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Rh the third commandment; speaking evil of our neighbour, against the ninth commandment; these come from a contempt and disesteem of both in the heart; thence the blasphemy against the Holy Ghost proceeds; (ch. 12. 33, 34.) these are the overflowings of the gall within.

Now these are the things which defile a man, v. 20. Note, Sin is defiling to the soul, renders it unlovely and abominable in the eyes of the pure and holy God, unfit for communion with him, and for the enjoyment of him in the new Jerusalem, into which nothing shall enter, that defileth, or worketh iniquity. The mind and conscience are defiled by sin, and that makes every thing else so, Tit 1. 15. This defilement by sin, was signified by the ceremonial pollutions which the Jewish doctors added to, but understood not. See Heb. 9. 13, 14. 1 John 1. 7.

These therefore are the things we must carefully avoid, and all approaches toward them, and not lay stress upon the washing of the hands. Christ doth not yet repeal the law of the distinction of meats, (that was not done till Acts 10.) but the tradition of the elders, which was tacked to that law; and therefore he concludes, To eat with unwashen hands, (which was the matter now in question,) this defileth not a man. If he wash, he is not the better before God; if he wash not, he is not the worse.

21. Then Jesus went thence, and departed into the coasts of Tyre and Sidon. 22. And, behold, a woman of Canaan came out of the same coasts, and cried unto him, saying, Have mercy on me, O Lord, thou son of David; my daughter is grievously vexed with a devil. 23. But he answered her not a word. And his disciples came and besought him, saying, Send her away; for she crieth after us. 24. But he answered and said, I am not sent butunto the lost sheep of the house of Israel. 25. Then came she and worshipped him, saying, Lord, help me! 26. But he answered and said, It is not meet to take the children's bread, and to cast it to dogs. 27. And she said, Truth, Lord: yet the dogs eat of the crumbs which fall from their master's table. 28. Then Jesus answered and said unto her, O woman, great is thy faith: be it unto thee even as thou wilt. And her daughter was made whole from that very hour.

We have here that famous story of Christ's casting the devil out of the woman of Canaan's daughter; it has something in it singular and very surprising, and which looks favourably upon the poor Gentiles, and is an earnest of that mercy which Christ had in store for them. Here is a gleam of that light which was to lighten the Gentiles, Luke 2. 32. Christ came to his own, and his own received him not; but many of them quarrelled with him, and were offended in him; and observe what follows, v. 21.

I. Jesus went thence. Note, Justly is the light taken from those that either play by it, or rebel against it. When Christ and his disciples could not be quiet among them, he left them, and so left an example to his own rule, (ch. 10. 14.) Shake off the dust of your feet. Though Christ endure long, he will not always endure the contradiction of sinners against himself. He had said, (v. 14.) Let them alone, and he did so. Note, Wilful prejudices against the gospel, and cavils at it, often provoke Christ to withdraw, and to remove the candlestick out of its place, Acts 13. 45, 51.

II. When he went thence, he departed into the coasts of Tyre and Sidon; not to those cities, (they were excluded from any share in Christ's mighty works, ch. 11. 21, 22.) but into that part of the land of Israel which lay that way: thither he went, as Elias to Sarepta, a city of Sidon; (Luke 4. 25.) thither he went to look after this poor woman, whom he had mercy in reserve for. While he went about doing good, he was never out of his way. The dark corners of the country, which lay most remote, shall have their share of his benign influences; and as now the ends of the land, so afterward the ends of the earth, shall see his salvation, Isa. 49. 6. Here it was, that this miracle was wrought, in the story of which we may observe,

1. The address of the woman of Canaan to Christ, v. 22. She was a Gentile, a stranger to the commonwealth of Israel; probably one of the posterity of those accursed nations that were devoted by that word, Cursed be Canaan. Note, The doom of political bodies doth not always reach every individual member of them. God will have his remnant out of all nations, chosen vessels in all coasts, even the most unlikely: she came out of the same coasts. If Christ had not now made a visit to these coasts, though the mercy was worth travelling far for, it is probable that she had never come to him. Note, It is often an excitement to a dormant faith and zeal, to have opportunities of acquaintance with Christ brought to our doors, to have the word nigh us.

Her address was very importunate, she cried to Christ, as one in earnest; cried, as being at some distance from him, not daring to approach too near, being a Canaanite, lest she should give offence. In her address,

(1.) She relates her misery; My daughter is grievously vexed with a devil, —She is ill-bewitched, or possessed. There were degrees of that misery, and this was the worst sort. It was a common case at that time, and very calamitous. Note, The vexations of children are the trouble of parents, and nothing should be more so than their being under the power of Satan. Tender parents very sensibly feel the miseries of those that are pieces of themselves; "Though vexed with the devil, yet she is my daughter still." The greatest afflictions of our relations do not dissolve our obligations to them, and therefore ought not to alienate our affections from them. It was the distress and trouble of her family, that now brought her to Christ; she came to him, not for teaching, but for healing; yet, because she came in faith, he did not reject her. Though it is need that drives us to Christ, yet we shall not therefore be driven from him. It was the affliction of her daughter that gave her this occasion of applying to Christ. It is good to make the afflictions of others our own, in sense and sympathy, that we may make them our own, in improvement and advantage.

(2.) She requests for mercy; Have mercy on me, O Lord, thou Son of David. In calling him Lord, the Son of David, she owns him to be the Messiah: that is the great thing which faith should fasten upon, and fetch comfort from. From the Lord we may expect acts of power, he can command deliverances; from the Son of David we may expect all the mercy and grace which were foretold concerning him. Though a Gentile, she owns the promise made to the fathers of the Jews, and the honour of the house of David. The Gentiles must receive Christianity, not only as an improvement of natural religion, but as the perfection of the Jewish religion, with an eye to the Old Testament.

Her petition is, Have mercy on me. She doth not limit Christ to this or that particular instance of


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Rh more or less unconscious beliefs as to what is worth while; in China one becomes conscious of these beliefs through the spectacle of a society which challenges them by being built, just as unconsciously, upon a different standard of values. Progress and efficiency, for example, make no appeal to the Chinese, except to those who have come under Western influence. By valuing progress and efficiency, we have secured power and wealth; by ignoring them, the Chinese, until we brought disturbance, secured on the whole a peaceable existence and a life full of enjoyment. It is difficult to compare these opposite achievements unless we have some standard of values in our minds; and unless it is a more or less conscious standard, we shall undervalue the less familiar civilization, because evils to which we are not accustomed always make a stronger impression than those that we have learned to take as a matter of course.

The culture of China is changing rapidly, and undoubtedly rapid change is needed. The change that has hitherto taken place is traceable ultimately to the military superiority of the West; but in future our economic superiority is likely to be quite as potent. I believe that, if the Chinese are left free to assimilate what they want of our civilization, and to reject what strikes them as bad, they will be able to achieve an organic growth from their own tradition, and to produce a very splendid result, combining our merits with theirs. There are, however, two opposite dangers to be avoided if this is to happen. The first danger is that they may become completely Westernized, retaining nothing of what has hitherto distinguished them, adding merely one more to the restless, intelligent, industrial, and militaristic

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120 to some degree of justice, and exercise mutual forbearance through dread of the sword suspended full in their view, as the apostle says: "For he beareth not the sword in vain; for he is the minister of God, the avenger for wrath upon him who does evil." And for this reason too, magistrates themselves, having laws as a clothing of righteousness whenever they act in a just and legitimate manner, shall not be called in question for their conduct, nor be liable to punishment. But whatsoever they do to the subversion of justice, iniquitously, and impiously, and illegally, and tyrannically, in these things shall they also perish; for the just judgment of God comes equally upon all, and in no case is defective. Earthly rule, therefore, has been appointed by God for the benefit of nations, and not by the devil, who is never at rest at all, nay, who does not love to see even nations conducting themselves after a quiet manner, so that under the fear of human rule, men may not eat each other up like fishes; but that, by means of the establishment of laws, they may keep down an excess of wickedness among the nations. And considered from this point of view, those who exact tribute from us are "God's ministers, serving for this very purpose."

3. As, then, "the powers that be are ordained of God," it is clear that the devil lied when he said, "These are delivered unto me; and to whomsoever I will, I give them." For by the law of the same Being as calls men into existence are kings also appointed, adapted for those men who are at the time placed under their government. Some of these [rulers] are given for the correction and the benefit of their subjects, and for the preservation of justice; but others, for the purposes of fear and punishment and rebuke: others, as [the subjects] deserve it, are for deception, disgrace, and pride; while the just judgment of God, as I have observed already, passes equally upon all. The devil, however, as he is the apostate angel, can only go to this length, as he did at the beginning, [namely] to deceive and lead astray the mind of man into disobeying the commandments of God, and gradually to darken the hearts of those who would endeavour to


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14 nations which now afflict this unfortunate planet. The second danger is that they may be driven, in the course of resistance to foreign aggression, into an intense anti-foreign conservatism as regards everything except armaments. This has happened in Japan, and it may easily happen in China. The future of Chinese culture is intimately bound up with political and economic questions; and it is through their influence that dangers arise.

China is confronted with two very different groups of foreign Powers, on the one hand the white nations, on the other hand Japan. In considering the effect of the white races on the Far East as a whole, modern Japan must count as a Western product; therefore the responsibility for Japan's doings in China rests ultimately with her white teachers. Nevertheless, Japan remains very unlike Europe and America, and has ambitions different from theirs as regards China. We must therefore distinguish three possibilities: (1) China may become enslaved to one or more white nations; (2) China may become enslaved to Japan; (3) China may recover and retain her liberty. Temporarily there is a fourth possibility, namely that a consortium of Japan and the White Powers may control China; but I do not believe that, in the long run, the Japanese will be able to co-operate with England and America. In the long run, I believe that Japan must dominate the Far East or go under. If the Japanese had a different character this would not be the case; but the nature of their ambitions makes them exclusive and unneighbourly. I shall give the reasons for this view when I come to deal with the relations of China and Japan.


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Rh To understand the problem of China, we must first know something of Chinese history and culture before the irruption of the white man, then something of modern Chinese culture and its inherent tendencies; next, it is necessary to deal in outline with the military and diplomatic relations of the Western Powers with China, beginning with our war of 1840 and ending with the treaty concluded after the Boxer rising of 1900. Although the Sino-Japanese war comes in this period, it is possible to separate, more or less, the actions of Japan in that war, and to see what system the White Powers would have established if Japan had not existed. Since that time, however, Japan has been the dominant foreign influence in Chinese affairs. It is therefore necessary to understand how the Japanese became what they are: what sort of nation they were before the West destroyed their isolation, and what influence the West has had upon them. Lack of understanding of Japan has made people in England blind to Japan's aims in China, and unable to apprehend the meaning of what Japan has done.

Political considerations alone, however, will not suffice to explain what is going on in relation to China; economic questions are almost more important. China is as yet hardly industrialized, and is certainly the most important undeveloped area left in the world. Whether the resources of China are to be developed by China, by Japan, or by the white races, is a question of enormous importance, affecting not only the whole development of Chinese civilization, but the balance of power in the world, the prospects of peace, the destiny of Russia, and the chances of development towards a better economic system in the advanced nations.


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16 The Washington Conference has partly exhibited and partly concealed the conflict for the possession of China between nations all of which have guaranteed China's independence and integrity. Its outcome has made it far more difficult than before to give a hopeful answer as regards Far Eastern problems, and in particular as regards the question: Can China preserve any shadow of independence without a great development of nationalism and militarism? I cannot bring myself to advocate nationalism and militarism, yet it is difficult to know what to say to patriotic Chinese who ask how they can be avoided. So far, I have found only one answer. The Chinese nation, is the most, patient in the world; it thinks of centuries as other nations think of decades. It is essentially indestructible, and can afford to wait. The "civilized" nations of the world, with their blockades, their poison gases, their bombs, submarines, and negro armies, will probably destroy each other within the next hundred years, leaving the stage to those whose pacifism has kept them alive, though poor and powerless. If China can avoid being goaded into war, her oppressors may wear themselves out in the end, and leave the Chinese free to pursue humane ends, instead of the war and rapine and destruction which all white nations love. It is perhaps a slender hope for China, and for ourselves it is little better than despair. But unless the Great Powers learn some moderation and some tolerance, I do not see any better possibility, though I see many that are worse.

Our Western civilization is built upon assumptions, which, to a psychologist, are rationalizings of excessive energy. Our industrialism, our militarism, our love of progress, our missionary zeal, our imperialism,


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242 the introduction. The first essays are occupied chiefly with an account of what had been already accompHshed in the field of cuneiform research, and with a review of the ethnological points raised by Lassen's treatment of the provinces of Darius. It is only incidentally that he touches upon the language of the inscriptions, and he reserves the disctussion of the alphabet to a future paper. Unfortunately, his premature death prevented him from accomplishing this task, and strange to say not a single note could be found among his papers that might be used for the purpose. This is the more remarkable from the frequent references he makes to that portion of his work in which he proposes to explain the points of difference with Lassen, and to the various passages from the inscriptions that he intended to bring forward in support of his views. On other subjects he was in the habit of making the most elaborate notes, and it is scarcely possible to suppose that in a matter of this kind he charged his memory with an accumulation of detached words and phrases collected from the numerous inscriptions then available.

The essays indicate some of the corrections he proposed, but for the reason mentioned we are left very much to conjecture the foundation upon which they were based.

We see, however, that his correction of 27 from h into y was suggested by the words read by Lassen 'Arbah' and 'Huna,' which he recognised should be more properly read 'Arabaya' and 'Yuna' (lonians). Similar etymological considerations led him to the correction of the α  into h. This letter occurs at the beginning of the words Lassen reads 'aryᵃwᵃ,'


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Rh our passion for dominating and organizing, all spring from a superflux of the itch for activity. The creed of efficiency for its own sake, without regard for the ends to which it is directed, has become somewhat discredited in Europe since the war, which would have never taken place if the Western nations had been slightly more indolent. But in America this creed is still almost universally accepted; so it is in Japan, and so it is by the Bolsheviks, who have been aiming fundamentally at the Americanization of Russia. Russia, like China, may be described as an artist nation; but unlike China it has been governed, since the time of Peter the Great, by men who wished to introduce all the good and evil of the West. In former days, I might have had no doubt that such men were in the right. Some (though not many) of the Chinese returned students resemble them in the belief that Western push and hustle are the most desirable things on earth. I cannot now take this view. The evils produced in China by indolence seem to me far less disastrous, from the point of view of mankind at large, than those produced throughout the world by the domineering cocksureness of Europe and America. The Great War showed that something is wrong with our civilization; experience of Russia and China has made me believe that those countries can help to show us what it is that is wrong. The Chinese have discovered, and have practised for many centuries, a way of life which, if it could be adopted by all the world, would make all the world happy. We Europeans have not. Our way of life demands strife, exploitation, restless change, discontent and destruction. Efficiency directed to destruction can only end in annihilation, and it is to this consummation


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Rh serve him, to the forgetting of the true God, but to the adoration of himself as God.

4. Just as if any one, being an apostate, and seizing in a hostile manner another man's territory, should harass the inhabitants of it, in order that he might claim for himself the glory of a king among those ignorant of his apostasy and robbery; so likewise also the devil, being one among those angels who are placed over the spirit of the air, as the Apostle Paul has declared in his Epistle to the Ephesians, becoming envious of man, was rendered an apostate from the divine law: for envy is a thing foreign to God. And ns his apostasy was exposed by man, and man became the [means of] searching out his thoughts (et examinatio sententiæ ejus, homo factus est), he has set himself to this with greater and greater determination, in opposition to man, envying his life, and wishing to involve him in his own apostate power. The Word of God, however, the Maker of all things, conquering him by means of human nature, and showing him to be an apostate, has, on the contrary, put him under the power of man. For He says, "Behold, I confer upon you the power of treading upon serpents and scorpions, and upon all the power of the eneniy," in order that, as he obtained dominion over man by apostasy, so again his apostasy might be deprived of power by means of man turning back again to God.

1. And not only by the particulars already mentioned, but also by means of the events which shall occur in the time of Antichrist is it shown that he, being an apostate and a robber, is anxious to be adored as God; and that, although a mere slave, he wishes himself to be proclaimed as a king. For he (Antichrist) being endued with all the power of the devil, shall come, not as a righteous king, nor as a legitimate king, [i.e. one] in subjection to God, but an impious, unjust, and lawless one; as an apostate, iniquitous and


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18 that our civilization is tending, if it cannot learn some of that wisdom for which it despises the East.

It was on the Volga, in the summer of 1920, that I first realized how profound is the disease in our Western mentality, which the Bolsheviks are attempting to force upon an essentially Asiatic population, just as Japan and the West are doing in China. Our boat travelled on, day after day, through an unknown and mysterious land. Our company were noisy, gay, quarrelsome, full of facile theories, with glib explanations of everything, persuaded that there is nothing they could not understand and no human destiny outside the purview of their system. One of us lay at death's door, fighting a grim battle with weakness and terror and the indifference of the strong, assailed day and night by the sounds of loud-voiced love-making and trivial laughter. And all around us lay a great silence, strong as death, unfathomable as the heavens. It seemed that none had leisure to hear the silence, yet it called to me so insistently that I grew deaf to the harangues of propagandists and the endless information of the well-informed.

One night, very late, our boat stopped in a desolate spot where there were no houses, but only a great sandbank, and beyond it a row of poplars with the rising moon behind them. In silence I went ashore, and found on the sand a strange assemblage of human beings, half-nomads, wandering from some remote region of famine, each family huddled together surrounded by all its belongings, some sleeping, others silently making small fires of twigs. The flickering flames lighted up gnarled, bearded faces of wild men, strong, patient, primitive women, and children as sedate and slow as their parents. Human


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Rh the expediency of having these chemical lectures. On the contrary, in that very able report which he has sent round with this book, he distinctly states that such lectures ought to be delivered. Nothing in his minute seems to indicate any change of opinion. He objects to Mr. Sutherland’s proposition solely, if I understand his reasoning, because Dr. Bramley cannot, without inconsistency, apply for the assistance of a chemical lecturer. I own that I feel much more desirous to establish a really useful and flourishing Medical institution than to hold Dr. Bramley to anything that he may have formerly proposed. Nor can I consent to punish the Indian people for that gentleman’s inconsistency.

I speak with great submission to the judgment of Dr. Grant on every professional subject. If Dr. Grant had declared his opinion that chemical lectures would be useless, or that Dr. O'Shaughnessy was incompetent to deliver them, I should have voted against the proposition. But as Dr. Grant evidently thinks the lectures essential to a good medical school, as he makes no objection to the proposed lecturer, and as the only reason which he assigns for not acceding to the application is, that the application cannot consistently come from Dr. Bramley, I cannot but vote for recommending the proposition to Government.—[Book I. page 25.] 11th July, 1835.

Stipends in the Medical College.—I have no hesitation in giving it as my opinion that the same reasons which have induced the Government to abolish the system of giving stipends in other departments of education apply, for the most part, to the Medical College. Indeed some of them apply with peculiar force to the case of the Medical College. To give a youth a good Medical education is to give him the means of supporting himself in comfort. And it seems unnecessary to pay him for leave to give him the means of supporting himself in comfort. I should at least recommend that the experiment should be tried of not filling up the scholarships as they fall vacant.—[Book I page 35.] 21st July, 1835.

Farther minute on stipends in the Medical College.—What I would propose is a middle course. Let us not at present recommend to Government to abolish the stipends. But let none that may become vacant be filled up till we have re-considered the question and satisfied ourselves that the state of the College absolutely requires a departure from what I think a most wholesome general rule.—[Book I. page 43.] 7th August, 1835.

Stipendiaries.—I hardly know what to say. These youths are already receiving stipends and I really think that we are entitled, in return for those stipends, to expect gratuitous


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Rh beings they undoubtedly were, and yet it would have been far easier for me to grow intimate with a dog or a cat or a horse than with one of them. I knew that they would wait there day after day, perhaps for weeks, until a boat came in which they could go to some distant place in which they had heard—falsely perhaps—that the earth was more generous than in the country they had left. Some would die by the way, all would suffer hunger and thirst and the scorching mid-day sun, but their sufferings would be dumb. To me they seemed to typify the very soul of Russia, unexpressive, inactive from despair, unheeded by the little set of Westernizers who make up all the parties of progress or reaction. Russia is so vast that the articulate few are lost in it as man and his planet are lost in interstellar space. It is possible, I thought, that the theorists may increase the misery of the many by trying to force them into actions contrary to their primeval instincts, but I could not believe that happiness was to be brought to them by a gospel of industrialism and forced labour.

Nevertheless, when morning came I resumed the interminable discussions of the materialistic conception of history and the merits of a truly popular government. Those with whom I discussed had not seen the sleeping wanderers, and would not have been interested if they had seen them, since they were not material for propaganda. But something of that patient silence had communicated itself to me, something lonely and unspoken remained in my heart throughout all the comfortable familiar intellectual talk. And at last I began to feel that all politics are inspired by a grinning devil, teaching the energetic and quickwitted to torture submissive populations for the profit of pocket or power or


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122 murderous; as a robber, concentrating in himself [all] satanic apostasy, and setting aside idols to persuade [men] that he himself is God, raising up himself as the only idol, having in himself the multifarious errors of the other idols. This he does, in order that they who do [now] worship the devil by means of many abominations, may serve himself by this one idol, of whom the apostle thus speaks in the second Epistle to the Thessalonians: "Unless there shall come a falling away first, and the man of sin shall be revealed, the son of perdition, who opposeth and exalteth himself above all that is called God, or that is worshipped; so that he sitteth in the temple of God, showing himself as if he were God." The apostle therefore clearly points out his apostasy, and that he is lifted up above all that is called God, or that is worshipped—that is, above every idol—for these are indeed so called by men, but are not [really] gods; and that he will endeavour in a tyrannical manner to set himself forth as God.

2. Moreover, he (the apostle) has also pointed out this which I have shown in many ways, that the temple in Jerusalem was made by the direction of the true God. For the apostle himself, speaking in his own person, distinctly called it the temple of God. Now I have shown in the third book, that no one is termed God by the apostles when speaking for themselves, except Him who truly is God, the Father of our Lord, by whose directions the temple which is at Jerusalem was constructed for those purposes which I have already mentioned; in which [temple] the enemy shall sit, endeavouring to show himself as Christ, as the Lord also declares: "But when ye shall see the abomination of desolation, which has been spoken of by Daniel the prophet, standing in the holy place (let him that readeth understand), then let those who are in Judea flee into the mountains; and he who is upon the house-top, let him not come down to take anything out of his house: for there shall then be great hardship, such as has not been from the beginning of the world until now, nor ever shall be."

3. Daniel too, looking forward to the end of the last king-


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20 theory. As we journeyed on, fed by food extracted from the peasants, protected by an army recruited from among their sons, I wondered what we had to give them in return. But I found no answer. From time to time I heard their sad songs or the haunting music of the balalaika; but the sound mingled with the great silence of the steppes, and left me with a terrible questioning pain in which Occidental hopefulness grew pale.

It was in this mood that I set out for China to seek a new hope.


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Rh 'arᵃqᵃtis,' and 'Aidhus,' where Jacquet points out that the corresponding Zend forms require an aspirate. In these essays we have only found two other corrections suggested. The first is 10, the e of Grotefend, which Lassen nearly approached in w, but to which Jacquet rightly gives the value of v. The other is 26 , the i of Grotefend and z of Lassen, which Jacquet changes into th in consideration of its occurrence in Assyria (Athuria) and Sattagydes—which he reads 'Thrataghadus' and also (as Lassen adds) in Mithra.

If Jacquet's contributions to the study of cuneiform had been limited to the essays in the 'Journal Asiatique,' they would have been comparatively unimportant. But he was also in correspondence with Lassen on the subject, and he not only communicated to him the result of his investigations, but also the reasons upon which they were based. In 1837, Lassen took part in the foundation of a journal devoted to Oriental subjects—the 'Zeitschrift für die Kunde des Morgenlandes.' Grotefend became a contributor from the commencement, and Lassen reported the progress of cuneiform research as occasion required. His first essay on the subject appeared in 1839, and contained a criticism of the recent writings of Beer and Jacquet; with, as regards the latter writer, some important information derived from his correspondence. From this source we learn that Jacquet recognised the correctness of the value of


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Rh Scholarships at the Medical College from Zillah Schools.—I am exceedingly favorable to the object which Mr. Walters has in view. But I own that I would make no addition to the 56 foundation pupils. I would apply to Government, and request that on the occurring of the next vacancy among those pupils, we may be permitted to give the situation to one of the most advanced Scholars at one of our principal institutions in the Mofussil; and that on every alternate vacancy we should be permitted to do the same. But we must bestow the greatest care, as our Secretary says, in seeing that these nominations do not become jobs. Indeed, I think that it would not be amiss to send examination papers from hence on such an occasion. These, however, are points of detail. I would make an application to Government immediately; and I would strongly represent the expediency of interesting all parts of the Presidency in this great object, and the fairness of giving to distant places a share of an advantage which is now too strictly confined to Calcutta.—[Book I. page 72,] 7th August, 1837.

Further minute on the same subject.—Pupils from all parts of India are eligible already. What I proposed and what I understand to be carried is, that the Government would allow us to elect them to the alternate vacancies.—[Book I., page 77.] 17th August, 1837.

Designation and salary of passed native Students.—The only point in dispute are the name and the salary.

As to the name I prefer that of Sub-assistant Surgeon to that of Doctor. But I like neither.

As to the salary I vote for the larger salary Rupees 60, on the grounds stated by Colonel Young.—[Book I. page 97.] 24th December, 1837.

Medical College.—The Medical College Council proposed to cut the pay of Mr. MacCosh, the clinical lecturer, for a month. The Secretary, Mr. Sutherland, recommended that Mr. MacCosh should have an opportunity of defending his claim. On this Macaulay says, “There can be no harm in calling on Mr. MacCosh for any reason that he may have to give against the retrenchment.

“As to the clinical lecture I, as an ignorant man, should think the course proposed by the college council the best. I should be glad to know Sir Edward Ryan’s opinion.”—[Page 51.] 4th January, 1838.

The Selection of a Professor.—I understood it to be resolved, and I think that it would he proper, so important a person as


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 into three or four hundred thousand. An incredulous Greek, indeed, has stated that in his belief all the Turkish forces, horse and foot, could not have exceeded eighty thousand, and he describes them as a mere pitiful handful of barbarians. Finlay, we observe, accepts this estimate. It may not be easy to see how Mahomet could possibly have provided for the needs of a much larger army, but we must remember that he was utterly reckless of human life so long as he could attain his ends, and we rather incline to think it possible that he may have entered on the siege with at least a hundred thousand men. He had a numerous, though not by any means a formidable, fleet. It was, in fact, for the most part simply made up of transport vessels and half-decked coasters, which, as the events proved, were no match for Genoese and Venetian galleons. At first he had, it is said, thirty triremes or regular warships and a hundred and thirty other vessels; but by the fifteenth of April, a few days, that is, after the commencement of the siege, his fleet had been largely reinforced, and numbered in all four hundred and twenty vessels of various description. The city was now closely beleaguered both by land and sea. The enemy's entrenched lines extended from the Sea of Marmora to the Golden Horn, while the suburb of Pera or Galata was threatened by another army. Here were congregated the Genoese, who were not only reluctant to spend their blood and their treasure in defence of the city, but who could not even be thoroughly trusted. Far the best of the sultan's troops for such a work as he had in hand were the janissaries. These


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 movement from the vena cava through the heart and lungs into the aorta. But as, during wakefulness, the movement of native heat takes place outwards, namely, to the sensorial parts; but during sleep inwards, namely, to the heart,-it appears that during wakefulness much spirit and blood are carried to the arteries, for there is a passage from them to the nerves. But in sleep the same heat returns through the veins to the heart, and not through the arteries; for the natural entrance is through the vena cava into the heart, and not through the arteries. The proof of this is to be found in the pulses, which are large, powerful, quick, and frequent in those waking up, occurring with a certain vibration; during sleep, they are small, languid, slow, and scanty. For during sleep the native heat tends less into the arteries, but rushes more violently into them as the individual wakes up. The veins behave in a different manner, for during sleep they tumefy, but shrink in the waking state, as any one may see who looks at the veins of the hand. For during sleep the natural heat passes from the arteries to the veins by inosculations which are called anastomoses, and thence to the heart; but, as the tidal movement of the blood (exundatio) to the upper parts, and its ebb (retrocessus) to the lower parts, like Euripus, is manifest in sleeping and waking, so this kind of movement is not


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 obscure wherever a ligature is applied to a part of the body, or the veins are closed in some other way."

I trust I shall be pardoned if I do not go more fully into this question of priority, but refer those in whose mind any doubt may remain, to the original works of Cesalpino, where they will find much to interest them. Even the brief quotations that I have laid before you appear to justify to a certain extent the claims that have been raised for higher distinction among the physiologists of the past for Ccsalpino than may have hitherto been awarded him, but at the same time I venture to think that they are conclusive as to the view that Cesalpino cannot be declared worthy to occupy the place so long and universally assigned to our illustrious countryman. Certainly Cesal- pino himself was not conscious of having made an important, if any, discovery; for he introduces the subject of the circulation incidentally in a chapter headed "Cor non solum arteriarum sed et venarum et nervorum principium," and nowhere lays stress upon what is now claimed as his pre- rogative. Even among the list of subjects con- tained in his Index eorum que notatu digna visa sunt the circulation is not inserted. Lest, as Englishmen, we may be tempted to take a one- sided view of the question, permit me to adduce a few words from the work of one of the most


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 eminent modern French physiologists. Flourens,* who in his Histoire de la Circulation du Sang, gives evidence of a minute study of the authors who preceded Harvey, says: "Lorsque Harvey parut, tout, relativement à la circulation, avait été indiqué ou soupçonné, rien n'était établi. Rien n'était établi, et cela est si vrai que Fabrice d'Acqua- pendente, qui vient après Césalpin et qui découvre les valvules des veines, ne connait pas la circula- tion." And it may be added that he quite misinterpreted the functions of the valves.

A careful study of the entire subject appears fully to justify the opinion expressed by Dr. Willis,t that Cesalpino, tried by a moderately searching criticism, presents himself to us as but very little further advanced than the ancients in his ideas on the motion of the blood; and, again, that "The world saw nothing of the circulation of the blood in Servetus, Columbus, Cæsalpinus, or Shakespeare, until after William Harvey had taught and written."

We all know that Harvey did not evolve his doctrine out of his inner consciousness, but that by intense application and the study of vital

au Muséum d'Histoire Naturelle de Paris, 1854, p. 28. An excellent summary of the history of the circulation is given in Mr. Lewes's Physiology of Common Life (vol. i. p. 259, 1859), in which the claims of Harvey and his predecessors are fairly and succinctly set forth. + The Life of Harvey introduction to Sydenham Society's edition of Harvey's Works, p. 63.
 * Histoire de la Circulation du Sang, par P. Flourens, Professeur


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 phenomena he arrived at the conclusions set forth in 1628, having undertaken a task which at the outset he regarded "as so full of difficulties that he was almost tempted to think with Fracastorius that the motion of the heart was only to be comprehended by God." It will be interesting to the Fellows of this College, no less than to the world of science at large, to know that we now have it in our power to estimate more accurately the gradual advances by which Harvey eventually arrived at his goal, inasmuch as the original notes of the first lectures which he delivered in this College in 1616 and in subsequent years, as Lumleian Lecturer on Anatomy and Physiology, have been recently rediscovered in the British Museum. Harvey tells us in the introductory letter to his " very dear friend Dr. Argent, the excellent and accomplished President of the Col- lege of Physicians, prefixed to his work De Motu Sanguinis, published in 1628, that he had for nine years and more confirmed his views by mul- tiplied demonstrations." Hence the first date of the new doctrine is ordinarily fixed in 1619; but the manuscript lectures show that Harvey delivered his first lectures in 1616, and was then already on the threshold of the complete discovery. These lectures formed a part of the library of Sir Hans Sloane, which was purchased by Government in 1754, and, though entered in the Catalogue of


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 the Museum, they have disappeared for above a hundred years. A few months ago, in going over the duplicate books which had been set aside, this manuscript was found, probably in all the better preservation from having been so long buried. Allusion is made to these lectures by several writers. Dr. Rolleston, in his Harveian Oration (p. 70), gives all the details that he was able to collect regarding them, and recounts with what diligence they had been searched for. They were also evidently seen by the writer of Harvey's life prefixed to the edition of his works published by the College of Physicians in 1766, but have been mislaid since then. The notes are written in Latin, but the abbreviations and the handwriting are so quaint that no one but a gentleman in the habit of studying manuscripts of the period can decipher them.* Mr. Bond, the Chief of the Manuscript Department of the British Museum, has kindly produced a readable transcript of that portion of the lectures which commands our special attention. Possibly this College may

readers, for Dr. Ent, in his epistle dedicatory to the work on Generation, which he edited, says: "As our author writes a hand which no one without practice can easily read (a thing that is com- mon among our men of letters), I have taken some pains to prevent the printer committing any very grave blunders through this." Many of my readers may already be familiar with Harvey's hand- writing through the fac-simile of a letter of his, prefixed to Dr. Aveling's Memorials of Harvey (London, 1875), which fully confirms Dr. Ent's statement, as its authenticity is in its turn corroborated by the MS. lectures, B
 * In his own day, Harvey's writing was evidently a puzzle to his


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 consider it a duty that it owes to itself no less than to the memory of the illustrious author to publish these notes, entire or in part, so as to complete as far as possible the history of the subject to which our attention is specially directed. Coupled with Schlegel's admirable Commentatio de Motu Sanguinis, which has received too little attention in this country, the two would form a not inappropriate memorial of the natal year of William Harvcy, of which we celebrate the three hundredth anniversary in 1878.

Every detail concerning Harvey's early studies appears to command our interest; I, therefore, make no apology for presenting you with a few details concerning his first lectures. The volume, which is carefully bound in leather, with some pretensions to elegance, contains about 99 pages of foolscap paper, reduced to a size of 6 inches by 8. The binding was evidently an after- thought, and the loose pages may have been used for one or more years before they were put into their present form, because they bear the marks of having been folded lengthways twice over, so as then to occupy a very small space of about S inches by 2. There is also evidence that Harvey used the book in its present form for his lectures; for he had attached, by scaling-wax, threads of twine along the inner side of the cover, under which he could slip any further notes for


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 future lectures. The writing throughout appears to have suffered little or nothing in distinctness, except that of the title-page; but in evidence of the style and the difficulty of putting it into a modern form, I venture to send round an autotype copy of one of the most legible passages, which happens to be the résumé of what Harvey taught in his early lectures regarding the heart and circu- lation.

The title-page, which is in red ink, is very nearly illegible. It is to the following effect : "Prælectiones anatomiæ universalis, per me Guglielmum Harveium Londinensem, anatom. et chirurg. Professorem. Anno Dom. 1616. Anno ætatis 37. Prælect. April 1st, 1617." Under- neath are the numbers 16, 17, 18, which probably imply that these particular notes were used for the lectures of 1616, 1617, and 1618.

The manuscript evidently consists of mere memoranda ; jottings of the subject upon which the speaker could dilate as he chose. Each full page consists of about thirty lines, and but few of the words are written out in full. The abbreviations, which sometimes assume an almost hieroglyphic form, are very numerous; and as the terminations of the words are commonly mere up-and-down strokes, a considerable latitude must necessarily be allowed to the transcriber. Under these circumstances, and from the impossibility of inter-


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 numbered about twelve thousand, and were drawn up under the sultan's own eye before the gate of St. Romanus, in the centre of the great wall.

This now famous force had already decided more than one doubtful struggle in favour of the Turks, and had bid fair to become "the arch of Ottoman greatness." Its composition was such as to make it as far as possible a pure military caste, which knew nothing but its master's orders, and was wholly free from the ordinary sympathies and sentiments of mankind. The janissary, like the Jesuit, was an isolated being: he was a simple soldier, without a single home tie, devoted heart and soul to the cause in which he was enlisted. Taken in early childhood by conscription from among the offspring of Christian parents captured in war by the Turks, or purchased, it might be, in the slave-market of Constantinople, he was bred and trained a Mahometan for the special service of his masters. It was probably Orchan, the second prince of the House of Othman, who first exacted from the conquered peoples a tribute of children, and thus, as has been said, turned their strength against themselves. The janissaries were invariably supported by the religious orders of Turkey, with whom from their education they were brought into the closest sympathy. Thus they were felt to represent the Turkish people, and to be, in fact, a national guard, always prepared to stand up for the nation's rights, and thoroughly identified with its history and traditions. To their devotion the Ottoman dynasty long owed its stability. In after times, that which had been the empire's strength became its weak-


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 She says she shall stop till I come back, as she wants to see me again before she goes. I told her I might not be back for a month. She said it didn't matter; she had plenty of time, and would wait for me.

The family entreat me to hurry home.

I ate a very fair dinner—"laid in a good stock of ballast," as my seafaring friend would have said; wished "Good-bye!" to everybody, and kissed Aunt Emma; promised to take care of myself—a promise which, please Heaven, I will faithfully keep, cost me what it may—hailed a cab and started.


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 I reached Victoria some time before B. I secured two corner seats in a smoking-carriage, and then paced up and down the platform waiting for him.

When men have nothing else to occupy their minds, they take to thinking. Having nothing better to do until B. arrived, I fell to musing.

What a wonderful piece of Socialism modern civilisation has become!—not the Socialism of the so-called Socialists—a system modelled apparently upon the methods of the convict prison—a system under which each miserable sinner is to be compelled to labour, like a beast of burden, for no personal benefit to himself, but only for the good of the community—a world where there are to be no men, but only numbers—where there is to be no ambition and no hope and no fear,—but the Socialism of free men, working side by side in the common workshop, each one for the wage to which his skill and energy entitle him; the Socialism of responsible, thinking individuals, not of State-directed automata.

Here was I, in exchange for the result of some of my labour, going to be taken by Society for a treat, to the middle of Europe and back. Railway lines had been laid over the whole 700 or 800 miles to facilitate my progress; bridges had been built, and tunnels made; an army of engineers, and guards, and signal-men, and porters,


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 printing or verifying some of the allusions and references, the transcript and translation of the portion that particularly concerns us, relating to the heart and circulation, inevitably leaves much to be desired. * I may say that this section occupies a little more than 15 pages of the volume, comprising altogether 441 lines.

The notes are put together in an aphoristic manner, and are occasionally interpolated with English words for which the writer, at the moment of composition, was unable at once to supply the corresponding Latin term. There are frequent references to other authors; Hippocrates, Galen, Columbus, Versallius (sic), Colsius, Aquapendens, and one, though this is doubtful, to Cæsalpinus. Every now and then we meet with initials W. H., appended, probably, for the purpose of distinguish- ing the passage as one that the speaker wished to mark as belonging especially to himself. The notes show that Harvey had, at that time, already studied the subject by vivisection, and that he had employed a variety of animals for his inquiry. But one feels throughout that he is still some- what influenced by the prevailing views, and that he is only laboriously attaining that clear insight

satisfactory results; and, after submitting it to more competent Latin scholars than I profess to be, I fear others would not be much more successful. It would probably be wisest to publish the notes in autotype, with an accompanying transcript, and allow each reader to be his own interpreter.
 * The attempt I have made in translating it has not yielded


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 ness. The janissaries would not hear of the slightest change or reform, and so, when a new military system, adapted to modern warfare, was necessary for Turkey, Sultan Mahmoud, early in the present century, had to clear them out of the way by a coup de main. At the time of which we are speaking they had deservedly won a great reputation, and were, in all probability, the best and most highly trained infantry in Europe.

Let us now see what resources the emperor, "the solitary and indigent prince," as Gibbon calls him, had for defence of his ancient and venerable city. One resource, as we have already seen, was conspicuously absent. Of genuine patriotic spirit among the Greeks there was scarce a spark. Rich men would swear they were penniless, rather than contribute to the pay of the mercenaries on whom in their dire extremity they had mainly to depend. In former sieges the luxurious pleasure-loving Byzantine could arm himself and serve on the ramparts, and even endure the miseries of a protracted blockade. But of all this hardly a trace was left. He could repeat prayers and wrangle about the bread in the sacrament and drink confusion to the pope and his satellites in his tavern, but, with the infidel at his gates, he could not shake off the wretched cowardice which he tried to dignify with the name of resignation to the Divine will. The emperor was indeed in a piteous plight. A good and brave man himself, uniting old Roman virtue with Christian faith and fortitude, he would have held his city against the foe, but for the scanty and miserable material with which he had to work. Some of the citizens, both


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 at a spelling-bee, is as interesting a feature as the physiological fact embodied in the section.

The next section is devoted to an examination of the structure of the heart and its contents. Harvey's initials are attached to such sentences as "Hinc cur potius arteria oriri a corde quam vena, non vidco;" as-" Quare de principio venarum, puto a corde." He commences the consideration of the use of the heart with the statement-" Hæ duo lacuna (the two ventricles) cysternæ sanguinis et spiritus;" the latter, he subsequently says-"in totum corpus hinc distribuitur." Much comparative anatomy is intro- duced; and we meet, probably for the first time in English medical literature, the designation of "bishop's miter" as applied to the left auriculo-ventricular valve. Harvey heads the next division of his subject "Historia, Transitus Sanguinis et quomodo spiritus fiat." In this he discusses the question of the transmission of the blood through the foramen ovale, which he regards as a foetal arrangement, describing at the same time the changes occurring in the ductus Botalli. The substance, colour, and temperature of the heart are considered; and here, as clsewhere, there are suggestions manifestly derived from clinical practice. Under the heading "Motus," Harvey dwells upon difficulties, which he subsequently sur- mounted, in understanding the movements of the


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 organ, and especially in determining which was systole and which diastole. He evidently took his audience into his counsel, and displayed before them the living heart, for he sayst: "I have watched the process for entire hours, and was unable to determine the question for myself, either by sight or by touch; therefore, I shall ask you to look for yourselves, and give me your opinion." However, he arrives at this conclusion, that, whether the erection of the heart is to regarded as the act of systole or diastole, the heart, by its erection, projects the blood and causes the pulse.

One more extract, and I will detain you no longer with the notes; hoping, however, that I have not taken up your time unprofitably with a subject that appears to me to justify our liveliest interest, and to merit a more complete and per- manent record than my present opportunity permits.

The passage that I am about to quote forms the peroration to the first Lumleian Lectures on the heart, and comprises a summary of the doc- dilatari et constringi, et qualis sit systole qualis diastole. + Ego per integras horas animadvertendo non facile potui dis- cernere neque visu neque tactu, quare vobis cernendum et indican- dùm proponam.
 * Videtur quod arduum et difficile discernere aut visu aut tactu,

+ Erectione protendit sanguinem et facit pulsus, pro eresi (an heretical notion) et contra Galenum-"as in a glove," he adds in English, and concludes: Hinc pulsus arteriarum, non ex innata lacultate sed protendente corde.


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 trines on the movement of the heart and the circulation as taught by Harvey at the beginning of his carecr. I shall give the passage verbatim, prefacing it only with the remark that it is initialled W. H.

"Constat per fabricam cordis, sanguinem per pulmones in aortam perpetuo transferri; as by 2 clacks of a water-bellow to raysc water. Constat per ligaturam transitus sanguinis ab arteriis ad venas. (( "Unde A (demonstratur) perpetuum sanguinis motum fieri pulsu cordis.

"An (?) hoc gratia nutritionis, an magis conservationis sanguinis et membrorum per infusionem calidam, vicissimque sanguis calefaciens membra, frigifactus, a corde calefit." Most of this is taught more explicitly in Harvey's work of 1628; but he then, as shown in his letter to Riolan, abandoned the theory that the heart was the source of heat. I owe you, Sir, and Fellows of the College, an apology for having occupied so much of the brief time at my disposal by the inquiry into the merits of Cesalpino;* but it appears to me one of the

subject matter of the oration; but I venture to direet the reader's attention to them, as they are often extremely amusing, and may assist in forming some opinion of the writer's eharacter and frame of mind. As a whet to their appetites, I extract the following illus- tration from the Dæmonum Investigatio (ehap ix. p. 154), of the views that prevailed even among the educated classes in the sixteenth
 * Cesalpino's inquiries into demonology have no bearing upon the


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 duties of the Harveian orator not to allow (as far as in him lies) an aspersion to rest on a name that has been justly called "immortal." Our departed friend Edmund Alexander Parkes, in fervent language, vindicated Harvey's claim to that title, in the posthumous oration which Sir William Jenner read from this chair last year. He He

century as to the influence exerted by evil spirits upon man. Cesalpino relates that "A ship having put into Salamis, in the island of Cyprus, for the purpose of purchasing provisions, a young man left the vessel and bought some eggs of a certain woman. ate them on the shore, and, after the lapse of an hour, lost his voice and became half stupefied. When he assayed to go on board, he was driven back by his associates, who did not recognise him, but regarded him as an ass. As the wretched man was unable to express himself in words, the ship quitted the harbour without him; and he, anxious and having nobody to advise him, returned to the woman by whose influence he suspected that he was detained. obtained no help from her; and therefore, waiting his opportunity, remained three years in the country, occasionally carrying burdens according to the custom of asses. At night he stayed with the woman, but, continuing dumb, was unable to give evidence against the poisoner. However, having been accidentally led to the town, and passing a church, the ass was seen by certain Genoese mer- chants, at the elevation of the host, which happened at the moment to be raised, to bend his hind legs and to raise his forepaws in adoration. The merchants, seeing this miracle, inferred that the woman who was leading the ass was a witch (for this species of transformation was common in Asia). They brought the affair to the notice of the mayor of the town, who ordered the woman to be seized. She confessed her crime, and, in the hope of pardon, restored the young man to his former condition, and he returned home. She, however, suffered condign punishment." Cesalpino adopts this tale as a fact, and infers that such occurrences prove that the accounts given by poets of the metamorphoses of the companions of Ulysses into animals by Circe were not mere fables. It is not difficult to conceive how the sober mind of 1Iarvey would treat these lucubrations of Cesalpino if he were acquainted with them; but they scarcely impress us with the conviction that the latter was a man capable of effecting a great revolution in science. It may be in- teresting to modern demonologists to know that a picture by Gius. Sabatelli-painted in the present century-is to be found in a chapel of Santa Croce in Florence, in which a mule is represented as kneeling before the host, which is being conveyed to a sick person (sec Museo di Pittura e Scultura, Firenze, 1842. Tavola, 1182).


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 He spoke of Harvey's discovery as one "that is not only one of those cardinal discoveries which lic at the very foundation of physiology and medicine, but is one that from its very naturc forms one of those great landmarks which must remain in the sight of all." Upon that topic it is unnecessary for me to dilate before an audience in whose cars the words of Parkes still ring. But it may not be unfitting to inquire whether we, the spiritual descendants of Harvey, are carrying on the great tradition which we have received from him in a manner that he would approve of-by a steady pursuit of truth for its own sake, by that rigid sobriety of judgment which everywhere characterised his researches, by that "mar- vellous industry" and "insatiable curiosity" with which he prosecuted his researches to the day of his death.

Our Hunters, our Marshall Halls, our Bells, our Brodies, all tro in Harvey's paths, and have largely aided in the onward movement of medical science in this country; but I think I do not indulge in a vain "Eidolon," if I look upon the present period of British medicine as one to which pre-eminently the term of the Harveian age of medicine may be justly applied. The future only can determine the meed of praise to be awarded to an individual, and will not fail to correct any exaggerated estimate which a contemporary may


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 nobles and people of the lower class, had fled from the city before the siege began. The remaining inhabitants would seem to have been for the most part an unwarlike crowd of mechanics, monks, women, and children.

The emperor directed his minister, Phranza, to make diligent search through the city, and to ascertain to the best of his ability how many of the citizens were really able or willing to fight in its defence. The result was deplorable. Phranza, with shame and grief, had to tell Constantine that he could not muster in this great emergency more than four thousand nine hundred and seventy-three volunteers for garrison duty out of the entire population. No more Romans, as Phranza styled these degenerate Greeks, were to be found to defend the city of the Cæsars. To these were to be added about two thousand regular soldiers. Of Greeks there were thus barely seven thousand in arms during the siege. Constantinople, however, was not quite left to its own unaided resources, or the struggle would have very quickly been ended. There was hardly a nation which had any commercial dealings with the city which did not do something, however small, for it in its time of need. Italian volunteers hurried thither, feeling that their own interests were bound up with its safety. Three large galleons and a small body of troops were furnished by the resident magistrate of the Venetians for the special defence of the harbour. The same officer also was charged with guarding the great imperial palace. The consul of the Catalans was likewise among the defenders. Cardinal Isidore, too, a Greek himself by birth, and the


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 metropolitan of Kief, had been sent by Pope Nicholas as his legate in the November of the preceding year, and he also brought with him a small body of troops. But the mainstay of the defence was a brave and noble warrior from Genoa, John Giustiniani, who all his life had been renowned for his daring spirit. Many were the occasions on which he had distinguished himself. Once the king of Aragon, when defeated, had, in admiration of his courage, requested leave to surrender his sword to him in person. Giustiniani came with two large ships and three hundred picked soldiers. John Grant, too, from Germany, an experienced engineer officer, rendered good service. In all, the foreign force in Constantinople numbered about two thousand. Its defence thus rested with a garrison not exceeding nine thousand, yet the emperor had to man a line of wall landwards of five miles in extent, which at every point could be directly assailed by the enemy. Other lines of fortification by the port and on the Sea of Marmora, several miles in length, had to be defended. The task was certainly one beyond human power. Of artillery the emperor is said to have had a hundred and thirty pieces, but these were generally very inferior to the Turkish ordnance. His fleet was good and powerful by comparison, but it was not numerous, consisting only of fourteen ships in addition to the Venetian galleons above mentioned. Of the walls and their capacity for resistance we have already spoken. Their defence was divided and arranged in twelve portions, of which two only were entrusted exclusively to the Greeks. In the remainder the Greeks merely shared the work with the strangers who had come to their aid.


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 With these very inadequate resources Constantinople had to be held against an army sufficiently numerous at the outset, and doubtless reinforced from time to time by accessions of strength from the Turks in Asia. Mahomet drew his lines, as Amurath, his father, had done, from the harbour to the sea, and erected fourteen batteries at the weakest points of the first of the two landward walls, which, when he had thoroughly battered it, he meant to carry by assault. The most powerful of these batteries were directed against the Charsian Gate and the gate of St. Romanus, and it was at this latter gate that the monster gun was planted. Here, it would seem, the chief assault would be made. Mahomet's lines consisted of earthworks, which screened his men from the enemy's fire, and checked their sorties. He had, indeed, shown from the beginning singular forethought. Among his troops he had some experienced miners, who had been brought from the mines of Novoberda in Servia. He had also a multitude of archers, and his somewhat rude artillery was supplemented, as we have noted, with the battering apparatus of ancient warfare. Not a precaution had been omitted which a great organising genius could devise in order to insure success. Nevertheless, all at first was failure. The great cannon, which could be fired only seven times a day, burst, with a terrible destruction of life. The miners were baffled by the superior skill of the Greek and Latin engineers. The wall, indeed, was here and there broken and shattered, but the great fosse, though again and again filled with fascines and timber and in-


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 numerable bodies of slaughtered Turks, so as to afford a passage to the besiegers, was as often cleared by the resolute energy of the garrison under the direction of the emperor and Giustiniani. A wooden portable turret, such as was used in the sieges of antiquity, after having been advanced with much labour during the day against the hostile ramparts, was burnt the following night, and the tower of the gate of St. Romanus, which had been beaten down, was that same night rebuilt, and again defied the fury of the assailant.

Another disaster soon befell the besiegers. It is quite enough to show that the city might even yet have been saved. Four ships, with supplies and military aid, were preparing early in April to sail from Chios to its relief, but were detained in harbour by contrary winds. One bore the Greek, three the Genoese flag. After a while, however, they reached the Bosporus, now wholly blockaded by the Turkish fleet in overwhelming numbers. It might well seem madness to attempt to force a passage. The shores on either side at this critical moment were lined with a multitude of anxious spectators, both Turks and Christians. The hearts of the latter must have sunk within them when they saw the apparent hopelessness of the situation. But the five ships were strong and lofty, and armed with artillery, and handled by men familiar with the sea and with naval warfare. They dashed fearlessly among the frail Turkish craft, pouring out on them their Greek fire, and sinking them with their guns, till the sultan, who had been watching the conflict on horseback from the beach, was beside himself with rage. Twice had the


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 Turks attacked, and twice been driven off in utter discomfiture, when he shouted at them his angry reproaches, and insisted on a renewal of the conflict. It was all in vain; again his vessels were scattered in disorderly flight, while the brave little relieving squadron rounded the point of St. Demetrius, and entered the harbour in triumph. It seemed, indeed, thus early in their history, as if God had denied to the Turks the empire of the sea, and reserved it for the unbelievers, as they themselves, even in the days of their power, have been ready to confess. Mahomet would have impaled his admiral on the spot, but for the resolute intervention of the janissaries. He had to satisfy his wrath by laying a hundred strokes on the man's back with a ponderous golden rod. The Greeks meanwhile became hopeful, and counted on further and more powerful aid. But nothing more was done for them. It may be that the indifference of Christendom was in some degree due to a superstitious belief said to have been in the air, that the Turkish conquests would end with Constantinople. It admits, however, as we have seen, of another and an adequate explanation.

The sultan, with all his resolution, was seriously discouraged by the discomfiture of his fleet, and had half a mind to relinquish the siege. Fate, it seemed, was against him. The Turks were dismayed by vague rumours of aid said to be advancing from Hungary and from Italy to the rescue of the Greeks. Terror and rage provoked them to say that they had been dragged from their homes to a hopeless enterprise by a despot who


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Portal:James R. Osgood and Company

Published

 * Around the World in Eighty Days (1873), by Jules Verne, translated by George Makepeace Towle

title: Portal:James R. Osgood and Company


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 would be the ruin of his race. Mahomet's counsellors were depressed and anxious. One of them, Khalil, the chief vizier, we have had occasion to mention. He was at first glad to see the changed temper of his master, and he urged him finally to abandon his design, which, he hinted, would be soon baffled and confounded by a combination of the Western powers. Khalil is said at this time to have been still carrying on a correspondence with the imperial court. This may have been known, or at least suspected, by another minister in the sultan's service, Zagan, a fierce enemy of all Christians, whose steadily warlike counsels in the end prevailed. "Your arms," he is reported to have said to Mahomet, "are far greater than Alexander's ever were. I do not believe in the fleet from Italy which Khalil has said is on the way, nor is there any chance of union among the Western princes, who, from their numbers and clashing interests, cannot agree long together." This was advice much more to the sultan's heart, though for the time he was wavering, than that of the rather timid, if not actually treacherous, Khalil.

Some new mode of attack must, it was clear, be devised. The attempts on the land fortifications had been disastrously repulsed. To penetrate the harbour, defended as it was by a strong chain and several ships, would seem, after the Turks' recent experience of sea fighting, an utter impossibility. It occurred to Mahomet, however, that it might be possible to convey some of his light vessels overland, and launch them in the inner part of the harbour, where, in the smooth and narrow waters


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 and clerks were waiting to take charge of me, and to see to my comfort and safety. All I had to do was to tell Society (here represented by a railway booking-clerk) where I wanted to go, and to step into a carriage; all the rest would be done for me. Books and papers had been written and printed; so that if I wished to beguile the journey by reading, I could do so. At various places on the route, thoughtful Society had taken care to be ready for me with all kinds of refreshment (her sandwiches might be a little fresher, but maybe she thinks new bread injurious for me). When I am tired of travelling and want to rest, I find Society waiting for me with dinner and a comfortable bed, with hot and cold water to wash in and towels to wipe upon. Wherever I go, whatever I need, Society, like the enslaved genii of some Eastern tale, is ready and anxious to help me, to serve me, to do my bidding, to give me enjoyment and pleasure. Society will take me to Ober-Ammergau, will provide for all my wants on the way, and, when I am there, will show me the Passion Play, which she has arranged and rehearsed and will play for my instruction; will bring me back any way I like to come, explaining, by means of her guide-books and histories, everything upon the way that she thinks can interest me; will, while I am absent, carry my messages to those I have left behind me in England, and will bring me theirs in return; will look after me and take care of me and protect me like a mother—as no mother ever could.

All that she asks in return is, that I shall do the work she has given me to do. As a man works, so Society deals by him.

To me Society says: "You sit at your desk and write, that is all I want you to do. You are not good for much,


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 but you can spin out yards of what you and your friends, I suppose, call literature; and some people seem to enjoy reading it. Very well: you sit there and write this literature, or whatever it is, and keep your mind fixed on that. I will see to everything else for you. I will provide you with writing materials, and books of wit and humour, and paste and scissors, and everything else that may be necessary to you in your trade; and I will feed you and clothe you and lodge you, and I will take you about to places that you wish to go to; and I will see that you have plenty of tobacco and all other things practicable that you may desire—provided that you work well. The more work you do, and the better work you do, the better I shall look after you. You write—that is all I want you to do."

"But," I say to Society, "I don't like work; I don't want to work. Why should I be a slave and work?"

"All right," answers Society, "don't work. I'm not forcing you. All I say is, that if you don't work for me, I shall not work for you. No work from you, no dinner from me—no holidays, no tobacco."

And I decide to be a slave, and work.

Society has no notion of paying all men equally. Her great object is to encourage brain. The man who merely works by his muscles she regards as very little superior to the horse or the ox, and provides for him just a little better. But the moment he begins to use his head, and from the labourer rises to the artisan, she begins to raise his wages.

Of course hers is a very imperfect method of encouraging thought. She is of the world, and takes a worldly standard of cleverness. To the shallow, showy writer, I fear, she generally pays far more than to the


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 deep and brilliant thinker; and clever roguery seems often more to her liking than honest worth. But her scheme is a right and sound one; her aims and intentions are clear; her methods, on the whole, work fairly well; and every year she grows in judgment.

One day she will arrive at perfect wisdom, and will pay each man according to his deserts.

But do not be alarmed. This will not happen in our time.

Turning round, while still musing about Society, I ran against B. (literally). He thought I was a clumsy ass at first, and said so; but, on recognising me, apologised for his mistake. He had been there for some time also, waiting for me. I told him that I had secured two corner seats in a smoking-carriage, and he replied that he had done so too. By a curious coincidence, we had both fixed upon the same carriage. I had taken the corner seats near the platform, and he had booked the two opposite corners. Four other passengers sat huddled up in the middle. We kept the seats near the door, and gave the other two away. One should always practise generosity.

There was a very talkative man in our carriage. I never came across a man with such a fund of utterly


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N.B.—The above is only a mnemonic jingle, and from a grammatical point of view is not correct. The above syllables do not exist in the Vortaro, or have not the meanings given here. The correct forms are ia, tia, kia, nenia, ĉia, etc.


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 they would by force of numbers be more than a match for the enemy's more powerful but far fewer ships. The Venetians, as he would have heard, had lately transported some of their galleys from the river Adige to the lake of Garda; and if he was, as has been supposed, a student of ancient history, his imagination may have been fired by reading of a similar feat which had been accomplished by Augustus after the battle of Actium, and attempted by Hannibal at the siege of Tarentum. The only way in which the sultan's idea could be carried out would be by beginning the work from some point on the Bosporus north of the city. The road would have to be constructed behind the suburb of Pera, occupied by the Genoese. The thing, it was evident, would require the persevering co-operation of a vast multitude, but this Mahomet could command. The space to be traversed was about five miles of hilly wooded ground, and over this a passage for the ships was made, covered with planks that had been carefully greased with the fat of sheep and oxen. The arduous work of transport began, it seems, at Dolma-Baghtché, and ended on the top of the ridge by the cemetery of Pera, and thence down the slope a numerous flotilla was launched in the Golden Horn. There, in comparatively shallow water, the vessels were safe from attack from the huge Greek galleys, while they threatened the city in a new quarter. But the sultan's work was not yet finished. He had now a fleet and an army in the harbour's innermost recess, where the Greeks were particularly assailable, but it was still necessary to connect his ships with the


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 beds were collected a purse without money, a papercase, pen-boxes, penholders, string, pencils, pencilcases, pocket-knives, etc. One boy had in his pocket some dirty sweets; he began to clean them with water from the wash-hand basin, but being a cream sweet the water wetted it and it dissolved. The other boys mockingly cried out about bis stupidity, and said that he ought to buy acid drops whose acidity was not too strong. Harry stood without moving, he did not fulfil the order of the little boy. In his purse he had (much) the money for the expenses of the whole quarter, and he did not wish to empty his pocket; but nevertheless he felt very frightened. The little boy cried out—“Hurry! hurry! We must sing, because we are boys who are inclined to sing, and love singing and dancing. Bring me a rope; we must hang this boy in order to see his legs dance.” Suddenly the boys threw themselves upon him crying that he had already used too much of their patience, goodness, affability, friendship, etc. “We are Russians from Russia, English from England, Germans from Germany, and you insult us.” He turned pale, his eyes closed, and he feared to be killed. But ho! great happiness. Harry suddenly opened his eyes, and realized with great joy that he was at home in his own bed—

It was only an unpleasant dream.


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 Epilogue seemed to come from the same hand, and had precisely the same merits. It seemed to be composed for the express purpose of trying how many pure stupidities might be comprised in fifty lines, and how far Miss Smith's popularity might be proof against her performance. This specimen of her recitation was singularly lachrymose and lamentable. The applause was violent at the fall of the curtain."

The Morning Post of the same date says:—"The Epilogue is lively, and makes several happy hits at some of the reigning follies of the day."

The Theatrical Inquisitor for February, 1813, says:—"The Prologue and Epilogue were among the most stupid productions of the modern muse; the former was in all probability a Rejected Address, for it contained many eulogiums on the beauty and magnificence of the 'dome' of Drury; talked of the waves being not quite dry, and expressed the happiness of the bard at being the first whose muse had soared within its limits. More stupid than the doggerel of Twiss, and more affected than the pretty verses of Miles Peter Andrews, the Epilogue proclaimed its author and the writer of the Prologue to be par nobile fratrum, in rival dulness both pre-eminent."


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 shore by means of a bridge, on which his men might advance to the assault. The bridge was constructed under the very eyes of the Greeks, and on it was mounted one of the sultan's largest pieces of artillery. We are not to suppose that the garrison quietly allowed all this to be done without any attempt at resistance. But they were far too few in number to resist effectually, and such guns as they had were overpowered by the Turkish fire. In fact, as soon as they had to meet a really formidable assault at a fresh point, their fate was sealed. One desperate effort by night to burn both bridge and ships was made by a gallant band of noble Greek and Italian youths, but it was discovered and frustrated. All were taken and slain. The infamous deed was quickly avenged by the slaughter of two hundred and sixty Turkish prisoners, whose heads were displayed on the walls. The emperor, we should imagine, was the last man to approve in his heart of this horrible retaliation.

The city now had a very dismal prospect before it. The siege had lasted forty days, but it was every day becoming clearer that it could not be sustained much longer. The old walls had at last yielded at many points to the enemy's artillery. The gate of St. Romanus was in ruins, and four of its adjacent towers were demolished. Since the sultan's last success, the line of attack had been greatly extended, far, indeed, beyond the power of resistance yet retained by the small and weary garrison. There was strife between the Genoese and the Venetians, and Giustiniani and the Duke Notaras were at feud, and taunted one another with treachery.


text: Index:The healing art in its historic and prophetic aspects - the Harveian oration delivered before the Royal College of Physicians, Oct. 19, 1885 (IA b21908199).pdf


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Author:Miles Peter Andrews

Works

 * The Conjuror, a farce (1774)
 * The Election, a musical interlude (1774)
 * Belphegor, or the Wishes, a comic opera (1778)
 * Summer Amusement, or an Adventure at Margate (1779) co-authored with William Augustus Miles
 * Fire and Water, a ballad opera (1780)
 * Dissipation, a comedy (1781)
 * The Baron Kinkvervankotsdorsprakingatchdern, a musical comedy (1781)
 * The Best Bidder, a farce (1782)
 * Reparation, a comedy (1784)
 * Better Late than Never (1790)
 * The Mysteries of the Castle (1795)

title: Author:Miles Peter Andrews


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 The duke was not a patriot, and though possessed of boundless wealth, would not part with a fraction of it in defence of his country. No wonder that with such an example before them the few rich citizens left in the town hoarded their treasures. The emperor, in sheer desperation, had to resort to an expedient from which his piety must have shrunk. He was forced to pay his troops out of the plunder of the churches, and this was called sacrilege by the wretched monks and ecclesiastics.

Mahomet was now in a position to assault the city with every prospect of success, and for this he made instant preparation on a great scale. He laid all his plans with the utmost care. But first he summoned the emperor for the last time to surrender. Constantine, it is almost needless to say, spurned the overtures he offered, and resolved at all hazards to cling to his capital, though it was abundantly clear that nothing short of an absolute miracle could save it. He had sworn, so he replied to the sultan, to defend the city to the last moment of his life. Mahomet's preparations occupied several days. Meanwhile there was growing terror and discontent and discord among the citizens, which the emperor sought in vain to allay. On the twenty-fourth day of May it was rumoured that the enemy was about to make a grand attack. Very possibly the sultan's vizier, Khalil, gave the emperor intimation of what he might expect. On the twenty-eighth day the Turks were bidden to prepare themselves for the final struggle. Seven times, after their manner, they bathed themselves, fasted, and listened to the exhortations of their dervishes.


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 AL LA REĜO

(

D$o.$


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 On Feb. 14, 1813, Coleridge wrote thus to his friend Poole:—"The receipt of your heart-engendered lines was sweeter than an unexpected strain of sweetest music;—or in humbler phrase, it was the only pleasurable sensation which the success of the Remorse has given me No grocer's apprentice, after his first month's permitted riot, was ever sicker of figs and raisins than I of hearing about the Remorse. The endless rat-a-tat-tat at our black-and-blue bruised door, and my three master fiends, proof-sheets, letters,—and worse than these—invitations to large dinners, which I cannot refuse without offence and imputation of pride (&c.), oppress me so that my spirits quite sink under it. I have never seen the play since the first night. It has been a good thing for the theatre. They will get eight or ten thousand pounds by it, and I shall get more than by all my literary labours put together; nay, thrice as much."

Two years after the success of Remorse, Lord Byron wrote to Coleridge from "Piccadilly, March 13, 1815," urging him to make a second attempt:—"In Kean there is an actor worthy of expressing the thoughts of the characters which you have every power of embodying, and I cannot but


text: Index:The Harveian oration - delivered at the Royal College of Physicians, October 18th 1887 (IA b30475958).pdf


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 TINY TIM'S CHRISTMAS DINNER.

[From ]

Tiam Sinjorino Cratchit leviĝis; ŝi estis malriĉe vestita, sed gaje dank' al rubandoj diverskoloraj ; kaj ŝi, kune kun Belinda, ŝia dua filino, primetis la tablon. Kaj nun enkuris du pli malgrandaj Cratchits, geknaboj, kiuj kriis ke ili, ekster la bakejo, flaris la anseron kaj ĝin konis kiel ilia propra ansero per la odoro! Ili ĝojis tiel, dancante ĉirkaŭ la tablo, kaj pensante pri salvio, kolbasoj, kaj bulboj, dum Sinjoreto Peter Cratchit zorgis pri la terpomoj kaj blovis la fajron, ĝis fine la terpomoj estis pretaj por esti senŝeligataj. Tamen Sinjoreto Peter ne estis tro vanta, kvankam li portis kolumon tre altan por fari honoron al la Tago.

“Kial do via patro tiel malfruas ?” diris Sinjorino Cratchit — "kaj via frato, Eta Tim, ankaŭ? Kaj Martha ne tiel malfruis je duonhoro la lastan Kristnaskon!”

“Jen Martha, patrino!” ekkriis filineto.

“Jen Martha, patrino!” ekkriis la du pli junaj Cratchits.

“Hura ! estas tiel granda ansero, Martha !”

“Nu! kiel vi venas malfrue!” kriis Sinjorino Cratchit, ŝin kisante dekdufoje, kaj forprenante ŝian ĉapelon kaj ŝalon. —

“Ni devis multe labori por fini nian taskon,” diris la knabino.

“Nu! ne estas grave! Sidiĝu antaŭ la fajro, karulino, kaj varmigu vin !”

“Ne! ne! jen patro!” kriis la du junaj Cratchits, kiuj estis ĉie samtempe. ““Kaŝu vin, Martha, kaŝu vin!”


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1819.] he at last returned, convinced that they had buried the corpse for the sake of the clothes.

Weary of a country in which he had met with such terrible misfortunes, and in which all apparently conspired to heighten that superstitious melancholy that had seized upon his mind, he resolved to leave it, and soon arrived at Smyrna. While waiting for a vessel to convey him to Otranto, or to Naples, he occupied himself in arranging those effects he had with him belonging to Lord Ruthven. Amongst other things there was a case containing several weapons of offence, more or less adapted to ensure the death of the victim. There were several daggers and ataghans. Whilst turning them over, and examining their curious forms, what was his surprise at finding a sheath apparently ornamented in the same style as the dagger discovered in the fatal hut; he shuddered; hastening to gain further proof, he found the weapon, and his horror may be imagined when he discovered that it fitted, though peculiarly shaped, the sheath he held in his hand. His eyes seemed to need no further certainty—they seemed gazing to be bound to the dagger; yet still he wished to disbelieve; but the particular form, the same varying tints upon the haft and sheath were alike in splendour on both, and left no room for doubt; there were also drops of blood on each.

He left Smyrna, and on his way home, at Rome, his first inquiries were concerning the lady he had attempted to snatch from Lord Ruthven’s seductive arts. Her parents were in distress, their fortune ruined, and she had not been heard of since the departure of his lordship. Aubrey’s mind became almost broken under so many repeated horrors; he was afraid that this lady had fallen a victim to the destroyer of Ianthe. He became morose and silent, and his only occupation consisted in urging the speed of the postilions, as if he were going to save the life of some one he held dear. He arrived at Calais; a breeze, which seemed obedient to his will, soon wafted him to the English shores; and he hastened to the mansion of his fathers, and there, for a moment, appeared to lose, in the embraces and caresses of his sister, all memory of the past. If she before, by her infantine caresses, had gained his affection, now that the woman began to appear, she was still more attaching as a companion.

Miss Aubrey had not that winning grace which gains the gaze and applause of the drawing-room assemblies. There was none of that light brilliancy which only exists in the heated atmosphere of a crowded apartment. Her blue eye was never lit up by the levity of the mind beneath. There was a melancholy charm about it which did not seem to arise from misfortune, but from some feeling within, that appeared to indicate a soul conscious of a brighter realm. Her step was not that light footing, which strays where’er a butterfly or a colour may attract—it was sedate and pensive. When alone, her face was never brightened by the smile of joy; but when her brother breathed to her his affection, and would in her presence forget those griefs she knew destroyed his rest, who would have exchanged her smile for that of the voluptuary? It seemed as if those eyes,—that face were then playing in the light of their own native sphere. She was yet only eighteen, and had not been presented to the world; it having been thought by her guardians more fit that her presentation should be delayed until her brother’s return from the continent, when he might be her protector. It was now, therefore, resolved that the next drawing room, which was fast approaching, should be the epoch of her entry into the “busy scene.” Aubrey would rather have remained in the mansion of his fathers, and fed upon the melancholy which overpowed him. He could not feel interest about the frivolities of fashionable strangers, when his mind had been so torn by the events he had witnessed; but he determined to sacrifice his own comfort to the protection of his sister. They soon arrived in town, and prepared for the next day, which had been announced as a drawing-room.

The crowd was excessive—a drawing room had not been held for a long time, and all who were anxious to bask in the smile of royalty, hastened thither. Aubrey was there with his sister. While he was standing in a corner by himself, heedless of all around him, engaged in the remembrance that the first time he had seen Lord Ruthven was in that very place—he felt himself suddenly seized by the arm, and a voice he recognized too well, sounded in his ear—“Remember your oath.” He had hardly courage to turn, fearful of seeing a spectre that would blast him, when he perceived, at a little distance, the same figure which had attracted his notice on this spot upon his first entry into society. He gazed till


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 Tiam Martha sin kaŝis, kaj la malgranda Bob, la patro, envenis kun almenaŭ tri futoj da lana skarpo pendanta antaŭ li, kaj kun eluzitaj vestoj, flikitaj kaj brositaj, portante Etan Tim'on sur sia ŝultro. Ho ve ! Tim havis lam-bastoneton, kaj liaj membroj estis subportataj per fera trabaĵo !

"Ho! kie estas nia Martha !" kriis Bob, ĉirkaŭrigardante.

“Ŝi ne povas veni,” diris la mastrino.

“Ne veni!” ripetis Bob, kaj lia energio subite falis, ĉar revenante hejmen li estis kurinta kiel milita ĉevalo de Eta Tim, .... “Ĉu ŝi ne venos je Kristnasko!”

Martha ne povis elporti lin vidi malkontenta, eĉ nur ŝerce, kaj ŝi tuj elvenis, el post la pordo, kaj lin ĉirkaŭprenis ; dume, la ambaŭ junaj Cratchits portis Etan Tim'on al la kuirejo, por ke li aŭskultu la pudingon, siblantan en la kaserolo.

“Kaj kiel kondutis Eta Tim?” demandis la mastrino, tuj kiam Bob estis sufiĉe kisinta sian filinon.

“Tre bone,” respondis Bob. “Sed li fariĝas pripensa, tial ke li estas tiel ofte sola, kaj li havas la plej strangajn pensojn. . . . Li diris al mi, revenante, ke li esperas ke oni lin vidis en la preĝejo, ĉar li estas kriplulo kaj tiel oni povis ĝoje memori, je Kristnasko, tiun, kiu igis lamulojn marŝi kaj blindulojn vidi !”

La voĉo de Bob tremis kiam li tion diris, kaj pli forte ankoraŭ kiam li aldonis, ke Eta Tim fortiĝis nun. ... La aktiva lam-bastoneto aŭdiĝis sur la planko, kaj Timo revenis, akompanata de sia frato kaj de sia fratino, al la benketo apud la fajro; kaj Bob relevis siajn jakmanikojn (kvazaŭ eble ili povus fariĝi pli eluzitaj, malfeliĉulo !) kaj miksis ion varmegan en kruĉo; movis ĝin per kulero, kaj ĝin metis sur la fajron por boleti. Tiam Sinjoreto Peter kaj