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 the customs and usages of the country, as the father came in behalf of his Majesty—he will relate here what he knows. While this witness was in the kingdoms of Xapon last year, the emperor resolved to send an embassy here. This he entrusted to Faranda Queymon, but as the latter fell sick at the time of his intended departure from that country, he sent in his stead a Christian Xaponese, named Gaspar, otherwise called Faranda. This witness says that what he heard and was told regarding that matter—not only by the emperor himself, with whom he conversed several times, but by other personages and nobles of the emperor's court—was always that the intention of the king of Xapon was only to ascertain, by means of this embassy, whether these Philippinas Islands were friendly or hostile to him; for if they were friendly, then he wished friendship and alliance with the governor and the Spaniards, and trade and intercourse. If they were not friendly, then he would consider them as enemies, and would attack them. This was the object of the embassy, and the emperor's intention, as he himself declared three or four times in the presence of this deponent, in the following formal language: "It is true that I sent Quiemon on that embassy, for, as a man who knows that land, he gave me an account of it. But what I wished was friendship, and trade and intercourse with the Castilians, as I have been informed of the good treatment given to my Xaponese there. I do not want silver, gold, soldiers, or anything else, but only to keep them as friends." This witness, as he knew the emperor's nature, and his veracity, and the punctiliousness with which he keeps his word, thinks that he does not claim vassalage, tribute, or any recognition


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 from this community and kingdom, nor does he intend to commit any wrong toward this kingdom; but rather this witness believes and knows that the emperor will aid this kingdom with soldiers, and whatever else might be asked from him. Therefore he thinks that he who interpreted the letter could not read or interpret it, if he asserted that the emperor demanded vassalage; for the characters used in their writing are difficult to understand. Likewise this witness declared, in regard to the arrival of father Fray Joan Cobo in the kingdoms of Xapon, that he saw that Father Cobo went from the port of Chandomar to Nangoya, where the emperor was residing, and that this witness accompanied and entertained him through the entire journey—about one hundred leguas. This witness saw with his own eyes that the city of Nangoya is a city of one hundred thousand or more inhabitants. This city was built and settled in five months. It is three leguas long, and nine leguas in circumference. It was built by order of Quambaco, by which his power was manifest. As soon as Father Cobo had arrived and was about to disembark in the port of the said city of Nangoya, a nobleman of the court came to receive him, bearing three letters—one for the said father, another for Captain Lope de Llano, and the third for the present witness. They [the father and the two captains] were borne on the shoulders of men to the house of the man who came to receive them. There lodging had been prepared by order of Cuambac. Within a week, Cuambac had the father summoned; as soon as the latter had entered the palace, the emperor bade him be seated, and received the messages that he bore. Then he made the above assertion to him with in-

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 dications of great pleasure. After that he ordered a collation spread for the father, and asked him if he would like some tea to drink. The father replied that he kissed his Highness's hands. As he rose to go, the emperor ordered him to be taken to the Chanayu—a small house where the most privileged go for recreation and to drink tea with the emperor. This house is well provided with gilded tables, vessels, sideboards, and braziers; and the cups and basins, and the rest of the service, are all of gold. There the emperor ordered a very fine banquet to be spread for him, and had wine carried to him. He again repeated the words above mentioned, two or three times, and then sat down. After a moment's conversation, he took leave of the father. Thirteen days after that, he sent the father a catana or sword, which is held in high estimation there in his kingdom, because of its fineness and adornments; and a letter for the governor. This letter was written on a large sheet of gilt paper resembling damask, in letters of gold. This witness saw it, and took it in his hand, and had it read many times. In brief, it contained these words: I sent Quiemon, as he is a man of intelligence, and as he had given me a relation of that country, and the good treatment shown to my vassals there; but I do not desire silver, gold, or soldiers, or anything else, but only fast friendship with your nation, for I hold everything under my sway. In Coray [Corea] my captains have already taken the king prisoner, and are now near Lanquin, and about to seize China. I am sending you a sword now, in order that you may have some remembrance from me in that country. You shall have this writ-


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 ten to your king, and shall send me his reply. To the lioccata of Manila, Huye Çama," (that is to say, "the great captain"). The honor shown to father Fray Joan Cobo was never shown to any foreigner or native, according to the assertion of this witness, as one who has a thorough understanding of the customs and laws of that country. From all of the above it can be understood that the said father was received and his business despatched with great honor. And, as to the father not having come to this country, this witness declares that he knows that the father embarked, after receiving many presents and supplies. The vessel on which he embarked was in poor repair, and the season the very depth of winter. The sea was in great turmoil, and the winds contrary. On this account he thinks that the father perished at sea. As to the person of the ambassador Faranda, he knows him to be a man of influence in Xapon, who was recently created a lord by the emperor of that country. The emperor ordered him to come here in attendance on father Fray Joan Cobo, as one who was held in high estimation. For this reason, this witness thinks that his coming is without any duplicity, or cause for suspicion—beyond a little vanity, to show that he is a lord, and one whom the emperor chooses for things as important as this. Therefore this community has no grounds for fear of any wrong being done by that country; but should, on the contrary, esteem highly the friendship made with the said emperor; and as the latter is a friend so powerful and important, his ambassador should be served and entertained in the manner that seems most desirable to the governor. This witness asserts the above, by the oath he took, to be what he knows and what


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200 (1698-1773) rendered important services by his researches in the field of Danish language. Although he was not familiar with the Old Norse, still through his fine faculty of observation and unerring linguistic sense, he attained a marvelous insight into the laws of the language. He wrote the first complete Danish syntax, and contributed important articles on phonology, but his works failed to be properly appreciated by his contemporaries. Not before the present century were they finally rescued from oblivion by the distinguished linguist, Rasmus Rask.

(1698-1764) was a fertile and versatile writer, who published both historical and statistical, and scientific and theological works in Danish, German, and Latin. "Den danske Atlas," a large statistical, topographical work, and his explanation of Luther's catechism, the latter of which has long been used as a text-book in parochial schools, are among his best known works. His history of the Danish church, written in German, is still of importance on account of the extensive study of original materials on which it is based. Worthy of mention is also "Menoza," a theological novel with a purpose, which appeared in three volumes in 1742-43. Its hero is an Asiatic prince, who roamed about in the world in search of Christians, but who found but few worthy of that name. The book is dull and heavy, but still it is not without value to the historian of civilization and culture.

While Holberg, through his historical writings, and through his literary activity in general, was chiefly intent on promoting popular enlightenment, much was done during this period in the field of critical and historical research. Particularly was the beginning made in the laying of a solid foundation for a systematic study of history by


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 he has heard. He is thirty-eight years old. He affixed his signature to the above.

Before me:

In the city of Manila, on the first of June, one thousand five hundred and ninety-three, for the investigation of the aforesaid matter, an oath was received in due form of law, before God and on the sign of the cross, from Antonio Lopez, a Chinese Christian, an interpreter. He took the oath, and promised, under charge thereof, to tell the truth. Being questioned regarding the matter, this witness declared that he went to the kingdoms of Xapon last year with Father Cobo. He saw that the father was very courteously received by the emperor upon his arrival there; for he saw Father Cobo enter [the palace] and go to meet the emperor. He saw that Father Cobo appeared very happy and cheerful, and heard him say that after a few days he was to go back with his business well despatched. He saw the father embark well and happy, with a present from the emperor of a very fine catana, or sword, for the governor of the Philippinas. Father Cobo gave this witness a letter, which he brought to the governor, for he sailed in the ambassador's ship, by order of Father Cobo. This witness knows that the emperor was very friendly to the Spaniards, and that the ambassador Faranda Queimon came to make a treaty of peace. The latter is the same man whom they saw enter and go with Father Cobo to meet the emperor. Queimon is not hostile, but friendly. This is the truth and


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 nothing else, on his oath. He is about forty years old. He signed the above, according to his custom.

Before me:

Collated with the original:

[Endorsed: "Matters discussed with the governor by Faranda, ambassador from Japon."]

Antonio said that he heard that the emperor of Japon gave the conquest of these islands to Kunquyn. He also heard the soldiers of the house of Kunquyn say that they would like to come to these islands; and they asked him if the people of Cagayan were subdued. Upon Antonio replying "yes," they said "no," and that they knew it. He has heard that the king of Japon gave the conquest of the island of Ermosa to a Japanese; and that, when this man shall come to these islands, he will come through them, island by island, and that they had already set out. The greatest distance between any of these islands is about two days' sail by sea, and one or two nights. The Xaponese laughed when they heard Antonio say that these islands contained four or five thousand Spaniards. They said that the defense of these islands was merely a matter for jest, for one hundred of the Japanese were worth two or three hundred of us; and that, therefore, the conquest of these islands presented no difficulty. They declared that the natives of Cagayan were ill-disposed toward us; and that the Japanese would no sooner land in Cagayan, than the natives would deliver the Spaniards to them. Antonio declared further that three large ships were


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Rh the collection of a vast amount of original materials. The learned Icelander, (1663-1730), gained the greatest distinction in this respect. Under the head of "Modern Icelandic Literature," we gave a full account of him.

(1685-1748) distinguished himself by a solid critical treatment of history. He was the son of a priest, and his father instructed him so thoroughly that when he, only eighteen years old, was sent to the university, he astonished the professors with his knowledge of the ancient languages, especially of Greek. In 1714 he was appointed professor in this language, and he soon acquired such renown for scholarship throughout Europe that he was consulted by the most distinguished scholars of the day. It was not long, however, before he entered the field of northern history, where he found his most congenial work. Christian VI made him royal librarian and appointed him royal historiographer, and later he was made privy archivist, or in other words, he obtained a rare opportunity for entering deeply into the study of historical documents and sources to an extent which no man had enjoyed before him, and he availed himself thoroughly of this privilege. It is true he did not write any large independent works, but he furnished the editions of older authors, which he edited with a multitude of most excellent notes. His works are at times so complete that they not only in point of quality, but even in bulk, actually constitute the principal matter. For the Royal Danish Society of Sciences, which he had founded, he contributed a great number of excellent dissertations, in which he endeavors, with remarkable acumen, to root out old errors, and thus to lay a solid foundation for future historians to build upon. Gram was one of the most remarkable and interesting personalities of his age, particularly when we consider that he was able to emancipate himself and his work as an author from the shackles of the old-time pedantry and secure a greater intellectual freedom. In his whole character he, in fact, belonged to the


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 being built in Japon; and he could not understand why, unless for these islands, as they had no need of them for other purposes.

Antonio Lopez declares further that he heard in Japon that the king ordered this ambassador to return with the news, if the people of Luçon should submit. But if they did not submit, then he should order none of the Japanese here to return to Japon; as he would kill those who did return, for he wished them to live here. Antonio thinks that caution regarding the Japanese here should still be maintained—for, as I understand, there are three hundred or more Japanese here, and one hundred and fifty came in the ambassador's ship. According to Antonio's opinion, no confidence should be placed in the infidel Sangleys; for many of them have been in Japon, and those most evil and most opposed to the Chinese are those very Chinese. He declares that a Japanese, named Don Baltasar, conspired with Don Agustin at the time of the revolt. This was told to Antonio Lopez by a Christian Sangley in Firando. He declares that there are many of the Japanese here who came to Cagayan seven years ago, and that the pilot who has just arrived in this ship also went to Cagayan, to plunder. He has many times heard the Japanese say that they would go to Ciuteui, thence to Cagayan; and that the king of Japon ordered the inhabitants of Liutai not to render homage any longer to China. They recognized that country to the extent that, when the reigning king died, his successor had to be approved by China. All the trees in Japon are assigned to the king; and no one may cut them without his permission. Antonio declares that little confidence can be placed in the Sang-


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 leys, in the Parian; for many of them, having been promised some vassals by the Japanese, are in rebellion. In Japon there is universal talk of the abundance of gold in this land. On this account, the soldiers are anxious to come here; and are coming, as they do not care to go to Core, which is a poor country. Those who come from Core say: "Formerly when we were going to plunder their country, the Chinese immediately united with us; but now there is no one in Core who cares for our friendship, but all love the Chinese even unto death."

Antonio thinks also that the infidel Sangleys should not be allowed to go to the Visayas, nor a Christian with many other infidels, as is the custom, but that only Christians go, on account of the acts of treachery and revolt that the Chinese, instigated by the Japanese, may attempt. He declares further that three or four Japanese asserted, in the king's court, that if they should go to Manila, the natives themselves would deliver to them the Spaniards dead. As he understands, because of this and of other things, Father Juan Cobo said that when he returned here he would confer with the governor as to the advisability of not permitting a single Japanese to remain in the country. Antonio declares that Father Juan Cobo left Japon so quickly, and at a so inopportune season, because of his fears of the Japanese; and that he had previously agreed with this Antonio Lopez to send him to Hroguyaca, on the pretext that he was going to China, but with instructions to change his course at sea, and return here.

Antonio declares that Juan Sami, a master of Chinese letters, who accompanied father Fray Juan Cobo, read the letter given to this Faranda by the


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 Japanese. emperor. It contained injunctions to subdue the inhabitants of these islands, and oblige them to recognize him as lord. If the Spaniards should not do that promptly, he [the emperor] would come soon; and had it not been for the dangerous sea for half of the distance, he would have come already.

Juan Sami, master of Chinese letters, declared that he accompanied father Fray Juan Cobo to Japon. There the father met Juan de Solis, a Castilian, who was much persecuted by the Portuguese. This same master presented a petition to the Japanese king, by order of father Fray Juan Cobo. This petition complained of the injuries that Juan de Solis had received from the Portuguese, who had stolen from him a quantity of gold, silver, and other property. He presented this petition to the king of Japon, on the day when he met him. The latter accordingly ordered one of his captains to return all the stolen. articles; but as yet only five hundred pesos are paid.

Francisco de Loadi de Oñate declares that he knows Juan de Solis, who is a captain of the king, our sovereign. This captain went, at the order of the Audiencia of Panama, to Macan, in order to purchase copper and other articles; but the Portuguese seized all his money and his vessel. They sold the ship very cheaply, and sent the crew as prisoners to Goa. From sheer pity, he entered his pulpit one day, and there complained of the injuries done to the captain—among others, maiming one of his arms. After this the aforesaid Solis, in company with a father of the Society, who was about to go to Japon as visitador,


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202 old learned period, and yet in his historical work he employed to a great extent his own native tongue, although it was far more difficult for him to write Danish than Latin. Like so many of his contemporaries he was at first for some time wrapped up in prejudices and foolish pedantry to a point that made him blind to Holberg's great merits, and he was a violent opponent of the great dramatist; but later he acknowledged his mistake and became one of Holberg's staunchest friends.

Gram's pupil, Jakob Langebek (1710-75), also rendered conspicuous services to the development of historical studies. Like Gram he was the son of a priest, and from his early childhood he evinced a remarkable talent for history, combined with a considerable taste for languages, as appears from his undertaking on his own hook the study of Icelandic as soon as he became a student at the university. After having passed his examinations in theology, he was admitted to Gram's house, where his linguistic and historical studies assumed still wider proportions. In 1745 he founded the Royal Society of History and Danish Language, the purpose of which, as in the case of the Society of Sciences, was in part to publish the papers of the members in "Danske Magazin." This is an exceedingly valuable collection, for the first series (six volumes) of which Langebek himself furnished nearly all the contributions. But his most important work is his great collection of Danish historical documents from the Middle Ages, "Scriptores rerum Danicarum medii ævi," though he was not himself able to complete the publication of this work. Like Gram, Langebek has written no large connected work, but in his various publications, like the one above mentioned, he has given the results of a vast and most critical research, and he has thus done what was most needed in his time in the field of national history


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Rh Before closing this chapter we must mention two eminent historians, who, although they belong to a somewhat later period, still may very properly be treated in connection with Gram and Langebek. (1728-98) belonged to an old noble family, and was at first destined for the court or for a judicial career, but his early developed taste for scientific pursuits, particularly for history, the favorite study of his childhood, was victorious, and having as a very young man married a wealthy lady, his circumstances were exceptionally favorable for the realization of the plan of his life, the plan that had the most charm for him, and which as a child he had given expression to by saying that he wanted to become an author like Holberg. He surely did not become that, but he was a man of indefatigable application and profound learning, and he is very justly surnamed "the first friend of the sciences in Denmark," for he not only did excellent literary work himself, but he also gave liberal and substantial aid to men of science and to scientific undertakings. His chief work is his great history of Denmark, which, though it only extends to the year 1400, still contains fourteen volumes. Notwithstanding all the excellences of the work, there is a lack of system in the treatment. The author handles his materials with a certain clumsiness; but still it is a work to which there are but few parallels. On account of the vast amount of original material it contains it is of inestimable value, and must always remain one of the most important works for historical reference. Suhm has also written a great number of dissertations and edited a multitude of other works, short, moral, critical, and economical essays, idyls, stories, dialogues, etc,., work in which he sought recreation when he was tired of historical studies. The most remarkable are his old Norse tales, which made a certain sensation, not only because they were new, but also on account of their sentimental style, which was anything but genuine Norse, but they happened to satisfy the taste of that period. Suhm was assisted in his labors by the Norwegian scholar,


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204 (1722-80). Both had agreed to write in partnership the history of the North, Suhm reserving Denmark for himself, while Schöning undertook Norway. But neither was Schöning able to finish his great task, and he did not get farther than the year 1000. The history, however, which was conceived on a grand scale, gives abundant evidence of the author's learning, and it will always remain a work of great importance. Nor did Schöning complete the edition of Heimskringla, with which he had been placed in charge by the government. Most interesting and instructive is the description which he made of the nature, ancient monuments, and economical conditions of Norway, which he studied on a three years' journey undertaken at the expense of his government.


text: History of the Literature of the Scandinavian North/Part 2/Chapter 4


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 of white marble and black, each so old that the white was worn nearly to yellow and the black nearly to blue. He had never for an instant doubted of the virtue, the value he would have called it in his esoteric sense, of this particular spot; which had originally given him, on the instant, under his first flush, the measure of a possible experience. He had said to himself crudely and artlessly "It's Jacobean"—which it wasn't, even though he had thought but of the later James. The intensity of the inference and the charm of the mistake had marked withal his good faith; the memory of which was to remind him later on of how everything still to come was then latent in that plot of space, and of how everything that had, was accorded and attested by it. The door to-day had but once more to close with the slight heaviness that inevitably defeated discretion and the overpaid and dismissed hansom to be heard for a minute get again into empty motion on the other side of it, for Ralph to feel at ease about the lapsed influence he had come to start up. The influence was on this occasion not only all there—it was really there as it had been on no other. His friends in charge, effacing themselves and leaving him to roam, appeared literally to have provided the particular hush into which it would best step forth, and he liked to figure them as types of ancient servitude, quaint and knowing their place, properly awestruck by 62


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 the outland gentleman who had suddenly become the providence of their compact round world. It was a world clearly that they desired to remain shut up in, and a happy instinct had admonished them that they best appeased fortune by holding their breath. They could scarce have done better had they known of spells and superstitions and been possessed with a recipe for causing them to flourish. They even stayed downstairs too consistently to give their new patron his chance of expressing to them how honestly he judged them to keep his house.

That was what struck him afresh after he had mounted the large old stair and begun to pass from room to room: there was something in his impression so indefinably prepared by other hands that acknowledgment surely ought somehow and somewhere to be made. It all came back of course soon enough to thanking Mr. Pendrel, and this in truth Ralph sufficiently did by his mere attitude from point to point. That was the question on the whole as to which he was easiest; wherever he paused to draw a long breath and again look round he felt his gratitude carry and his appreciation in a singular degree picked up and noted. Not yet for that matter had it so affected him this evening as returning richly upon himself. The cold rain was on his window-pane, and it damped the great London hum. These squares of old glass were small and many and the frames 63


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 that enclosed them thick; the appropriate recess, of which no window failed, was deep, and Ralph could as he looked out rest a knee on the flat cushion, all flowered and faded, that covered the solid bench. He looked out only to look in again under the charm of isolation and enclosure, of being separated from the splashed Square and its blurred and distant life much more by time than by space; under the charm above all of the queer incomparable London light—unless one frankly loved it rather as London shade—which he had repeatedly noted as so strange as to be at its finest sinister, and which just now scattered as never before its air over what surrounded him. However else this air might have been described it was signally not the light of freshness and suggested as little as possible the element in which the first children of nature might have begun to take notice. Ages, generations, inventions, corruptions had produced it, and it seemed, wherever it rested, to have filtered through the bed of history. It made the objects about show for the time as in something "turned on"—something highly successful that he might have seen at the theatre. What was one to call the confounding impression but that of some stamp, some deposit again laid bare, of a conscious past, recognising no less than recognised?

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 and directly contributed. They were all items of duration and evidence, all smoothed with service and charged with accumulated messages. The house was of about 1710, and nothing of that age had ever spoken of it to Ralph in such a tone of having dropped nothing by the way to reach him. Large, simple and straight, effective from a happy relation of line to line and space to space, from a dignity that seemed somehow a product of rightnesses even as an effect in arithmetic is a concord of numbers, it was exemplary in its kind, and its kind was for its new master the kind with which he could least imagine ever having a quarrel. The type carried him back and back till he remembered that such offices were solemn for honours after all not rare; yet at the same time that he tasted the sweet staleness almost to intoxication he rejoiced in the fact that the animating presences, all the other figures involved, could still be fitted together. They were of an age so remote and yet of an imagery so near. None of the steps were missing and the backward journey took no turns. It wasn't for Ralph as if he had lost himself, as he might have done in a deeper abyss, but much rather as if in respect to what he most cared for he had never found himself till now. As the house was his house, so the time, as it sank into him, was his time. It sank into him as he sat in the handsome chairs, specimens surely of price, as he figured the fineness of inlaid tables, rejoicing 65


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 in the form of panels and pilasters and pronouncing the whole scene inimitably "quiet." It had never been either overloaded or despoiled; everything was in place and answered and acted; the large clear rooms almost furnished themselves, moreover, thanks to pleasant proportion and surface, without the aid of redundancy. He gave himself with relief, with gratitude for their luck, to all they had escaped knowing, all that, in the vulgarest of ages, they had succeeded in not inheriting. There wasn't a chimney-piece, an arched recess, a glazed and columned cupboard, that hadn't for our young man the note of structural style, not a cornice nor a moulding that his eye didn't softly brush, not a sunk glass, above a shelf, unevenly bevelled and however tarnished, in which shadows didn't condense themselves into shapes, not an old hinge nor an old brass lock that he couldn't work with love of the act, not an echo on the great stairs—he had from the first classed the staircase as "great"—that he didn't each time pause to catch again. He drew himself along the banister like a schoolboy yearning for a slide; all the more that the banister of hammered iron, admirably flourished and scalloped and with a handrail of polished oak, vaguely commended itself to him as French and matchable in an old Paris hôtel. A museum the place on this occasion more than ever became, but a museum of held reverberations still more than of kept specimens. 66


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 It contained more of these latter than his fondest dream had originally pleaded for, but he felt at moments that even had they all been absent the sense of the whole would have been scarce less saved or the composition less happy. The walls and windows and floors sufficiently produced the effect—the perfect "state" of everything sufficiently sounded the note.

There were questions—more even than he could meet—that came up for him in the act of absence; but these questions either practically answered themselves by contact, or, so far as they didn't, merged themselves in others to which the answers might wait. Had the array of appurtenances, such as it was, been there from of old, or were they objects got together with the modern motive and precisely for the sake of their suggestion? Did they in their elegant sparseness render the house technically "furnished," and could it in point of fact be lived in without additions and excrescences that would make it wrong? Were the things honest rarities such as collectors would jump at, or only a fortuitous handful that roughly and loosely harmonised? How came it that if they were really "good" they were not on everyone's tongue, and how above all that if they were poor they so convinced and beguiled? These would have been matters to clear up by putting them to the test, and Ralph knew of more ways than one in which, should he ask for an hour from 67


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 an obliging expert, his eyes would probably open. But experts and tests were, as it happened, and as I have already signified, quite what he was as yet least moved to cultivate; his instinct, with so much more on his consciousness, from the first concussion, than he could fairly handle, having been all to postpone the social complication, the presentation of letters, the looking up of friends. It had struck him that, marked out by his odd fate for an hospitality so rare and so special, he might temporarily neglect any minor appeal. There was already before him, goodness knew, matter enough for response.

This evening at any rate, while the day darkened and the weather shrouded his vigil, he invoked convenient illusions with a tremour he had not yet felt; he arrived, between his fondness and his fear, at the easiest compromise with concentration. Unmistakeably, as the afternoon waned, he held off as much as he hovered. It was a natural effect of his restlessness that he didn't for the present see himself settled. It was positively as if, with the cup so held to his lips, the taste of 1710 might prove too stiff a dose. He would judge, as it were, when he came back—back, as who should say also, from everywhere else. He would go of course everywhere else; intellectually now he could so well afford to. This would make all the general initiation that, as a preliminary, was indispensable—the series of 68


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 scattered dashes and superficial dips. Strange his divination, or whatever one might call it, that from such a plunge at Number Nine as would thoroughly penetrate he might possibly not emerge undamaged—or even, it was actually to be figured, not emerge at all. He might remain there below, remain in the quintessential depth that stood so ready for a real resident. He pulled up his patrol as it again came to him that for this privilege of real residence he had a candidate in hand. He loitered anew, looked and listened, strolled and stopped, paused at moments, with hands in pockets, to gaze all too gravely at a mere panel in a wainscot, a mere seam in a curtain, and repeat over vaguely the name of Mrs. Midmore of Drydown. She had gradually become for him less abstract, and he reflected with interest that she was the one historic figure he was as yet in position to introduce into the view. There were in fact moments of desultory thought when he felt as if she were already in it by her own act—so close a relation to it seemed asserted by her proved resolution. This proved resolution was, so far as his wondering mind could now place her before him, what was most the mark of her aspect, and there were literally for him flights of fancy through which, as she stood there, she looked out at him with a hard old face. Yes, she would be old, Mrs. Midmore of Drydown—in the sense at least that she wouldn't be new: she wouldn't without that 69


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 have what he could only phrase as the connection; and she would not less assuredly be hard: she wouldn't without that have what he could only think of as the nerve. He dressed her, with unwitting confusion, in the old manner of the house—the manner of the two or three portraits of women (these, alas, plainly enough, not from illustrious or even from known hands) inserted in the woodwork of the reception rooms, he heard for an instant, hallucinated, the scrape of her stiff petticoat on the floor, and the tap of her shoes, if it weren't rather the click of her small crutch, on the stone stair. She wore a little black hood fastened under her chin by an ornament—that old-time trinket would be priceless of a truth; and her pronunciation of certain words made her, as she talked, difficult to understand. Could she, he wistfully wondered, live in the house as it stood?—it being, as might have been made out, a puzzle to him to see her there so poorly convenienced, and yet not less a pain to equip her with a background of cosy corners or photographs framed in leather, of tailor-made ladies doing tricks with little dogs and gentlemen in tweed mixtures tilting back "good" chairs.

The few portraits of men in the house were not sensibly superior to the three or four women's, besides being, in a couple of cases, of a date observably later; but they had alike that prime and sufficient property of the old portrait they had, 70


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 as Ralph put it to himself, their more or less attaching "look" to give out. They had in short those painted eyes for the particular purpose of following their friend as he moved; and one of the things he actually found himself most doing was to circulate in their presence just to see for his amusement how far they would in this fashion go. They all had somehow the art of going further than he had ever perceived such a company—on the walls of a museum for instance—to coincide in going. His amusements, it will be noted, were for a rainy hour simple enough, and a protected observer of some of his proceedings would doubtless have pronounced them pointless to the verge of puerility. This, however, would result partly from the difficulty of his making a lucid plea for what all the while took place within him. It was a ferment deep enough—even while he might superficially have appeared but to be asking the flat framed images what they thought of the question of his admitting Mrs. Midmore. He read into them as he lingered before them the knowledge of her being of their company; they had had on occasion, it would seem, to live with her, they had witnessed her ways and could give him the answer he watched and waited for. Nothing could have been more amusing, if, always, he was amused—than his impression at once that they really gave it and that he yet quite as really couldn't make it out. Portraits of the dead are 71


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13 recorded in history! From a period of great learning, of general science, and of elegant and accomplished society, the prospect is hideous and disgusting. Twelve hundred long years passed without the slightest improvement deserving of notice being made in any art or science; and even the records of the accumulated knowledge of many centuries were destroyed or mutilated. This lamentable degeneracy took place, not merely in one country, that had formerly been the favourite seat of learning, and the elegant arts, but overspread all Europe. Should the causes of such general and deplorable calamity be enquired into, they will, alas! be found to be the same that never fail to produce similar eflects when long continued; éhe ambition of rapacious tyrants, and the universal influ- © �


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14 ence of crafty or bigotted priests. By the former, mens’ property and lives are de- stroyed; and the Jaws and liberties of nations are overthrown—by the latter, the intellectual faculties are stupified and benumbed. Either of these causes is sufliciently afflictive ; but when both are united, as was the case during the period alluded to, nothing short of the power of the Almighty can stem or prevent the baleful effects of such. monstrous alliance. To enumerate the enormities and the cruelties, the tricks and cunning devices from thence arising, would be as difficult as to count the stars; and as to attempt it would be very unprofitably to occupy your time, let us leap over that horrid gulf, and hasten to the contemplation of brighter scenes. �


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15 As in every department of science there is a natural relationship with every other, the whole circle will be promoted by whatever tends to the encouragement and protection of free discussion and communication amongst men. As early as the 13th century there arose some men of genius who dared to think, and, although at great peril to themselves, to speak and to write freely; and some of the scattered remains of the works of ancient authors began to reappear, to the great benefit of the few that could understand them, from those hidden recesses that had preserved them from the hands of the spoilers. One of the most extraordinary men of that, or indeed of any age, was Roger Bacon, whose various learning and comprehensive mind, have equally been the subject of �


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16 praise and of admiration down to the present time. An ecclesiastic by profession, yet he was a very profound philosopher for the period at which he lived, and has displayed more medical knowledge than any of his contemporaries. The taste for inquiry which he excited, would alone intitle him to the grateful respect of every lover of natural knowledge ; and reflects lasting honour upon this his native land.

John of Ardern and John of Gaddesden were surgeons who had attained to a degree of celebrity in England ; but their works are only deserving of being mentioned, inasmuch as they prove the wretched state of the art (science it could not be called) at that time. This is, not to be wondered at, as so generally illiterate were the people, that, even �


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17 amongst those of the highest rank in society many could not write their names.

A spirit of inquiry however now began to arise, and, in the course of the fifteenth century, the grand discovery of the art of print- ing was made, by means of which the learning of the Ancients became diffused over Europe. The learned languages were studied with zeal; and the cultivation of science in general was prosecuted with an ardour highly honourable to the age. Universities, Academies, and Societies of learned men, were established in most of the countries of Europe, under the protection of their respective governments. In England, two venerable institutions of this kind had been founded some centuries before, from whence have issued men whose profound erudition


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 Rh power, and cannot go on of its own impulse. It has no desire to eat, or to drink, or to utter sounds, or to make a movement. But Form goes on when supported by Name, and Name when supported by Form. When Name has a desire to eat, or to drink, or to utter sounds, or to make a movement, then Form eats, drinks, utters sounds, makes a movement.

It is as if two men, the one blind from birth and the other a cripple, were desirous of going on a journey, and the man blind from birth were to say to the cripple:

"See here! I am able to use my legs, but I have no eyes with which to see the rough and the smooth places in the road."

And the cripple were to say to the man blind from birth:

"See here! I am able to use my eyes, but I have no legs with which to travel."

And the man blind from birth, pleased and delighted, were to mount the cripple upon his shoulders; and the cripple, sitting on the shoulders of the man blind from birth, were to direct him, saying, "Leave the left and go to the right; leave the right and go to the left."

The man blind from birth is without power of his own, and weak, and cannot go of his own impulse. The cripple also is without power of his own, and weak, and cannot go of his own impulse. Yet when they mutually support one another it is possible for them to go. In the same way Name is without power of its own, and cannot spring up of its own effort, nor perform any action. Form also is


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 22 without power of its own, and cannot spring up of its own effort, nor perform any action. Yet when they mutually support one another It is possible for them to do this.

There is no material that exists for the production of Name and Form. When Name and Form cease they do not go anywhere in space. After Name and Form have ceased, they do not exist anywhere in the shape of stored-up music material. As when a lute is played upon, there is no previous store of sound; and when the music ceases, it does not go anywhere in space. Having previously been non-existent, it came into existence by the structure and stem of the lute, and the work of the performer; and as it came into existence, so it passes away. In the same manner all the elements of being, both corporeal and non-corporeal, come into existence after having previously been non-existent; and having come into existence pass away.

There is not a "self" residing in Name and Form, but the co-operation of the conformations produces what we call a man. Just as the word "chariot" is but a mode of expression for axle, wheels, the chariot-body and other constituents in their proper combination, so a living being is the appearance of the groups with the four elements as they are joined in a unit. There is no "self" in the chariot and there is no "self" in man. This doctrine is true and eternal, that there is no self outside of its parts. This self of ours which constitutes Name and Form is a combination of the


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18 has been universally acknowledged; whose genius and talents have adorned every profession, and have in an eminent degree contributed to the advancement of science over the world.

A recollection of the hideous desert which they had left behind, seemed to stimulate the minds of men of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries to extraordinary exertion; and from that period to the present time, there has been, very generally, amongst the nations of Europe, an animated, warm, but friendly contest in favour of literature, science, and truth. Thus honourably engaged in the pursuit of knowledge, men quickly arose who enlightened and astonished the world by their discoveries in astronomy, mathematics, navigation, &c. &c. �


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" Federal law " means—
 * (a) any existing law continuing to have effect as part of the law of the State after the coming into operation of this Constitution to the extent that it is by virtue of the provisions of the Federal Constitution treated as a Federal law; and

 * (b) any Act of Parliament, or other law of the Federation relating to matters about which Parliament has power to make laws, which extend to the State.

"Federation" means the Federation to be known on and after Malaysia Day by the name " Malaysia "; "Government" means the Government of the State of Singapore; "High Court" means the High Court in Singapore constituted by the Federal Constitution;

"law" includes written law and any legislation of the United Kingdom or other enactment or instrument whatsoever which is in operation in the State and the common law in so far as it is in operation in the State and any custom or usage having the force of law in the State;

"Legislative Assembly" means the Legislative Assembly constituted under this Constitution;

"Legislature" means the Legislature of the State;

"Malaya" means Singapore and the Malay Peninsula;

"Malaysia Day" means the 31st August, 1963;

"Minister" means a Minister appointed under this Constitution;

"office of profit" has the same meaning as in the Federal Constitution;

"Parliament" means the Parliament of the Federation; "Prime Minister" means the Prime Minister of Singapore appointed under the provisions of this Constitution;

"public office" means, subject to the provisions of clause (5) of this Article, an office of emolument in the public service;

" public officer " means the holder of any public office; " the public seal " means the public seal of the State; " public service " means service under the Government;

"Public Service Commission" means the Public Service Commission constituted under this Constitution; "register of electors" means the register of electors prepared under the provisions of any written law for the time being in force relating to election;

"remuneration" in respect of any public officer means only the emoluments of that officer, the whole or any part of which count for pension in accordance with the provisions of any law relating to the grant of pensions in respect of the public service;


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 Rh groups with the four elements, but there is no ego entity, no self in itself.

Paradoxical though it may sound, there is a path to walk on, there is walking being done, but there is no traveler. There are deeds being done, but there is no doer. There is a blowing cf the air, but there is no wind that does the blowing. The thought of self is an error and all existences are as hollow as the plantain tree and as empty as twirling water bubbles.

As there is no self, there is no transmigration of a self; but there are deeds and the continued effect of deeds. There is a rebirth of karma; there is reincarnation. This rebirth, this reincarnation, this reappearance of the conformations is continuous and depends on the law of cause and effect. Just as a seal is impressed upon the wax, reproducing the characters of its device, so the thoughts of men, their characters, their aspirations, are impressed upon others in continuous transference, and continue their karma, and good deeds will continue in blessings while bad deeds will continue in curses.

There is no entity here that migrates, no self is transferred from one place to another; but there is a voice uttered here, and the echo of it comes back. The teacher pronounces a stanza, and the disciple who attentively listens to his teacher's instruction repeats the stanza. Thus the stanza is reborn in the mind of the disciple.

Dismiss the error of the self, and do not cling to possessions which are transient, but


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19 It was not to be apprehended that while ~ the public mind was actively employed on such subjects, all attention to the Healing Art should be neglected; and accordingly a very numerous list appeared, who have rendered their characters illustrious by their learning, and by their laborious and ingenious cultiva- tion of Anatomy.

In Italy appeared Eustachius, Servetus, Fallopius, Casalpinus, Fabricius ab Aquapendente, Asellius, Malpighi, Petrus de Marchetti, Morgagni.

In Switzerland, Hildanus, Bonetus, Haller.

In france, Palfin, Ambrose Paré, Belloste, Dionis, Le Dran, Garengeot, Winslow, Petit.

In Germany, Albinus, Lyserus, Heister, Richter.

In Denmark, Bartholinus. �


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21 honour of priority is due to our brethren on the continent, and is freely acknowledged. Hospitals for. the reception of poor sick and maimed j,ersons, had been many years established in this metropolis; but it does not appear that until near the end of the seventeenth century, the founders and supporters of those institutions had any other object in view than to relieve the wretchedness and to cure the maladies of their inmates. Until this time, young men who were intended for the’ profession of Surgery, had no other means of acquiring the necessary information than what could be obtained from the instruction and practice of the individuals under whose tuition they were placed, except in the few instances when they went abroad for some knowledge in Anatomy. In this deplorably �


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 24 perform good deeds; for deeds are enduring, and in deeds your karma continues.

Since, then, there is no self, there cannot be any after life of self. Therefore abandon all thought of self. But since deeds continue, be careful with your deeds.

All beings have karma as their portion; they are inheritors of their karma; their karma is their refuge; karma allots beings to meanness or greatness.

All creatures are what they are through the karma of their deeds done in former and in present existences.

The rational nature of man is a spark of the true light; it is the first step on the upward road. But new births are necessary to insure an ascent to the summit of existence, the enlightenment of mind and heart, where the immeasurable light of understanding is gained, which is the source of all righteousness.

This is true deliverance; this is salvation; this is heaven, and the bliss of a life immortal.

The Buddha said:

All acts of living creatures become evil by ten things, and by avoiding the ten things they become good.

There are three evils of the body, four evils of the tongue, and three evils of the mind.

The evils of the body are murder, theft and adultery; the evils of the tongue are lying, slander, abuse and idle talk; the evils of the mind are covetousness, hatred and error.


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22 abject state of the art, it is no cause for surprise that the persons who exercised it were held in little estimation, and that they occupied a rank in society but one degree above the lowest mechanics. But, as in the course of the preceding century, men began to reason upon and to assert their cwwil rights; as laws were enacted for the more perfect security of the lives, the property, and the freedom of the people; so, as a natural consequence, the energy of the human mind began to display itself upon all those subjects that are interesting to man. The Royal Society was established, under the immediate patronage of the king, for the promotion of natural knowledge; and genius and talents being thus not only protected but fostered and encouraged, a multitude of learned men �


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 Rh I exhort you to avoid the ten evils.

I. Kill not, but have regard for life.

II. Steal not, neither do you cheat; but help all to be the owner of the fruits of his labor.

III. Abstain from impurity; let your lives be chaste.

IV. Lie not, but be truthful. Speak the truth fearlessly, but with a loving heart.

V. Start no evil reports, neither repeat those heard. Slander not, but look for the good in your fellow-beings, so that you may defend them against their enemies.

VI. Swear not, but speak with dignity.

VII. Waste not your time with gossip; speak to a purpose, or remain silent.

VIII. Covet not, nor envy; but rejoice at the welfare of others.

IX. Cleanse your heart of malice, and cherish no hatred, not even against your enemies; treat all living creatures with kindness.

X. Become free from ignorance; learn the truth; that you may find the noble path that leads to life eternal.

This is the Dhammapada—the path pursued by those who are followers of the Buddha.

Human beings derive their character from their mind. They are mind-made. Mind is the source of both good and evil.


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23 soon appeared, who shed lustre upon all the sciences. The same powerful and beneficent patronage being continued, and never 5o extensively as during the present reign, the cause of literature, of philosophy, and of general science has progressively advanced down to this day. At a time that all other arts and sciences were cultivated with a degree of enthusiastic ardour, it was not to be supposed that those in which life, health, and comfort are immediately concerned,. should not be properly appreciated. Accordingly, the great names of Harvey, Wiseman, Cheselden; of the Douglases, the Monros, Nichols, William Hunter, Hewson, Cleghorn, Sharp, Hawkins, Gunning, Bromfield; of Else, Warner, Pott, and very many others, present themselves to our admiration �


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 stigmata of orthodox realism. With sober, unobtrusive detail, it mirrors faithfully the emptiness and hardship of middle-class life in modern Madrid. Psychologically true and photographic of fact, there is no compromise with adventitious relief. Don Hilario, the kindly family physician, affords a portrait of the author's own father. It is difficult to understand, from the vantage-point of a distant, more bountiful environment, the pressure of poverty in a country such as Spain, the absolute, hopeless destitution which there prevails, superseding both the social and the moral law with the primitive dictates of the struggle for existence. These ferocities admit of no exaggeration. "In the Clouds" offers a picture of poverty, poverty of means, poverty of surroundings, poverty of mind, poverty of will, which, materially and mentally, are but the husk of the intellectual and spiritual decay of the life that is about to pass. The play is at once realistic and idealistic, conceived below the plane of distinction of the schools, where the spirit and its manifestations are one. The differing address with which the simple folk confront the relentless barrenness of their existence as it looms above the action with menacing, crushing power, the interplay of the divergent forces in which the threat of poverty is exteriorized, to be gathered summarily and finally in the marriage problem, which provokes the crisis, at the same time providing the comic motive when developed in reverse, betrays admirably the hand of the master. Quintessentially Benaventian is the scene depicting the three young men, married, in fact just married, and just about to be married, chancing upon the curiously happy idea of calling to condole with the young man whose marriage has been deferred. Even dulness, when significant, may prove entertaining, while banality presents facets of wit, and is pregnant with comedy of the highest order. The neorealistic theatre assuredly yields no more salutary model for the student. In conjunction with that singular drama of peasant life, "Señora Ama," whose protagonist is the environment, "In the Clouds" must take rank among the major contributions of Spain to the newer art.

The brief colloquy, "The Truth," an exposition of an idea


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24 and gratitude, as men who have materially contributed to their country’s honour.

In the present short sketch it would be impracticable to do justice to those eminent characters, or to particularize their respective © contributions in promotion of the Healing Art, by their anatomical discoveries and by their chirurgical observations.

Early in the eighteenth century, schools of anatomy were opened in London, pupils began to attend the practice of the hospitals, and thus scientifically to acquire a knowledge of their profession. The advantages of this the only true method of obtaining the requisite information, became apparent, and in the course of a few years, almost every hospital in London became a school, at which not only Anatomy, but every other branch of medical �


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25 and chirurgical science was taught. There were also private theatres in various parts of the metropolis, unconnected with any hospital, where anatomical instruction was carried on by men of great worth and talents, by whose labours the general stock of knowledge was enlarged. Students thus qualified were enabled to practise their art with honour to themselves, and with advantage to society.

The arts and sciences, and literature in general, being now cultivated with an ardour hitherto unknown, the estimation in which the medical profession was held became proportionally greater. The well educated surgeon was sure of being amply rewarded by wealth, honour, and the grateful regard of an enlightened society. It was evident that the youth who could hereafter hope to shine

�


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480 (C)

GERMANIC HEATHENISM

Attempts to reconstruct the great edifice of ancient Teutonic religion base themselves on two main sources of information: the Continental and the Scandinavian. English evidence stands midway between the two. With the exception of Tacitus, the Continental writers seldom do more than let fall some chance remark on religious practices, their chief concern being with other matters — in Classical and post-Classical times with the wars of these "barbaric" races, and later, with their conversion to Christianity. We also possess some early laws, and the histories of those tribes fortunate enough to have inspired a medieval chronicler, but the laws date in their present shape from Christian times, and the histories are hardly more sympathetic towards heathen ideas than are the Lives of martyred saints or the edicts of Church Councils. The chief sources from Denmark, Norway and Sweden comprise a great wealth of archaeological information, their early laws, and Saxo's history of the legendary kings of Denmark, written about 1208. It is Iceland which furnishes us with almost all the literary evidence, beginning with the mythological poems of the Older Edda, which can in one sense be termed Icelandic with impunity, in the midst of the conflict as to their origin, since they only reach us from that country. With them may be classed the earlier skaldic poems from the Norwegian court. Then come the Sagas, prose histories of Icelandic families and Norwegian kings, often dealing with events which occurred before the conversion to Christianity about A.D. 1000, but not committed to writing till the twelfth and thirteenth centuries.

Neither source of evidence is perfectly satisfactory. The Scandinavian Sagas, though originating among a people with an extraordinarily keen instinct for historic truth, are far from contemporary with the events they relate. The Continental references to the subject are indeed often contemporary, but they are the observations of alien eyes, and some of them are open to the further objection that the superstitions mentioned may occasionally be mere survivals of the religious legacy of Rome. Fortunately there is more agreement between these two sources than we could have dared to expect, and this common factor in both is the more valuable since, though one channel of information begins where the other leaves off, they are yet practically independent of one another. While fully admitting that there were extremely wide local divergences in the practices and belief of the various tribes, the following survey of the


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26 in this profession, should first have received a good classical education. Almost the whole of the professional knowledge that he could obtain from reading, was originally derived from the Greeks—the names of the different parts of the bedy—of the various diseases to which man is liable, and of the remedies employed for their cure-——together with the terms of art, were given in the expressive language of that wonderful people.

Although, during :part of the seventeenth century, and down to the period now noticed, the energy and freedom of the human mind had displayed a noble activity as contrasted with its preceding long continued torpor and subjection; yet the practice of Surgery had received very little improvement. It is true that since the times of the �


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 through strictly dramatic means, falls readily into the classification of pure cerebral drama. The indeterminate nature of the dialogue, the shyness and hesitancy of the characters through whom it is carried on, contrast strikingly with the truth that is so fondly sought, but which is revealed at the denouement by an anti-antithesis as something equally indeterminate, in whose dubiety lies the only certitude that we know. The piece is in the author's latest manner, where the conversation has attained a simple luminousness of phrase almost directly revelatory of the spirit.

Spanish criticism of Benavente, although laudatory, and frequently keenly sensitive, is regrettably in great part superficial, and seldom for any sustained flight, seriously intelligent. Much that has been written is occasional, composed in haste at the time of the production of the plays with which it deals, exhibiting not unnaturally the defects peculiar to reviews which have been improvised for the newspapers or other periodicals, and by no means enhanced in authority when incorporated afterward without revision in books. Volumes of far from promising antecedents, unfortunately often attain extensive circulation. Manuel Bueno's Teatro español contemporáneo, published in 1909 and since widely read, is probably better known abroad than any other general work dealing with the modern Spanish theatre. In addition to its occasional character, the criticisms included date from a period from two to seven years less recent than that of the book. Although frequently most apt, they betray little penetration. The plays, moreover, are assumed to have been composed in the order in which they were originally performed, which is notoriously far from the fact. Gaps of ten years, replete with struggle and growth, are glossed over by all critics with indiscriminate eulogy. This blemish disfigures the anthology in two volumes, edited with an introduction and an epilogue by Alejandro Miquis, and entitled Las mejores páginas de Jacinto Benavente. It is a work, however, which is much more soundly documented, of superior range, and perhaps as satisfying as any other not rising above the empiric point of view. José Francos


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Rh main features of Germanic heathendom is yet based with some confidence on this common factor, to which a third stratum of evidence, folk-lore, contributes subsidiary testimony. It has seemed best in almost all cases to begin with the fuller, though later, Scandinavian sources, in the light of which it is sometimes possible to interpret the more meagre references of Continental writers.

A problem confronts us at the outset with regard to the position of the two chief gods, Odin and Thor, in Scandinavia. Most of the poetical sources depict Odin as the chief of the gods, as the Allfather of gods and men, while the prose writings contain frequent indications that Thor, the Thunder-god (Anglo-Saxon Thunor) stands highest of all in the popular estimation. There can be no doubt that the Sagas are right with regard to their own territory. The frequent occurrence of proper names compounded with Thor (such as Thorolf, Thorstein, etc.) testifies to his importance in Scandinavia, especially as we are told that a name compounded with that of a god was esteemed a safeguard to its bearer. At least one out of every five immigrants to Iceland in heathen times bore a name of which Thor formed part. His is certainly a very ancient cult. His whole equipment is primitive: he is never credited in Scandinavian sources with the possession of a sword, a horse or a coat of mail, but he either walks or drives in a car drawn by goats, and wields the hammer or axe. The sanctity of this symbol appears to date from very remote times: in fact the Museum at Stockholm contains a miniature hammer of amber from the later Stone Age. Another indication of the antiquity of the cult is afforded by Thor's original identity, not only with Jupiter and Zeus, but also with Keltic, Old Prussian and Slavonic thunder-gods. But like these, Thor is much more than a thunder-god. In Scandinavia he is called the Defender of the World, a title which he may have earned in his encounter with the "jötnar." This word usually denotes daemonic beings, but it seems that it may originally have applied to the early non-Aryan inhabitants of Scandinavia, whom the Teutonic settlers drove gradually northwards. We may hazard the conjecture that the Teutonic invasion, which crept forward from the Stone Age till the close of heathen times, was made as it were under the auspices of Thor. He is also the guardian of the land. In Iceland we hear of settlers consecrating their land to Thor, and naming it after him. It is interesting to note that an ancient method of allotting holdings in Sweden was known as the "hammer-partition," while among the Upper Saxons the throwing of a hammer was held to legalise possession of land. But this is probably connected with Thor's guardianship of law and order. The Older Edda represents him as dealing out justice under the great world-ash Yggdrasill. Most of the Scandinavian assemblies began on a Thursday — the day named after Thor — and there seems no doubt that it was he who was invoked under the name of "the almighty god" by those swearing oaths at the Icelandic Things. The Russian historian Nestor, of the eleventh century, records


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 26 You yourself must make the effort. The Buddhas are but teachers. The thoughtful who enter the path are freed from the bondage of evil.

He who does not rouse himself when it is time to rise; who, though young and strong, is slothful; whose mind and thoughts are weak; the slothful and idle man will not find the path to enlightenment.

The truth guards him who guards himself.

In order to teach others, first teach yourself.

He who conquers himself is the greatest of conquerors.

Fools do not care for the duty to be performed, or the aim to be reached. They think of self alone.

Bad deeds, hurtful to ourselves, are easy to do; good deeds, beneficial to ourselves, are difficult to perform.

Ere long this body will lie in the earth, without understanding; yet our thoughts will endure. They will be thought again, and will create action. Good thoughts will produce good actions, and bad thoughts will produce bad actions.

Earnestness is the path of immortality, thoughtlessness the path of death. Those who are in earnest do not die; those who are thoughtless are as though dead already.

Those who imagine they find truth in untruth, and see untruth in truth, will never arrive at truth.

As the rain breaks through a poorly thatched house, so passion breaks through an unreflecting mind.


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 Rh Well-makers lead the water where they desire: fletchets bend the arrow, carpenters carve a log of wood; wise men fashion their own minds.

If a man speaks or acts an evil thought, evil follows him as the wheel follows the ox that draws the wagon.

Better to leave an evil deed undone, than to repent of it afterwards. A good deed calls forth no repentance.

If a man commits a wrong, let him not do it again. Suffering is the outcome of an evil deed. If a man does what is good, let him do it again. Happiness is the outcome of good deeds.

As by the falling of water-drops a pot is filled, so the fool becomes full of evil, though he gather it little by little.

He who lives for pleasure only, evil will overthrow, as the wind throws down a weak tree.

The fool who knows his foolishness may become wise; but the fool who thinks himself wise is a fool indeed.

To the evil-doer wrong appears sweet as honey; but when the fruit of wrong ripens, then he finds bitterness.

A hater may do great harm to a hater, and an enemy to an enemy; but a wrongly directed mind will do greater harm to itself.

As a creeper destroys the life of a tree upon which it finds support, so is the evil-doer his own greatest enemy.

The wicked man burns by his own deeds, as if burnt by fire.


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 28 As the fields are damaged by hurricanes and weeds, so is mankind polluted by passion, by hatred, by vanity and lust.

The love of pleasure begets grief, and the dread of pain causes fear. He who is free from the love of pleasure and the dread of pain knows neither grief nor fear.

He who gives himself to vanity, and does not give himself to meditation, will in time envy him who has given himself to meditation.

Men winnow their neighbors' faults like chaff, but their own faults they hide, as a cheat hides the false die from the gambler.

If a man looks after the faults of others, his own faults will grow.

Not about the faults of others, not about their sins, but about his own faults and misdeeds is the sage only worried.

Good deeds shine from afar, like the snowy mountains; evil deeds are concealed, like arrows shot by night.

Overcome hatred by love; overcome evil by good; overcome the greedy by liberality; overcome lies by the truth. For hatred does not cease by hatred; hatred ceases by non-hatred.

Speak the truth; do not yield to anger; give when thou art asked; by these three steps thou becomest divine.

The wise man blows away the impurities of self as the smith blows away the impurities of silver.

Lead others, not by force, but by justice and equity.

As the bee gathers nectar without injuring the flower, so the sage dwells among men.


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482 that the Scandinavians from Kiev ratified a treaty with the Byzantines by swearing by their god "Perun," the Slavonic Thor. The Frisians attributed their laws to a supernatural being with an axe. Among the Upper Saxons a hammer was the summons to the assembly. In later times in Iceland a small object called "St Olaf's axe" served this purpose. It is likely that this "axe" was originally a "Thor's hammer," for by the irony of fate, many of the attributes of his old enemy Thor attached themselves in popular belief to the sainted king Olaf, who rooted out his worship in Norway. An Icelandic settler invokes him in sea-voyages, and Adam of Bremen states that the Swedes sacrifice to him in famine and in pestilence. As regards disease, we have the further testimony of an Old Norse charm found in an Anglo-Saxon manuscript, which appears to call on Thor to drive away an ailment, and it was until recently a common Swedish practice to mix in the fodder of cattle powder ground from the edge of a "Thor's hammer" or flint axe, to avert disease. It is possible that the miniature T-shaped hammers, often of silver or gold, of which over fifty are to be seen in the Scandinavian museums, were worn to shield the wearer from disease, but the protective functions of Thor were so numerous that the symbols may have served other purposes as well. It has recently been recorded that Manx and Whitby fishermen wear the T-shaped bone from the tongue of a sheep to protect them from drowning; and slaughterers at Berlin wear the same bone suspended from their necks. The appearance of the bearded Thor himself, hammer and all, on a baptismal font in Sweden, has been considered to prove that the hammer was used at the heathen ceremony of naming a child, and we have some ground for supposing that it figured at weddings and at funerals.

Sacrifices to Thor are constantly mentioned, and range from the daily offerings of the Goth Radagaisus in Italy at the beginning of the fifth century to a song in his honour composed in the year 1006 by one of an Icelandic crew starving off the coast of America. It seems probable that the sacrifice at the beginning of all Things was to Thor. At one place of assembly in Iceland we hear of a "stone of Thor" on which "men were broken," but human sacrifice is so rarely mentioned in Iceland that the statement is looked upon with suspicion. We must note that Tacitus fails to mention a Germanic Jupiter. It has been suggested that he represents Thor by Hercules.

After the enumeration of the manifold activities of Thor, there seems hardly room for the imposing figure of Odin, and indeed in Scandinavia, besides being the Lord of Valhöll, Odin only presides over war, poetry and magic. Yet in one point he stands nearer to the race of men than Thor, in that he is regarded as the ancestor of most of the royal families of Denmark and of England (where the form of the name is Wodan). It is perhaps hardly correct to speak of Thor and Odin


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 at best ironic things, but, unknown and unnamed as were these victims of fate, none had ever so affected him as after all reacting upon it. This general innuendo, as he felt himself take it from them, was quite out of scale with their general obscurity. It represented none the less for his question neither a yea nor a nay; though it might have made one or the other if he could only have told which. It was thus their character, excepting only one, that they defied interpretation, and the character of the exception scarce bettered the case.

In presence of the single picture in which anything to call art had been appreciably active Ralph was luckily able—from the point of view of diversion—to treat himself to the sense of something like a prodigy. Let into the upper wainscot of the innermost and smallest of the three drawing-rooms, a charming panelled parlour lighted from the large walled court behind the house, which made a decent distance for other roofs, chimneys and windows, this work, prominent in its place over the mantel, depicted a personage who simply appeared to have sought to ignore our friend's appeal by turning away his face. This it was that constituted the prodigy, for Ralph had truly never seen a gentleman painted, and painted beautifully, in so thankless a posture. It gave the figure a conscious air which might have made for ridicule had it not so positively made for life; 72


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 Rh If the traveler does not meet with one who is as good, or better, than himself, let him keep to his solitary journey; for there is no companionship with a fool.

Long is the night to him who cannot sleep; long is a mile to the weary; long is life to him who does not know the truth.

Better than living a hundred years, not finding the truth, is one day in the life of the man who has found it.

As the lily will grow full of sweet perfume and delight upon the earth, so the disciple of Buddha shines forth among the people that walk in darkness.

Let us live happily, then, not hating those who hate us.

Let us live happily, then, free from all ailments among the ailing!

Let us live happily, then, free from greed among the greedy!

The sun is bright by day, the moon shines by night; the warrior is bright in his armor, the thinker bright in his meditation; but the brightest among all, with splendor day and night is the Buddha, the Awakened, the Enlightened, the Blessed.

At one time, when the Teacher was stopping at the bamboo grove near Rajagaha, he met a householder, named Sigala, who, clapping his hands, turned to the four quarters of the earth, to the zenith above, and to the nadir below. And the Teacher, knowing that this


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 Rodriguez's Teatro en españa, 1908 and 1909, though more fragmentary, deserves commendatory mention, together with the critical study of La Malquerida by José Rogerio Sánchez, the conclusions of which are repeated with amplification in the same author's comprehensive Autores españoles e hispano-americanos. With these the lengthy and enthusiastic study by Andrés González-Bianco, with which he begins his Dramaturgos españoles contemporáneos, may be consulted. It makes no attempt, however, at analysis, and remains wholly indefinite. Few Spanish writers of compendia of criticism, although of gifts and attainments unquestionably beyond cavil, convey the impression of having read the works of which they write. A series of scattered articles by R. Pérez de Ayala, an imitator and at one time youthful admirer, has been collected in that author's Las máscaras. They are based upon an æsthetic improvised as they go along, and are without adequate critical equipment.

Greater weight and importance may be attached to the opinions of Julio Cejador y Frauca, contained in the tenth volume of his encyclopædic Historia de la lengua y literatura castellana, to which a serviceable bibliography has been appended. "In this theatre that is upside down," writes Cejador, "the action, which was formerly the end, has been converted into the means." Although conscious of the antithesis between the theatre of Benavente and the theatre as it has existed hitherto, Cejador shows himself to be deficient in grasp of dramatic principle, besides displaying an almost unbelievable ignorance of the modern movement in European literature, which alone can account for the mistakes of the general fraternity of Spanish critics in interpreting the programme of the moderns as the personal achievement of Mr. Benavente. Cejador, it may be observed, devotes several pages of his monumental history to an examination of "The Yellow Jacket," the Chinese fantasy by George C. Hazelton and Benrimo, translated into Spanish by Benavente, and performed at the Teatro de la Princesa, Madrid, in 1916. He concludes that the reputed authorship of the comedy by Americans is a huge hoax, and pronounces the play the sole, original, and most highly characteristic work


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Rh as ruling over different social spheres, for Thor numbers earls and others of high degree among his worshippers, but persons of royal blood and their followers seem to devote themselves to the worship of Odin — the cult of a royal ancestor. Nomenclature affords interesting testimony to some such social division. We have seen what a large proportion of Norwegian proper names contained "Thor" as a component part, but we do not find any of these borne by a single Norwegian, Swedish, Danish or English king. Not even among the petty kings of the period preceding the unification of Norway under King Harold Fairhair do such names occur. Now we are told that it was just these petty, often landless, kings who with their followings practised war as a profession, and it was certainly in Norwegian court circles that skaldic poetry — an art attributed to Odin — took its origin. If the position of Odin was at all similar on the Continent, it would be easy to explain the prominence of this god in all Continental accounts from Tacitus onwards, for it seems probable that there also each king or prince was surrounded by a body of warriors devoted to his service, and that these took the principal part in wars.

In Iceland there is no mention of Odin-worship, though there is one instance of the "old custom" of throwing a spear over a hostile force, a rite which originally devoted the enemy to Odin. The existence of the cult in Norway is vouched for by the custom of drinking a toast consecrated to him at sacrificial feasts, but we must note that a toast to Odin is only mentioned at courts. In Sweden, however, Odin is more prominent. There is a statue of him "like Mars" by the side of Thor in the great Upsala temple, and the people are said to sacrifice to him in time of war. A legendary king sacrifices his nine sons to him for long life for himself — a gift which another story shews it to be within Odin's power to bestow, if he receives other lives in exchange. It is generally agreed that he was originally a god of the dead, before he became a god of war, and it is in the guise of a soul-stealing daemon that he seems to appear in folk-lore. For Denmark the tales of heroes under Odin's protection, and the importance of the god in Saxo's stories (where he sometimes appears himself to demand his victim), form a considerable body of evidence. Of the Frisians we are told by Alcuin that the island Walcheren was sacred to a god whom later accounts identify with Mercury. Mercury is the name under which Odin appears in Tacitus and all Continental writers, and shews that the god must there have borne much the same character as is ascribed to him in Scandinavian sources, where he is described as shifty and full of guile, skilled in magic and runes, and the inventor of poetry. To judge from the evidence of place-names, his cult extended as far south as Salzburg. It is also noteworthy that the Scandinavian account of his equipment, armed only with a javelin, corresponds to that of the Germans in the time of Tacitus.

An ancient form of sacrifice to Odin in Scandinavia is the gruesome


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 considered a centrist by the S.-R.'s!) at the Peasants' Convention and at the Executive Committee of the All-Russian Soviet of Peasants' Delegates to "soothe" the peasants and to feed them with promises.

The bourgeois class differs from the petite bourgeoisie in that it acquires from its economic and political experience a knowledge of the conditions for the preservation of "order" (that is, the subjugation of the masses), under the capitalistic regime.

The bourgeois class is composed of business people,—people with large commercial interests, accustomed to approach even political problems from a strictly business standpoint, with distrust of words and with the ability to take the bull by the horns.

The Constituent Assembly in Russia at present would give a large majority to the peasants, who are more left than the Social-Revolutionists. The bourgeoisie knows this. Knowing this, it cannot help but struggle more strenuously against an early convocation of the Constituent Assembly. To conduct an imperialistic war in the spirit of the secret treaties concluded by Nicholas II, to uphold the private control of land or to make compensation for its "confiscation"—to do all this is an impossible or unbelievably difficult task through the Constituent Assembly. The war cannot wait. The class struggle cannot wait. This was visibly demonstrated even during the short period of time from March 12 to May 2.

From the very beginning of the Revolution, two points of view on the Constituent Assembly were discernible. The Social-Revolutionists and Mensheviki, who are saturated through and through with constitutional illusions, viewed the problems with the confidence of the petty bourgeois, unwilling to recognize the class struggle. The Constituent Assembly will convene, and—enough! After that, the devil only knows!

And the Bolsheviki declared: only insofar as the power and authority of the Soviets are strengthened, only to that extent will the convocation and the success of the Constituent Assembly be assured.

The Mensheviki and the Social-Revolutionists place the centre of gravity in the juridicial act: in the proclamations, promises and declarations concerning the Constituent Assembly.

The Bolsheviki place the centre of gravity in the class struggle: if the Soviets are victorious, the Constituent Assembly will be assured; if they are not, it will not be assured.

So it happened. The bourgeois conducted a continuous strug-


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 of Benavente. A previous run of two years in the United States, together with anterior productions in London, Berlin, and Moscow, have no weight with this authority. Well-informed criticism, careful, catholic, and judicious, has always been peculiarly sympathetic, and conducive to the growth of the rarer, more delicate forms of art.

Adolfo Bonilla y San Martín's discussion of Benavente's æsthetics, contributed to the first volume of the Ateneo in 1906, is superior in scholarship, continuing the authoritative tradition established by the late Marcelino Menéndez y Pelayo. Of necessity, however, because of its date, Bonilla's study is confined almost exclusively to the pre-dramatic period. Gregorio Martínez Sierra, an expert judge of the theatre, has written with equally keen perception of personal and dramatic values. His touch is not always sure in the treatment of individual plays. Similarly sensitive and informing, the confessedly random appreciations by the poet Manuel Machado, collected in his Año de teatro, exhibit perhaps a more complete realization of the implications of the new movement, whether psychologic or dramatic, than can be found elsewhere among his countrymen. They afford a welcome antidote to the crass, irremediable realism which forms the staple of every-day Spanish criticism.

Crossing the Pyrenees, the channel and the ocean, but little of importance concerning Benavente has as yet been made accessible in English. In general, English and American writers who are not habitual Spanish scholars, are far too dependent when they travel upon the particular native groups from whom their information is derived, to be in a position to acquire true perspective. Newspapers and literary reviews published in the English language almost without exception reveal themselves as lamentably deficient and ignorant. Articles which assiduous search disinters from the files of magazines may uniformly be set down as perfunctory. John Dos Passos, in a friendly paper devoted to Benavente, included in "Rosinante to the Road Again," slips by the subject entirely, and would have been out of date in large measure at the close of the last century. Forewords to the school and college texts of the plays which have been pre-


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 gle, at times hidden, at times open, but ceaselessly and uncompromisingly, against the convocation of the Constituent Assembly. That struggle was expressed in the desire to postpone its convocation untluntil [sic] the end of the war. That struggle was expressed by a series of postponements of the designated day of convocation of the Constituent Assembly. When finally, more than a month after the formation of the coalition ministry, the date was set for the convocation of the Constituent Assembly, a Moscow bourgeois paper announced that it was done under the pressure of Bolshevik influence.

After the 17th of July, when the subservience and the timidity of the Social-Revolutionists and Mensheviki secured a "victory" for the counter-revolutionists, there slipped into the Retch a brief but highly significant expression: "as soon as possible" let the Constituent Assembly be convened!

But on July 29, there appeared in the Volya Naroda and in the Russkaya Volya, an article stating that the Cadets demand a postponement of the convocation of the Constituent Assembly upon the pretext that it is "impossible" to call it in so "short" a time, and the Menshevik Tseretelli, fawning before the counter-revolutionists, has already agreed, according to that article, to postpone the Assembly until December 2.

There is no doubt that such a statement could have slipped in only against the desires of the bourgeoisie. It could not afford such "revelations." But the cat was out of the bag. The course of the counter-revolutionary bourgeoisie after July 17 is accompanied by an immediate step (and an extremely serious step) against the convocation of the Constituent Assembly.

This is a fact. And this fact exposes all the emptiness of constitutional illusions. Unless there is a new revolution in Russia, unless the people refuse to place their trust in the Social-Revolutionary and Menshevik parties—parties which ally themselves with the bourgeoisie—the Constituent Assembly will either never be called or will result in a "Frankfort Chaterbox," a powerless, worthless assembly of petty bourgeois who are frightened to death by the war and by the prospect of the "boycott of power" by the bourgeois class, and who are helplessly vacilating between their fears.

The question of the Constituent Assembly is subordinate to the question of the cause and outcome of the class war between the bourgeoisie and the proletariat. It will be remembered how


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484 "cutting of the blood-eagle" or removal of the lungs of the victim, of which we hear once or twice, but there seems ground for believing that the usual ritual frequently combined both hanging and stabbing. In fact all those who fell in battle were regarded as sacrifices to Odin. Tacitus tells us that on the eve of the battle between the Chatti and Hermunduri each side dedicated their opponent's army to Mars and to Mercury. By this vow both horses and men, in short everything on the side of the conquered, was given up to destruction. After their victory over the Romans at Arausio (B.C. 105) the Cimbrians hung all their captives and destroyed their spoil. The complete destruction of the legions of Varus, and the total massacre of Britons after an Anglo-Saxon victory, have been suggested as other instances of the same wholesale sacrifice. In some places in Denmark immense masses of heaped up spoil, mostly intentionally damaged, from the fourth century A.D., have been found. These must have been offered as a sacrifice after victory, and have lain undisturbed on the battle-ground owing to a stringent tabu. A dedication of whole armies to Odin is mentioned in later Scandinavian Sagas, where it seems to be connected with the idea that the god needs more warriors in Valhöll.

While Odin and Thor, however inimical to each other they may be, are both regarded as Æsir (gods) in the mythology of the north — in fact Thor is made Odin's son — we are told that Frey and his father Njörd were originally hostages from the "Vanir," a rival race. Certainly their functions in historical times are very different from those of Thor and Odin. Frey, whose name is derived from a word meaning "lord," is only known in Scandinavia. He is a god of fertility, with the usual attributes of such a deity. He is especially honoured by the Swedes, and Adam of Bremen tells us that his statue stood by the side of Thor in the temple of Upsala, that sacrifices are made to him at weddings, and that he grants men peace and pleasure. Tacitus' account of the peaceful, wealth-loving "Suiones" (Swedes) closely corresponds to what we should expect of a nation whose chief god was Frey, and places beyond question the old-established nature of a cult of this kind. In Norway we hear of toasts drunk to Frey and his father Njörd "for prosperity and peace," and a sacrificial feast at the beginning of winter, to secure the same benefits, is associated with Frey in Iceland, where he and Njörd are invoked in legal oaths. A legendary saga relates that Frey, in the company of a priestess who was regarded as his wife, was in the habit of peregrinating the country round Upsala in the autumn, for the purpose of causing plenty. This is the clue which leads us to detect traces of an allied cult on the Continent. The goddess Nerthus, who is worshipped according to Tacitus by seven tribes, apparently in Zeeland (possibly at Naerum, older Niartharum), journeys round her island at certain seasons in a covered vehicle. During this time peace prevails, and her presence is celebrated by festivities. The ritual of lustration described