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HARBOR AND DEFENSES OF SANTIAGO DE CUBA. This ancient capital of Cuba sprang into notoriety by the entrance of Cevera"s fleet into its harbor. Once before it became notorious as the place where so many It is on the south side of the island, near the of the ill fated crew of the Virginius w. re executed. Santiago is the second city of Cuba in population (71,000). hostile fleet eastern end, and is five hundred miles from Havana by direct line. Its inner harbor is spacious and deep with a narrow and tortuous entrance, which a would scarcely attempt to force, for some of the batteries are very close to the channel. The fort in the center of the picture is seventy feet above water level, the The narrowest part of the channel is the scene of Lieutenfort at the left about forty feet, so neither could be engaged successfully by battleships at short distance. ant Hobson's bold exploit in sinking the collier Merrimac to obstruct the passage. However, the tortuous nature of the channel which effectually hid Cervera's fleet from view, can not be shown in this engraving. If safety was the main object of the Spanish admiral, his end was at least temporarily attained, for no better natural defense exists than the one here shown at the harbor of Santiago.


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From the time of the Fairfax decision to that of Marshall's decease, covering a period of a score of years, four important lines of action were determined by the decisions of the Supreme Court of the United States. These were:

 * 1) The intrenchment of the doctrine that a grant or allowance of privilege to a corporation was an irrevocable vested and perpetual right of property.
 * 2) The extension of the principle of a widening of National authority, and further concentration of power in the National Government.
 * 3) The perpetuation of negro slavery.
 * 4) The validation of vast fraudulent private land claims comprehending millions of acres of land in Florida and in the Louisiana Purchase.

The common belief that the first of these was originally settled by the noted Dartmouth College decision is incorrect. We have seen in detail, how, in the case of Fletcher vs. Peck (that collusive suit for the validation of the act bribed through the Georgia Legislature making a vast grant of 35,000,000 acres), Marshall decided that a legislative act was a contract incapable of annulment by subsequent legislation. That decision was the first precedent. The case of New Jersey vs. Wilson, decided two years later, was the second. This case, admittedly bearing unfailing signs of collusion, was decided

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/


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To sever communications between Havana and the rest of the world by dividing- the cables as Admiral Dewey did at Manila, has been the object of numerous daring adventures. In the view here shown, the launches of the United States cruiser " Marblehead," and of the gun-boat "Nashville," are engaged in grappling for the cable at silencing some Cienfuegos, Cuba. They were all the time under a perfect volcano of tire from the shore. The gunboats and launches returned the fire with great execution, any circumstance can make of the most active batteries. One American was killed and six wounded. Later two of the wounded men died. It is.hard for one to believe that or praise. Another act, mention receives special individual a man more truly heroic or deserving of greater laudation than these daring yet essential feats, in which no perhaps requiring no greater courage, is singled out to make the men an undying name in the history of their country as heroes of the war. After several attempts the cables at Cienfuegos were cut, and Cuba was not only blockaded but isolated from the rest of the world.


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THE MASSACHUSETTS. This first-class, twin-screw battleship is a fighting machine of the most formidable type constructed by any nation up to this time. She was built at a cost of $3,0211.000, and commissioned June 10, 1896. Her dimensions are as follows Length, 348 feet breadth, 69 feet 3 inches; draft, 24 feet; displacement, 10,288 tons; horsepower, 10,400; speed. 16.2 knots per hour armament, main battery, four 13-inch, eight 8-inch and four 6-inch guns; secondary battery, srx

1-pounder and twenty 6-pounder inches on the barbettes.

rapid

fire

guns and four Gatlings armor, 18 inches on the officers and 424 men.

Her crew comprises 38

sides,

from 6 to 17 inches on the

turrets,

and from 8

to 17


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GUNNER’S GANG, MASSACHUSETTS.

The claim is not vauntingly made, for.

Tnis view shows a company of gunners at target practice handling a four-inch breecb-loading rifle on the gun deck.

it is generally admitted by nayal oflicers of all countries, that Americans are the best gunners in the world, a superiority of the highest importance, which largely edinpensates for the smallness of our navy. More depends upon the accuracy of the gunners than auy other element of success in naval war, This accounts for is as much value to his country as the admiral whose victories arc re-

Admiral Dewey’s victory at Manilla being without a parallel in history. The trained gunner warded by promotion and an undyiug place in his country’s history, Yet the gunner gets less than half the pay of the chaplain. The Spanish-American war demon-

strated beyond doubt that marksmanship is the chief element of success in naval warfare.


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The construction of this double-turreted, twin-screw iron monitor was begun in 1874, but the vessel was not commissioned until October 27, 1891. The purpose of this type of warship is mainly coast defense. Two 10-inch breech loading rifles are mounted in each of the Miantonomoh's turrets, and she carries besides a secondary battery, consisting of two 6-pounder, two 3-pounder, and two 1-pounder rapid fire guns. Armor, 11 1/2 inches thick, protects the turrets, and the side armor is 7 inches thick. The length of the vessel is 259 feet 6 inches; breadth, 55 feet 10 inches; draft, 14 feet 6 inches; displacement, 3,990 tons; horse power, 1,600; speed, 12


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U. S.

MONITOR MIANTONOMOH.

3 -pounders rapid-firing bat terv of two 6 pounders, and two of four ten-inch battery water, can not ride the main in a has low vessel built 'so little being powerful monitor Tins TrI guns heTvyrjun the e hea turret and the manner of mounting arksmanship of the enemy, they are very m This photograph shows the construction of the guns. h Smce theyjiesent *™ » the Mernmac chiefly in coast defense safely the heavy S e°as and so are valuable ed for them wheu Ericsson s mOQlt or disabled the coming influence on during the had that not predicted have is they it but and battle, value, in formidable to be of most Bee u Swift cruisers armed with P°» e * * destructive power at long distances is the criterion aad aim of and saved the federal fleet in the civil war. ccur aco aimy. , navy as armored soldieis aie in the century armored vessels will be as absolute in the warfare. naval in success future for now set spf>ondarv

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.

^

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SUBMARINE GUN ON THE TORPEDO BOAT ERICSSON.

Themventivs gemus of me nis of a submarine gun Something of the ponderous mechanism of modern implements of war can be seen in this photograph anot a mile under water. >a gli t again »t the hull or an third sent a can be projectiles strange them. These turned to methods of sinking ships and in protecting being are torpedo* aerial manner similar In tagonist, exploding a torpedo which no vessel can be constructed to withstand. beai ng Hudson Maxim, brother of Hiram Maxim, mventor of the nu ga^ne gun, issues of naval war depend entirely upon the accuracy or luck of the gunner's aim. hundied nine miles destroying everything within a radius of two thrown be can which gun-cotton, of half ton containing a torpedo invented an aerial his name, has and surgeons, who feet. Gunners receive only one hundred dollars a month in contrast to the chaplains, paymasters, lieutenants themselves except lor«"£*£ So far, the submarine torpedo boats have made no records and yet the destinies of nations depend mostly upon the skill of the gunners.

^^"^^£,,5 J™ ™^ «^f£ ,

e

practice, but it

is

just to say that they have never yet

had a

fair test in actual battle.

'


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THE MINNEAPOLIS. The Minneapolis a Her dimensions i-s

triple-screw protected cruiser, the fastest warship

13, 1894.

are

as follows

Length, 412 feet

20,862; speed, 23 knots; armament, main battery, one 8-inch breech loading rifle, 6 -pounder and four 1-pounder rapid fire guns and four Gatlings crew, 38 officers

armament and thickness of

protective

armor are

and commissioned December 22 feet 0^- inches displacement, 7,375 tons horse power, two 6-inch and eight 4-inch rapid fire guns; secondary battery, twelve In vessels of the type of the Minneapolis strength of and 656 men.

of her class in the world, built at a cost of $2,690,000,

breadth, 58 feet 2£ inches

sacrificed for speed.

draft,

Their principal purpose

1

is

the destruction of

the merchant marine of an enemy.

$


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THE NEWARK. 1891. The Newark is a protected cruiser built at a cost of fl.248.000, and commissioned Februar/2, of canvas feet square of 10,000 propulsion the bark-rigged, which enables her with favorable winds to add

She

differs

from other vessels of the^same

dt-^tabff

dnven by engmes of twoO-pcunder rap d and 3-pounder four 6-pounder, four rifles 6-inch breech loading 8,869 hoarse' power, at the rate of 19 knots an hour. The Newark carries twelve displacement, 4,098 draft, 19 feet mches feet breadth, 49 2 feet 310 is length Her Gatlings. fire guns, four 37-millimeter Hotchkiss revolving cannon and four

tons.

Her crew comprises 34

officers

and 350 men.

to that of her twrn-screws, winch are

,


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With Marshall's death, and with the appointment of his successor, an immediate transformation of the Supreme Court, in one constituent respect, was witnessed. The functions, authorized or self-arrogated, of that tribunal remamed the same; the ancient juridical authorities of legal maxims were subjected to no new interpretation; the fundamentals of law continued in force unaltered. The transformation was not one of the character or power of the institution; it was purely one embodying the divergent views, on a particular question, of new members from those held by the old body.

From the organization of the Supreme Court, its incumbents were punctiliously and critically chosen, not primarily because of their knowledge of law, but with the certain anticipation that they would apply law in consonance with the creed and interests of the divisions of the class from which their appointments came. Their selection was tot, in the intrinsic sense, a judicial appointment; political considerations alone determined who was to go on the Supreme Court Bench, But politics was not an idle formula, neither was it an inane pastime. It was a definite, virile struggle between classes, or groups of classes, for power; behind the ceaseless reach for power lay the stimuli of mixed personal and class interests. Superficially, those political conflicts were invested with an impressive show of principle or patriotism. But analyzing them, in a large sense, they were nothing less than wars for the perpetuation of the interests of one class, and the suppression of those of another. But while the propertied class,


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On the same day that the appointment of Taney as Chief Justice, was confirmed by the Senate, March 15, 1836, that of Philip P. Barbour, as Associate Justice to succeed Justice Duvall, was also confirmed. Barbour by views and interests was associated with the landed class. His father, Thomas Barbour, had inherited considerable wealth, and had been a member of the old House of Burgesses of Virginia. On the maternal side, Philip P. Barbour was related to Judge Edmund Pendleton, whose operations as President of the Loyal Company have been referred to in Chapter I and elsewhere. Thomas Barbour, it is related, met with reverses, but seems to have recouped himself by securing a landed estate in Kentucky.

We have hitherto described how Charles Willing of Philadelphia obtained 32,000 acres of land in Kentucky, in 1784, on certain treasury warrants. It appears that Thomas Barbour by means of voiding that entry on the ground of its being illegal, secured legal title to a large portion of that area and that his possession was officially acknowledged. Then had come Humphrey Marshall, Federalist United States Senator from Kentucky, and a cousin of Chief Justice Marshall, with interconnected claims of his own. He asserted that, previous to Willing’s entry, he had acquired title to 12,313 acres of the land claimed by Willing. He freely admitted that his claim rested upon an entry made by an intermediary, one Isaac Holbert. Also he averred that he had subsequently acquired


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During the range of years covered by the latter part of the preceding chapter, the course of the Supreme Court of the United States was signalized by two other distinct lines of action, as standing out conspicuously in its mass of decisions:

1. The validation of private claims to millions of acres of the most yaluable lands in California. Of the 8,150,143 acres of these lands obtained by individuals under the form of private land claims, a great part was presented by decisions of the Supreme Court under Chief Justice Taney.

2. The issuance of the edict, in the Dred Scott case, that all laws interfering with the slavery of negroes were unconstitutional and void, and that the negro was devoid of any civil rights which the white man was bound to respect.

With each of these events we shall deal in consecutive, although not strictly chronological, order. .Before doing so, however, it is necessary to describe a certain change in the personnel of the Supreme Court, and the important transition it signified.

Justice Levi Woodbury had died in 1851. His successor, appointed by President Fillmore, in 1851, was Benjamin R. Curtis, of Boston. At the time of his appointment Curtis was only forty-two years old. Compared to the ages of nearly all of the other Justices when commissioned to the


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Taney's successor was Salmon P. Chase, Secretary of the Treasury. It was maintained then, and the statement has been uniformly repeated in many memoirs and biographical works, that President Lincoln's motive in appointing Chase Chief Justice of the Supreme Court was to rid himself of a too-ambitious competitive aspirant for the Presidential nomination. In both the years 1856 and 1860 Chase had aimed to get that nomination; and as a member of Lincoln's Cabinet he in nowise lessened his efforts and intrigues. Of these Lincoln was well aware, contemplating them with vexation and uneasiness. Some politicians of the period, like Senator Henderson, even hold, in their memoirs, that Chase gave no teal help to Lincoln during the Civil War, but busied himself, whenever the opportunity presented, with seeking to undermine Lincoln's chances for renomination, and with promoting his own.

Indeed, in a review of Chase's career, published shortly after his death, in the October, 1873, issue of Bench and Bar (a periodical devoted to the legal profession) President Lincoln was quoted as saying to a "distinguished and prominent statesman" who assured him that if Chase were appointed Chief Justice he (Chase) would withdraw from politics and devote himself exclusively to judicial functions, "I will nominate him, because it seems the public wish, but you are mistaken, He will be a candidate for President every four years as tong as he lives, and never be elected."

For many years Chase had been an active and conspicuous


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Ten survivors of the Maine disaster are here shown en route from Key West to New York. Oscar Anderson, whose arm is in a sling, Of Charles standing. John Kane is sitting on a sea-chest, with his right arm in a sling. Theodore Mack's head can be seen above Kane's John Coffey is in front of Mack. Pitcher is opposite the "port," or window. John Pauck is next to him, while Washington Mattison, a colored lad, is sitting in front of Pauck. William Allen and Both are very badly D. Cronin are sitting next to Mattison, and J. E.~ White can be seen in the background. Frank Cahill and John Haffren are not included in the picture. Cahill, because of a deep cut on one of his feet, and Cronin because of a dislocated knee-cap and a badly wrenched leg. hurt and are on crutches J. E. White had both All of the men declare ankles broken and was rescued just at the time when he was about to sink for the last time in the suction caused by the sinking of the battle-ship. that the Maine was not blown up by an " Internal Explosion."

Heroes

is

—

'<te


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Recapitulating, we have seen that some years before Chief Justice Chase's death, the railroad power had begun a systematic campaign to put its avowed representatives upon the Supreme Court Bench. In the State courts the transformation had already been accomplished; there was hardly an inferior court which was not composed of railroad judges, or of men susceptible to railroad influences, With the Supreme Court of the United States, the process was a little slower, but none the less sure. The delay was unavoidable because the Justices, appointed for life, often outlived the period and the class section originally, represented by them. Survivals, or rather relics, of a bygone, outworn era, aged and usually infirm, they all could not be expected to respond readily to the demands of later economic interests. Some of them could hardly realize that the railroad corporations which they had seen come forward a few years before as supplicants for public aid were now the paramount capitalist power, arrogating the larger control of Government.

As fast as these hoary relics passed away, railroad attorneys were appointed to succeed them. And when, in 1874, Morrison I. Waite was chosen as Chase's successor as Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of the United States, it was evident even to the most superficial observer that the new régime had become a dominant factor, and that the railroad corporations were the sovereign power.


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Following Waite's death, considerable speculation was rife as to who would be appointed his successor. President Cleveland finally chose Melville W. Fuller, a Chicago lawyer, obscure so far as public reputation went and without judicial experience but well and favorably known in corporation circles. Like Cleveland, Fuller was a Democrat, but he was urged for the Chief Justiceship by both Republican and Democratic Senators and capitalists.

Among those particularly active at Washington assiduously working for his appointment was Colonel W. C. Goudy, an attorney for a large number of varied corporations. Goudy was counsel for the South Chicago Ratlway Company, the Washburn and Moen Manufacturing Company, the Chicago, Burlington and Quincy Railroad, the Illinois Central Railroad, the Indiana Banking Company, the Chicago Dock Company, and he was general counsel for the Chicago and Northwestern Railway Company, for the Fremont and Elkhorn Railroad, and for the Sioux City and Pacific Railroad.

Senator John C. Spooner, of Wisconsin, a Republican, was energetic in Fuller's behalf; of Spooner's activities as a railroad lawyer we have given an adequate glimpse in the description of the case of Schulenberg vs. Harriman in the preceding chapter. The selection of Fuller was also approved by Robert T.


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 and Lenin is sufficient for him. “The real function of the Church is to hold up steadily before both the conflicting forces the Christian standard of values.” But it is evident that the Christian Churches must side with the owning classes in opposing as “revolutionary” any serious attempt of a democracy to reform the distribution of wealth. Everywhere the Christian Churches are found ranging themselves with the “Conservative classes,” and this sight everywhere saps their influence among the class-conscious workers. This does not imply a condemnation of the Churches for failure to carry out a social ethics of Christianity, but simply a recognition that the Churches belong to the “established order” and confer a certain sacredness on their cause. The coincidence of Protestantism with the rise of modern capitalism was no accident of history. Capitalism could not have found its necessary freedom under the dominion which the Romish Church exercised over the conduct of secular life. Its prohibition of usury, its principle of a fair. price, its claim to regulate on spiritual rules the processes of bargaining and markets, though punctured by various evasions and exceptions, were hostile to the free play of capitalist industry, commerce, and finance. The removal of Papal authority from the


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 secular processes was, therefore, a great stimulus to liberty of production, trade, and human intercourse. But this liberation was not the only service rendered by Protestantism. It had a more positive contribution in the value its Churches set upon certain economic virtues which were needed to promote successful business. In particular industry, honesty (the best policy), and thrift from sober living, gave a spiritual sanction to successful business, and incidentally assisted to promote co-operation for profitable business ends. But upon the whole Protestantism made for the dissociation of the religious from the secular life, the weekday ethics from the Sabbath, and as time went on reduced religion to a set of ideals, rules, and dogmas which had less and less reality in the ordinary ways of men. The Sunday parade of the Sermon on the Mount is regarded by most Christians to-day as a beautiful ethic which has no real application to any department of secular conduct.

But while the full substance of this Eastern faith is now widely recognized as impracticable for an operative principle in the Western world, whether Catholic or Protestant in profession, it is not right to conclude that religion in its broader spiritual and philosophic sense is disappearing or weakening. If religion be taken to signify man’s emotional concern for his life as a moral and rational personality in an ever enlarging human society, and his interest in the discovery of an order in the Universe, to which man


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 by the use of his conscious faculties may contribute, such a religion is gradually but certainly growing, not only among the sensitive and intellectual minorities of each people, but as a pervasive and as yet half-conscious motive in the minds of the many. This may seem a doubtful statement and perhaps inconsistent with the dominance attributed to the lighter interests, but I hold it to be supported by the widespread and various aspects of the humanist movement. Though this movement may appear to be eclipsed temporarily by a brutalitarian movement in some European countries, a wider survey of the past few centuries will show a remarkable development of man’s concern for his neighbours’ welfare and an expansion of the term neighbour, checked but not lastingly defeated by the appeals of Nationalism.

Although the more definitely philosophic aspect of religion concerned with man’s place in the Universe may not seem to be making a corresponding advance, that is because of the too conventional view of philosophy. Popular education to-day, not so much in the schools as in the general experiences of life, is rapidly transforming the ordinary man’s view of man, both in relation to other animals and to his general physical and moral environment. Man no longer stands alone, separate in structure and in vital qualities from his surroundings: he is simply the highest present product of powers which permeate the universe and inspire in various combinations and


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 degrees all the creatures and events which constitute that universe. As his knowledge of that universe is enlarged by science or by ordinary experience, he comes to feel a closer kinship with his non-human as well as his human surroundings. It is that sense of kinship that gives new substance to our modern religion with its double significance for humanity, first as the co-operative body of human beings, secondly as the corporate part of a system inspired and moulded by some evolving process that may be realized as purpose or even spirit. For the nineteenth-century scientific rejection of purposes or spiritual hypotheses was clearly overdone. Among our leading scientists and philosophers there is little of that pride of intellectual self-sufficiency so blatant in mid- or late-Victorian times. Many of them admit some other faculty than reason as a means of getting truth. Materialism, Determinism, Rationalism are all discarded as inadequate instruments for reaching the highest realms of truth and for explaining the nature of a changing world. Modern analyses of the mental processes which even mathematicians undergo in reaching new “laws” indicate the operation of some creative imagination that goes beyond their accumulated knowledge and is akin to intuition. Indeed, in a world where history never repeats itself exactly but


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 always takes on some new and unknown factor, it is impossible to rely wholly upon the laws that can only generalize our past experiences. Evolution is no longer taken to signify the smooth unfolding of back urges in causation, but admits the play of movements and events in front as well as those behind.

Without some such theory in our mind, it is impossible to seek to understand or to evaluate the many unexpected changes of human conduct and values in the ambit of economics, politics, ethics, religion, philosophy which I have cited here. History has shown other epochs marked by changes as wonderful and as various in their significance. But none of the earlier changes has been so startling in its revelation of the possible contribution of science to the latent brutality of man as disclosed in modern arts and deeds of destruction.

In his old age, some time before the rise of Nazism and Fascism, Lord Bryce came to doubt the triumph of democracy as a principle of government. His arresting phrase, “Another ice age may be settling down upon the human mind,” goes even deeper into the nature of “our present discontents,” for it suggests a decline of those human qualities, interests, passions, and abilities which are summed up in the term “progress of humanity.”

On the other hand, may not this peril be exaggerated in the minds of the old among us by a lifelong belief in the growth of reason and humanity which


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 brought me to perceive and trace the intimate causal relations between a rate of saving excessive for home purposes and the drive for the exploitation of backward countries which is the economic core of imperialism. Thus I was launched upon two different yet not unrelated theses, a distinctively moral criticism of that bargaining process which is the core of distribution, and an equally distinctive political activity in which the profiteering motive played a determinant part.

In most of my closer reasoning my prime concern has been to give a consistent intelligible account of the bargaining process, so as to bring the “laws” of wages, rent, interest, and profit on to the same plane of statement. I found a law of rent, representing it as differential payments from a no-rent margin, which ignored the patent fact that for most uses of land the margin carried a positive rental. I found a law of wages that ignored the difference between the subsistence or replacement payment which counts in dealing with capital and land, and the positive wage-payment. I found a treatment of capital and interest which regarded them not as concrete factors in production, but as monetary figures. I found profit entirely vague in its origin and nature, sometimes including wages of management, costs of risk-taking, interest of capital, gains from profiteering, and what not. I cannot profess complete success in my attempt (in Distribution of Wealth) to put these different sources


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 of income on a single consistent footing. Even had my logic been accurate, the customary attitudes and language of the business world would have presented insurmountable obstacles. But I claim to have done something towards the establishment of a consistent conception of supply and demand and market, applicable to all kinds of goods and services, productive or consumptive. This conception of market played a central rôle in all my later economic thinking. For it enabled me to resolve the supplies and demands of all concrete goods and services into costs and utilities reckoned in terms of human value, i.e. costs expressing painful or injurious experiences, utilities expressing pleasurable or beneficial experiences. This line of analysis led me to present economics in a distinctively qualitative character. For though concrete supplies and demands of goods and services and their prices still were reckoned in quantities, their human costs and utilities varied with the qualities of the persons who bore those costs or enjoyed those utilities. The issue of the apportionment of concrete costs and utilities among the different sexes and ages, capacities, and defects, of the producing and consuming population, stood out as of prime importance in reckoning the human value of any change of industrial processes or of standards of living. Thus, though an increase in the quantity of goods, turned out by improved technique, carried prima facie an increase in the means of enjoyment, both the amount and the nature of that


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 increase depended upon the distribution of its human costs and utilities among the participants.

This question of distribution kept me continually busy in examining the markets from the standpoint of the bargaining strength of the sellers and buyers. For it became ever more evident that the free competition among producers which was the virtual guarantee of common benefit according to the laisser-faire economics, was declining in many markets, and was destined to give place to various forms and degrees of monopoly. My American studies threw strong light upon this issue, making it clear that in a mainly self-contained community, with little political interference with business enterprise and no effective public support to the weaker workers and consumers, the economic system must become increasingly subject to centralized financial controls and to a regulation of outputs that would greatly restrict the productivity of capitalism. Wild plunges into foreign loans and investments, followed by sudden withdrawals, equally wild plunges into gambling speculations at home, and a temporary closing down of employment in almost all occupations, followed by a revival due to immense expenditures on public works, public loans, and subsidies and armaments — this recent amazing exhibition of economic events in America brings home to intelligent observers everywhere the conviction that there is something seriously wrong with capitalism as seen in the biggest and richest country where it has had the freest play.


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Seven days after its obliterating the income-tax law, the Supreme Court of the United States handed down a decision which was then regarded, and has been since, by both legal profession and lay public, as one of the most extraordinary on record.

This decision was in the Debs case, which was a result of the great strike of the railway workers in 1894. That strike originated in the grievances of the workers in the Pullman Company's shops. Organized in 1867 to build sleeping cars, the Pullman Company, by methods which we have already described, possessed itself of the title to five hundred acres of land near Chicago. In addition to constructing its plant, it used two hundred acres for the building of what it called a "model" town. In this it accordingly owned the houses, the water and gas supply—and, in brief, controlled the town of Pullman absolutely. Tor its flimsy, congested habitations it charged its workers $18 a month rental; the cost of gas to the Pullman Company was thirty-three cents a thousand feet, yet the Company's tenants, comprising its own workers, had to pay $2.25 a thousand feet; taking advantage of the


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Oblivious to criticisms and the misunderstandings, the Supreme Court proved that in one essential respect it was not the reactionary institution that in certain quarters it was charged with being. Its critics were accustomed to declaim against it as a small oligarchy of doddering, obdurate old men, blind or at least insensible to all of the signs and demands of progress, and determined to impede, thwart or annul every manifestation of progress. This criticism, at once amusing and fallacious, is still current.

In reality the Supreme Court in the specific point in question, was the most alert, adaptable, ultra-progressive institution in the United States. Frosted with heavy years most of its members truly were; but in depth of mind, in clarity of vision and grasp of affairs no body of men were less archaic or (in the particular referred to} more keenly responsive to the demands of altering conditions as required by the dominant division of the ruling class. This was their one remarkable ability—an ability to be estimated and appreciated at its high historic worth.

Bred under laws applying to an obsolete, bygone economic period, the Supreme Court majority nevertheless refused to allow that stultifying code of laws to stand in the way of industrial evolution. They declined to interfere with the orderly transition of society from an older, outworn, crumbling stage


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Page:History of the Supreme court of the United States (IA historyofsupreme00myeriala).pdf/699

For the first time in the annals of the Supreme Court of the United States, the choice of a Chief Justice, was not made from the ranks of lawyers but the selection was determined of an Associate Justice of the Supreme Court itself: The member thus chosen by President Taft to succeed Fuller was Associate Justice Edward D. White. President Taft, succeeding Roosevelt in 1909, had himself been a judge on the bench of the United States Circuit Court. Indeed, it was authoritatively said that Taft's highest ambition was to go on the Supreme Court Bench, but his election as President interfered with his desire. After Fuller's death Taft had filled vacancies on the Supreme Court by appointing Horace H. Lurton and Charles E, Hughes as Associate Justices to succeed Peckham and Brewer. Although these two appointments were made during the incumbency of Fuller, yet they came late in that period, and we have accordingly reserved description for this chapter.

Of all the successive Chief Executives, none was perhaps more honest, ingenuous and bluntly outspoken in his views than Taft. He had neither political instinct nor political ability, and he entirely lacked that superfine caution and cunning temporizing that marks the practiced politician. His father had been a corporation lawyer and so had he and his brother Henry W. Taft had represented the New York, New Haven and Hartford Railroad. In his class instincts reenforced by


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Page:History of the Supreme court of the United States (IA historyofsupreme00myeriala).pdf/743

The next appointment made by President Taft to the Supreme Court was that of Charles E. Hughes in 1910, as an Associate Justice to succeed Justice Brewer who died on March 28, 1910.

Of Justice Brewer we shall finally remark, in passing, that so thoroughly had he indoctrinated law in accordance with the demands of capitalist interests, that when he died only one progressive decision could be attributed to him by his eulogists. This was the decision upholding the constitutionality of the Oregon ten-hour law for women. This law the Supreme Court of the United States affirmed on the principle that a State could constitutionally protect women workers so as to thus conserve the future of the race and the general welfare of society.

Born in 1862, Hughes was the son of a "hard-shell" Baptist minister and was of the same denomination himself. After his admission to the bar, he became a clerk in the law office of Chamberlain, Carter and Hornblower, of New York City.

This was a notable corporation firm; of Walter S. Carter, one of its members, a laudatory biographical account says, "Over one hundred distinguished lawyers have served in his office, such as William B. Hornblower, Lloyd W. Bowers and Paul D. Cravath." Sherburne Blake Eaton, a member of the firm, became chief executive officer of the Edison Electric Light Company in 1881, and its president and general counsel in 1884. Carter's great obsessing hobby was in encouraging


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Author:Edwin Munroe Bacon

Works

 * (1892) comp. by Richard Herndon
 * (1898)
 * (1902)
 * (1903)
 * (1903, National Education Association ed.)
 * (1907, Hardware Convention ed.) ed. by F. Alexander Chandler
 * (1909, Catholic Educational Association ed.)
 * (1909, American Association for the Advancement of Science ed.)
 * (1910, National Education Association ed.)
 * (1916, Hardware Convention ed.) ed. by F. Alexander Chandler
 * (1922, National Education Association ed.) revised by LeRoy Phillips
 * (1906)
 * (1911)
 * with Lyman Horace Weeks
 * 1911
 * (1911)
 * (1913)
 * (1914) ill. by Lester G. Hornby
 * (1912) with Morrill Wyman

title: Author:Edwin Munroe Bacon


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Page:Complete Works of Count Tolstoy - 13.djvu/126

 head (Rom. i. 20; Psalm xix. 1—4; Wis. of Sol. xiii. 1—5), and still more (b), in the supernatural revelation, when he at sundry times and in divers manners spake in time past unto the fathers by the prophets, hath in these last days spoken unto us by his Son (Heb. i. 1-2; Wis. of Sol. ix. 16—19), and when this only-begotten Son of God, appearing on earth in the flesh (1. Tim. iii. 16), gave us light and understanding that we might know the true God (1 John v. 20), and then preached his teaching through the apostles, having sent down upon them the spirit of truth, which searcheth all things, yea, the deep things of God (John xiv. 16—18, 1 Cor. ii. 10). Finally the Holy Books assert that although thus the Son of God, being in the bosom of the Father, hath declared to us God, no man hath seen him (John i. 18).” (p. 68.)

I beg the reader to observe the inexactness of the text. The actual text (John i. 18) runs like this: No man hath seen God at any time; the only-begotten Son, which is in the bosom of the Father, he hath declared him, but nowhere does it say, “being in the bosom of the Father hath declared to us God.”

“For now we see the Invisible One as with a glass in divining, and now we know the Incomprehensible One only in part (1 Cor. xiii. 12).”

I beg the reader to observe the incorrectness of this text, too. In the text cited it does not say: “Now we know the Incomprehensible One only in part.” It does not say “in part,” nor is there a word said about the “Incomprehensible One,” and even nothing is said about knowing God, but about love and human knowledge in general. Look at the whole chapter! All this chapter speaks only of human knowledge, which is imperfect, and, evidently, there is no purpose even there of speaking about the knowledge of God.

“Now we walk by faith, not by sight (2 Cor. v. 7).” (p. 68.)


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Author:Richard Herndon

Works

 * (1892) ed. by Edwin M. Bacon
 * (1896) ed. by Edwin M. Bacon
 * (1896) ed. by Alfred M. Williams and William F. Blanding
 * (1897) ed. by Philip W. McIntyre and William F. Blanding
 * (1898) ed. by Richard Burton
 * (1898) ed. under the auspices of the Manchester Union
 * (1898) ed. under the auspices of the Manchester Union

title: Author:Richard Herndon


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Page:History of the Supreme court of the United States (IA historyofsupreme00myeriala).pdf/18

 forces institutions thus established were designed to represent. To ascertain these facts is a vital preliminary, essential to a clear knowledge of cause and effect springing from concrete economic conditions.

When the Supreme Court of the United States was organized, there was, to be sure, a distinct environment, as there is in all times and ages, The environment then prevailing, however, was so fundamentally different from that related (or rather misrepresented) in the customary histories, that a narrative of it and the conditions leading up to it, is indispensable to a correct understanding of the history and career of the Supreme Court. Once this link is supplied, the nature of the personnel, and the current of the policy, of that Court become clear, and present a continuous and comprehensible account, leaving nothing to the imagination, and no enigmas over which to puzzle.

Steadily, through more than a century and a half, the process of forming on the soil of America a landed and trading aristocracy, on the one hand, and on the other, a menial and dependent laboring and slave class, went on uninterruptedly. Long before the outbreak of the Revolution, society was divided into various classes and these into grades, sharply defined from one another in law, as well as by extent of wealth or by tokens of rank or degradation. With the very settlement of the country, the European system of land and trade frauds had been transplanted—that system of fand seizure by which the feudal barons had aggrandized themselves, and that system of fraud in trade by which European merchants had grown rich. Throughout New England, New York, Pennsylvania, Maryland, Virginia, the Carolinas and Georgia enormous estates were gradually acquired. Some were obtained by fraud upon the Indians, or by bribing royal officials, or both; still others by the officials clandestinely using their authority to secure vast estates for themselves.


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Speech to the 70th UN General Assembly

Following is a full transcript of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s address to the United Nations General Assembly, October 1, 2015.

Ladies and Gentlemen, I bring you greetings from Jerusalem. The city in which the Jewish People’s hopes and prayers for peace for all of humanity have echoed throughout the ages.

Thirty-one years ago, as Israel’s Ambassador to the United Nations, I stood at this podium for the first time. I spoke that day against a resolution sponsored by Iran to expel Israel from the United Nations. Then as now, the UN was obsessively hostile towards Israel, the one true democracy in the Middle East. Then as now, some sought to deny the one and only Jewish state a place among the nations.

I ended that first speech by saying: Gentlemen, check your fanaticism at the door.

More than three decades later, as the Prime Minister of Israel, I am again privileged to speak from this podium. And for me, that privilege has always come with a moral responsibility to speak the truth.

So after three days of listening to world leaders praise the nuclear deal with Iran, I begin my speech today by saying: Ladies and Gentlemen, check your enthusiasm at the door.

You see, this deal doesn’t make peace more likely. By fueling Iran’s aggressions with billions of dollars in sanctions relief, it makes war more likely. Just look at what Iran has done in the last six months alone, since the framework agreement was announced in Lausanne. Iran boosted its supply of devastating weapons to Syria. Iran sent more soldiers of its Revolutionary Guard into Syria. Iran sent thousands of Afghani and Pakistani Shi’ite fighters to Syria. Iran did all this to prop up Assad’s brutal regime. Iran also shipped tons of weapons and ammunitions to the Houthi rebels in Yemen, including another shipment just two days ago.

Iran threatened to topple Jordan. Iran’s proxy Hezbollah smuggled into Lebanon SA-22 missiles to down our planes, and Yakhont cruise missiles to sink our ships. Iran supplied Hezbollah with precision-guided surface-to-surface missiles and attack drones so it can accurately hit any target in Israel. Iran aided Hamas and Islamic Jihad in building armed drones in Gaza.

Iran also made clear its plans to open two new terror fronts against Israel, promising to arm Palestinians in the West Bank and sending its Revolutionary Guard generals to the Golan Heights, from which its operatives recently fired rockets on northern Israel.

Israel will continue to respond forcefully to any attacks against it from Syria. Israel will continue to act to prevent the transfer of strategic weapons to Hezbollah from and through Syrian territory.

Every few weeks, Iran and Hezbollah set up new terror cells in cities throughout the world. Three such cells were recently uncovered in Kuwait, Jordan and Cyprus.

In May, security forces in Cyprus raided a Hezbollah agent’s apartment in the city of Larnaca. There they found five tons of ammonium nitrate, that’s roughly the same amount of ammonium nitrate that was used to blow up the federal building in Oklahoma City. And that’s just in one apartment, in one city, in one country.

But Iran is setting up dozens of terror cells like this around the world, ladies and gentlemen, they’re setting up those terror cells in this hemisphere too. I repeat: Iran’s been doing all of this, everything that I’ve just described, just in the last six months, when it was trying to convince the world to remove the sanctions.

Now just imagine what Iran will do after those sanctions are lifted. Unleashed and un-muzzled, Iran will go on the prowl, devouring more and more prey. In the wake of the nuclear deal, Iran is spending billions of dollars on weapons and satellites.

You think Iran is doing that to advance peace? You think hundreds of billions of dollars in sanctions relief and fat contracts will turn this rapacious tiger into a kitten? If you do, you should think again.

In 2013 president Rouhani began his so-called charm offensive here at the UN. Two years later, Iran is executing more political prisoners, escalating its regional aggression, and rapidly expanding its global terror network.

You know they say, actions speak louder than words. But in Iran’s case, the words speak as loud as the actions. Just listen to the Deputy Commander of Iran’s Revolutionary Guard Quds Force. Here’s what he said in February:

“The Islamic revolution is not limited by geographic borders….” He boasted that Afghanistan, Iraq, Lebanon, Syria, Palestine and Yemen are among the countries being “conquered by the Islamic Republic of Iran.”

Conquered.

And for those of you who believe that the deal in Vienna will bring a change in Iran’s policy, just listen to what Iran’s Supreme Leader Ayatollah Khamenei said five days after the nuclear deal was reached: “Our policies towards the arrogant government of the United States will not change.” The United States, he vowed, will continue to be Iran’s enemy.

While giving the mullahs more money is likely to fuel more repression inside Iran, it will definitely fuel more aggression outside Iran. As the leader of a country defending itself every day against Iran’s growing aggression, I wish I could take comfort in the claim that this deal blocks Iran’s path to nuclear weapons. But I can’t, because it doesn’t.

This deal does place several constraints on Iran’s nuclear program. And rightly so, because the international community recognizes that Iran is so dangerous. But you see here’s the catch:

Under this deal, if Iran doesn’t change its behavior, in fact, if it becomes even more dangerous in the years to come, the most important constraints will still be automatically lifted by year 10 and by year 15. That would place a militant Islamic terror regime weeks away from having the fissile material for an entire arsenal of nuclear bombs. That just doesn’t make any sense.

I’ve said that if Iran wants to be treated like a normal country, let it act like a normal country. But this deal, this deal will treat Iran like a normal country even if it remains a dark theocracy that conquers its neighbors, sponsors terrorism worldwide and chants “Death to Israel”, “Death to America.”

Does anyone seriously believe that flooding a radical theocracy with weapons and cash will curb its appetite for aggression? Do any of you really believe that a theocratic Iran with sharper claws and sharper fangs will be more likely to change its stripes?

So here’s a general rule that I’ve learned and you must have learned in your life time – When bad behavior is rewarded, it only gets worse.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

I have long said that the greatest danger facing our world is the coupling of militant Islam with nuclear weapons. And I’m gravely concerned that the nuclear deal with Iran will prove to be the marriage certificate of that unholy union.

I know that some well-intentioned people sincerely believe that this deal is the best way to block Iran’s path to the bomb. But one of history’s most important yet least learned lessons is this: The best intentions don’t prevent the worst outcomes.

The vast majority of Israelis believe that this nuclear deal with Iran is a very bad deal. And what makes matters even worse is that we see a world celebrating this bad deal, rushing to embrace and do business with a regime openly committed to our destruction.

Last week, Major General Salehi, the commander of Iran’s army, proclaimed this: “We will annihilate Israel for sure.”

“We are glad that we are in the forefront of executing the Supreme Leader’s order to destroy Israel.”

And as for the Supreme Leader himself, a few days after the nuclear deal was announced, he released his latest book. Here it is. It’s a 400-page screed detailing his plan to destroy the State of Israel.

Last month, Khamenei once again made his genocidal intentions clear before Iran’s top clerical body, the Assembly of Experts. He spoke about Israel, home to over six million Jews. He pledged, “there will be no Israel in 25 years.”

Seventy years after the murder of six million Jews, Iran’s rulers promise to destroy my country. Murder my people. And the response from this body, the response from nearly every one of the governments represented here has been absolutely nothing!

Utter silence!

Deafening silence.

(At this point, Netanyahu paused for 44 seconds.)

Perhaps you can now understand why Israel is not joining you in celebrating this deal. If Iran’s rulers were working to destroy your countries, perhaps you’d be less enthusiastic about the deal. If Iran’s terror proxies were firing thousands of rockets at your cities, perhaps you’d be more measured in your praise. And if this deal were unleashing a nuclear arms race in your neighborhood, perhaps you’d be more reluctant to celebrate.

But don’t think that Iran is only a danger to Israel. Besides Iran’s aggression in the Middle East and its terror around the world, Iran is also building intercontinental ballistic missiles whose sole purpose is to carry nuclear warheads. Now remember this: Iran already has missiles that can reach Israel. So those intercontinental ballistic missiles that Iran is building – they’re not meant for us – They’re meant for you. For Europe. For America. For raining down mass destruction – anytime, anywhere.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

It’s not easy to oppose something that is embraced by the greatest powers in the world. Believe me, it would be far easier to remain silent.

But throughout our history, the Jewish people have learned the heavy price of silence. And as the Prime Minister of the Jewish State, as someone who knows that history, I refuse to be silent. I’ll say it again: The days when the Jewish people remained passive in the face of genocidal enemies – those days are over.

Not being passive means speaking up about those dangers. We have. We are. We will.

Not being passive also means defending ourselves against those dangers. We have. We are. And we will.

Israel will not allow Iran to break-in, to sneak-in or to walk-in to the nuclear weapons club. I know that preventing Iran from developing nuclear weapons remains the official policy of the international community. But no one should question Israel’s determination to defend itself against those who seek our destruction.

For in every generation, there were those who rose up to destroy our people. In antiquity, we faced destruction from the ancient empires of Babylon and Rome. In the Middle Ages, we faced inquisition and expulsion. And In modern times, we faced pogroms and the Holocaust.

Yet the Jewish people persevered.

And now another regime has arisen, swearing to destroy Israel.

That regime would be wise to consider this: I stand here today representing Israel, a country 67 years young, but the nation-state of a people nearly 4,000 years old. Yet the empires of Babylon and Rome are not represented in this hall of nations. Neither is the Thousand Year Reich. Those seemingly invincible empires are long gone. But Israel lives. The people of Israel live.

עם ישראל חי.

The re-birth of Israel is a testament to the indomitable spirit of my people.

For a hundred generations, the Jewish people dreamed of returning to the Land of Israel. Even in our darkest hours, and we had so many, even in our darkest hours we never gave up hope of rebuilding our eternal capital Jerusalem. The establishment of Israel made realizing that dream possible. It has enabled us to live as a free people in our ancestral homeland. It’s enabled us to embrace Jews who’ve come from the four corners of the earth to find refuge from persecution. They came from war-torn Europe, from Yemen, Iraq, Morocco, from Ethiopia and the Soviet Union, from a hundred other lands. And today, as a rising tide of anti-Semitism once again sweeps across Europe and elsewhere, many Jews come to Israel to join us in building the Jewish future.

So here’s my message to the rulers of Iran: Your plan to destroy Israel will fail. Israel will not permit any force on earth to threaten its future.

And here’s my message to all the countries represented here: Whatever resolutions you may adopt in this building, whatever decisions you may take in your capitals, Israel will do whatever it must do to defend our state and to defend our people.

Distinguished delegates,

As this deal with Iran moves ahead, I hope you’ll enforce it…how can I put this? With a little more rigor than you showed with the six Security Council resolutions that Iran has systematically violated and which now have been effectively discarded.

Make sure that the inspectors actually inspect. Make sure that the snapback sanctions actually snap back. And make sure that Iran’s violations aren’t swept under the Persian rug.

Well, of one thing I can assure you: Israel will be watching… closely.

What the international community now needs to do is clear: First, make Iran comply with all its nuclear obligations. Keep Iran’s feet to the fire. Second, check Iran’s regional aggression. Support and strengthen those fighting Iran’s aggression, beginning with Israel. Third, use sanctions and all the tools available to you to tear down Iran’s global terror network.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

Israel is working closely with our Arab peace partners to address our common security challenges from Iran and also the security challenges from ISIS and from others. We are also working with other states in the Middle East as well as countries in Africa, in Asia and beyond. Many in our region know that both Iran and ISIS are our common enemies. And when your enemies fight each other, don’t strengthen either one – weaken both.

Common dangers are clearly bringing Israel and its Arab neighbors closer. And as we work together to thwart those dangers, I hope we’ll build lasting partnerships – lasting partnerships for security, for prosperity and for peace.

But in Israel, we never forget one thing. We never forget that the most important partner that Israel has has always been, and will always be, the United States of America. The alliance between Israel and the United States is unshakeable. President Obama and I agree on the need to keep arms out of the hands of Iran’s terror proxies. We agree on the need to stop Iran from destabilizing countries throughout the Middle East. Israel deeply appreciates President Obama’s willingness to bolster our security, help Israel maintain its qualitative military edge and help Israel confront the enormous challenges we face. Israel is grateful that this sentiment is widely shared by the American people and its representatives in Congress, by both those who supported the deal and by those who opposed it.

President Obama and I have both said that our differences over the nuclear deal are a disagreement within the family. But we have no disagreement about the need to work together to secure our common future. And what a great future it could be.

Israel is uniquely poised to seize the promise of the 21st century. Israel is a world leader in science and technology, in cyber, software, water, agriculture, medicine, biotechnology and so many other fields that are being revolutionized by Israeli ingenuity and Israeli innovation. Israel is the innovation nation.

Israeli knowhow is everywhere. It’s in your computers’ microprocessors and flash drives. It’s in your smartphones, when you send instant messages and navigate your cars. It’s on your farms, when you drip irrigate your crops and keep your grains and produce fresh. It’s in your universities, when you study Nobel Prize winning discoveries in chemistry and economics. It’s in your medicine cabinets, when you use drugs to treat Parkinson’s Disease and Multiple Sclerosis. It’s even on your plate, when you eat the delicious cherry tomato. That too was perfected in Israel, in case you didn’t know.

We are so proud in Israel of the long strides our country has made in a short time. We’re so proud that our small country is making such a huge contribution to the entire world. Yet the dreams of our people, enshrined for eternity by the great prophets of the Bible, those dreams will be fully realized only when there is peace.

As the Middle East descends into chaos, Israel’s peace agreements with Egypt and Jordan are two cornerstones of stability. Israel remains committed to achieving peace with the Palestinians as well. Israelis know the price of war. I know the price of war. I was nearly killed in battle. I lost many friends. I lost my beloved brother Yoni.

Those who know the price of war can best appreciate what the blessings of peace would mean – for ourselves, our children, our grandchildren. I am prepared to immediately, immediately, resume direct peace negotiations with the Palestinian Authority without any preconditions whatsoever. Unfortunately, President Abbas said yesterday that he is not prepared to do this. Well, I hope he changes his mind. Because I remain committed to a vision of two states for two peoples, in which a demilitarized Palestinian state recognizes the Jewish state.

You know, the peace process began over two decades ago. Yet despite the best efforts of six Israeli prime ministers – Rabin, Peres, Barak, Sharon, Olmert and myself – the Palestinians have consistently refused to end the conflict and make a final peace with Israel. And unfortunately, you heard that rejectionism again only yesterday from President Abbas. How can Israel make peace with a Palestinian partner who refuses to even sit at the negotiating table? Israel expects the Palestinian Authority to abide by its commitments. The Palestinians should not walk away from peace.

President Abbas, I know it’s not easy. I know it’s hard. But we owe it to our peoples to try, to continue to try, because together, if we actually negotiate and stop negotiating about the negotiation, if we actually sit down and try to resolve this conflict between us, recognize each other, not use a Palestinian state as a stepping stone for another Islamist dictatorship in the Middle East, but something that will live at peace next to the Jewish state, if we actually do that, we can do remarkable things for our peoples.

The UN can help advance peace by supporting direct, unconditional negotiations between the parties. The UN won’t help peace, certainly won’t help advance peace by trying to impose solutions or by encouraging Palestinian rejectionism. And the UN, distinguished delegates, should do one more thing. The UN should finally rid itself of the obsessive bashing of Israel.

Here’s just one absurd example of this obsession: In four years of horrific violence in Syria, more than a quarter of a million people have lost their lives. That’s more than ten times, more than ten times, the number of Israelis and Palestinians combined who have lost their lives in a century of conflict between us. Yet last year, this Assembly adopted 20 resolutions against Israel and just one resolution about the savage slaughter in Syria. Talk about injustice. Talk about disproportionality. Twenty. Count them. One against Syria.

Well, frankly I am not surprised. To borrow a line from Yogi Berra, the late, great baseball player and part time philosopher: When it comes to the annual bashing of Israel at the UN, it’s déjà vu all over again.

Enough!

Thirty one years after I stood here for the first time, I’m still asking: When will the UN finally check its anti-Israel fanaticism at the door? When will the UN finally stop slandering Israel as a threat to peace and actually start helping Israel advance peace? And the same question should be posed to Palestinian leaders. When will you start working with Israel to advance peace and reconciliation and stop libeling Israel, stop inciting hatred and violence?

President Abbas, here’s a good place to begin: Stop spreading lies about Israel’s alleged intentions on the Temple Mount. Israel is fully committed to maintaining the status quo there. What President Abbas should be speaking out against are the actions of militant Islamists who are smuggling explosives into the al-Aqsa mosque and who are trying to prevent Jews and Christians from visiting the holy sites. That’s the real threat to these sacred sites.

A thousand years before the birth of Christianity, more than 1,500 years before the birth of Islam, King David made Jerusalem our capital, and King Solomon built the Temple on that mount. Yet Israel, Israel will always respect the sacred shrines of all. In a region plagued by violence and by unimaginable intolerance, in which Islamic fanatics are destroying the ancient treasures of civilization, Israel stands out as a towering beacon of enlightenment and tolerance. Far from endangering the holy sites, it is Israel that ensures their safety. Because unlike the powers who have ruled Jerusalem in the past, Israel respects the holy sites and freedom of worship of all – Jews, Muslims, Christians, everyone.

And that, ladies and gentlemen, will never change. Because Israel will always stay true to its values. These values are on display each and every day: When Israel’s feisty parliament vigorously debates every issue under the sun. When Israel’s Chief Justice sits in her chair at our fiercely independent Supreme Court. When our Christian community continues to grow and thrive from year to year, as Christian communities are decimated elsewhere in the Middle East. When a brilliant young Israeli Muslim student gives her valedictorian address at one of our finest universities. And when Israeli doctors and nurses – doctors and nurses from the Israeli military – treat thousands of wounded from the killing fields of Syria and thousands more in the wake of natural disasters from Haiti to Nepal.

This is the true face of Israel. These are the values of Israel.

And In the Middle East, these values are under savage assault by militant Islamists who are forcing millions of terrified people to flee to distant shores. Ten miles from ISIS, a few hundred yards from Iran’s murderous proxies, Israel stands in the breach – proudly and courageously, defending freedom and progress. Israel is civilization’s front line in the battle against barbarism.

So here’s a novel idea for the United Nations: Instead of continuing the shameful routine of bashing Israel, stand with Israel. Stand with Israel as we check the fanaticism at our door. Stand with Israel as we prevent that fanaticism from reaching your door.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

Stand with Israel because Israel is not just defending itself. More than ever, Israel is defending you.

title: Speech to the 70th UN General Assembly


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Page:History of the Supreme court of the United States (IA historyofsupreme00myeriala).pdf/19

Orthodox Puritan piety went hand in hand with the conmissioncommission [sic] of frauds, if the laws of the day shadow the conditions prevailing. In Massachusetts, then comprising also what is now the State of Maine and a portion of the present State of New York, the corruption of public officials became so general that an act was passed in the year 1645 imposing a penalty of £40 or whipping for corrupting any public official to deface the public records. For forging land deeds, the offending person was to pay the aggrieved party double damages; if he could not or did not he was to be publicly whipped and a "Romaine F" was to be burned in his face. The practices of the Puritan judiciary may be judged from Section ix, Act of 1635, which prohibited judges interested in civic causes, or related to the parties at action, from giving judgment.

In Rhode Island the principal officials and elders were either seizing land, or by their official acts were awarding allotments to one another.

The Connecticut Assembly was constantly passing laws directed at preventing land frauds; a supererogative attempt at virtuous conduct, inasmuch as many of the officials themselves were thus acquiring estates.

In May, 1667, the General Court of Connecticut, "being sensible of the great trouble and contention that doth and may arise in this colony by reason of great defects that are found in records," etc., found it necessary to pass an act aimed at


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Page:Hyderabad in 1890 and 1891; comprising all the letters on Hyderabad affairs written to the Madras Hindu by its Hyderabad correspondent during 1890 and 1891 (IA hyderabadin1890100bangrich).pdf/144

 Secretary remain unanswered. The difficulties my ryots are put to on account of the tyrannical conduct of Bansi Raja and his naib are very great. When the samasthan was under the management of your Highness's Government, pervious to 1297 Fasli a picket of Police peons had been stationed at Anagondi. On the restoration of the samasthan the Police arrangements were organized by me; and I requested the withdrawal of the Government picket. Although there has been a lot of correspondence, the Police picket remains stationary. The samasthan is forced to pay them, and their idle presence is productive of great mischeif. The last blow has been struck by ordering the withdrawal of my powers. The Minister, advised by Intesar Jung, has all along been trying to annihilate this ancient Hindu samasthan which owes its existence to your Highness. I seek your Highness's protection for the restoratian of my rights and, privileges."

The Deccan Punch, a local Urdu weekly, had in a recent issue of his a leader which tries to show what a greedy, money-loving, unconscionable lot we have in power here. In this article the Editor takes His Highness the Nizam severely to task for purchasing some diamonds direct from the merchants and not through his Government. It is remarkable that the directness, so to say, of the purchase should be taken objection to by this wise and honest Editor and not the wasting of money over such purchases. The Punch is, I am credibly informed, a Government organ edited by an official in receipt of a monthly salary of about Rs. 700, who gets Rs. 8 for each issue of the peper.

Man, it is said, is a helpless being. Even Sir Asmanjah with all his tried and trusted advisers about him, does not seem to be an exception to this rule. He seems to be liable to what are termed 'sharp practices' as much as any other mortal. I am told that the Minister was until recently in blissful ignorance of the history of Mahomed Ali alias Zafer Yabkhan and when my paragraph about this individual in one of my previous letters told him the truth, he was in a tearing rage and did not scruple


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User:Smoothoperator2001

About Me

Hello! You can call me akki, I am an undergrad student from Hyderabad, India.

Interests:

Apart from my academic and professional pursuits, I have a range of interests that keep me engaged and inspired:

 * 1) Coding: I have a deep passion for coding and software development. Whether it's building innovative applications or solving complex problems through programming.
 * 2) Table Tennis: I'm an enthusiastic table tennis player. This fast-paced sport not only keeps me physically active but also helps me develop quick reflexes and a competitive spirit.
 * 3) Snooker: Snooker is another one of my hobbies. I enjoy playing it in my leisure time.
 * 4) Bikes: I am an avid motorcycle enthusiast. Exploring new destinations on two wheels provides a sense of freedom and adventure that I cherish.

title: User:Smoothoperator2001


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Page:Hyderabad in 1890 and 1891; comprising all the letters on Hyderabad affairs written to the Madras Hindu by its Hyderabad correspondent during 1890 and 1891 (IA hyderabadin1890100bangrich).pdf/108

 100 HYDERABAD, 25th April, 1891. "Those that have eyes to see with and brains to understand, are fully convinced that the policy of the present administration, which is based on the wise and far-seeing principles of justice, economy and impartiality is bound to prevail in the end." So writes a correspondent from Hyderabad to one of your Calcutta contemporaries. And I hope you will allow me to say a few words about the principles of justice, economy and impartia- lity" that, the above-quoted writer thinks, underlie Sir Asman- ja's administration. If by principles I understand consistent rules of conduct, I find little evidence of justice, economy and impartiality guiding the present administration. Wherever convenient, whenever the interests of those in power did not suffer or there was little chance of their being thwarted in their plans for self-aggrandisement, justice was done, I admit, eco- nomy was enforced and impartiality shown. But when opponents were concerned, where were justice, economy and impartiality? The records of the recent doings of the present Government do not point to one single instance in which an official or an individual obnoxious to the powers-that-be had justice for the asking. Was it justice that prevailed with Sir Asmanja's "tried and trusted adviser. Vicar-ul-Mulk." when he got the peisheush on the principality of Anagondi raised from Rs.10,000 to Rs. 18,000 in the face of the testimony of two of the Government depates to the effect that the samastan was not in a condition to pay any peishoush? Was it justice which in- duced the unhappy state of things in Gurganta? Was it justice that enabled an overpaid creditor to take forcible pessession of a Raja's villages and direct the Raja to go to a Civil Court to establishi his right to the villages and get them restored to him? Was it impartiality that demanded a bail of 2 lakhs of Rupees from the city Sowear charged with forgery, and a bail of Rs. 10,000 from Abdul Wahil charged with murder-that tried Jaya Rao and others by a Magistrate and appointsd a commission to inquire into the charges against the Nawab Hussan Bin Abdulla and the Raja Srinivas Rao, that enabled the Nawab


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Page 101 and the Raja to be at large while others concerned in the case with them were under-trial prisoners? And is it economy, I wish to know, that recalls a Judge who is of no use, retains a Private Secretary who does no work, a Director of Public Instruction who has little time to attend to his duties, that creates Assistant Secretaryships, Inspectorships and Commis- sions for the benefit of favourites as well as to keep some officials at arms' length, that allows a large portion of budget allotments for the Public Works Department to be spent year after year on repairs, that maintains schools without boys, and teachers with- out pupils, that rouses itself by fits and starts to prosecute Abdul Huk, and spends thousands over some lucky men to perfect the case against him, that pays journalists to laud the officials up and spies to gather information about political adversaries? Such questions can be multiplied ad infinitum and I would advise all who would sing the praises of the Moglai officials to make a list of all the questions that can be put to the Government under the head of justice, economy, impartiality and peruse it whenever they feel inclined to rush into print to abuse honest men and ascribe motives to impartial writers. A letter on Hyderabad affairs in another Calcutta paper has attracted a great deal of attention here. There are a few inaccuracies here and there in this letter. But these excepted, it portrays popular feeling and opiniou on many important matters. It leads one to the conclusion that most of the departments in the State are most frightfully mismanaged, and that this is a fact few can deny. I met one of the highest officials of the State-one of the pillars of the present Gevernment-at a railway station recently. Sliding into a talk about Hyderabad affairs, the official asked me what the public thought of the character of the work done by a certain department of the State. I told him what they thought-and took advantage of the opportunity to point out to him as plainly as I could what a waste of money there was in the public works, judicial, educa- tional and other departments, and how far from efficient was the little work turned out by these. He listened to me


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 patiently—and all that he could say was that it was a thousand pities that such a state of things should be allowed to continue.

The resolution issued, under date the 8th April 1891, by the Government of His Highness the Nizam in the Home Department (Court of Wards) about the administration of the Sir Salar Jung estate for 1299 fasli—shows how even His Highness's order can sometimes he disregarded by his servants with impunity. Soon after the demise of the Nawab Muneer-ul-mulk, second son of the late Sir Salar Jung 1., His Highness, in consideration of the invaluable services rendered by the first Salar, resolved to take a personal interest in the management of the estates of the family, appointed a committee composed of the Rajah Sheo Raj Bahadur, the Nawab Imad Nawaz Jung Bahadur, and Captain Beauclerk, to manage the estates and issued a number of instructions for its guidance. The instructions pointed out clearly how the estates should be administered, how the members of the family should be treated, that the object of the Committee should be to curtail expenditure and liquidate debts, and that Captain Beanclerk should be the guardian and care-taker of the late Sir Salar Jung II's infant son. And how these instructions have been carried out it is rather painful to inquire. Nothing was done during the year by way of liquidating long standing debts. Though, the Committee was strongly of opinion that it was absolutely necessary to raise a fresh loan of Rs. 5,75,000 for the purpose of the meeting the ordinary salaries of establishments up to the end of the year,' yet the first thing the Committee did after its appointment was to increase the cost of the establishments by about 1,500 a month, or Rs. 18,000 a year. The appointments were made without any budget estimate being prepared and in defiance of the Government orders on the subject of the employment of Europeans in public or private service; and when the budget estimate was made according to His Highness's order it was found to be full of errors and worse thau useless. And as for the 'minor,' as I told you in my last letter but one, little attention was paid to his comforts and bringing up. Now the


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 question arises whether Captain Beanclerk who, as Secretary to the Commitee, drawing a monthly salary of Rs. 1,200 from the revenues of the estates, is more responsible than these associated with him for the management of the estates, ought to continue to hold the position he has held for over a year with much profit to himself but little usefulness to the family. and I press this question most respectfully on the consideration of His Highness the Nizam.

A charge of theft of jewellery of the value of Rs. 7,50,000 brought by a Hyderabadee Nawab, against three of his relatives, before Mr. Hamilton, the second 'residency Magistrate in Bombay—forms the subject of talk here in many circles. The theft is said to have been committed 7 years ago and it remained little less than a mystery until Friday, the 17th Instant, on account of the phenomenal inactivity or incompetency of the City Police. On this date a pair of gold and silver armlets called bajoobandh together with a pair of gold ornaments called thera offered to the complainant for sale by one Muunav Khan led to a number of revelations. The complainant immediately gave information to the Residency Police and had one Kassim arrested. They with the aid of Kassim he 'traced' the theft to the accused living in Bombay. This is the story of the case and the trial of it will be watched with interest here.


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, 30th May 1891.

His Highness the Nizam has not returned from the Districts as yet. No doubt he is pleased with everything that he sees, or rather is made to see there and entertains a high opinion of the administrative capacities of those who are busy pleasuring' him in all manner of ways. But he little knows—and none but those on the spot can say—what misery and woe underlie the pleasant aspect that everything is made to put on by the magic of power. Not to speak of the oppression that grinds the people from year's end to year's end, the nurseries brought upon them by the presence of Royalty are many and heart-rending. Fancy the only tank in a village being guarded by sepoys for the benefit of His Highness and his entourage and the villagers being compelled to go long distances to fetch water for their own use or die of thirst. Fancy busy husbandman being taken away by force out of homes to slave in the royal camp almost for nothing or their being dispossessed of their cattle or their scanty provision in the name of the Nizam. And you have an idea as to what a royal visit means to the hungry ryot. His highness the Nizam's, last excursion into the districts-about 2 years ago-resulted in the depopulation of 3 villages about Hanumkonda. And how many villages have suffered and are suffering now in a similar manner it is not possible to say just now. I do not wish to be misunderstood. My object in writing thus is not to raise a disloyal hue and cry against His Highness' going into any part of his wide Dominions, but to condemn the ways in which officials seek to secure his comforts.

The "Deccan Times" has recently had two very sensible articles—one on the City Robbery Case, now pending before a Bombay Magistrate, and the other on the subject of pensions to the Nizam's officials. The resolution issued by the Home Secretary for the appointment of a commission to inquire into the Robbery Case—a case which but for a chance might never have seen the light of day and which is not likely to be transferred to the Nizam's Government, seeing that the complainant has little


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 faith in the justice of the Moglai Courts and insists on the case being tried by the British Magistrate—is an interesting production, interesting as giving one an idea of the manipulation and tergiversation that some of His Highness' officials are adepts at. It blames all but the right persons for the offenders' not being 'spotted' through the instrumentality of the Nizam's servants, exculpates all the responsible men in a very ingenious manner and winds up with an order—q uitequite [sic] unnecessary—for the appointment of a commission. The robbery, committed as it was in Salar Jung 1P's time, is put down to the credit of the days af the late Peishkar—the Raja Naraindar Peishkar Bahdur—and to the Peishkar is allotted the failure to take immediate steps to enquire into the matter. The derliction of duty the then Judicial Secretary, the Nawab Fateh Nawaz Jung, was guilty of in not bringing the robbery to the notice of Sir Asman Jah on his assumption of office as Prime Minister, is passed over, and Sir Asman Jali's ignorance of the affair is made to explain his not doing anything to have the robbery traced to the culprits. All this is in unmistakable terms pointed out by the "Deccan Times." As regards pensions, the Nizam's Government's decision to abolish pensions to Military officers in its service furnishes the occasion for the "Deccan Times" article thereon. How the decision will affect the services, how it will induce men to be in harness in spite of the disabilities and impediments of age, how this will lead to young and sound men being out of all useful work, and how it will tend to make the work turned out inefficient; all this is clearly explained by the article. And it is to be hoped that the responsible men of the Government will read it to 'some purpose.'

14


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, 6th June 1891.

The Hyderabad Law Commission and its doings have been attracting much attention here; and one name has figured most prominently in the columns of the local papers in connection with these; and that is Mahomed Ali Whence he came, how he came, and where he has gone to—these questions have been repeatedly asked by the public ever since it was known that he had been offered the Secretaryship of the Commission by the Nizam's Government; and they are pertinent questions to be Mahomed Ali has not always been known to the world as Mahomed Ali. Years ago when his reputation was not under a cloud and he had no reason to be afraid of hearing the name his parents had given him at his birth, he was a pleader practising in the Courts of Allyghur and was known as Zafar Yab Khan, In an unfortunate moment Mr. Zafar Yab Khan sinned against the laws of the land, and the guardians of the laws found it necessary to issue a warrant for his apprehension. With a view to elude this warrant Mr. Yab Khan ca me to Hyderabad, put off his name and put on Mahomed Ali, and sought the favour several high officials who were his friends, and did not seek it in vain. The officials held out the right hand of fellowship to their fallen brother, pushed him on as "the Dekkhan Jurist"—and it would be difficult indeed to number and label the pretexts under which they made inroads into the Government treasury to enrich him. Thus befriended Mahomed Ali alias Zafar Yab Khan had a happy time of it for several years here until a few weeks since when by the kindness of a friend he came to know that he had been traced' and that an Inspector of Police had left Allyghur to apprehend him and had to make up his mind immediately to bid good-bye to the scene of his activities here. Such in brief is the history of Mahomed Ali, who is very closely related to satellite of the party in power and one needs to be more than humanly credulous to believe that his official patrons knew not before this the nature of the unfortunate "mistake" which had made Allyghur too hot for him and sent him a candidate for favours at their hands.


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 The Deccan Times has in its issue of the 4th instant a very sensational leader under the heading "The Salar Jung family." The passage your contemporary quotes from a letter addressed by Lady Salar Jung II in Saban 1308 to the mother of Sir Salar Jung I and to the special Committee, appointed (to use the Deccan Times,' words) "by His Highness to inquire into the disgraceful and pitiable state of things resulting from the appointment" of the Nawab Basheerud Dowlawa as medium of communication between His Highness and the commitee of management of the Salar Jung estates—more than confirms all that I have hitherto stated about the way in which the family affairs are managed. The quotation runs thus:—"I was compelled to send my uncle Syed Abn Torab Sahib to Sidi Ambar Khansama to tell him that the Sahib Zada (meaning the infant son) wanted clothes very badly, and to ask him either to get new clothes for the child or to let me have some of the sherwanees of Salar Jung II that I might convert them into a few suits for the Saibh Zada. The Khansama paid not the slightest heed to my wishes. Not a single pair of shoes or socks has even been supplied for the use of my child. And whenever a demand for the supply of arrowroot and sugar was made the Khansama refused to comply with my request, and sent word to say that the Committee had not sanctioned such items of expenditure. If such is the way in which provision is made for the clothing and the nourishment of the infant son, you can imagine the amount of attention that is being paid to other matters connected with the palace. Everybody in the palace knows all about these things and the Minister and the Home Secretary have been informed of them." These words of Lady Salar Jung II pescribe more vividly than any words of mine can the miserable pass that the affairs of the Salar Jung family have come to, and point out with a force and an eloquence that cannot be lost on any one who has not grown altogether deaf to the whispers of his conscience the necessity for interference on the part of His Highness the Nizam who graciously undertook the guardianship of the