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 ingly few exceptions which need to be made, further validate the size of the sample. The adoption of the cross section method was, of course, a matter of expediency, but the results when carefully derived from a fair sample, may be fairly compared with the results obtained by using the linear method, when the same subjects are under observation over a period of years. This is true when the conclusions to be drawn are general and not individual. For the purposes of psychological theory, it is sufficient to know that children in a certain society walk, on the average, at twelve months, and talk, on the average, at fifteen months. For the purposes of the diagnostician, it is necessary to know that John walked at eighteen months and did not talk until twenty months. So, for general theoretical purposes, it is enough to state that little girls just past puberty develop a shyness and lack of self-possession in the presence of boys, but if we are to understand the delinquency of Mala, it is necessary to know that she prefers the company of boys to that of girls and has done so for several years.

The description of the cultural background was obtained in orthodox fashion, first through interviews with carefully chosen informants, followed by checking up their statements with other informants and by the use of many examples and test cases. With a few unimportant exceptions this material was obtained in the Samoan language and not through the medium of interpreters. All of the work with individuals was done in the native language, as there were no young people on the island who spoke English.

Although a knowledge of the entire culture was essential for the accurate evaluation of any particular individual's behaviour, a detailed description will be given only of those aspects of the culture which are immediately relevant to the


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 From this space is a cave running under the series which is filled, halfway to the top with bats' guano, which cannot be less than fifty feet in depth. Its extent is unknown. Samples of the guano have been sent home and were valued at from £8 to £15 per ton. The annual value taken from these caves is $25,000.

That coal is present in many parts of the territory, has been proved, and boring for workable deposits, is being actively engaged in. The present supply, which is stored at the principal ports of call, for the use of men-of-war and trading vessels, is obtained from the Moara mines, situate at the mouth of the Brunei River and which have been leased by the Sultan of Brunei to the Labuan firm of Messrs. . The quality of the coal has been well reported upon by engineers of Her Majesty's ships and others, and it is used to a large extent by those vessels visiting Borneo and Labuan, as well as by all the local trading steamers. There are five seams now being worked, of 26, 24, 6, 5 and 4 feet in thickness respectively.

From the reports of travellers and others, the mineral wealth of Borneo has been much exaggerated, although the numerous indications are sufficient to have caused them. Gold indeed is found in Dutch Borneo and Sarawak, but in comparatively small quantities. Traces of gold have also been found in North Borneo, and the island of Banguey off the North coast, and samples of auriferous quartz have lately been discovered in the vicinity of Marudu Bay and in rivers flowing into Sandakan Bay. Up to the present, however, the search has been unsuccessful, and this is not to be wondered at, when we consider how everything is hidden by a luxuriant vegetation. which jealously guards the treasures of the earth from the eyes of the explorer. Samples of cinnabar, silver ore, antimony and tin have been found in different parts of the territory. Copper also was being traced by the late Mr., the Company's mineralogist, who was confident of its existence


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 but his lamented and sad death has temporarily put a stop to the search for it. The same formations in which the silver ore and antimony are found in Sarawak, are also met with in parts of North Borneo, and from specimens which have been brought in by the natives, it is reasonable to suppose that a systematic search would disclose workable deposits.

The sea also has treasures which form no small itens of export, such as mother-o'pearl, bêche-de-mer (holothuria,) and tortoise shell. The neighbouring oyster beds in the Sulu sea have lately been attracting the attention of Europeans, with a view to the introduction of proper appliances for the effective working of the beds, which is impossible with the primitive means employed by the natives. There is no doubt that as the European government becomes known and appreciated, the pearl oyster beds, which unquestionably exist round the coasts, will be made to yield their riches. The grasping natures of the innumerable petty chiefs of a former régime, who oppressed the unfortunate pearl fishers, until their occupation—arduous and dangerous as it was—brought them no profit, is the cause assigned by the old men for the abandonment of the pursuit, and the consequent losing sight of the exact locality of the beds. On one occasion, whilst searching for an oyster bed in a locality pointed out by an old man living on one of the small islands off the coast, the divers who accompanied the writer, obtained over a hundredweight of mother-o'pearl, valued at $45, but all the shells were isolated, and it was evident that only the outlying members of the true bed had been found.

Beasts of prey are conspicuous by their absence, the one known exception being a small tree tiger (Felis macrocelis) which is found in the interior. Deer of various kinds, wild pigs, wild cattle (Bos gaurus), and buffalo, are abundant, and


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 problem of the adolescent girl. For example, if I observe Pele refuse point blank to carry a message to the house of a relative, it is important to know whether she is actuated by stubbornness, dislike of the relative, fear of the dark, or fear of the ghost which lives near by and has a habit of jumping on people's backs. But to the reader a detailed exposition of the names and habits of all the local ghost population would be of little assistance in the appreciation of the main problem. So all descriptions of the culture which are not immediately relevant are omitted from the discussion but were not omitted from the original investigation. Their irrelevancy has, therefore, been definitely ascertained.

The knowledge of the general cultural pattern was supplemented by a detailed study of the social structure of the three villages under consideration. Each household was analysed from the standpoint of rank, wealth, location, contiguity to other households, relationship to other households, and the age, sex, relationship, marital status, number of children, former residence, etc., of each individual in the household. This material furnished a general descriptive basis for a further and more careful analysis of the households of the subjects, and also provided a check on the origin of feuds or alliances between individuals, the use of relationship terms, etc. Each child was thus studied against a background which was known in detail.

A further mass of detailed information was obtained about the subjects: approximate age (actual age can never be determined in Samoa), order of birth, numbers of brothers and sisters, who were older and younger than the subject, number of marriages of each parent, patrilocal and matrilocal residence, years spent in the pastor's school and in the government. school and achievement there, whether the child had ever been out of the village or off the island, sex experience, etc. The children were also given a makeshift intelligence test,


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 rote memory, opposites, substitution, ball and field, and picture interpretation. These tests were all given in Samoan; standardisation was, of course, impossible and ages were known only relatively; they were mainly useful in assisting me in placing the child within her group, and have no value for comparative purposes. The results of the tests did indicate, however, a very low variability within the group. The tests were supplemented by a questionnaire which was not administered formally but filled in by random questioning from time to time. This questionnaire gave a measure of their industrial knowledge, the extent to which they participated in the lore of the community, of the degree to which they had absorbed European teaching in matters like telling time, reading the calendar, and also of the extent to which they had participated in or witnessed scenes of death, birth, miscarriage, etc.

But this quantitative data represents the barest skeleton of the material which was gathered through months of observation of the individuals and of groups, alone, in their households, and at play. From these observations, the bulk of the conclusions are drawn concerning the attitudes of the children towards their families and towards each other, their religious interests or the lack of them, and the details of their sex lives. This information cannot be reduced to tables or to statistical statements. Naturally in many cases it was not as full as in others. In some cases it was necessary to pursue a more extensive enquiry in order to understand some baffling aspect of the child's behaviour. In all cases the investigation was pursued until I felt that I understood the girl's motivation and the degree to which her family group and affiliation in her age group explained her attitudes.

The existence of the pastor's boarding-school for girls past puberty provided me with a rough control group. These girls were so severely watched that heterosexual activities were im-


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 afford capital sport, whilst on the East coast are found in addition the elephant and rhinoceros (R. sumatranus). Journeying up the rivers, many varieties of the monkey tribe are met with, including a small species of orang-utan. Small black bears (Helarctos euryspilus) are occasionally met with. The tapir and other have been seen on the North coast. A large variety of squirrels abound. Amongst the snakes are found the cobra, python, and leaf snake (Trimeresurus suhannulatus), but the writer has not known a single fatal case of snake-bite during a residence of six years in Borneo.

Crocodiles are numerous, and at times extremely fierce and dangerous. The rivers and coast teem with fish, which form the staple food of a large portion of the inhabitants.

Pigeons of many kinds, snipe, curlew and plover, the Argus and Bulwer pheasants (Argusianus Grayii and Lobiophasis Bulweri; ) and several kinds of partridge afford a tempting variety to the sportsman, and the field opened up to the naturalist amongst the numerous birds of North Borneo, is a large and but little known one.

The climate is more healthy than might be expected in a country situated so near the Equator. The maximum monthly mean temperature during the year 1883 was 88.9, whilst the lowest for the same period was 75.1. The nights as a rule arc very cool and pleasant, and on the coast the heat during the day is rarely oppressive. The rainfall for 1883, as observed at Kudat, on the North coast, was 120.56 inches, November, December and January being the months during which most rain fell. There is no absolutely dry season, it being rare to aass many days without rain. To Europeans who take reasonable precautions against exposure to malarial influences, the climate is healthy.


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 possible; they were grouped together with other girls of the sam [sic] age regardless of relationship; they lived a more ordered and regular life than the girls who remained in their households. The ways in which they differed from other girls of the same age and more resembled European girls of the same age follow with surprising accuracy the lines suggested by the specific differences in environment. However, as they lived part of the time at home, the environmental break was not complete and their value as a control group is strictly limited.


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North Borneo is very thinly populated and its scattered inhabitants include many different races.

The West coast is principally peopled by a mixture of Malays, Bajaus and Hanuns, whilst on the North and East coasts Bajaus and Sulus are chiefly met with. The aborigines who reside in the interior are called Dusuns or Ida'an. They are an agricultural race, and generally peaceful. They grow tobacco and cotton, as well as rice, tapioca, yams and indian corn, but only cultivate sufficient for their own immediate use—the usual habit. of most natives of these parts, who fail to realize the importance of providing for the future. They use a plough and harrow, aud in this respect are superior to the other natives of Borneo, although the use of these implements is said to have been introduced by the Chinese who—report tells us—at some remote period thickly populated North Borneo.

For purposes of labour, the native cannot be depended upon, being naturally indolent and quite content so long as his own immediate wants are satisfied, and these being simple, he finds no difficulty in supplying them. Chinese at present supply the labour market. Chinese, natives of India, and Arabs are to be found trading in most of the rivers, and the first named are settling in large numbers wherever stations have been opened by the Company, more especially at Sandakan, which now contains some 3,000.

A rough estimate of the population gives the number as 150,000, but this is probably underrated, as it is being rapidly increased by the influx of Chinese. The value of the Chinese in a new country like this, is well known, and as a pioneer, his assistance in making the Government known to the natives of the interior, amongst whom he intrepidly ventures, alone or with but one or two companions, speaking imperfectly if at all their language, will be readily acknowledged by those who have experienced it.


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One great benefit which will follow on the establishment of a Government by Europeans, will be the gradual abolition of slavery, which, however mild it may be in this country, is repugnant to civilised humanity. By recent laws promulgated by the Government, the death blow to the various modes of obtaining slaves has been struck, the following regulations effectually accomplishing this object:—(1.) No slaves can be imported from other countries. (2.) Debtors cannot be seized by their creditors, which was formerly one of the principal means of obtaining slaves. (3.) All children born of slave parents after November, 1883, and who would, according to custom, be slaves also, are declared free.

Most of the inhabitants of the coast are Mahomedans, whilst the aborigines put their faith in omens and old superstitions.

In conclusion, the experiment in colonization now being tried by the British North Borneo Company, is one of more than local importance, and is being anxiously watched by other nations whose interests in those seas are so great.

With the example of what has been done in the Native States, and Sarawak, and by governing through and with the assistance of the natives themselves—which is indeed the only true way in a country such as this-the young colony should, within a reasonable time, realize the expectations it has aroused, by taking a position corresponding to its natural advantages, and sending forth its riches to the other countries of the world.

E. P. GUERITZ.

[This paper was prepared at the suggestion of Mr., Secretary of the Royal Colonial Institute, by whom it was read, on my behalf, at the Montreal Meeting of the British Association for the Advancement of Science, on the 29th August, 1884.—E. P. G.]


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community ignores both boys and girls from birth until they are fifteen or sixteen years of age. Children under this age have no social standing, no recognised group activities, no part in the social life except when they are conscripted for the informal dance floor. But at a year or two beyond puberty—the age varies from village to village so that boys of sixteen will in one place still be classed as small boys, in another as taule'ale'as, young men—both boys and girls are grouped into a rough approximation of the adult groupings, given a name for their organisation, and are invested with definite obligations and privileges in the community life.

The organisation of young men, the Aumaga, of young girls and the wives of untitled men and widows, the Aualuma, and of the wives of titled men, are all echoes of the central political structure of the village, the Fono, the organisation of matais, men who have the titles of chiefs or of talking chiefs. The Fono is always conceived as a round house in which each title has a special position, must be addressed with certain ceremonial phrases, and given a fixed place in the order of precedence in the serving of the kava. This ideal house has certain fixed divisions, in the right sector sit the high chief and his special assistant chiefs; in the


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 remarks made by Mr. when Sir paper on British North Borneo was read before the Royal Colonial Institute on the 12th May, 1885:—"The progress in North Borneo has not been so rapid as was anticipated when we obtained the charter at the end of 1881, but still we can certainly point to steady progress since the company took possession in July, 1882. I find that the fiscal revenue for 1884 as compared with 1353 shows an increase of 60 per cent., land sales a decrease of 39 per cent., leaving a total increase of 28 per cent., which, considering the state of trade and universal depression, must, I think he thought n wholly unsatisfactory. Sir  has alluded to several new imports and exports. We hope în 1885 to show an export of gold. Last autumn we sent one of our best officers to explore for gold in the Segama and Kinabatangan rivers, and his report showed gold to exist in alluvial deposits in the 30 or 40 places experimented upon. He could not continue his explorations, owing to the wet season having just set in, but has recently gone back, and we hope soon to lear it confirmed that there are workable deposits of gold in the country. That the Governor and officials of North Borneo believe in it is evidenced by their having taken the trouble to publish regulations and proclaim certain districts as gold fields. Tobacco we look forward to as likely to prove an important enterprise in the country. This, as the paper says, is advancing but slowly, for, owing to many difficulties which occur in a new country, the 1884 crop did not come up to expectations. Considerable preparations have, however, been made for planting during the coming season. In February last one company had 330 coolies working on their plantation, and another company 100 coolies. From all accounts, this tobacco is likely to prove equal to the finest Sumatra. It is used for covering purposes. In sugar little has been done as yet, but large tracts of country have been taken by Australians, Chinese, and others. There seems to be a fair prospect that the depression in this trade will soon pass away, for prices have recently advanced 30 per cent. There is some reason to believe that the German Government are getting tired of the system of bounties, for I believe it is a fact that the sugar manufacturers and growers of beetroot in Germany owe the Government something like ten millions sterling, and the authorities are beginning to wonder whether they will ever see their money again. As regards timber, our export for 1884 amounted to $10,000. Part went to Australia and part of China. There is a great variety of timber in Borneo, some of the hardest woods in the world being found there. The Billian, or iron wood, is plentiful, and valuable for railway sleepers, wharves, &c.; and some other woods are suited for furniture, ship-building, and other purposes. One of the Chinese merchants has 200 men cutting timber for the China market, and the Australians are cutting tim. er freely for the Melbourne market. The report upon the experimental garden at Silam states that Liberian coffee, now rising to its third year, is very fine, and yielding freely. The younger plantations at Sandakan promise well The growth of pepper is all that could be desired. Cocoa, Manila be up, and gambia are, amongst other articles, easily produced in the territory. One of the main questions remaining for consideration is that of labour. Everywhere the question seems to be how, and where, to get labour. Many restrictions are, we know, put upon the importing of Chinese into America and Australia,


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 front of the house sit the talking chiefs whose business it is to make the speeches, welcome strangers, accept gifts, preside over the distribution of food and make all plans and arrangements for group activities. Against the posts at the back of the house sit the matais of low rank, and between the posts and at the centre sit those of so little importance that no place is reserved for them. This framework of titles continues from generation to generation and holds a fixed place in the larger ideal structure of the titles of the whole island, the whole archipelago, the whole of Samoa. With some of these titles, which are in the gift of certain families, go certain privileges, a right to a house name, a right to confer a taupo name, a princess title, upon some young girl relative and an heir-apparent title, the manaia, on some boy of the household. Besides these prerogatives of the high chiefs, each member of the two classes of matais, chiefs and talking chiefs, has certain ceremonial rights. A talking chief must be served his kava with a special gesture, must be addressed with a separate set of verbs and nouns suitable to his rank, must be rewarded by the chiefs in tapa or fine mats for his ceromonially rendered services. The chiefs must be addressed with still another set of nouns and verbs, must be served with a different and more honourable gesture in the kava ceremony, must be furnished with food by their talking chiefs, must be honoured and escorted by the talking chiefs on every important occasion. The name of the village, the ceremonial name of the public square in which great cere-


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 monies are held, the name of the meeting house of the Fono, the names of the principal chiefs and talking chiefs, the names of taupo and manaia, of the Aualuma and the Aumaga, are contained in a set of ceremonial salutations called the Fa'alupega, or courtesy titles of a village or district. Visitors on formally entering a village must recite the Fa'alupega as their initial courtesy to their hosts.

The Aumaga mirrors this organisation of the older men. Here the young men learn to make speeches, to conduct themselves with gravity and decorum, to serve and drink the kava, to plan and execute group enterprises. When a boy is old enough to enter the Aumaga, the head of his household either sends a present of food to the group, announcing the addition of the boy to their number, or takes him to a house where they are meeting and lays down a great kava root as a present. Henceforth the boy is a member of a group which is almost constantly together. Upon them falls all the heavy work of the village and also the greater part of the social intercourse between villages which centres about the young unmarried people. When a visiting village comes, it is the Aumaga which calls in a body upon the visiting taupo, taking gifts, dancing and singing for her benefit.

The organisation of the Aualuma is a less formalised version of the Aumaga. When a girl is of age, two or three years past puberty, varying with the village practice, her matai will send an offering of food to the house of the chief taupo of the village, thus announc-


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 ing that he wishes the daughter of his house to be henceforth counted as one of the group of young girls who form her court. But while the Aumaga is centred about the Fono, the young men meeting outside or in a separate house, but exactly mirroring the forms and ceremonies of their elders, the Aualuma is centred about the person of the taupo, forming a group of maids of honour. They have no organisation as have the Aumaga, and furthermore, they do hardly any work. Occasionally the young girls may be called upon to sew thatch or gather paper mulberry; more occasionally they plant and cultivate a paper mulberry crop, but their main function is to be ceremonial helpers for the meetings of the wives of matais, and village hostesses in inter-village life. In many parts of Samoa the Aualuma has fallen entirely to pieces and is only remembered in the greeting words that fall from the lips of a stranger. But if the Aumaga should disappear, Samoan village life would have to be entirely reorganised, for upon the ceremonial and actual work of the young and untitled men the whole life of the village depends.

Although the wives of matais have no organisation recognised in the Fa'alupaga (courtesy titles), their association is firmer and more important than that of the Aualuma. The wives of titled men hold their own formal meetings, taking their status from their husbands, sitting at their husbands' posts and drinking their husbands' kava. The wife of the highest chief receives highest honour, the wife of the principal talk-


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 when their attention was caught by these strange sounds.

"What is it?" she asked as they paused irresolutely. He strode to the rail, the girl following close behind him. Three sharp little whistles came from above and behind them, but before they had time even to speculate as to their meaning the result was in evidence.

Over the sides of the ship came shadowy forms as if by magic; at their backs panther-like bodies dropped to the deck with stealthy thuds, as if coming from the inky sky above. There was an instant of dreadful calm and then the crisis. A dozen sinewy forms hurled themselves upon Brewster, who, taken completely by surprise, was thrown to the deck in an instant, his attempt to cry out for help being checked by heavy hands. Peggy's scream was cut off quickly, and paralyzed by terror, she felt herself engulfed in strong arms and smothered into silence. It all happened so quickly that there was no chance to give the alarm, no opportunity to resist.

Brewster felt himself lifted bodily, and then there was the sensation of falling. He struck something forcibly with all his weight and fell back with a crash to the deck. Afterward he found that the effort to throw him


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Aumaga ('aumāga)—the organisation of untitled men in each Samoan village.

Aualuma—the organisation of unmarried girls past puberty, wives of untitled men and widows.

Afafine daughter (man speaking).

Aiga—relative.

Atali'i—son (man speaking).

Avaga—elopement.

Fa'alupega—the courtesy phrases, recited in formal speeches, which embody the social pattern of each village.

Fale—house.

Faletua—"she who sits in the back of the house." The courtesy term for a chief's wife.

Fono—a meeting. Specifically the organisation of titled men of a village, district or island.

Fitafita—a member of the native marine corps.

Ifo—to lower oneself to some one whom one has offended or injured.

Ifoga—the act of doing so.

Lavalava—a loin cloth, fastened by a twist in the material at the waist.

Lole—a sort of jelly fish; applied by the natives to candy.


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 Malaga—a travelling party; a journey.

Manaia—the heir-apparent of the principal chief; the leader of the Aumāga; the heir of any important chief whose title carries the privilege of giving a manaia title to his heir.

Matai—the holder of a title; the head of a household.

Moetotolo—surreptitious rape.

Moni—true, real.

Musu—unwillingness, obstinacy towards any course of action.

Olomatua—old woman.

Papalagi—white men; literally, "sky bursters." Foreign.

Pua—the frangipani tree.

Soa—a companion in circumcision; an ambassador in love affairs.

Soafafine—a woman ambassador in love affairs.

Siva—to dance; a dance.

Tama—a child, a son (woman speaking).

Tamā—father.

Tamafafine—a child of the distaff side of the house.

Tamatane—a child of the male line.

Tapa—bark cloth.

Taule'ale'a—a member of the Aumaga; an untitled man.

Taupo—the village ceremonial hostess; the girl whom a high chief has honoured with a title and a distribution of property.

Tausi—the courtesy term for the wife of a talking chief, literally, "to care for."

Tei—a younger sibling.

Teine—a girl.

Teinetiti—a little girl.


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 Tinā—mother.

Toa'ina—an old man,

Tafafine—female sibling of a male.

Tuagane—male sibling of a female.

Tulafale—a talking chief.

Uso—sibling of the same sex.

The vowels are all pronounced as in Italian.

G is always pronounced like NG.

The Glottal stop is indicated by a (').


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Page:Margaret Mead - Coming of age in Samoa; a psychological study of primitive youth for western civilisation.pdf/322

This study included sixty-eight girls between the ages of eight and nine and nineteen or twenty—all the girls between these ages in the three villages of Faleasao, Lumā and Siufaga, the three villages on the west coast of the island of Taū in the Manu'a Archipelago of the Samoan Islands.

Owing to the impossibility of obtaining accurate dates of birth except in a very few cases, the ages must all be regarded as approximate. The approximations were based upon the few known ages and the testimony of relatives as to the relative age of the others. For purpose of description and analysis I have divided them roughly into three groups, the children who showed no mammary signs of puberty, twenty-eight in number, ranging in age from eight or nine to about twelve or thirteen; the children who would probably mature within the next year or year and a half, fourteen in number, ranging in age from twelve or thirteen to fourteen or fifteen; and the girls who were past puberty, but who were not yet considered as adults by the community, twenty-five in number, ranging in age from fourteen or fifteen to nineteen or twenty. These two latter groups and eleven of the younger children were studied in detail, making a group of fifty. The remaining fourteen children in the youngest group were studied less carefully as individuals. They formed a large check group in studying play, gang life, the development of brother and sister avoidance, the attitude between the sexes, the difference in the interests and activities of this age and the girls approaching puberty. They also provided abundant material for


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 FLEXIBLE RESPONSE $44$ Msg, DA to CG, CONARC, 889661, 6 Dee 68, sub: Public Announcement-Reforger 1, and Ltr, TAG to CG, CONARC, and other addresses, 28 May 69, sub: After Action Report, Exercise Reforger 1, AGAM-P (23 May 69) FOR OT UT 69E001, both Reforger file, DAMH-HSO.

$45$ Ltr, TAG to CG, Third U.S. Army, 23 May 66, sub: Inactivation of the 2d Battalion, 29th Infantry, AGSD-C (M) (3 May 66), 197th Inf Bde file, DAMH-HSO; Telephone or Verbal Conversation Record, Mrs Stubbs and Lt Col Derhay, 11 Jun 67, sub: An Armored Brigade for Ft Knox, and Ltr, TAG to CG, U.S. Army Combat Developments Command, 24 Jan 68, sub: Reorganization of Unit, AGSD-C (M) ACSFOR, both 194th Armd Bde file, Ltr, TAG to CG, US Army, Alaska, 10 Jul 67, ADSD-C (M) (3 Jul 67) ACSFOR, 171st Inf Bde file, and GO 70, U.S. Forces Southern Command, 1968, 3d Bn, 5th Inf file, all DAMH-HSO.

$46$ Msg. OCINFO DA to CG, CONARC, and CinC, USARPAC 870873, 3 Jul 68, sub: Decision by the Secretary of Defense not to Activate the 6th Infantry Division, and Ltr, TAG to CG, CONARC, and CinC, USARPAC, 18 Noy 68, sub: Change in Status of Units, AGSD-C (M) (31 Jul 68) ACSFOR, both 6th Inf Div file, DAMH-HSO; Ltr, TAG to CG, CONARC, 7 Noy 68, sub: Change in Status of Units, AGSD-C (M) (10 Oct 68) ACSFOR, 4th Bde, 82d Abn Div, file, and Ed Gerhardt, Unit History of the 69th Infantry Brigade (Mechanized) 1963–1978, 15 Feb 79, Ms, pp. 10–21, 69th Bde, 35th Inf Div, file.

$47$ Memo for Record, See of the General Staff, sub: Meeting with VCSA on Re-examination of Reduction of Forces in Europe and Reconstitution of the 6th Division (2 Brigades), 23 Aug 68, and OPS Form 28, ACSFOR to CofS, 30 Sep 67, sub: Activation of Division Headquarters and a Brigade size Force of the 6th Infantry Division (Show the Flag Concept), FOR PP FP, 6th Inf Div file, DAMH-HSO.

$48$ Chief of Information, DA, Why Merge (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1965), Ltr, TAG to CinC, USAREUR, and other addresses, 14 Jun 67, sub: Reserve Component Reorganization, AGAM-P (M) (13 Jun 67) ORC-OPT-OP, Ltr, TAG to CinC, USAREUR, and other addresses, 20 Jul 67, same subject, AGAM-P (M) (20 Jul 67) ORC-OPT-OP, and News Release, 27 Nov 67, Army Reserve Components Will Commence Reorganization, all Army Reserve file, DAMH-HSO; "The President Reports to the 89th General Conference," National Guardsman, 21 (Oct 1967): inside front cover and pp. 36–39; "Division Command Rotation Plan Set Aside," National Guardsman, 22 (Mar 1968): 16; James F. Cantwell, "A Salute to the 'Lost' Divisions," National Guardsman, 22 (Feb 1968): inside front cover. The Guard wanted the maneuver element mix for mechanized infantry and armored divisions to be the same as the prototype divisions under the 1966 tables of organization, but for infantry divisions it desired eight infantry, two mechanized infantry, and two armor battalions; thus the infantry division would have been larger than Regular Army divisions.

$49$ Report of the Chief, National Guard Bureau, 1968, pp. 33–34; Keith E. McWilliams, "Divisions or Brigades for the National Guard," Military Review 51 (Jan 1971): 37; also NG-AROTO 1002–I letters 1967–1968, copies in CMH.

$50$ Office of Reserve Components, "Annual Historical Summary, 1 Jul 67–30 Jun 68," p. 4, DAMH-HSR; Historical Data Cards, 157th, 187th, 191st, and 205th Inf Bdes, DAMH-HSO.

$51$ Ltr, TAG to CinC, USAREUR, 25 Apr 68, sub, SRF II Troop List, AGAM-P (M) (16 Nov 67) ORC-OPT-OP, Army Reserve file, DAMH-HSO; "CONARC Report on US Army Reserve 68," Army Reserve Magazine 25 (Mar 1968): 4–5; "SRF Born 27 September 1965; Died September 1969," National Guardsman 23 (Sep 1969): 12–16; Department of the Army Historical Summary, 1970, p. 70.

$52$
TOE 29–7T–3, Division (Training), 1966 "Things to Come: CONARC Present Plans for the New Year," Army Reserve Magazine 13 (Dec 1967); 8–9; Notes, "Training Division Reorganization, 1967–1968," Division General files, DAMH-HSO.

$53$
Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States, Richard Nixon, 1969 (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1971), p. 443.

$54$
Westmoreland, A Soldier Reports, p. 381; GO 236, Fifth US Army, 23 Jul 1969; Ltr, TAG to CinC, USARPAC, and other addresses, undated. sub: Letter of Instruction for Redeployment of US Army Forces from RVN (U), AGAM-P (21 Jul 69) OPS OD FE, Vietnam Redeployment file, Msg,


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Page:Olive Malmberg Johnson - Woman and the Socialist Movement (1908).djvu/8

 6

As the concern of this pamphlet is to find in the course of woman's evolution those women who are or should be directly interested in the Socialist movement, we have little or nothing to do with the women of the upper class. It is the working women that concern us.

With the reorganization of society after the downfall of the Roman Empire, chattel slavery disappeared in the progressive part of the world as a general and worldwide institution. The exploited class were serfs, attached to the land and sold with it. The freemen consisted of two classes—the feudal class, the owners of the land and the serfs, and the artisan and trading class of the free towns.

With the dissolution of chattel slavery, woman regained an economic foundation in the homes of the burghers and serfs. The home became the unit of production and a number of occupations developed within its walls that fall entirely to the lot of women. Spinning, weaving, carding, brewing, baking, sewing, and for relaxation fancy work of various kinds by which home and clothing were made ornamental, kept the housewife busy from early morning until late. To teach these various occupations was the duty mothers owed to their daughters, and a bride's chief value was her efficiency in them. Medieval society was a combination of the various family units and much of the prosperity of a nation depended upon the skill and industry of its women.

To judge by song and poetry and romance, one should think that these homes were ideal ones. But economics is not poetry. These women were household drudges, coarse and ignorant from the very nature of things. The serfs of the middle ages were not slaves in the historic sense of the word, but they were working drudges over whom the master possessed the right of life and death. The women were not slaves in the historic sense of the word but they also were mere working drudges. They were drudges at home and serfs under the master, and the indignities to which they could be


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 Rh submitted seem, to us, at least, worse than death. Even the wives of the free burghers are scarcely to be envied. While they were exposed to fewer indignities and less deprivation, their horizon was narrow and their views petty, bounded as they were by the daily routine of work and the small gossip among the neighbors.

Humanity to-day bears the traces of its inheritance from savagery and barbarism. The working class bears the traces of past slavery and servitude. Woman has the additional disfavor of narrow association and cramped views, and the stigma that past slavery and serfdom throws upon her as peculiarly hers. This is the inheritance that the past ages give the woman of to-day. This it what she must face frankly, battle against, and overcome.


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Marriage and family life have not always been what they are to-day. In fact monogamy is a rather modern institution, and as far as its ideal attainment is concerned, humanity has even now a long way to travel.

When man lived in wild herds sexual intercourse was promiscuous. In the course of development, a form of group marriage and blood relationship was instituted under which all men of one group were the husbands of all the women of another group and vice versa. This system of marriage was one of humanity's great inventions, as by it interbreeding was prevented. This was a most important step in the progress of the race. It improved the health and strength of the tribe and when once established there sprung from it moral concepts, high for that status of development. In these stages of the family, it was a matter of course that descent was traced in the female line.

During primitive communism, a form of pairing family developed. One man and one woman only were husband and wife. Polygamy was of course neither abolished nor forbidden, much less did they have our moral concept about it. However, it was seldom practiced. Food was hard to procure and it was man's bounden duty to provide for the woman with whom he lived, and as man went into the family of his wife, or wives, it was the women who saw to it that he fulfilled this duty. If he utterly failed, he was bluntly ousted from the house. That was the barbaric, plain and unsophisticated method of divorce. The man was then free to pair with another woman and the woman could choose another


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Page:Ginzburg - The Legends of the Jews - Volume 1.djvu/51

 mon the angels to enter into combat with the monster. But no sooner will leviathan cast his glance at them than they will flee in fear and dismay from the field of battle. They will return to the charge with swords, but in vain, for his scales can turn back steel like straw. They will be equally unsuccessful when they attempt to kill him by throwing darts and slinging stones; such missiles will rebound without leaving the least impression on his body. Disheartened, the angels will give up the combat, and God will command leviathan and behemot to enter into a duel with each other. The issue will be that both will drop dead, behemot slaughtered by a blow of leviathan's fins, and leviathan killed by a lash of behemot's tail. From the skin of leviathan God will construct tents to shelter companies of the pious while they enjoy the dishes made of his flesh. The amount assigned to each of the pious will be in proportion to his deserts, and none will envy or begrudge the other his better share. What is left of leviathan's skin will be stretched out over Jerusalem as a canopy, and the light streaming from it will illumine the whole world, and what is left of his flesh after the pious have appeased their appetite, will be distributed among the rest of men, to carry on traffic therewith.

On the same day with the fishes, the birds were created, for these two kinds of animals are closely related to each other. Fish are fashioned out of water, and birds out of marshy ground saturated with water.

As leviathan is the king of fishes, so the ziz is appointed to rule over the birds. His name comes from the variety of tastes his flesh has; it tastes like this, zeh, and like that, zeh. The ziz is as monstrous of size as leviathan himself.


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Page:Journal of the Straits Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society (IA journalofstra13141884roya).pdf/283

HE following sketch of these two rivers, taken from the notes of a trip which the writer had the pleasure of undertaking recently in the company of Mr., known for his researches into the ornithology of the Philippines, do not claim to be more than a cursory survey, but may contain some elements of interest, as treating of two rivers that have remained practically unvisited since the respective visits of Mr. , the botanist, on his journey to Kina Balu, and of the present Sir , in one of his numerous exploring expeditions.

The Tawâran river is reported to take its rise in the mountains flanking the great mountain of Kina Balu to the South. An affluent of it, however, called by the local Dusuns the Sungei Damit, which flows into the main stream on its true right bank at a point some few miles only from the sea, is said by them to flow more from the North of East, and may, therefore, be surmised to take its rise from the western flank of the big mountain. The mouth of the Tawaran opens to the westward, and is partly closed by the invariable sandy bar which obstructs the entrances of all the rivers of this part of Borneo.

Starting from the island of Gaya, where the North Borneo Company have a station, our route lay across the bay of that name, past the mouth of the Menggatal, or Kabatuan river, which, debouching to the westward, has good anchorage in deep water off its mouth, to a landing place called Gantîsan situate in the bight of Sapangar bay, where formerly the


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 of Gantisan stood. A low neck of land separates Sapangar bay at this point from the adjacent basin of the Karimbunai river. Coal is reported by the natives at this point. The water supply is good, and there is secure anchorage close inshore protected from both monsoons. A very slight cutting would suffice to pierce this narrow collar, and would thus render Gautîsan, the natural outlet of the trade of the Karimbunai, Mengkâbong and Tawâran rivers. The soil of the whole of this dividing ridge is apparently lateritic sandstone.

Descending into the valley of the Karimbunai river, a short walk down its left bank brought us to the village of that name, the headquarters of Pangêran, the Governor of the district, a feudatory of the Sultan of Brunci and a member of the former BruueiBrunei [sic] royal family. On examining an outcrop of the strata on the river bank, the strike proved to be N.E. with a dip of about 80° bed rock sandstone. After an interview with the old Paugêran, a boat was procured in which we paddled down to the common mouth of the Karimbunai and Mengkabong rivers. This is remarkably narrow and would seem to have been contracted by the formation of a high sandbank which has been, and is being, pushed southwards by the influence of the north-east monsoon and of the heavy swell from the China Sea, the action of the opposing monsoon being greatly neutralized by the protection afforded by the projecting bluff of Gaya head to the south-westward. The entrance is said to be fairly deep, but would probably be impracticable in heavy north-westerly winds. Paddling up the broad expanse of the Mengkabong river, our course, on the average. being about E. by N., we came upon some fine reaches of water. Numerous channels branched off from the main one, which was flanked to the northward by mangrove growth, and to the south and east by grassy hills, while a bold range towered up to the S.E. A few miles further brought us to a point at which the river expands into a large, lake-like sheet of water, from the upper end of which a perfect network of broad channels diverge, dotted in all directions with Bajau villages extending far away up to the foot of the mountains.


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 The entire population of this district is Bajan, and is supported mainly by fishing, a little hill paddy being grown as well.

The Mongkâbong "river," so called, bears evidences of having been originally an inlet of the sea dotted with sandstone islands, which have, for the most part, become connected by the rising of the land and by the silting up of the basin itself, the blocking up of the mouth of which, by sand-bars, has led to its assuming its present form. In general features, it much resembles the Sulâman basin, no great distance to the north of it.

After threading this watery labyrinth for some hours we penetrated a narrow channel and landed at its head, at a small kampong called Brungis, whence a walk of about an hour over a low ridge, and then across a broad plain, brought us to the banks of the swiftly flowing Tawâran river, which at this point is a fine stream rolling its turgid yellow flood along between sandy banks of medium height. The Tawâran here intersects a level plain of large extent and sandy soil, dotted with homesteads surrounded by plantations of cocoa-nuts, and here and there under paddy cultivation. This plain is bounded by the sea to the W., by the mountains of the upper Tawâran to the E., and to the S. by the low ridge mentioned above, which divides the respective water-sheds of the Tawâran and the Mengkâbong. On the northern bank the plain apparently extends to the foot of the mountains separating the Tawâran from the Sulâman basin. Our route from Brungis lay East, East by North and then Norih, and the portion of the plain traversed had a general fall towards the East of North, but a very slight one.

On striking the river, our course lay upstream for some considerable distance, at first over level ground, and then, when the limits of the plain had been reached, and the true valley of the Tawâran entered, along the steep flanks of hills abutting on the stream, where a false step would often have precipitated one into the flood below. Fields of paddy, groves of cocoa-nut trees, herds of buffaloes, together with pigs, goats and poultry, betokoned a well-to-do and prosperous population. Sugar-cane appeared to thrive, but the specimens seen were


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 not well planted and were short in the staple. Some of the Dusun homesteads dotted about this Tawâran plain possessed quite a home-like air of tranquillity and repose about them. Nestling in the grateful shade of cocoa-nut groves, bowered in broad-leaved bananas, and girdled with green paddy fields, they had a pleasant look to the tired traveller's cye. Snowy paddy birds dotted the verdant pastures, huge adjutant birds few on lazy wing from point to point. The scene was not without its idyllic charms, nor were home-associations wanting in the familiar-sounding caw of the Bornean crow (Corvus validus) as it was borne to the ear on the breeze.

The district towards the mouth of the Tawaran is called the Timbalang country, and has a Bajau colony settled in it. Above this point the Dusun population prevails, though a Bajau house may be found here and there. The tribal designation of the Tawâran Dusuns is Latud, and it may here be mentioned that that of the Dusuns up the Tampassuk river further north, is Tindal; that of the Dusuns in the vicinity of the North Borneo Company's Station of Kudat, on the north coast, Memâgun (vide the late Mr. ); while that of the Dusuns up the Labuk river, on the east coast, is Tambenua.

Reaching at sunset the house of a Bajau named, who had settled down there and had taken a Tawaran Dusun maiden to wife, we put up for the night, our slumbers soothed by the potent influence of some tuak, or cocoa-nut toddy, pressed upon us by the proprietor of a neighbouring Dusun house. This district we were told was called Telîbong.

An early start on the morrow down the bank of the river, brought us to the village of Liong Liongan, the Tawâran at our starting point flowing from N.E. with a rapid current. The bed rock of this region is sandstone. Proceeding some distance further down stream we accomplished a perilous transit in a gobong, or dug-out canoe of the very slenderest dimensions. C'était un maurais quart d'heure, for neither of us could swim, and the river, swollen by flood water, resembled a boiling, eddying Maelström, but fortune was kind, and on safely reaching the right bank, a short walk brought us to the Sungei Damit, which we struck a few hundred yards above


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 its confluence with the main river. The Sungei Damit is a deep, sluggish stream shut in by high muddy banks. Here we halted at the house of the Datus Bandara and Tumonggong—a large, long structure of the ordinary Dusun barn-like type. A sago extracting apparatus was set up on the river bank here, in which product a moderate trade exists there. I had, en route, noticed cocoa-nut and arcca palms, bananas, kěladi, and paddy in profusion. The country is in fact very prosperous, in despite of the ravages of the memorable flood of January, 1883, which was very destructive in the Tawaran district. From the Datu Tumonggong's conversation, it appeared that a tamu, or market, was held at a place two days' journey up the Sungei Damit, to which the people of Kiau—the village on the flanks of Kina Balu, visited by Messrs. and at different times—came down to trade. The route was, however, at present closed, owing to a bloodfeud.

Returning in the afternoon to house, we started, after a light repast, for Tempeluri, a village some distance up the Tawâran, reaching the house of a Datu  at about 3  The Tawâran is here a fine rapid stream, bordered on its true right bank by wooded hills, and on its left by level ground well planted with cocoa-nuts, with paddy fields beyond, bounded by hills in the back-ground. The height of the river rendering it impossible for us to proceed to Bawang or Lokob, we returned to our head-quarters in house at the foot of the hill of Tagerangan, after a tramp of altogether some 15 miles or more. In the evening a native of Kiau, named, arrived. This man, in the course of conversation, declared that no man had ever yet reached the true summit of Kina Balu, which, he asserted, is inaccessible from every side when once a certain elevation has been reached, the remainder of the ascent being sheer precipice. He added that there is a Dusun legend to the effect that a deep lake exists on the top. This is probably only a deduction on their part, drawn from the existence of perennial cataracts dashing down the topmost precipices, which form a magnificent feature in the landscape on the Tawâran.

The climate in the Tawâran valley is superb. At 5


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 the thermometer will often stand as low as 68°, while the keen, cold air blowing down from the black towering summits that cut the eastern sky-line, invigorates the frame and braces the muscles for the coming labours of the day. It would require a poet's pen to do anything like justice to the gorgeous scenic effects and grand transformation scenes, as the orb of day rises behind the jagged mountain barrier. The whole country is so well opened up, that the monsoons have free play, and fever should be comparatively unknown. The soil may be described as sandy near the sea, but of every quality as one proceeds inland. Kina Balu bears about E.S.E. from the plain near the river mouth.

An hour's walk brought us back to Brungis, where we had left our pakerangan, or native boat, and some five hours more brought us to Gaya island, whence a start was effected early on the ensuing morning for the mouth of the Putatan river.

The Putatan river has two months—the Patâgas mouth, which lies a little to the E. of S. of the most southerly point of Gaya island at a distance, in a direct line, of about five miles, roughly estimated, and about half that distance south of Tanjong Aru; and its main mouth, Telîpuk, which lics a short distance to the southward of Tanjong Togorongon. The former is the most accessible entrance, the main kuala having a very gradually shoaling foreshore, and but little depth of water on it at high water. The Patâgas mouth opens to the westward and has a depth of about one fathom at low water. A short distance from it, to the northward, off Tanjong Aru, there is good anchorage close inshore for prahus and small boats, completely sheltered from both monsoons by an outlying sand-bank. The Putatan river is an appanagc of the Sultan of Brunei, and of Pangeran Muda family.

A paddle of little over a mile and a half, passing en route, on the true right bank, the confluence of the little river Munglab, brings one to a small Bajau village, the head of which is Datu. From this point the Patigas flows more from the S.E., and becomes very narrow and tortuous up to its divergence from the main Putatan, rather more than a mile further on, where (and situate therefore at the apex of


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 the delta of the Putatan) is a large Bajau kampong containing some hundreds of inhabitants. Directly above this the Dusun country begins. The heal of this village is Datu . On landing some two miles further up, I found Gaya island bearing about due North. A cursory survey shewed a fine open cultivated country, bounded some two miles off to the eastward by the foot-hills of the coast range, and dotted here and there with wooded knolls. The river maintains an average width of some seventy or eighty yards, with a winding course, whose main axis lies about East and West. It carries a good volume of water with a considerable amount of matter held in solution. From native report, it is not subject to severe floods, which may perhaps be attributed to its having two mouths to discharge by. Passing at 2 P.M. a considerable Dusun village, in which the very large honse of Datu, the leadman, is conspicuous, we fixed our head-quarters half an hour later, at the house of one , a Dusun, at a small hamlet named Kandayan. From this point Castle Peak" (of the Admiralty Chart) bore S by W., while the right hand flank of Kina Balu bore 80° E. of N. After a pleasant walk across a fine open country to the house of a Chinaman named, whose occupation is that of distilling arrack from rice, we were glad on our return to settle down for the night. A daughter of our host being ill with fever, I administered some medicine to her, and a regular smoking divan was then formed, all the men, and the ladies also, joining the circle. The Dusun in this respect presents a favourable contrast to the sedate, if not "dour" Malay. He and all his belongings, male and female, after doing the honours, will freely sit down with you and join in the conversation. These Putatan Dusuns are by far the best type of their race that I have met. They are tall, well-developed, clean-skinned, bright and intelligent looking people, who look what they are—well-fed and well-to-do. Among the bevy of damsels that sat around, were some by no means unprepossessing in appearance, with bright dark. eyes, open laughing countenances, clean limbs and well-turned figures. A chorus of laughter was evoked by my desperate endeavours to explain to an intelligent young


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 that the earth is round like an orange, and not only revolves on its own axis, but round the sun also. Our merriment was, however, interrupted by the ravings of the fever-stricken patient, who had become delirious. Thereupon the entire company rose and adjourned to the long and broad verandah, when a most curious "function" was performed. Damar torches were lighted, and all the men squatted down in a circle outside the door of the patient's room. In the centre sat her brother, back to back with another relation. A tremendous din was then struck up by the beating of numerous gongs, hanging along the walls, in a kind of measured cadence, varied at intervals by a loud shout raised by all the men present. A youngish woman then commenced to dance with a slow measured step and swaying to and fro of her body, round the inside of the circle. In her left hand she held a stick, furnished at one extremity with a curious arrangement of black feathers. In her right she held a naked sword. With this latter she continually made passes, bringing the blade down edgeways between the heads of the two sitting men, and then striking the feathered stick with it. This continued for some time. She then touched the heads of all present with her "fetish" rod, which was then discarded and a sarong taken up in its place. With this she danced slowly round and round, holding it out extended in front of her. All this time the shouts were being vigorously given forth at intervals, while the clanging of gongs was deafening. The woman then made up the sarong into a turban which she slowly brought down over the head of the sick woman's brother, letting it rest there for a few seconds. She then removed it and laid it gently down behind her, and the ceremony was over. A torch-light procession of travelling natives, passing the verandah just at this juncture, lent an additionally weird effect to the conclusion of this curious ceremony, whose strange rites and obscure origin may perhaps be admitted to warrant my description of it. Doubtless the idea is the casting of the evil spirit out of the sick person, and the good effects of the pills administered to the patient were probably set down to the credit of the ceremony.

A remarkable thing in this district is the neatness and


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 comparative cleanliness of the bulk of the houses. Instead of the objectionable split nibong, the floors are made of beaten out bamboo, the walls, of the same material, neatly plaited, chess-board pattern. There are regular sleeping compartments, and a fine broad verandah runs from end to end of the house along the front of it. Our beds were arranged in the main body of the house, a fine lofty, airy apartment where dirt and mosquitoes were equally conspicuous by their absence. We noticed as a curious fact in these Dusuns, that they made use, in talking, of the letter Z, which would seem to point to their affinity to the Milânaus of Sarawak.

An early start on the ensuing morning brought us, after a seven-mile tramp, among the foot-hills of the coast range. We were here some twelve miles, or more, inland. On our way we passed the debouchure of the river Sugut, which joins the Putatan on its proper left bauk, and further up, on the opposite side, the confluence of the Pagunan river, which is the true Putatan, the river bearing that name from this point, which we followed up, being in reality only a small tributary stream flowing from S.E. Pursuing our way up the valley of the latter, we reached our destination, a house at the foot of the hills, tenanted by an old Chinaman and his Dusun wife and daughter. We were here beyond the limits of the highly cultivated Putatan valley, and in a lovely country, at the point where the district of the Dusuus of the plain, marches with that of the Orang Tagâs, or Hill Dusuns. The Putatan valley is, without exception, the finest and most highly cultivated district in North Borneo. Without visiting it, it would be difficult for any one, accustomed only to such cultivation, or the lack of it, as is met with in other parts of North Borneo, to realize that, side by side with such districts, there exists one in which rice cultivation has been carried to the highest pitch of perfection, where every foot of soil is tilled, where substantial, and in many cases ornamental, land-marks of wood and stone have been erected all over the face of the country, and where the price of land ranges from $40 an acre or thereabouts. This country must be the granary of Brunei. The acreage of paddy is immense. One


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 field, or rather plain, must, at a rough estimate, have been some 6006,000 [sic] acres in extent, the whole being marked off by the land-marks of the different proprietors. It was intersected by the Longhap, a small, canal-like stream. The water supply for purposes of irrigation is unlimited, the levels are well laid out and the banks neatly kept up, a path running along the ridge of each. It would, however, be of great benefit to the district were a fresh stock of paddy introduced, larger in the ear, the present stock being small in the grain and shewing signs of deterioration. There are some 80 to 100 Chinese settled on the Putatan, the bulk of them being the descendants of former Chinese settlers, who have intermarried with the Dusuns and shew evidence of mixed blood. These Chinese are not agriculturists, nor, as far as I could learn, landed proprietors, but are principally distillers, manufacturing arrack, which they barter with the Dusuns. The soil is decidedly superior to that of the valleys of the Papar and Kimanis rivers to the South, and there is an almost total absence of swamp, owing, no doubt, to the country being all cleared, and the complete system of drainage. The surface configuration is that of a practically level plain studded with numerous small hills, on which the timber has wisely been left standing. The paddy fields extend up to the very bases of these. In moist tracts and along the lines of water-courses, some sago is grown, but the quantity of this is inconsiderable. Some five piculs of gutta come down from the interior monthly, and tobacco, camphor, beeswax and armadillo skins form the staple exports. The Brunei Government imposes a tax of from $6 to $9 per head per annum, or about $200 for each pangkalan, or village landing place. The number of the villages is remarkable, and in some parts of the upper portion of the river, they lic in sight of, and sometimes quite contiguous to, one another. The general aspect of the whole country is that of an orderly, industrious and civilized community, and a very fair prospect unfolds itself to the eye of one looking forth from the summit of one of the picturesque little hills above referred to, over the far stretching expanse of green paddy plains, clustering villages and detached homesteads nestling amid their


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 surroundings of tall cocoa-nut and spreading sago palms, while dotted over the plain, the numerous wooded knolls rise like islands amid a sea of green. It is a smiling landscape. abounding in soft beauty, and backed by a range of noble mountains, with the father of them all—the towering Kina. Balu—rearing his lofty mass on the northern horizon. Indeed, for general evidences of prosperity, plenty and industry, and of well applied principles of cultivation carried out on a most exhaustive and extensive scale, the Putatan district may be fairly said to be unequalled in the whole of North Borneo. The formation of the lowlands and foot-hills is sandstone of recent formation.

The Putatan does not apparently drain any of the Kina Balu water-shed, although the river, which, as before stated, goes by the name of the Pagunan above the confluence of the Putatan river so called, can, I was informed, be ascended for fifteen days. The Orang Tagâs, a hill Dusun people, who wear the chawât, or bark loin-cloth, and who are found at the head-waters of all the rivers in N.W. Borneo, from the Tawaran to the Kimânis, inhabit the upper portion of the river down to its debouchure from the main coast range.

I noticed a curious musical instrument, a species of guitar, called by the Dusuns lonkoonong. This is made of a piece of large bamboo about $2 1⁄2$ feet long and has 6 strings which are formed by the detaching and raising thin strips of the bamboo sheath. These are tightened at will by pushing a piece of wood along underneath each towards its point of junction with the bamboo.

Their customs are much the same as those of the bulk of the Dusun race. An intending bridegroom has to pay a marriage portion for his bride. When a father dies, his lands and property go to his sons, the eldest getting the largest share. The widow has no share, but has a right to the usufruct of the estate during her life, and the daughters have a claim for support upon the estate until marriage. At his death, a Dusun, if a poor man, is buried in the ground, a small house being erected over his grave, from and above which various coloured calico streamers are dependent. If a rich man, his body is buried in a valuable old jar. The value of some of