than they abandoned their new-fangled rotatory scheme, and formall}* aj (pointed Clive governor of Bengal.

II


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 Got

lILSTOliY OF INDIA.

[b<j<jK in.

A.D. 1758. The Company's affairs were certainly in a critical state, and required aU

Olive's wisdom and energy. The successes of the French on the Coroniandel

viHitof coast could not ]je concealed from the naljob, and the natural consequence

Meor Jaffier.

to Calcutta, was to make him hopeful that he miglit yet be arjle to carrj' out all his favourite schemes, though it should be in defiance of Clive and the Company. The British troops in Bengal had also suffered a serious diminution Ijy the expedition to the Northern Circars. In these circum.stances, Clive felt it neces- sary to slacken the rein which he had hitherto held on the nabob's move- ments, and overlook many things which, at a more favourable time, he would have peremptorily interdicted. As an additional means of conciliating his good- will, he invited him to Calcutta. His own instalment as governor fuiiii.shed an appropriate occasion; and Meer Jaffier, with all his train, descending the

Feal Chaeba, or Elephant's-head State-boat lO) ; Moor Puskee, or Peacocks-head Pleasiire-boat (6). '

Flora 8olvyii, Le« U'.ndous.

Hooglily in a splendid fleet of boats, was entertained for several days with pomp and festivity. intrigiie.s at xhc mere love of pleasure, thousrli always stronor in Meer Jaffier, was not his

Moorsheda- _ ... .

bad in his oiily inducement to pay this visit. He deemed it prudent to be absent from his capital dming certain changes which he was most anxious to accomplish, but the responsibility of which he was unwilling to incur. Roydullub had been maintained in his place as dewan, contrary to liis avowed determination to eject him. Meerun had suggested a means of getting rid of him, and the father, well aware of the savage nature of his son, left him to accomplish bis object in his own way. In this he obtained important aid from Nuncomar, a Hindoo, who.

' Feal Charra means Elephant's Head, and takes its name from the prow. The one represented was 50 feet long by 4 feet wide; some old Hindoos say they have been made lOl) feet long by 6 feet wide. They have oars and sails, and are richly ornamented ■within and without, and move with a number of oars. The master or most distinguished person is seated before the rowers. The feal charras are very scarce; rajahs and rich people only use them.

Moor Punkee means Peacock's Head. The rowers use paddles, and sit with their faces to the prow. The prince or leading persoQ smokes his hookah under a particular canopy in front, and the grandees and ser- vants of his retinue sit under another. At the head of the rowers is a jemidar, who regulates the measure like the leader of an orchestra ; little bells are fastened to the paddles. The maaee or pilot has a long oar with which to steer. — Solvyn, Les Hindous.


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Rh not based on principles of concord, it is easy to understand—that is, for those who attend to the matter—how the numbers are mutually related, and on what principles they depend. That, however, they should not be in harmony and symphony—I mean those that are parts of the world which consists according to harmony—this is impossible. Since, therefore, the first number which the Moon is distant from the earth is 5,544,130, the second number which the Sun is distant from the Moon being 50,272,065, subsists by a greater computation than ninefold. But the higher number in reference to this, being 20,272,065, is [comprised] in a greater computation than half. The number, however, superior to this, which is 50,817,165, is contained in a greater computation than half. But the number superior to this, which is 40,541,108, is contained in a less computation than two-fifths. But the number superior to this, which is 20,275,065, is contained in a greater computation than half. The final number, however, which is 40,372,065, is comprised in a less computation than double.

These [numerical] relations, therefore, the greater than ninefold, and less than half, and greater than double, and less than two-fifths, and greater than half, and less than double, are beyond all symphonies, from which not any proportionate or harmonic system could be produced. But the whole world, and the parts of it, are in all respects similarly framed in conformity with proportion and harmony. The proportionate and harmonic relations, however, are preserved—as we have previously stated—by double and triple intervals. If, therefore, we consider Archimedes reliable in the case of only the first distance, that from the Moon to the Earth, it is easy also to find the rest [of the intervals], by multiplying [them] by double and treble. Let then the distance, according to Archimedes, from Earth to Moon be 5,544,130 stadii;


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 Chap. XII.] PLOTS OF MEEK JAFFIER AND MEEKUN. Ii55

after having long been in the confidence of Roydulhib, had conceived the idea au itgo.

of elevating himself upon his ruin. When the tuncaws gi-anted for the pajment

of the treaty monies proved unproductive, Nuncomar artfully insiniiated that

the fault lay with Roydullub ; and volunteered, that if full authority were given ConBpiracy

. against

him, he woiild make the amount forthcoming. The offer was too welcome not RojUiaiub to be accepted, and Nuncomar thus became an ostensible agent of the Company, while Roydullub lost his interest with them, and could no longer calculate on their protection. This change of feeling was soon made known to the nabob and his son, who lost no time in turning it to account. Roydullub, aware of the extent of his danger, requested leave to retire with his family and effects to Cal- cutta. Even this was refused him, unless he previously furnished money for the payment of the troops, who were clamouring for their arrears. Wliile matters were in this state, the nabob set out on his Calcutta visit. Only two days after he was gone, Meerun surrounded Roydullub's house with a body of troops, and was preparing to seize his person, when the Company's agents came to the rescue, just in time to save his life, by sending him off to Calcutta under escort. Meerun, enraged at the escape of his principal victim, vented his s])ite on the members of his family, and detained them as prisoners, till Warren Hastings, who had succeeded Scrafton as the Company's resident at Moorshedabad, was able to send them also to Calcutta. It would be useless to detail the series of intrigues which followed, and in which the nabob and his son, still bent on the destruc- tion of Roydullub, showed that there were no means too base for them to employ in order to accompUsh it.

The nabob, while thus occupied with despicable intrigues, received startling Theahazmia intelligence from the west. Shah Alum, the eldest son of the Mogul emperor, uTnlres! Alumgeer II., and then better known by the title of Shazada, belonging to him as heir apparent to the throne, had arrived at Benares in the beginning of 1759, at the head of an army of 8000 men. His father was virtually a prisoner in the hands of the vizier Ghazi-u-din, and he himself had only escaped similar thraldom by suddenly quitting Delhi. This step appears to have been taken with the sanction of his fother, who had previously conferred upon him the government of Bengal, Behar, and Orissa. This sanction, however, was not avowed, and hence the shazada appeared in a double character. According to one view, he was his father's representative, and carried all the weight which, notwithstanding the low condition to which the empire had fallen, was still attached to the name of the ]Iogul. According to another view, he was a rebellious son, who had quitted his father's court without permission, and was engaged in treasonable designs. This double character put it in the power of the different governors to ado])t the view which was most accordant with their inclination or their interest, and hence many stood aloof while others flocked to his standard. The most powerful chief who had openly espoused his cause was Mahomed Cooly Khan, the governor of Allahabad ; but it was underi^tood


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 G;jG HLSTOilY OF ISI>IA. [Book III,

AD. 1759. that Sujah Dowlali, Nal)ob of Oude, though he kept artfully in the back«:^-ound, was disposed to join hira as soon as he saw any proljability of success, and would bring with him an important auxiliary, in the person of M. Lmw 'ith his French party.

Designs of The objcct of the siiazada was not concealed. Bengal, Behar. and Ori.ssa

oIiyeiTgTi. "^ belonged to him as viceroy, and he was coming to claim his rights. It thus apjieared that Meer Jaffier was about to be treated as an iisurj>er, and could only maintain po.ssession by defying the heir apparent of the Mogul empire. How durst he engage in such a warfare, which appeared to him almost .sacri- legious? How could he hoj^e to succeed in it with troops which were con.stantly mutinying, and would in all probability be no sooner brought in sight of the enemy than they would desert to him? In this emergency, everything depended upon Clive, who immediately saw the part he had to act, and entered into it with his accustomed ardour and decision. In a letter to Hastings, directing him to give confidence to the com-t of Moorshedabad, he says: — "The dis.sen.sions between the nabob and his people give me much more concern than the news of the shazada's motions, as there would be little fear from the latter, did the former take the proper measures to secure his being well served." The nabob, in his perplexity, had thoughts of purchasing the shazada's retreat. Clive, hear- ing of it, wrote as follows: — "I have just heard a piece of intelligence which I can scarce give credit to ; it is, that your excellency is going to offer a sum of money to the king's son. If you do this, you will have Sujah Dowlah, the Mahrattas, and many more, come from all parts to the confines of your countr-, who will bully you out of money till you have none left in your treasury. If your excellenc}'^ should pursue this method, it wiU be furnishing the king's son with the means to raise forces, which, indeed, ma}- endanger the loss of yom" country. What will be said if the gi'eat Jaffier Ali Khan, soubah of this pro- vince, who commands an army of 60,000 men, should offer money to a boy who has scarcely a soldier with him? I beg your excellency wiU rely on the fidehty of the English, and of those troops which are attached to you."

His letter to Clivc, wliilc til US pledging himself to Meer Jaffier, was well aware that lie might have made most advantageous terms with the opposite party. The shazada sent agents to him, who made him, to use his own language, " offers of provinces upon provinces, with whatever my heart could desire:" and delivered him a letter from their master, who addressed him as " The Most High and Mighty, Protector of the Great, Colonel Sabut Jung* Bahadm-," and concluded thus: — "In this happy time, -with a ^'iew of making the tour of Patna and Bengal, I have erected my standard of glory at this place. It is my pure inten- tion to bestow favour upon you, the high and mighty, and all faithful servants,

' The title "Sabut Jung," by which Clive ia still his defence of Arcot. Though Mahomed Ali had no known in India, means "firm or daring in war," and right to grant titles, Clive was pleased with it, and ■was first given him by Mahomed Ali, in allusion to had it engraved on his Persian seal.

CUve.


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 f'HAP. Xn.] LETTER OF THE SIIAZADA. 657

agreeable to their conduct. Tliis world is like a garden of tlowers, interspersed a.d. irss. with weeds and thorns. I shall therefore root out the bad, that the faithful and good ryots ^God willing) may rest in peace and (piietness. Know you, who Letter of ti.o are great, that it is proper you should pay a due obedience to this my firman, and make it your business to pay your respects to me like a faithful servant, which will be great and happy for you. It is proper you should be earnest in doing thus, when, by the blessing of God, you stand high in my favour. Know this must be done."

Clive dismissed the agents with a warning not to come near him again, for ciive* if they did, he would "take their heads for their pains." The letter he answered as follows : — " I have had the honour to receive your highnes.s's firman. It gives me great concern to find that this country must become a scene of troubles. I beg leave to inform you, that I have been favoured with a sunnud from the emperor, appointing me a mimsubdar of the rank of GOOO foot and ') horse, which constitutes me a servant of his; and as I have not received any orders, either from the emperor or vizier, acquainting me of your coming down here, I Cxinnot pay that due regard to your highness's ordei-s I would otherwise wish to do. I must further beg leave to inform you, that I am mider the strictest engagements with the present soubahdar of these provinces to assist him at all times, and it is not the custom of the English nation to be guilty of insincerity." In declining the interview which the shazada's letter obviously invited, on the gi'ound that he had not "received any orders" from the court of Delhi, Clive took stronger ground than he was probably aware of at the time, as afterwards appeared when Meer Jaffier sent him an imperial edict which he had received. It was in the following terms: — " Know that you are under the .shadow of my favour. Some ill-designing people have turned the brain of my beloved son, Mahomed Ali Gohur (the shazada), and are carrying him to the eastern part of the empire, which must be the cause of much trouble and ruin to my country. I therefore order you, who are my servant, to proceed immediately to Patna, and secure the person of my son and keep him there. You are likewise to punish his attendants, that other people may take warning thereby. In doing this you will gain my favour and have a good name."

Though Clive spoke and wrote slightingly of the shazada and his invasion, critical state there was gi'ave cause for alarm. Ramnarain, the governor of Behar, was sus- pected of being in league with the enemy, whose forces had rapidly increased to 30,000 or 40,000, while the whole force which the presidency could muster amounted only to about 450 Europeans and 2500 sepoys. At tiie head of these Clive set out, and after a short halt at Moorshedabad — where he lectured the nabob on his misconduct, which, by forfeiting the confidence of all chvsses of his subjects, had the natural consequence of inviting foreign invasion, and at the same time " complied with the nabob's solicitation to ride on the same elephant with him, and adopted any measure that covdd support him in his administra- VoL. I. 83


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 058 ULSTUKY OF INDIA. [Book ill.

A.D. 1759. tion" — he hastened on for Patna, which was now actually besieged and in immi- nent danger of being taken, llaninarain at first endeavoured to make friends of both parties, and actually paid a visit to the shazadas camp, apparently for the

Theshaza- puroose of asccrtaininf; what terms he could obtain from him. Uitimattjly,

lia'a attempt.

on Patna. liowcvcr. On ascertaining that Clive had taken the field, he had no doubt that he would prove victor, and therefore bestirred himself to do away with the suspicions raised by his previous tampering with the enemy. His defence was valiant, and repeated assaults were successfully repulsed, though two l^astions were at one time carried. The result, however, was still doubtful, when the appearance of a detachment which Clive had sent forward under Ensign Matthews threw the besiegers into despair, and they abandoned the siege with the utmost precipitation. The confederates who had joined the shazada had been using him merely as an in.strument to accomplish their own ends. The Nabob of Oude, in })articular, though he had been the chief instigator to the invasion, only turned it to account by seizing upon Allahabad while the governor was ab.sent, and then, to shake himself free of all responsibility, would not even allow the shazada to seek an asylum in his territories. The unhappy prince, thus almo.st deserted by his followers, proposed to throw himself on Briti.sh protection ; but Clive, who saw how dangerous a guest he might prove, refused to receive him. As a mere act of humanity, however, he sent him a sum of money to relieve his present necessities.

ciive's The nabob's joy at this deliverance was great in proportion to his fears, and

he manifested his obligation to Clive by a grant which was equal in value to all that he had previously bestowed upon him, and which was destined to become the subject of much unpleasant discussion. Shortly after Clive obtained his dignities from Delhi, he wrote to Juggut Seit, to say " that the nabob had made him an omrah of the empire without a jaghire." The answer was, that 'the nabob never granted jaghires in Bengal; that Orissa was too poor, but that he might have one in Behar." Nothing more appears to have been done in the matter till the expulsion of the shazada, when the nabob, either recollecting Clive's application or having been reminded of it, declared his intention to use every means in his power to obtain an order from Dellii for a jaghire, because, as Mr. Hastings expresses it in a letter to CUve, he was " ashamed that you should do so much for him without the prospect of reaping any advantage to j'ourself by it." On a subsequent occasion, when Mr. Sykes was acting temporarily for Mr. Hastings at Moorshedabad, the nabob returned to the subject, and, after observing that "he had frequently had it in his thoughts but never entered seriously upon it till now," stated that Juggut Seit had fallen upon a method of obviating all difficulties by giving for the jaghire " the quit-rent arising from the lands ceded to the Company to the southward of Calcutta." This, he thought, "would inteifere the least with his government, and stood the clearest in relation to the Company's affairs."


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 tiong

Chap. XII. J ('LIYE'8 .IA(JH1I{K. tioi)

It is impossible to doubt that the nabob was right when he said that the a.d. iiyj

([uit-rent was the jaghire which woidJ least interfere with his government. In fact Juggut Seit, wlien he suggested it, must have had a shrewd suspicion that no part of the ciuit-rent would ever be brought into the Moorshedabad treasury. <^''je<=«'" The nabob was already owing the Company far more than he was able to pay; jagiure. and therefore, had he retained the right to it, it would only have been to .see it mentioned as a sum which the Company had retained in their own hands as a reduction p7'0 taiito of their debt. To him, therefore, it was utterly worthless as a source of revenue, and he lost nothing by parting with it. The case of the Company was so very different, that it is difficult to understand what the nabob meant when he said that it was the jaghire which " stood the clearest in relation to the Company's affairs.' On the contrary, it would be easy to show that the transference of the quit-rent to one of tiieir servants placed them in a fai- worse position than before. So long as the quit-rent was payable to the nabob, they could always use it as a set-ofF against him. It was of the nature of a security, which they could always make available for the repayment of their advances. But the moment it was validly transferred to Clive, or any other British subject, the pa^Muent of it covdd be enforced in the British courts of law like any other debt. Its character was thus entirely changed, and its value as a security was entii'ely lost. On this ground alone the Company miglit Avell object to the con- version of the quit-rent into what was called Clive's jaghire. But there were other con.siderations which, without affecting the legality of the jaghire, showed it to be at the least unseemly and inexpedient. The Company might, without any loss of dignity, consent to hold their ceded lands under the Nabob of Bengal, but was it fair or becoming to set a new landlord over their heads, and make them the tenants of one of their own servants? It ought always to have been recollected, that however great Clive's services might have been, they were really the services of those who had employed him, and that therefore, if the nabob was in a ))osition to renounce the quit-rent, the renunciation ought to have been made in the Company's favour. It deserves also to be observed, that at tiie time when the jaghire was granted the government of Bengal could not be con.sidered as settled. One great revolution had already taken place, and others to all ap- pearance could not be distant. Was it not more than probable that ere long the country which was already virtually ruled by the Company would be actually ti'aiisferred to them? In that case the (piit-i-ent would necessarily fall. With what decency or justice, then, could any one attempt during this interval of transition to bind it down upon them as a permanent burden, to be made effectual if necessary by a decree of the Court of Chancery? The estimated value of

the jagliiro.

annual value of the jaghire was about £30,000. Tiiis, at ten years' purchase, is £300,000 ; and thus, for the services of less than three years in Bengal, Clive had received, in addition to his ordinary pay and emoluments, considerably more than £500,000 sterling.


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 0(50 IIISTOKY OF INDIA. [Book III.

A.u. i75!i. Tlie invasion of the sliazada liad scarcely been defeated, when an ahtrni of an unexpected, thougli not less threatening description arose from a very difien-nt

nutcii ann;i (quarter. The Dutch had beheld tiie iJritish successes in Bengal with envy and

to Bengal ap])reliension. The French factories had been annihilated. Was it not [Kjssible tiiat theirs might share a similar fate? It is true that while the British and JJutch were at peace, this could hardly happen by open violence ; but the .same thing might be accomplished by underhand means. The danger to which an important branch of the Dutch trade had recently been expo.sed by the establish- ment of a saltpetre monopoly in favour of the English Company, was a case in j)oint. Others of a similar nature might be expected to follow, and therefore the true policy was to place their settlement on a footing which would command respect, or if necessary enforce it. There is some inconsistency in the motives

Its objects, by which the Dutch are said to have been actuated. According to one account, they had refused to recognize the revolution which had given the naboVj.ship of Bengal to Meer Jaffier, and, fearing his vengeance, determined to prepare a force which would enable them to defy it. According to another account, they had come to an understanding with Meer Jaffier, and with his sanction fitted out an armament which, arriving at a time when the English Company's troops had been diminished by the expedition to the Northern Circars, would enable him to shake iiimself free of the yoke which they had imposed upon him. It is impossible to decide between the conflicting motives thus attributed to the Dutch. The only important question for Clive, was to decide on the course which ought to be pursued when the armament should make its appearance. He had early made up his mind to repel it at all hazards, though he was well aware how difficult it would be to justify the proceeding. When remonstrated with by some of his friends on the responsibility he would incur by opposing the passage of the armament of a friendly power up the Ganges, he answered that " a public man may occasionally be called upon to act with a halter round his neck." On this principle he was prepared to act, but he was careful at the same time not to omit any precaution which might, ostensibly at least, place him in the right and the Dutch in the wrong.

ciiveapre Tlic nabob, even if he had given his sanction to the Dutch armament, was

paratioiis to. . ~, ..

opiwsB it. not prepared to avow it, and Clive therefore had little difficulty m procuring from him an order " to oppose and prevent any foreign troops being brought into his country.' This order the treaty made with the nabob bound him to obey; and hence, in opposing the Dutch, he could now assert that he w^as acting, not in his own name, but in that of the Bengal government. This was an important point gained, for it had the effect of depriving the Dutch of the character of allies, in which they desired to appear, and exhibiting them in that of aggressors. Accordingly, when their first ship carrying a body of troops arrived, they were obliged to pretend that Negapatam was her destined port, and that having been driven from it by stress of weather, she would again leave the Hooghlj- as soon


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 CiiAP. XII. J ARRIVAL OF THE DUTCH ARMAMENT. 661

as she had obtained a supply of water and {)rovisions. CIi' e refused to give any ad. 1759. credit to this pretence, and a detachment, composed partly of the nabob's and partly of the Company's troops, took possession of the fort of Tanna and the battery opposite to it, with orders to search all boats and vessels pjvssing up the river. Tliis proceeding called forth strong remonstrances from the re])resenta- tives of the Dutch company at Chinsurah, but Clive persisted, asserting that he was acting in obedience to the nabob's orders, and in fulfilment of obligations to which he was solemnly bound by ti'eaty.

In October, 1759, the Dutch armament, consisting of six or seven capital suspiti..u«

conduct of

sliips crowded with soldiers, arrived at Fulta. When the intelligence was MeerjaHier. received, Meer Jaffier was living in Calcutta as CUve's guest. His evident con- fusion left little doubt that he had been playing a deceitful part ; but he made light of the matter, and on leaving Calcutta boasted that he would soon chastise the insolence and disobedience of the Dutch. How he meant to fulfil this boast appeared a few days after, when a letter was received from him stating that he had granted the Dutch some indulgence in their trade, and that "they had (Higaged to leave the river with their ships and troops as soon as the setison would permit." The season could never be more favom*able for their departure than at that very time, and this fact, joined to other suspicious circumstances, made it certain that the nabob either had had an undei'standinir with the Dutch from the very first, or had been convinced by them that his own tortuous policy would be best promoted by allowing them to bring up their troops if they could. Clive was thus once more in a dilemma ; but as the nabob had not withdrawn his previous orders, he was still able to assert that he was acting under them. Hence, when the Dutch, deeming themselves ripe for action, sent a kind of mani- a nutch

f.ii •11I-111- 1 1 manifesto.

testo, in which they recapitulated their alleged grievances, and vowed vengeance an.i ciives and reprisals if their boats were searched and their passage up the river obstructed, he answered in name of the Company, that "we had given no insult to their colours, or attacked or touched their proj^erty, or infringed their privileges ; that with respect to their bringing troops into Bengal, the nabob knew best how far it was incumbent on him to preserve the peace and tranquillity of his country ; that their boats had been stopped and searched, and the advance of their troo])s opposed by orders from the viceroy, and under the emperor his master's colours, and by his troops ; that they must therefore apply to him, and that we were ready to interpose our friendly oftices to mitigate his resentment." After giving tliis answer, which under the circumstances may be thought, as he himself admits, to have " savoured somewhat of audacity," he lost no time in preparing to follow out the decisive course which he had resolved to ado]>t. His means, however, were not very adequate. There were only three British ships in the river to oppose the Dutch squadron of seven. The troops, also, were far fewer in number, and instead of being concentrated, were obliged to be airanged in two separate detachments — the larger one being stationed under Captain Knox

answer to it.


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 G62

iilSTOKV (JF INDIA.

[Hook J II

Hostilities conimencerl

AD. 1759. at Tanna, where the passage of the river could ha best disputed ; wliile the other, under Colonel Forde, now returned from the Circars, proceeded northward to intercept the Dutch troop.s should any attempt be made to march thern U) Chin- surah by land.

Amid these preparations, what (Jive's feelings were will he Vjest explaine*! in his own words. " We found our sentiments a good deal embarrassed, doubt- ing whether we should stand justified to our country and employers in com- mencing hostilities against an ally of England, supposing they should persist in passing the batteries below with their ships and troops. In this situation, we anxiously wished the next hour would bring us news of a declaration of war with Holland; which we had indeed some reason to expect by our last advices from England."' Fortunately, the Dutch themselves removed all .scruples by being the first to commence hostilities. Having .seized a number of the grain boats and other vessels belonging to the Company, they tore down their colours, transferred the stores to their own ships, and treated their crews a.s prisoners. Hostilities being thus openly declared, they proceeded up the river,

while the three Britisii vessels, under command of Commodore Wilson, fol- lowed at a short distance in their wake. The orders given to the commodore were to pass the Dutch and anchor above the batteries. Before he had time to exe- cute them, the commence- ment of hostilities had changed the position of affairs and caused the transmission of a new order, " to demand immediate restitution of our ships, subjects, and property, or to fight, sink, burn, and destroy the Dutch ships on their refusal." On the 23d of November, when this order was sent, the Dutch landed 700 European and about 800 native troops ; the very next day Commodore Wilson obe3'ed the order, and after an engagement of two hours gained a complete victory. All the vessels of the Dutcli squadron struck their flag except one, which endea- voured to escape, and was also taken. On hearing of the landing of the Dutch troops, the detachment stationed at Tanna under Captain Knox quitted it, and marched to reinforce that under Colonel Forde, who had previou.sly repulsed an attack made upon him at Chandernagore, and pursued the fugitives with some slaughter to the very barriers of Chinsurah. Having been joined by Captain Knox, he was preparing to invest it, when he learned that the Dutch troops which had been landed from the ships had arrived on the plain of Bedarra, and been there joined by part of the Chinsurah garrison, which had eluded his

'I'lic Dutcli defeated.

WoLACKS, Grain Boats of Calcutta. — From Soh-yn's Les llindous.


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 ClIAP. XII.]

THE DUTCH HUMBLEIX

6G3

A.D. 1769.

CUINiJl I

-I iwlii liu

iuH'9 ill India.

'igilance. It is said that he had not then received authority to fight, but seeing the advantage of his position, wrote a note, stating that " if he had the order in council, he could attack the Dutch with a fair prospect of destroying them." Clive received the note while })laying at cards, and, with- out quitting the table, answered in ])encil, " Dear Forde, fight them immedi- ate! v. I will send you the order of council to-morrow." He obeyed, and was jis successful as he had anticipated.

His force, consisting of only 3:30 Europeans and about 800 sepoys, after a short and bloody engagement, put to total rout an enemy consisting of 700 ['Europeans, and a still larger number of native troops. The Dutch, now com- pletely humbled, asked submissively for terms, and on acknowledging themselves the aggressors and agreeing to pay costs and damages, obtained the restitution of their ships.

The affair, however, was not yet over. Meerun, the nabob's son, arrived in the neighbourhood of Chinsurah at the head of about 7000 horse. Aware of the suspicions which attached to his father and himself, as having instigated, or at least connived at the Dutch expedition, he would have endeavoured to wijie them off by the severity of his proceedings, had not Clive, after being written to in the most supplicating terms, interposed his mediation, and obtained peace for the Dutch on the following conditions : — That they should never negotiate wjir, introduce or enlist troops, or raise fortifications in the country ; that they should be allowed to keep 125 Em-opean soldiers, and no more, for the service of their factories of Cliinsurah, Cossimbazar, and Patna ; and that they shouM forthwith send away all their other troops with the ships which had brought them.

The defeat of the Dutch armament was the last service of importance which cuvere

golres to

Clive rendered before he took his dei)arture for England. He had for some time depm (or been preparing for this event, but when he announced it as detennined, all clas.ses in Bengal concurred in regarding it as a public calamit}'. Meer Jaffier had often winced under his reproofs, and deeply resented his interference as often as lie wa.s thwarted in some favourite object. He was aware, however, that in cases of real difficulty he could calculate on receiving effectual assistance from him, and he was therefore filled Avith alarm when he thoutrht of the difficulties to which

CoinlitioMs dictatcil to tlie Dutch.


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 0t HISTORY OF IM>IA. [Kook III.

A D. 17.W he might be reduced after he was left to his own resources, and the urK;ertairi

support of the individual wiio might be called to occupy without being able t/j

riivoro- fill Olive's place. The shazada was again on the frontier meditating a new in-

solves to.

.iei)artfor vasion. How would he be able to repel it? Nor was this all. The a.scendeiicy which the Company had acquired had opened a door to innumeraV>le abases; and the revenues of the government, as well as the general prosperity of the popula- tion, had been seriously diminished by the preposterous exemptions claimed and the gross oppression often practised by the officials of the Company in carrying on trade, and giving pennits to others to carry on trade, for their own indi- vidual profit. All such abuses Clive had ever shown a willingness to keep within bounds. Would his successor be similarly disposed? and if lie were, would he be equal to the task? Under the influence of such considerations, Meer Jaffier would gladly have purchased Clive's continued residence in Bengal at almost any price. The leading civil servants of the Company were equally urgent in pressing him to postpone his departure. Warren Hastings, in paiticular, ad- dressed to him a long letter, in which, while expressing his belief that the nabob was "both by interest and inclination heartily attached to the English," he

Attempts argued that the people about him would use every possible means to alienate

todis-suaJo. .

him. his affections, and that as he was " but of an irresolute and unsettled temper, it

would be impossible for him, after Clive's absence emboldened them to throw off the mask, to hold out against the united influence of so many evil counsellors.' Next he reminded him of " the dangers we are threatened with from our natural enemies the French, which, by your resignation of the service, will be doubled upon us, and in which it is very probable the nabob will stand neuter." After mentioning a fact confirmatory of this view, he adds, " I do not advance this as an argument that the nabob is inclinable to the French ; but I think it would not be difficult to persuade him that it would be for his interest to suffer the French to come into this country again, both for the increase of his revenues (a very prevailing argument) and to balance the power of the English." The last argument is drawn from the state of matters at the Mogul court. " I know not," he says, " in what light you may regard the proposal lately made from Delhi, or whether the consideration of the further advantasres that mav result from a nearer connection with that court (in which your intervention appears of indispensable necessity) deserve to be thrown into the scale ; though I must own it is my opinion that nothing can contribute so much to establish the power of the English in this country on the most soHd and lasting foundation as an in- terest properly estabhshed at that court."

His letter to Nouc of thesc argumcnts had sufficient weio-ht to chansre Clive's resolution.

tlieEarlof ° ?

ciiathiini Some of them, indeed, rather tended to confirm it, as they satisfied him that some of the most important objects pointed at might be more effectually f^ecured by his presence in England than by his continued residence in Bengal. In the beginning of 1759 he addressed a letter to the celebrated British minister

■I


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 economic" way. The domination of American capitalism demands and engenders political changes. The present political situation in Mexico, from the point of view of the American industrial magnates is "too radical;" to overthrow the Government is too easy; the national ideology is too "bolshevistic;" the labor movement is too "extreme." It is of course untrue that the Obregon Government is actually "radical" or even "bolshevistic;" that Morones, the "dear friend" of Samuel Gompers, is the representative of a really extreme labor movement. Even the Hearst papers, which are always retailing stories of Mexican bolshevism, do not believe this. Obregon, like every "decent government" has often enough proved that he can crush striking workers and revolutionary peasants, and split the revolutionary trade unions by means of spies and provocateurs. He is also a past master at playing the socialist and by means of this art has won a revolutionary prestige not only among the backward Mexicans, but also among the American workers. Nevertheless, for the intervention policy of the American oil magnates, he is a substantial hindrance. Obregon exploits the possibilities of radicalism and the atmosphere of sham socialism in the fight for his share of the booty gained by the common exploitation of the Mexican workers and peasants. He either flirts with the proletariat or has their revolutionary leaders shot down in the streets, according as the state of negotiations demand. The real reason why the American Government is fighting Article 27 and 123 of the Mexican Constitution, is because these articles form a strong moral weapon in the hands of the Mexican Government.

Today the whole problem for the American capitalists and for the Mexican bourgeoisie who are willing to compromise, lies in moulding the so-called radical movement in Mexico into a form acceptable to both sides. The chief representatives of Mexican radicalism are those elements of the trade union and peasant bureaucracy, who helped General Obregon to conclude his revolution against Carranza successfully. Their most important representative is General Calles. Consequently, he is the "natural" successor to Obregon, and the latter must officially approve of him, as the candidate if he is not to appear a traitor "to the cause of the revolution." Various useful functionaries of the labor party and of the C. R. O. M. will march into power with Calles. The policy of such a government can only be a policy of social-reformist compromise. It will not be able to satisfy the economic demands of a national economy developing itself on the basis of capitalist production, nor fulfill the promises made to the workers and peasants. Obregon shrewdly


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 Chap. XIl.l CLIVE'S LETTER TO LORD CHATHAM. 665

William Pitt, afterwards Earl of Chatham, in which lie unfolded his views as to a d ivo9 the futm-e of India. After referring to the great revolution which had been effected, he goes on to say, " Much more may yet in time be done if the Com- pany will exert themselves in the manner the importance of their present pos- cuve's viewi

. as to the

sessions and future prospects deserves. I have represented to them ni the future gov- strongest terms the expediency of sending out, and keeping up constantly, such ]"^^l^i a force as will enable them to embrace the first opportunity of further aggran- dizing themselves; and I dare pronounce, from a thorough knowledge of this coimtry's government, and of the genius of the people, acquired by two years' application and experience, that such an opportunity will soon offer." The reigning soubahdar, he adds, still "retains his attachment to us, and probably while he has no other support will continue to do so ; but Mussulmans are so little influenced by gratitude, that should he ever think it his interest to break with us, the obligations he owes us would prove no restraint." Moreover, " he is advanced in years, and his son is so cruel, worthle&s a young fellow, and so apparently an enem}^ to the English, that it will be almost unsafe trusting him with the succession. So .small a body as 2000 Europeans will secure us against any apprehensions from either the one or the other ; and, in case of their daring to be troublesome, enable the Company to take the sovereignty upon themselve.s." In taking this step there would be no opposition on the part of the people, who "would rejoice in so happy an exchange as that of a mild for a despotic govern- ment;" nor on the part of the Mogul, whose sanction might easily be obtained " provided we agreed to pay him the stipulated allotment out of the revenues, viz., fifty lacs yearly." Indeed, adds Clive, "application has been made to me from the court of Delhi to take charge of collecting this payment, the person intrusted with which is styled the king's dewan, and is the next person both in dignity and power to the subah. But this high office I have been obliged to decline for the present, as I am unwilling to occasion an- jealousy on the part of the subah ; especially as I see no likelihood of the Company's providing us with a sufficient force to support properly so considerable an employ, and which would open a way for our securing the subahship to ourselves."

An obvious objection to the accomplishment of these views could not escape nis e«timat« the notice of Clive, and he therefore continues thus: "So large a sovereignty p.»eiiem may possibly be an object too extensive for a mercantile comjmny ; and it is to LrevemiM be feared they are not of themselves able, without the nation's assistance, to maintain so wide a dominion. I have therefore ])resumed, sir, to represent this matter to you, and submit it to 3'our consideration, whether the execution of a design, that may hereafter be carried to still greater lengths, be worthy of the government's taking it in hand. I flatter myself I have made it pretty clear to you that there will be little or no difficulty in obtaining the absolute possession of these rich kingdoms; and that with the Mogul's own consent, on condition of paying him less than a fifth of the revenues thereof" Dwelling on this argu- VoL. I. 84


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 G66

J11,ST(JJ(V OF IS 1)1 A.

fJiooK J 1 1.

C'liatliam's answer to Clive's letter.

AD, iroo. meiit, which ho justly Ijelieved to be the most potent of all, he continues thus: " Now 1 leave you to judge, whether an income yearly of upwards of £2,000.0 sterhng, with the possession of three provinces abounding in the most valuable productions of nature and art, be an object deserving the public attention; and whether it be wortli the nation's while to take the proper measures to secure such an acquisition — an acquisition which, under the management of so aljle and disinterested a minister, would prove a source of immense wealth to the king- dom, and might in time be api)ropriated in part as a fund towards diminishin'^ the heavy load of debt under which we at present labour. "

This letter was delivered by Mr. Walsh, who had been Clive's secretary, and was mentioned in it as one who was "a thorough master of the subject," and "able to explain the whole design, and the facility with which it may be executed." After some delay he was admitted to an interview with the ministei-, who spoke of the matter darkly, acknowledging that the affair was " very practicable," but, at the same time, " of a very nice nature," and left him with the impression that the Company would be allowed to do what they pleased. The account of tliis interview did not reach Clive till he had sailed for England. The absence of any information as to the effect of his letter may have been one of the reasons for hastening his departure, but the immediate occasion of it was the di.sgust pro- duced by a letter from the directors. In answer to an address from the Euro- pean inhabitants of Calcutta, he did not scruple to say that the ill-treatment received in that letter had fully determined him "in throwing up the service, and, in common with Messrs. HolweU, Play dell, Sumner, and M'Guire, members of council, he commented upon it in the plainest terms, characterizing the diction of it " as most unworth}^ yourselves and us, in whatever relation con- sidered, either as masters to servants, or gentlemen to gentlemen." He would have been able, however, to overcome this passing disgust and remain at his post, had he not felt convinced that he might be more usefully employed at home in awakening the Company to their true interests, and exerting his influ- ence to control tlie violent factions into which the court of directors was at this time divided.

Clive sailed from India on the 25th of February, 1 760. Before leaving he had secured the appointment of Mr. Vansittart as his successor in the govern- ment, and of Colonel Calliaud as commander of the army. The latter appoint- ment took effect immediately; but the former, as Mr. Vansittart had been previously attached to the presidency of Madi'as, was deferred for a time, and Mr. Holwell, by virtue of seniority, became temporary governor. During his short tenure of office Mr. Holwell laboured hard, and was successful in con- vincing his colleagues that another revolution in Bengal was necessary. Hence, when Mr. Vansittart airived in July to assume the government, the whole scheme was laid before him. Meer Jaftier was to be persuaded, or if necessary forced into a resignation of all executive authority, and to rest satisfied with a

Clive quits India.


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 Chap. XII.J REAPPEARANCE OF THE SHAZADA. 667

merely nominal sovereignty, while the reality was to be exei'cised by Meer Cos- a.d. neo.

sim, his son-in-law. Mr. Vansittart, as a stranger, was naturally disposed to be gxiided by the local experience of his council, and on their representations, much more than his own independent convictions, concurred in the proposed revolu- tion. Before proceeding to explain its nature and results, it will be necessary to turn for a little to some important military operations.

Calliaud had arrived from Madras with a reinforcement of troops, toward Theshazada the end of November, 17o9. As the reappearance of the shazada on the fron- withtitieof tier had spread general alarm, he set out for Moorshedabad with 350 Europeans, 1000 sepoys, and six pieces of cannon. He was there joined by 15,000 horse and twenty-five pieces of cannon, under the command of Meerun, and proceeded in the direction of Patna. During the march, intelligence arrived that the Emperor Alumgeer 11., during the confusion produced by a new invasion of the Abdallees, had been murdered by his vizier, Ghazi-u-din, and consequentl}^ that the shazada had become the legal possessor of the imperial throne. His former title was therefore exchanged for that of Shah Alum, and it was now impo.ssible to resist him on the same grounds as formerly. He could no longer be regarded as a fugitive from his father's court, but as invested with all the rights of the Mogul. The empire, however, was completely dismembered, and the different nabobs and governors, though still to some degree overawed by the name, con- tinued to pursue any course which seemed most conducive to their own. interest, as if totally unaffected by the change in succession which had taken place. Tiie only individual of political importance who espoused the cause of the new emperor was the Nabob of Oude. He had been invested with the office of vizier of the empire, and behoved at least to make some show of espousing his cause. He did it, however, with so much lukewarmness, that Shah Alum was little benefited, and soon found liis resources totally inadequate to any great enterprise. He was able, with some difficulty, to make his appearance once more before Patna. Ramnarain, the governor, whose fidelity to Meer Jaftier had been suspected during the previous attack, seemed now to be animated with a superabundant zeal, and, contrary to the express injunctions of Calliaud, who had warned liiiii ajjainst risking an engagement till he himself siiould an'ive, marched out, in the hope of gaining glorv. and only su.stained a disgrace- ful defeat. Patna itself woidd probably have fallen had not Calliaud hastened His oiwrn- forward, and completely repaired the disaster. The emperor in his flight reached patnafms the town of Behar, and thei-e took the bold step of marching directly into Bengal. ["'iHami' Calliaud, thus left behind, no sooner became aware of his movements, than he hastened back as fa.st as the perverse delays of Meerun would allow ; and by the aid of boats, which carried his infantry rapidly down the Ganges, while the horse followed by land, came up with the enemy on the 7th of March. The emperor, thus brought to bay, dexterously avoided .an engagement by striking into a mountainous tract; and, after many hardships, made his appearance on


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 6(i8

HISTORY OF INDIA.

[Book III

vaiicea to Putua.

AD. 1700, tlie plains only thirty miles west of Moorshedabad. Had he executed his jilan with tlie same boldness with which he had conceived it, he might have made a

si.ah Alum succcssful dasli at the capital, and even taken Meer Jaffier himself prisoner. But he lingered till Calliaud, who had been following on his track, was again within reach of him. Thus frustrated in his object, he profited by the obstructions which Calliaud experienced from the refusal of the nabob to furnish him with cavalry, and retraced his steps to Patna. Here he was joined by M. Law, with his French party; and though repulsed in two assaults, was preparing for a third, which promised to be successful, when the arrival of a detachment .sent forward by Calliaud, under Captain Knox, proved the death-blow to all his hopes. This officer, who had made a flying march, remarkable for its rapidity, arrived unseen by the enemy, took them by surprise, and compelled them pre- cipitately to raise the siege.

The only chief who now remained zealous in Shah Alum's service was the governor of Purneah, who had collected an army and was on the march to join him. Calliaud, accompanied as before by Meerun, set out from Rajamahal to give him battle ; and while oh the march received intelligence that it liad been fought and won by Captain Knox. This gallant officer having been ordered to harass the enemy's rear, crossed from Patna to the other side of the Ganges with only 200 Eiu-opeans, a battalion of sepoys, and about 300 horse. He had determined to surprise the enemy's camp during the night, but mis.sed his way. and when morning dawned, found himself in presence of a force of 12,000. Being nearly surrounded, he could scarcely have made his escape. Nor did he attempt it. With his mere handful of troops, he boldly risked the encounter, and after a conflict of six hours proved victorious. The governor of Purneah, thus unable t(3 cope with a small detachment, had no inclination to face the main army under Calliaud and Meerun; who, following up the pursuit, overtook him and cap- tured his heavy baggage and artillery. In the hope of gaining the large trea- sures which he was reported to have with him, he was still pursued, though the rains had set in with unusual violence. This pu.'suit proved fatal to Meerun. After it had continued four days, his tent was struck by lightning on the 2d of July, 17G0. It contained, beside himself, a story-teller, and a servant employed in patting his feet. They all perished. Meerun, who by his crimes had merited this awful end, left none to regret him ; but to prevent the confusion and ])ro- bable disbanding of his army, the fatality was concealed for several days, and Calliaud succeeded in reaching Patna in safety.

When Meerun's death became known at Moorshedabad, the troops broke out in mutiny, and surrounding the palace threatened the nabob with instant death, if he did not immediately satisfy their arrears of pay. His treasury was empty, and peace was only restored by the interposition of Meer Cossim, the nabob's son-in-law, who advanced a present sum of three lacs of rupees, and became security for the payment of the rest of the aiTears within a specified

Death of Meer Jaf fiei's son, Meerun.

K vents on Meerun's death.


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 ("HAP. XII.] SCHEME TO DEPOSE MEEK JAFFIER. G!)

time. Meer Cossim, in granting this assistance, had stipulated that he sliould a d. kuo. he regarded as the next in succession to the nabobsliip. At this very time he was aspiring to the possession of it without waiting for succession ; and when which ouglit to have satisfied that gentleman how unworthy he was of the least jaBiermici countenance. His proposal was to seat himself on the musnud, by causing his cls'lui^'""^ father-in-law to be assassinated. Mr. Holvvell says that "'he expressed much astonishment and abhorrence at the overture," and distinctly told Meer Cossim " that unless he dropped all mention, as well as every intention and attempt of the measure he had intimated, the conference must end there." Meer Cossim, so far from being abashed, could not even understand Mr. Holwell's scruples, which only made him fear that he " was not so much his friend as he lioped and expected." Strange to say, the negotiation with this would-be assa.ssin was still continued, and issued in a formal treaty, by which Meer Jaffier was to be stripped of everything but the name of sovereign, and Meer Cossim was forth- with to be invested with the whole executive authority. On the part of the Company, it was stipulated that the sum due to them should be paid, that the districts of Burdwan, Midnapore, and Chittagong should be assigned to them for the maintenance of a sufficient force in Bengal, and that five lacs of rupees should be given as a present for the war in the Carnatic.
 * (>uuded on tlie subject by Mr. Holwell, had signified his readiness in a manner Scheme t->

The pretexts for this treaty were the contempt and detestation which Meer Corrupt Jaffier had provoked by his misgovernment, his inability to contend with the pioyo.i difficulties with which he was surrounded, and the state of the Company's finances, which made it absolutely necessary that their existing claims on the government should be satisfied, and those which could not fail to arise in future be secured beforehand by some material guarantee. When all these things are admitted, the gross injustice and im]-)olicy of the new revolution are still mani- fest. Whatever the demerits of Meer Jaffier might be, they could scarcely be greater than those of the man who, though bound to him by the closest affinity, would have carved a way to the throne by assassinating him. The pecuniar}- difficulties could not be diminished by the substitution of a new nabob, who brought no new resoui'ces of his own, nor could the general confusion of the government be diminished by abrupt revolutionary changes. Besides, the Com- pany stood bound by solemn ti'eaty to maintain Meer Jaffier on the throne, and there could not be a greater breach of faith than the arbitrary determination to depose him. But it is imnecessary to examine the ostensible pretexts for this dishonourable and iniquitous proceeding, since the real motive, though carefully concealed at the time, was soon disclosed, and proved that the leaders in the new revolution, while pleading public principle, liad only been consulting their avarice. On the very night when the agi-eement with Meer Cossim was signed, he made a tender of twenty lacs of rupees to the members of the select com- mittee. They were not refused ; but it was deemed decent to decline acceptance


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 <>70 JIISTOIIY C>F INI>IA. [Book III.

AD. 1760. till the affairs of the country were settled, and th(finances were flourishing^.

They might have waited long for sucii a peri(jd ; and as Meer Cossim seemwl in

Mucr Jaffier jjq Imrry to renew his offer, they refresherl liis memory, and demanded rmymcnt

clepoaedand _ "^ 'J J' I J

i.en»ioneii Qf tlie mouey thus shamefully extorted, £30,000 went into the pocket of Mr. Holwell. Mr. Vansittart, after refusing to concur in the demand of payment, surmounted his scruples, and accepted £58,000 as his share.

All these arrangements had been made without the knowledge of Meer Jaffier, who became acquainted with them for the first time when a deputation of the council of Calcutta waited upon him, for the purpo.se of conferring with him generally upon matters of government. Mr. Vansittart, who headed the deputation, laboured to impress the nabob with the abuses of his administration, and having thus wrung from him an expression of his willingness to be guided by the advice of his English friends, suggested the propiiety of employing some one among " the nabob's children" to set affairs in order. The old nabob was thus gradually led to confess that old age and grief for the death of Meerun had incapacitated him for struggling with difficulties, and that none of his rela- tions seemed so capable as Meer Cossim of giving him aid. The point which had all along been cunningly aimed at, was now gained ; and it was proposed that Meer Cossim should be sent for. This proposal, and the ha.ste with which it was urged, aroused the nabob's suspicions, and he withdrew, complaining of fatigue. It was expected that the business would be resumed next day; but as the nabob made no communication, the deputies threw off the mask, and .sent a letter acquainting him that all their measures were taken, and that Colonel Calliaud was ready to execute them if necessary by force. The information threw him into a transport of rage, and he complained bitterly of the treachery of which he had been the dupe. Ultimately disdaining to accept of a nominal sovereignty, or to trust his life in the hands of a son-in-law, of whose blood- thirsty character he was too well aware, he accepted of the pension offered to him, and took up his residence in Calcutta.

Impolicy It was impossiblc that a transaction marked by so much duplicity and injus-

and bitter

fruitsoftiiis tice could prosper. The inhabitants, indeed, looked on with comparative iiidif- ' ference to a change of masters which, if it promised little amelioration of their condition, could scarcely make it worse than it was. The ffi'st bitter fruits were reaped in Calcutta itself, where the council became divided into two parties — the one cordially approving, and the other decidedly condemning the revolution which had been effected. To the former, of course, belonged those whose pecu- niary circumstances had been greatly improved by it ; while the other consisted, not indeed exclusively, but mainly of those who, not having been members of the select committee, did not share in the extorted money, and could conse- quently boast of being actuated by pure and disinterested motives. Even had Mr. Vansittart not furnished too good a handle for the vituperation of this party, there were circumstances in his nomination which made it anything but

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