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298 the former suit is no bar to the latter against the defendant in ejectment, viz. that the mesne profits were not a matter in controversy in the ejectment. If, then, it is competent to maintain the action for mesne profits against any trespasser, although not a defendant in ejectment, it is competent to prove that the defendant is in that predicament. The evidence offered, in this case, was strong to prove the fact, that the defendant was a party to the trespass, supposing the plaintiffs to have established their title and possession. If he was landlord of the premises, and the other parties were in possession under him; if he was in the perception of the rents and profits, if he resisted the plaintiff’s title and possession, and co-operated in the acts of the tenants for this purpose, the evidence was proper for the jury as proof of his being a cotrespasser.

This doctrine is supported by the case of Hunter v. Britts, (3 Campb. N. P. Rep. 455.) which was cited at the bar. There, the judgment was against the casual ejector in the ejectment suit, and the action for the mesne profits was brought against Britts as landlord; and he was proved to be in the receipt of the rents and profits from the time of the demise till the writ of possession was executed. The ejectment was served upon the tenant; there was no evidence that Britts had any notice of this till after judgment; but, subsequently, he promised to pay the rent, and the costs, to the plaintiff. It was objected, that the judgment in ejectment was not, under these circumstances, evidence of


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Rh title against Britts; and Lord Ellenborough held, that it was not, without notice of the ejectment. But he thought that his subsequent promise amounted to an admission that the plaintiff was entitled to the possession of the premises, and that he himself was a trespasser. The language of the learned Judge seems, indeed, to import, that if the landlord had had notice of the ejectment, he would have been concluded by the recovery in the ejectment. It might be so, if the common notice had been formally given to him as tenant in possession, and he had neglected to take upon himself the defence of the suit. If, however, the notice was in pais, and conduced merely to prove his actual knowledge of the suit, without calling upon him to defend it, we are not prepared to admit, that, on general principles, it ought to have such an effect. But the point actually decided was, that a party might be charged, in an action for mesne profits, who was not, in any sense, a party to the ejectment, by establishing the title against him, and showing his connexion as landlord with the tenant in possession, and his adoption of the acts of the latter.

But, it is said, that assuming the law to be so in general, yet, in the present case, the plaintiffs are estopped from setting up the fact that the defendant was the real landlord, because, in the ejectment, one J. C. F. Chirac prayed leave of the Court, “as landlord of the premises, to be made defendant” in the place of the casual ejector, which was, with the consent of the lessee of

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300 the plaintiffs, allowed by the Court. It does not appear to us, that any such estoppel arises from this allegation in the record. The record itself certainly does not constitute a technical estoppel, for it is res inter alios acta. The most that can be said is, that it is proper evidence to prove who the plaintiffs at that time deemed to be landlord, and, therefore, admissible to rebut the presumption that the present defendant was the landlord. But, certainly, the evidence was not conclusive upon either party. It was open to the plaintiffs to show, that, in point of fact, the present defendant was the real landlord, that the admission in the record was founded in mistake of the facts, or that J. C. F. Chirac was a sub-landlord under Reinicker, or his superior landlord. What would have been the effect of such proof is not for this Court to determine. We think, then, that the evidence offered by the plaintiffs was admissible upon general principles; and we see no estoppel which excludes it in this particular case. The directions of the Circuit Court were, on this point, erroneous.

If it had appeared upon the record, that the evidence offered by the plaintiffs was solely to connect the defendant with the ejectment, so that the recovery would be conclusive upon him in the same manner as if he had been a party on the record, and, as such, admitted to defend, and actually defending the suit, the case might have required a very different consideration. We have already intimated an opinion, that notice of an ejectment suit, or defence of the suit, by a


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Rh person not tenant in possession, or defendant on record, does not make him a party to the suit in contemplation of law, so as to conclude his rights.

In considering the fourth and fifth exceptions, it is necessary to advert to the fact, that the plaintiffs in this action originally were Anthony Taurin Chirac, Mathew Chapus and Anna Maria his wife, Mathew Thevenon and Maria his wife, and Maria Bonfils, the same persons having been plaintiffs in the ejectment. During the pendency of the suit the plaintiffs obtained leave to amend their declaration, and did amend it, by introducing the name of John B. E. Bitarde Desportes, as husband of the said Maria, called, at the commencement of this suit, Maria Bonfils. To this amendment no objection was taken, and the defendant pleaded to the declaration, so amended, the general issue. The evidence of title of John B. Chirac, deceased, being introduced, and, also, evidence to prove that Anthony T. Chirac and the female plaintiffs were heirs at law of John B. Chirac, the defendant then prayed the Court to direct the jury, “that they ought to find a verdict for the defendant, unless they are satisfied that all the plaintiffs are the proper heirs at law of the aforesaid John B. Chirac,” which direction the Court accordingly gave. The probable intention of the defendant was to pray an instruction to the jury, that unless all those of the plaintiffs who claimed to be heirs of John B. Chirac, should establish their title, the suit could not be maintained. In this view, the opinion of


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302 the Court would be correct, for it is a general rule that no recovery can be had unless all the plaintiffs are competent to maintain the suit. If, therefore, the title fails as to one, it is not maintainable in favour of the others. The proof does not, under such circumstances, meet the case set up in the declaration. But, framed as this exception actually is, the direction given by the Court is, in its terms, erroneous. It was not necessary to prove that all the plaintiffs are the proper heirs at law of J. B. Chirac. The action was maintainable if the husbands were not the proper heirs of J. B. Chirac; for, in right of their wives, they were proper parties to the suit. The fourth exception is, therefore, well taken.

The fifth exception is founded on the supposed variance between the writ and declaration, by the amendment, introducing the husband of Maria Bonfils upon the record. The Court held this variance fatal under the general issue. It is observable, that this amendment was made under an order of the Court, and was not objected to, on the record, by the defendant; and that the general issue was subsequently pleaded. It has been decided, in this Court, that the allowance or disallowance of amendments is not matter, for which a writ of error lies here. Variances between the writ and declaration, are, in general, matters proper for pleas in abatement; and if, in any case, a variance between the writ and declaration can be taken advantage of by the defendant in the Court below, it seems to be an established rule, that it cannot be done except


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Rh upon oyer of the original writ, granted in some proper stage of the cause. The existence of such variance forms no matter of controversy upon the general issue, by which the jury are to be governed in forming their verdict. In the present case, as no objection was taken to the amendment upon the record, it must be deemed to have been waived by the defendant, and therefore, not proper to be insisted upon at the trial. It does not appear, on the record, whether Maria Bonfils was married before or pending the suit; and the fact might have a material bearing upon the propriety of granting the amendment, since, at all events, if pending the suit, it would not of itself abate the suit; and the objection could only be made available by a plea in abatement.

Upon the whole, it is the opinion of the Court, that there is error in the directions of the Circuit Court in the four last exceptions, and contained in the record, and for this cause the judgment must be reversed, and a venire facias de novo awarded.


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72Rh The economic life of China, except in the Treaty Ports and in a few regions where there are mines, is still wholly pre-industrial. Peking has nearly a million inhabitants, and covers an enormous area, owing to the fact that all the houses have only a ground floor and are built round a courtyard. Yet it has no trams or buses or local trains. So far as I could see, there are not more than two or three factory chimneys in the whole town. Apart from begging, trading, thieving and Government employment, people live by handicrafts. The products are exquisite and the work less monotonous than machine-minding, but the hours are long and the pay infinitesimal.

Seventy or eighty per cent. of the population of China are engaged in agriculture. Rice and tea are the chief products of the south, while wheat and other kinds of grain form the staple crops in the north. The rainfall is very great in the south, but in the north it is only just sufficient to prevent the land from being a desert. When I arrived in China, in the autumn of 1920, a large area in the north, owing to drought, was afflicted with a terrible famine, nearly as bad, probably, as the famine in Russia in 1921. As the Bolsheviks were not concerned, foreigners had no hesitation in trying to bring relief. As for the Chinese, they regarded it passively as a stroke of fate, and even those who died of it shared this view.

Most of the land is in the hands of peasant proprietors, who divide their holdings among their sons, so that each man's share becomes barely sufficient to support himself and his family. Conse-


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73Rh quently, when the rainfall is less than usual, immense numbers perish of starvation. It would of course be possible, for a time, to prevent famines by more scientific methods of agriculture, and to prevent droughts and floods by afforestation. More railways and better roads would give a vastly improved market, and might greatly enrich the peasants for a generation. But in the long run, if the birth-rate is as great as is usually supposed, no permanent cure for their poverty is possible while their families continue to be so large. In China, Malthus's theory of population, according to many writers, finds full scope. If so, the good done by any improvement of methods will lead to the survival of more children, involving a greater subdivision of the land, and in the end, a return to the same degree of poverty. Only education and a higher standard of life can remove the fundamental cause of these evils. And popular education, on a large scale, is of course impossible until there is a better Government and an adequate revenue. Apart even from these difficulties, there does not exist, as yet, a sufficient supply of competent Chinese teachers for a system of universal elementary education.

Apart from war, the impact of European civilization upon the traditional life of China takes two


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74Rh forms, one commercial, the other intellectual. Both depend upon the prestige of armaments; the Chinese would never have opened either their ports to our trade or their minds to our ideas if we had not defeated them in war. But the military beginning of our intercourse with the Middle Kingdom has now receded into the background; one is not conscious, in any class, of a strong hostility to foreigners as such. It would not be difficult to make out a case for the view that intercourse with the white races is proving a misfortune to China, but apparently this view is not taken by anyone in China except where unreasoning conservative prejudice outweighs all other considerations. The Chinese have a very strong instinct for trade, and a considerable intellectual curiosity, to both of which we appeal. Only a bare minimum of common decency is required to secure their friendship, whether privately or politically. And I think their thought is as capable of enriching our culture as their commerce of enriching our pockets.

In the Treaty Ports, Europeans and Americans live in their own quarters, with streets well paved and lighted, houses in European style, and shops full of American and English goods. There is generally also a Chinese part of the town, with narrow streets, gaily decorated shops, and the rich mixture of smells characteristic of China. Often one passes through a gate, suddenly, from one to the other; after the cheerful disordered beauty of the old town, Europe's ugly cleanliness and Sunday-go-to-meeting decency make a strange complex impression, half-love and half-hate. In the European town one finds safety, spaciousness and hygiene; in the Chinese town, romance, overcrowding and


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75Rh disease. In spite of my affection for China, these transitions always made me realize that I am a European; for me, the Chinese manner of life would not mean happiness. But after making all necessary deductions for the poverty and the disease, I am inclined to think that Chinese life brings more happiness to the Chinese than English life does to us. At any rate this seemed to me to be true for the men; for the women I do not think it would be true.

Shanghai and Tientsin are white men's cities; the first sight of Shanghai makes one wonder what is the use of travelling, because there is so little change from what one is used to. Treaty Ports, each of which is a centre of European influence, exist practically all over China, not only on the sea coast. Hankow, a very important Treaty Port, is almost exactly in the centre of China. North and South China are divided by the Yangtze; East and West China are divided by the route from Peking to Canton. These two dividing lines meet at Hankow, which has long been an important strategical point in Chinese history. From Peking to Hankow there is a railway, formerly Franco-Belgian, now owned by the Chinese Government. From Wuchang, opposite Hankow on the southern bank of the river, there is to be a railway to Canton, but at present it only runs half-way, to Changsha, also a Treaty Port. The completion of the railway, together with improved docks, will greatly increase the importance of Canton and diminish that of Hong-Kong.

In the Treaty Ports commerce is the principal business; but in the lower Yangtze and in certain mining districts there are beginnings of industrialism.


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76Rh China produces large amounts of raw cotton, which are mostly manipulated by primitive methods; but there are a certain number of cotton-mills on modern lines. If low wages meant cheap labour for the employer, there would be little hope for Lancashire, because in Southern China the cotton is grown on the spot, the climate is damp, and there is an inexhaustible supply of industrious coolies ready to work very long hours for wages upon which an English working-man would find it literally impossible to keep body and soul together. Nevertheless, it is not the underpaid Chinese coolie whom Lancashire has to fear, and China will not become a formidable competitor until improvement in methods and education enables the Chinese workers to earn good wages. Meanwhile, in China, as in every other country, the beginnings of industry are sordid and cruel. The intellectuals wish to be told of some less horrible method by which their country may be industrialized, but so far none is in sight.

The intelligentsia in China has a very peculiar position, unlike that which it has in any other country. Hereditary aristocracy has been practically extinct in China for about 2,000 years, and for many centuries the country has been governed by the successful candidates in competitive examinations. This has given to the educated the kind of prestige elsewhere belonging to a governing aristocracy. Although the old traditional education is fast dying out, and higher education now teaches modern subjects, the prestige of education has survived, and public opinion is still ready to be influenced by those who have intellectual qualifications. The Tuchuns, many of whom, including


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77Rh Chang-tso-lin, have begun by being brigands, are, of course, mostly too stupid and ignorant to share this attitude, but that in itself makes their régime weak and unstable. The influence of Young China—i.e. of those who have been educated either abroad or in modern colleges at home—is far greater than it would be in a country with less respect for learning. This is, perhaps, the most hopeful feature in the situation, because the number of modern students is rapidly increasing, and their outlook and aims are admirable. In another ten years or so they will probably be strong enough to regenerate China—if only the Powers will allow ten years to elapse without taking any drastic action.

It is important to try to understand the outlook and potentialities of Young China. Most of my time was spent among those Chinese who had had a modern education, and I should like to give some idea of their mentality. It seemed to me that one could already distinguish two generations: the older men, who had fought their way with great difficulty and almost in solitude out of the traditional Confucian prejudices; and the younger men, who had found modern schools and colleges waiting for them, containing a whole world of modern-minded people ready to give sympathy and encouragement in the inevitable fight against the family. The older men—men varying in age from 30 to 50—have gone through an inward and outward struggle resembling that of the rationalists of


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78Rh Darwin's and Mill's generation. They have had, painfully and with infinite difficulty, to free their minds from the beliefs instilled in youth, and to turn their thoughts to a new science and a new ethic. Imagine (say) Plotinus recalled from the shades and miraculously compelled to respect Mr. Henry Ford; this will give you some idea of the centuries across which these men have had to travel in becoming European. Some of them are a little weary with the effort, their forces somewhat spent and their originality no longer creative. But this can astonish no one who realizes the internal revolution they have achieved in their own minds.

It must not be supposed that an able Chinaman, when he masters our culture, becomes purely imitative. This may happen among the second-rate Chinese, especially when they turn Christians, but it does not happen among the best. They remain Chinese, critical of European civilization even when they have assimilated it. They retain a certain crystal candour and a touching belief in the efficacy of moral forces; the industrial revolution has not yet affected their mental processes. When they become persuaded of the importance of some opinion, they try to spread it by setting forth the reasons in its favour; they do not hire the front pages of newspapers for advertising, or put up on hoardings along the railways "So-and-so's opinion is the best." In all this they differ greatly from more advanced nations, and particularly from America; it never occurs to them to treat opinions as if they were soaps. And they have no admiration for ruthlessness, or love of bustling activity without regard to its purpose. Having thrown over the prejudices in which they were brought up, they


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79Rh have not taken on a new set, but have remained genuinely free in their thoughts, able to consider any proposition honestly on its merits.

The younger men, however, have something more than the first generation of modern intellectuals. Having had less of a struggle, they have retained more energy and self-confidence. The candour and honesty of the pioneers survive, with more determination to be socially effective. This may be merely the natural character of youth, but I think it is more than that. Young men under thirty have often come in contact with Western ideas at a sufficiently early age to have assimilated them without a great struggle, so that they can acquire knowledge without being torn by spiritual conflicts. And they have been able to learn Western knowledge from Chinese teachers to begin with, which has made the process less difficult. Even the youngest students, of course, still have reactionary families, but they find less difficulty than their predecessors in resisting the claims of the family, and in realizing practically, not only theoretically, that the traditional Chinese reverence for the old may well be carried too far. In these young men I see the hope of China. When a little experience has taught them practical wisdom, I believe they will be able to lead Chinese opinion in the directions in which it ought to move.

There is one traditional Chinese belief which dies very hard, and that is the belief that correct ethical sentiments are more important then detailed scientific knowledge. This view is, of course, derived from the Confucian tradition, and is more or less true in a pre-industrial society. It would have been upheld by Rousseau or Dr. Johnson, and


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80Rh broadly speaking by everybody before the Benthamites. We, in the West, have now swung to the opposite extreme: we tend to think that technical efficiency is everything and moral purpose nothing. A battleship may be taken as the concrete embodiment of this view. When we read, say, of some new poison-gas by means of which one bomb from an aeroplane can exterminate a whole town, we have a thrill of what we fondly believe to be horror, but it is really delight in scientific skill. Science is our god; we say to it, "Though thou slay me, yet will I trust in thee." And so it slays us. The Chinese have not this defect, but they have the opposite one, of believing that good intentions are the only thing really necessary. I will give an illustration. Forsythe Sherfesee, Forestry Adviser to the Chinese Government, gave an address at the British Legation in January 1919 on "Some National Aspects of Forestry in China." In this address he proves (so far as a person ignorant of forestry can judge) that large parts of China which now lie waste are suitable for forestry, that the importation of timber (e.g. for railway sleepers) which now takes place is wholly unnecessary, and that the floods which often sweep away whole districts would be largely prevented if the slopes of the mountains from which the rivers come were reafforested. Yet it is often difficult to interest even the most reforming Chinese in afforestation, because it is not an easy subject for ethical enthusiasm. Trees are planted round graves, because Confucius said they should be; if Confucianism dies out, even these will be cut down. But public-spirited Chinese students learn political theory as it is taught


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81Rh in our universities, and despise such humble questions as the utility of trees. After learning all about (say) the proper relations of the two Houses of Parliament, they go home to find that some Tuchun has dismissed both Houses, and is governing in a fashion not considered in our text-books. Our theories of politics are only true in the West (if there); our theories of forestry are equally true everywhere. Yet it is our theories of politics that Chinese students are most eager to learn. Similarly the practical study of industrial processes might be very useful, but the Chinese prefer the study of our theoretical economics, which is hardly applicable except where industry is already developed. In all these respects, however, there is beginning to be a marked improvement.

It is science that makes the difference between our intellectual outlook and that of the Chinese intelligentsia. The Chinese, even the most modern, look to the white nations, especially America, for moral maxims to replace those of Confucius. They have not yet grasped that men's morals in the mass are the same everywhere: they do as much harm as they dare, and as much good as they must. In so far as there is a difference of morals between us and the Chinese, we differ for the worse, because we are more energetic, and can therefore commit more crimes per diem. What we have to teach the Chinese is not morals, or ethical maxims about government, but science and technical skill. The real problem for the Chinese intellectuals is to acquire Western knowledge without acquiring the mechanistic outlook.

Perhaps it is not clear what I mean by "the mechanistic outlook." I mean something which


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82Rh exists equally in Imperialism, Bolshevism and the Y.M.C.A.; something which distinguishes all these from the Chinese outlook, and which I, for my part, consider very evil. What I mean is the habit of regarding mankind as raw material, to be moulded by our scientific manipulation into whatever form may happen to suit our fancy. The essence of the matter, from the point of view of the individual who has this point of view, is the cultivation of will at the expense of perception, the fervent moral belief that it is our duty to force other people to realize our conception of the world. The Chinese intellectual is not much troubled by Imperialism as a creed, but is vigorously assailed by Bolshevism and the Y.M.C.A., to one or other of which he is too apt to fall a victim, learning a belief from the one in the class-war and the dictatorship of the communists, from the other in the mystic efficacy of cold baths and dumb-bells. Both these creeds, in their Western adepts, involve a contempt for the rest of mankind except as potential converts, and the belief that progress consists in the spread of a doctrine. They both involve a belief in government and a life against Nature. This view, though I have called it mechanistic, is as old as religion, though mechanism has given it new and more virulent forms. The first of Chinese philosophers, Lao-Tze, wrote his book to protest against it, and his disciple Chuang-Tze put his criticism into a fable :—

Horses have hoofs to carry them over frost and snow; hair, to protect them from wind and cold. They eat grass and drink water, and fling up their heels over the champaign.


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83Rh Such is the real nature of horses. Palatial dwellings are of no use to them.

One day Po Lo appeared, saying: "I understand the management of horses."

So he branded them, and clipped them, and pared their hoofs, and put halters on them, tying them up by the head and shackling them by the feet, and disposing them in stables, with the result that two or three in every ten died. Then he kept them hungry and thirsty, trotting them and galloping them, and grooming, and trimming, with the misery of the tasselled bridle before and the fear of the knotted whip behind, until more than half of them were dead.

The potter says: "I can do what I will with clay. If I want it round, I use compasses; if rectangular, a square."

The carpenter says: "I can do what I will with wood. If I want it curved, I use an arc; if straight, a line."

But on what grounds can we think that the natures of clay and wood desire this application of compasses and square, of arc and line? Nevertheless, every age extols Po Lo for his skill in managing horses, and potters and carpenters for their skill with clay and wood. Those who govern the Empire make the same mistake.

Although Taoism, of which Lao-Tze was the founder and Chuang-Tze the chief apostle, was displaced by Confucianism, yet the spirit of this fable has penetrated deeply into Chinese life, making it more urbane and tolerant, more contemplative and observant, than the fiercer life of the West. The Chinese watch foreigners as we watch animals in the Zoo, to see whether they "drink water and fling up their heels over the champaign," and generally to derive amusement from their curious habits. Unlike the Y.M.C.A., they have no wish to alter the habits of the foreigners, any more than we wish to put the monkeys at the Zoo into trousers and stiff shirts. And their attitude towards each other is, as a rule, equally tolerant. When they became a Republic, instead of cutting off the Emperor's


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Rh although best-known—are not representative of the network’s wider spectrum of operations globally. Relative to other countries, the purpose, scale and nature of Wagner’s involvement in Ukraine are unique.

6. Given the scope of our inquiry, this report focuses primarily (but not exclusively) on the network’s military activities and the actions of ‘Wagner fighters’. The network’s military deployments raise questions over how hostile and competitor states may use commercial entities for offensive and deniable military operations in future and the implications for UK interests, the conduct of war and the rules-based international order (paragraphs 76–91)

7. The Wagner Network was set up in 2014 by individuals close to the Russian military establishment, with the reported involvement of former GRU leader Dmitry Utkin. In September 2022, after many years’ obfuscation, including efforts to sue individuals linking him to the organisation, Yevgeny Prigozhin admitted that he founded Wagner. The network’s fighters began their first known military activities in late 2014 in Ukraine, after Russia invaded the east of the country. At this point, the idea of a “more structured” and “proxy actor” for the Russian state was attractive, due to its limited responsibilities (relative to the Russian army) and its “deniability in case of failure or of excesses”. The Dossier Center, an investigative NGO, has said of Wagner fighters that:


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16 þe þu nu sindon opene hi sindon git mid manegū oðrū behelede. Nu þu wast hwelce þeawas þa woruldsælða habbað ⁊ hu hi hwearfiað. Gif þu þōn heora þegen beon wilt ⁊ þe heora þeawas liciað, to hwon myrnst þu swa swiðe? Hwi ne hwearfost þu] eac m[id him? Gif þu þonne heora] untrio[wa onscunige, oferhoga hi] þonne [⁊ adrif hi frā þe]; hi spanað [þe to þinre unðearefe. Ða] ilcan þe þe [gedydon nu þas gnornunga] forðæm þe þu hi [hæfdest, þa ilcan þe] wæren on stilness[e gif þu hi na ne] underfenge. Ða ilcan þe þe [gedydon nu þas gnornunga] forðæm þe þu hi [hæfdest þa ilcan þe] wæren on stilness[e gif þu hi na ne] underfenge. Ða [ilcan þe habbað nu heo]ra agnes ðonces [forlæten, nales ðines], ða ðe næfre nan[ne mon buton sor]ge ne forlæteð. [Þync]að þe nu swiðe diore ⁊ swiðe le[o]fe ða ðing ða ðe nawðer ne sint ne getrewe to habbanne, ne eac ieðe to forlætanne? ac ðonne hi hwæm frō hweorfende bioð he hi sceal mid ðæm mæstan sare his modes forlætan? Nu ðu hi ðonne æfter þinum willan þe getrewe habban ne meaht, ⁊ hy þe willað [on murcunga gebringan þōn hie þe fram hweorfað, to hwæm cumað hi þōn elles butan to tacnunge sorges ⁊ anfealdes sares? Ne sindon þa woruldsælþa ana ymb to þencenne þe mon þōn hæfð, ac ælc gleaw mod behealt hwelcne ende hi habbað, ⁊ hit gewarenað ægðer ge wið heora þreaunga ge wið olecunga. Ac gif] þu wil[t beon heora þegn] þon[ne scealt þu georne geðolian ge]hwæt [þæs þe to heora þenungū] ⁊ to hiora [þeawū ⁊ to heora willan' belipet. Gif [þu þōn wilnast ꝥ] hi for þinū ðin[gū oþre ðeawas] nimen oðer hiora [willa ⁊ heora gewun]a is, hu ne un[weorþast þu þōn] ðe selfne, ꝥ ðu [winsð wið þā hlaf]ordscipe þe ðu [self gecure, ⁊ swa[ðeah ne meaht hiora [si]du ⁊ hio[ra] gecynd onwendan. Hwæt, þu [wast] gif þu þines scipes segl ongean þone wind tobrædest, ꝥ þu þonne lætæst eall eower færeld to ðæs windes dome. Swa eac gif þu þe selfne to anwalde þæm woruldsælðum gesealdest hit is riht þæt þu eac hiora þeawū fulgonge. Wenst þu *ꝥ ðu ꝥ [hwerfende] hweol þonne [hit on] ryne [wyrð mæge]


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User:DonkadaShanmuk

i am working from hyderabad

title: User:DonkadaShanmuk


text: Index:United Nations Security Council Meeting 2.pdf


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I'm confused
"Defaults to a hyphen, for cases where an unhyphenated word is split across pages." - is that right ? Or should it be "a hyphenated word" ? -- Beardo (talk) 12:15, 4 November 2023 (UTC)

 * Good point, does look like it should be "a hyphenated word" instead. -- Yodin T 12:26, 4 November 2023 (UTC)

title: Template talk:Page end hyphen/doc


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Page:Journal of the Straits Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society (IA journalofstra75771917roya).pdf/354

 CONTENTS.


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 The Flags of the Malay Peninsula.

In response to a request made some little time ago, the Council of the Society has decided to publish here seven plates illustrative of the flags generally recognised in the Malay Peninsula. The drawings from which the plates have been prepared were in most cases procured through members of the Society, who are at the same time Officers of the State serving in different parts of the Peninsula. For the ready way in which they gave their help, the Society's best thanks are due.

The ensign of the Straits Settlements is constructed as those of all British Colonies from the Blue Ensign, by the addition of the Colonial emblem in the fly. The same Colonial emblem wreathed in oak leaves in the centre of the Union Jack makes the Governor's flag. The device of the emblem is three crowns embayed on white in a lozenge the ground of which is red, the crowns representing the three Settlements.

The Chief Secretary of the Federated Malay States has a Jack corresponding to the Governor's in which a kris is the emblem.

Very recently all the Malay States used flags as emblems which were of one colour; but as it became known in them that the self-coloured flags at sea and elsewhere had special significances for the purpose of signalling, the desirability of using something more distinctive was realised and a change has been made in every State except Tringganu. Tringganu still retains its plain white flag.

Pahang, its neighbour, used a plain black flag, until, as symbolical of the Union of the ruler with his people, white was associated with the black—first a narrow white band along the inner edge then an upper white half. This final design was fixed by the State Council on the 28th of December, 1903. As far as can be ascertained the flag of Kelantan was plain white up to the time when the State came under British Protection. Being white, it would not be distinctive as regards Tringganu. After the State had come under protection, a figure of a tiger was added in mid-flag coloured in the case of the State flag a very dark blue, and in His Highness the Sultan's own flag yellow, the ground remaining white as before. Similarly the Perak flags used to be self-coloured, but now the three colours, formerly employed, are combined into the one flag. In Kedah up to six years ago self-coloured flags were used. The Sultan used a plain yellow one, the Malay emblem of Royalty, the State flag was a plain red one and the late Raja Muda's a plain black. When the Sultan and his suite went to Europe for the corronationcoronation [sic] of their Majesties King George V. and Queen Mary, the


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 Annual weeds, with basifixed hairs. Stems slender, densely cæspitose, trailing, ¼ft., densely clothed upwards, with ascending white hairs. Leaves distinctly petioled, 1-2½in. long; leaflets mostly close, densely clothed, with long white hairs on both sides. 13-15, oblong-lanceolate, acute. Stipules minute. Heads dense, sessile, 6-10-flowered. Calyx tubular ⅛-1/6in., densely matted; teeth setaceous, shorter than the tube. Corolla pale yellow, little exserted. Pods ⅜in. long, turgid, linear oblong, densely pubescent, the cluster often spreading from the stem,- like the spokes of a wheel from the axis. Stigma glabrous; seed 10-12.

Use:—The seeds are used medicinally, on account of their demulcent properties.

Vern.:—Taj-badshahi, katila, pûrtûk, parang (H.); Akhil-ul-malik (Pb.).

Habitat:—Plains of the Punjab at Lahore and Peshawar. Annual weeds, with basifixed hairs. Stem hairy, robust, 1-2ft. Leaves distinctly petioled, ¼-½ft. long; leaflets distinctly stalked, pale green ½-¾in. long, 13-25, oblong, emarginate, glabrescent above or thinly matted with silvery hairs on both sides. Heads 6-20-flowered; peduncles much shorter than the leaves, dense. Flowers small, yellow. Calyx 1/6in., matted with mixed black and white hairs, teeth subulate, as long as tube. Corolla half as long again as the Calyx. Pod ½-1in. long, cylindrical quite glabrous, much recurved, nearly bilocular, 16-18-seeded. Stigmas glabrous.

Use:—It has emollient and demulcent properties, and is useful in the irritation of the mucous membranes. The pods are officinal.

Is laxative and used in nervous affections; made into a paste with vinegar it is employed externally in headaches. Is said to be lactagogue and to be used in catarrhal affections (Dr. Emerson.)

Vern.:—Kandiára, kátarkanda, pisar, sarmul, kandei (Pb.) Tinain, diddani (Afg.).


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Page:Journal of the Straits Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society (IA journalofstra75771917roya).pdf/54

 Malays were chagrined to find that none of their old flags could be flown as they were the nautical symbols for quarantine, gunpowder and piracy, and then the device called by the Malays the "Kedah Crown" as superimposed on the old grounds of the Sultan's, and the State's flags; and the President of the State Council was given a green flag instead of the old black one.

The crescent of Muhamedanism appears in the Kedah flag; and the crescent and star in those of Selangor and Johore. The Selangor State flag is yellow and red in quarters with a yellow crescent and star in canton. It was devised in the reign of Sultan Abdul Samad: and the yellow and red quarterings are symbolic of flesh and blood; for, as the body is of flesh and blood so is the State a combination of necessary parts.

The Johore flag is white with the crescent and star red in canton on blue.

The Negri Sembilan flag is yellow with red and black diagonal in canton: red for the Government, yellow for the Raja, and black for the Undang or States' rulers. "Negri Sembilan" means "Nine States."

The device of the Kelantan flag reads:—

كراجأن كلنتن

Nasrom minallah-hi wafat-hung karibun wabasshirel mo'minin.


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Page:United Nations Security Council Meeting 2.pdf/1

12 Held at Church House, Westminster, London, on Friday, 25 January 1946, at 3 p.m.

President: Mr. N. J. O. Makin (Australia).

Present: The representatives of the following countries: Australia, Brazil, China, Egypt, France, Mexico, Netherlands, Poland, Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, United Kingdom, United States of America.

8. Adoption of directive to the Military Staff Committee to meet at a given place and date

 * We will proceed with the consideration of item 8 of the agenda. Has any member of the Council a resolution to propose regarding item 8, the directive to the Military Staff Committee? Then I take it there is no objection to the adoption of item 8 of the agenda.

(United States of America): I move the adoption of the draft directive calling on the Military Staff Committee to meet in London prior to 1 February.

 * You have heard the recommendation made by the representative of the United States of America. Are there any observations that any member would wish to make?

(United Kingdom): I second the resolution.

 * I take it that the resolution is acceptable to the Council?

(Union of Soviet Socialist Republics) (translated from Russian): I wish to inform the Security Council that the Soviet Government has appointed the following three persons as its representatives on the Military Staff Committee: Lieutenant-General Vasilev, Vice-Admiral Bogdenko, and Major-General of Aviation Sharapov.

According to my information, they should arrive in London by about 1 February. I would therefore ask for the first meeting to be called immediately after the 1st, on 2 or 3 February, if they do not arrive in London before 1 February. If on the other hand they arrive by the 1st, there would be no objection on our part to a meeting on that date.

 * Has any other member of the Council any observations to make in regard to the item that is the subject of consideration? You have heard the submission by the representative of the United States of America. Does the Council agree now to vote upon the matter?

(United Kingdom): I should like to ask whether it is not possible to get them here


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13 by 1 February; or, if they have got to consider organizational problems arising under this part of the Charter, I wonder whether they would be able to do it and report before the conference finishes. I should hope that the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics would get its representatives here by 1 February.

 * I would point out to the representative of the United Kingdom that there is no conference actually; this Council is in permanent session.

(China): The Chinese Government has appointed General Shang Chen, Chief of Staff to the Generalissimo, as its representative on the Military Staff Committee. He will be accompanied by military, naval and air advisers. They left on 23 January, and there is every reason to expect that they will arrive before 1 February.

As regards the date, therefore, we are quite ready to accept 1 February; but, in view of the possibility that the USSR representatives may arrive just on that day, I wondered whether or not we could amend the proposal of the United States representative by making it “not later than 2 February”. That, perhaps, would meet the possibility that the Soviet representatives may arrive too late for a meeting on 1 February, a possibility which, of course, may not materialize. We should then be able to meet on 1 February if they had arrived, and, if not, on 2 February.

(France) (translated from French): The French delegation willingly accepts the suggested date of 1 February. We shall submit the names of our military experts later.

(United States of America): If it so happens that the military representatives of the USSR do not arrive by 1 February, of course they may ask for an adjournment of a day, but I think it would be best that we agree that our target date be 1 February.

(Union of Soviet Socialist Republics) (translated from Russian): Subject to a postponement of a day or two if our representatives do not arrive in time, I agree that the meeting be called for 1 February. For my part I will today take all possible measures to ensure their arrival here by 1 February, but weather conditions between Moscow and London are sometimes unfavourable.

(United Kingdom): I think I can assure the representative of the USSR that the British Government will do its best to dispel the fog before 1 February.

(Union of Soviet Socialist Republics) (translated from Russian): And I hope that the British Government will make the


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14 greatest effort, because, as is widely known, London has more fogs.

(United Kingdom): Political and otherwise.

 * I take it that the proposal of the representative of the United States of America is, therefore, adopted.

The directive to the Military Staff Committee to meet in London before February was adopted.

9. Discussion of the composition and organization of the staff to be assigned to the Security Council under the Charter, Article 101, paragraphs 1 and 2.

 * Until such time as the appointment of the Secretary-General has been dealt with, it might be desirable to defer consideration of item 9 of the agenda. If there are no objections I shall, therefore, defer consideration of item 9 until a later time.

Consideration of item 9 was deferred.

10. Discussion of the best means of arriving at the conclusion of the special agreements referred to in the Charter, Article 43.

 * Item 10 is one that concerns the Military Staff Committee. I would ask members of the Council whether they may not feel it desirable that we should deal with item 10 as we have done with item 9, that is, defer it until a later time when the Military Staff Committee may possibly have met.

(United Kingdom): Would not the Military Staff Committee need some guidance from the Council?

(United States of America): I feel that it is extremely premature for the Council to deal with this matter before the Military Staff Committee is organized. I think it should organize itself, and the various delegations will obviously want to have conferences with their own military representatives. Perhaps at a later meeting of the Council we shall wish to discuss the matter here; certainly on policy questions, but I do not think there is anything to be gained by discussion of this subject at today's meeting.

 * Does any other member of the Council wish to speak? Take it, then, that item 10 is deferred until a later time when it may be the subject of further consideration by the Council.

Consideration of item 10 was deferred.


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84Rh head, as other nations do, they left him his title, his palace, and four million dollars a year (about £600,000), and he remains to this moment with his officials, his eunuchs and his etiquette, but without one shred of power or influence. In talking with a Chinese, you feel that he is trying to understand you, not to alter you or interfere with you. The result of his attempt may be a caricature or a panegyric, but in either case it will be full of delicate perception and subtle humour. A friend in Peking showed me a number of pictures, among which I specially remember various birds: a hawk swooping on a sparrow, an eagle clasping a big bough of a tree in his claws, water-fowl standing on one leg disconsolate in the snow. All these pictures showed that kind of sympathetic understanding which one feels also in their dealings with human beings—something which I can perhaps best describe as the antithesis of Nietzsche. This quality, unfortunately, is useless in warfare, and foreign nations are doing their best to stamp it out. But it is an infinitely valuable quality, of which our Western world has far too little. Together with their exquisite sense of beauty, it makes the Chinese nation quite extraordinarily lovable. The injury that we are doing to China is wanton and cruel, the destruction of something delicate and lovely for the sake of the gross pleasures of barbarous millionaires. One of the poems translated from the Chinese by Mr. Waley is called Business Men, and it expresses, perhaps more accurately than I could do, the respects in which the Chinese are our superiors:— Business men boast of their skill and cunning But in philosophy they are like little children.


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Page:The Czechoslovak Review, vol3, 1919.djvu/88

The Czechoslovak women were among the first of the foreign racial groups to organize for war service. There was every reason why they ought not delay. Theirs was a double responsibility. They welcomed the opportunity to show their loyalty and gratitude to the country of their adoption, in the defense of which they were ready to stand—to the last woman—if necessary. And again their hearts yearned to help their mother country, Czechoslovakia, which was engaged in a death struggle for liberty, with its inveterate oppressors, the Germans and the Magyars.

As active members of the Bohemian (Czech) National Alliance and the Slovak League, they had gained experience which prepared them, in a measure, or the tremendous task that now confronted them. Everywhere they began this task by offering their services to the American Red Cross, Liberty Loan Committees and other patriotic agencies. They participated in all the recognized National War Activities and Drives. They continued in this work throughout the duration of the war, and time will show that the Czechoslovak women of this country bore, creditably, a generous share of the war’s burden that fell to the American womanhood.

When the good news came that by the decree of the President of France the formation of an independent Czechoslovak Army was authorized, the Czechoslovak women saw that their chance to help their mother country—by backing up, morally and materially, the men who were fighting for her freedom. This acted as an impetus to organize themselves throughout the country into groups for the special purpose of doing relief work for Czechoslovak volunteers and their dependents. These groups assumed such names as “Priadky” (Spinners), “Včelky” (Bees), etc. They realized that while for America they could work through the existing national organizations, the Czechoslovak relief work they could do more efficiently through organizations of their own. They patterned their activities after the American relief committees. They made the usual type of comfort articles given to men in service, collected books, newspapers and magazines, and solicited money for the purchase of tobacco and chocolate.

In order to unify and coordinate the activities of these local and disconnected relief groups, a National Czechoslovak Relief Committee, with offices in New York, was established at a Conference of the Slovak League and the Bohemian (Czech) National Alliance, held early in February of 1918. This Committee was to be one of the Departments of the Czechoslovak National Council in America (now the American Czechoslovak Board), formed at the same Conference.

To me came the honor and the responsibility of the Chairmanship of the National Relief Committee, representing the Czech women of the United States. Miss Ethel Cablk was elected Secretary, and represented the Slovak women.

We went to work without delay, and a modest little office was opened at 316 East 72nd Street. There was, however, nothing modest about our visions as to what our organization would eventually become. We took the American Red Cross as our model for the plan of organization, and the map of the United States as our field of activity. Our first task was to get in touch with the above mentioned local relief groups and to form them into a nucleus of the larger organization as it exists today. This involved a considerable amount of correspondence, and to simplify matters it was decided to divide our field; accordingly ten Division Offices were established in the following Cities New York, Chicago, Cleveland, Pittsburg, Bridgeport, Omaha, St. Louis, Houston, Baltimore and San Francisco.

The work of these Division Offices was, first, to get into closer touch with the Czechoslovak women in their respective territories and to organize them into local relief committees where it had not already been done; second, to distribute and direct the work of these committees; third, to receive the material made and collected, and to pack it in cases ready for shipment abroad, all these cases being consigned to the National Headquarters in New York, where final arrangements for shipping were made.


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15 '''11. Reception and consideration of reports and recommendations (if any) from the General Assembly'''

 * With regard to item 11, there are no reports to be considered at this stage.

12. Consideration of the submission of a special report (if any) to the General Assembly (Charter, Article 24, paragraph 3)

 * With regard to item 12 of the agenda, there is nothing for the moment that we have to submit to the General Assembly in any special report.

13. Election of the members of the international Court of Justice (Statute, Articles 4, 7 to 12, 14)

 * With regard to item 13 of the agenda, the Council may desire to leave this item until a later stage of our meetings. Are there any observations that anybody wishes to make in regard to the proposal to defer this item until a later time?

(Egypt): I think it should be dealt with at the same time as it is brought before the General Assembly.

 * I believe, also, that the Preparatory Commission requested that it be left as late as possible in our proceedings.

I take it, therefore, that members are in agreement that this item should be left until a later stage in our proceedings.

Consideration of item 13 was deferred.

14. Communications to the Security Council

 * I bring to the notice of the Council certain communications that have been received. I will take them in chronological order, as they have been received.

The first one is a letter from the Head of the Iranian delegation to Mr. Jebb. The full text of this communication is reported in the Journal. All members of the Council, I presume, have received a copy and have duly noted it.

The second one is a letter, addressed to myself, from the Acting Head of the USSR. delegation, regarding the question of the situation in Greece.

The third is a communication, addressed to


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85Rh Bragging to each other of successful depredations They neglect to consider the ultimate fate of the body. What should they know of the Master of Dark Truth Who saw the wide world in a jade cup, By illumined conception got clear of heaven and earth: On the chariot of Mutation entered the Gate of Immutability?

I wish I could hope that some respect for "the Master of Dark Truth" would enter into the hearts of our apostles of Western culture. But as that is out of the question, it is necessary to seek other ways of solving the Far Eastern question.


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Rh The details of this new approach are not yet clear. Some aspects of the UK response are unlikely to be public, for example, activity to counter malign Russian disinformation.

35. Given that Ukraine is “front and centre”, we asked the Department at what point the network’s activities in other countries should become a point of interest for the UK Government, given the negative effects of its presence and the likely use of resources from African operations to fund Russia’s renewed illegal invasion of Ukraine. The FCDO did not directly answer. Instead, it re-emphasised the use of sanctions and noted:

"We are stepping up what we are doing inside Government on this. We have, frankly, much more activity inside Government aimed at understanding Wagner and trying to take steps against it than we did six months ago."

36. Mikhail Khodorkovsky—a Russian dissident, former senior businessman, and the founder of the Dossier Center—suggested that the UK and its allies under-estimated the significance of the network’s activities in Africa. In some cases, it is not clear that the disruptive and destabilising influence of the Wagner Network has informed important decisions over the UK’s policy towards specific countries and regions:

• In March 2021, wider aid cuts led to the premature ending of a £2.6 million UK-funded programme designed to foster stability in Sudan, a country where the Wagner Network had been involved since 2017. We disagree with the Foreign Secretary that there is no connection between ODA expenditure and the conflict in Sudan.202

• In late 2022, the UK, along with many other countries, announced that it would withdraw its peacekeeping forces from Mali, ending involvement earlier than expected. Wagner involvement appears to have contributed to this decision. It is not clear what efforts the UK made to encourage the Malian authorities to allow the UN Mission to operate freely. The decision to withdraw was taken collectively via the National Security Council, via a “write-round process initiated by the Defence Secretary”. We do not know whether FCDO officials raised alternatives to withdrawal for discussion with the Ministry of Defence.


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16 myself, that I have received from the Head of the delegation of the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic dealing with the situation in Indonesia.

There has also been distributed to members of the Council a letter that has been received from the Head of the USSR delegation in reply to the first communication from the Iranian Government.

Taking now the first in order, the letter which has been received from the Iranian delegation and the reply to this letter, I should like to ask whether it is the pleasure of the Council that this item shall be included in the agenda of the Council. Are there any observations to be made in regard to the question of the inclusion of this item in the agenda of the Security Council? I take it that, since there are no objections, this item is included in the agenda of the Security Council.

The item was included in the agenda.

(Union of Soviet Socialist Republics) (translated from Russian): There is one point I would like to clarify: that is the inclusion of the Iranian question in the Security Council's agenda. Does this mean consideration of the substance of the question or discussion as to whether it should come before the Council at all?

If this item is placed on the agenda so that we may discuss whether the question should be considered, then I have no objection to its inclusion on the agenda for the next meeting. I should like to explain my reasons. The Soviet delegation, on the authority of the Soviet Government that has put forward reasons proving that the statement of the Iranian Government should not be considered by the Security Council.

It therefore seems to me that we should, in the first place, thoroughly discuss this matter, and, as the Chairman suggests, the Soviet delegation should in any case have the opportunity at the next meeting of putting forward its reasons why this question should not be considered by the Security Council.

 * In answer to the representative of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, I should like to say that the inclusion of the item in this agenda does give an opportunity for the Council to have a discussion, and that the USSR could, at the initial stage of that discussion, make such proposal as it might think proper. The inclusion would not deny to the USSR representative the opportunity of being able to move in whatever direction he might wish.

(United Kingdom) (translated from English): I am very anxious, in all these cases, that complainants should be heard by the Council, whoever they may be. I think it is a mistake if a Government feels that, having a complaint against another


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17 Power, whether it be great or small, it cannot come to this Council and state its case. While the Government I represent has been included in subsequent charges of endangering peace, in so far as I am principally responsible or at least my Government is principally responsible, in the case of Greece, I shall offer no objection to the fullest investigation and discussion. In fact, I am so tired of these charges made by the Government of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics in private assembly that no one will be happier than I shall be to see them brought out into the open and to see that the British Government has a chance to clear its conduct in connection with this country.

If there is a complaint by the Iranian Government against the Government of the USSR, then I think that the Iranian Government should be given a chance to come to the table and state its case. Then we should be in a position to judge whether or not its case is justified. I would like it to go on the agenda, and to have a discussion in the open, because I believe that peace depends upon bringing these facts out before the world, whether they are right or whether they are wrong.

With regard to Indonesia, that is primarily a matter for the Dutch Government. There is a situation in which we are clearing up a condition arising out of the war, of disarming Japanese who have trained a crowd of people who are mainly fascists and who are resisting the disarming of the Japanese soldiers and following a policy which is on a rather different footing. That is a situation which must be argued by the Government primarily responsible.

 * I am reluctant to intervene, but I should like to suggest that the representative of the United Kingdom to, at the moment, there is no item which makes his remarks quite regular.

The last question was by the USSR delegation with regard to the procedure to be adopted relating to the item that has just been included in the agenda. That had already been carried. I was now going to proceed with the submission of the second item, which, of course, is the item dealing with the complaint of the reprehension of Greece. I can submit that now to the Council, and the remarks of the representative of the United Kingdom then would be strictly in order.

(United Kingdom): But I should like to know what has been carried.

 * I submitted to the Council that the matter contained in the letter from the Iranian delegation should be included as an item in the agenda of this Council. I asked for such comment as the Council might have, and it will be remembered that I indicated, after a slight lapse of time, that the item had been carried.


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18 Subsequently, the Head of the Soviet delegation submitted to me a question in regard to whether it would have the right to be able to express its views upon this particular matter, and to take such action as it might wish when the matter is discussed or brought forward to the Council. I indicated that the delegation would have a full opportunity of offering such observations as it might wish and moving in such way as it might feel best served its own views of the matter.

That is how the matter rests, Mr. Bevin.

(United States of America): I think the situation would be clarified in all our minds if we could agree on the question of these cases being put on the agenda for discussion at the next meeting of the Council.

While I am speaking, I wish to make very clear that the United States Government believes that any Member country of the United Nations which makes a complaint has a right to be heard at this table.

 * The representative of the United States of America has submitted that each of these items that have been received—the correspondence from the delegation of Iran, from the delegation of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and from the delegation of the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic—should be listed as items on the agenda for consideration at the next meeting.

(United States of America): I make that motion.

(Egypt): May I remark that Article 31 of the Charter relating to the Security Council states that "Any Member of the United Nations which is not a member of the Security Council may participate, without vote, in the discussion of any question brought before the Security Council whenever the latter considers that the interests of that Member are specially affected"?

Surely, there is more reason when the question brought before the Council is brought before it at the instance of a certain Member of the United Nations, That would certainly be a case much stronger than the one provided for by Article 31, and the presence of such complaining States would be considered as absolutely necessary.

 * I was about to raise that particular point. If you remember, I made some request to the representative of the United States of America as to whether he wished to have that included in the resolution, but that can be a matter for subsequent decision by the Council. I shall now submit to the Council the resolution which has been placed before the Council, that the representative of the United States by these items shall be listed on the agenda of the Council and shall be the business for the next meeting of the Council.


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19 (Netherlands): The representative of the United Kingdom has just said that a third question, concerning the actions of British and Japanese troops in Java, is primarily a question concerning the Netherlands Government, which I have the honour to represent. I want to say that we, on our part, have no objection to that question, as worded, being included in the agenda of the next meeting.

(Union of Soviet Socialist Republics) (translated from Russian): I should like to avoid possible misunderstanding with regard to procedure. Every Member of the United Nations has undoubtedly the right to be heard by the Security Council. I am raising no objection to that. I only wish to bring to the Security Council's notice that the mere fact of discussing this or that complaint should not prejudice the question as to whether or not the Security Council will consider the declaration under discussion. That is what I wished to say.

 * I take it now that members of the Council are agreed that these items should be included in the agenda for the next meeting of the Security Council? Does any member of the Council wish to submit a subsequent resolution about the presence of ...

(Egypt): I think that should be moved. I move it.

(United States of America): What is the motion?

(Egypt): That the States which have presented complaints should be invited to participate in the work, in the sittings of the Security Council.

 * It will affect Iran, of course, and may indirectly affect Greece. The other nations are, of course, represented on the Security Council.

(United Kingdom): In view of the fact that Greece will be affected, and that the State concerned has put no complaint, Greece must be heard.

 * Do I take it that the resolution made by the representative of Egypt is adopted?

The resolution was adopted.

(United Kingdom): I am a little puzzled. Does that include Greece?

 * Yes, Mr. Stettinius made a comprehensive resolution covering all the items in the correspondence.

(United Kingdom): Thank you very much.

 * Now it will be necessary for the members of the Council to determine the date and time of its next meeting.


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20 (United Kingdom): There is one point I want to put to you, Mr. President. I assume that when the case is on the agenda and we have heard it, it will then be subject to discussion. Is that clear?

 * The position is this. It is for the Council itself to determine the procedure that it wishes to adopt in regard to this matter, that is, whether it wishes to proceed to a discussion or to take any other action it might wish.

(United Kingdom): I am awfully sorry to be persistent. I think it ought to be settled now that, when we have heard the case, it is then open to discussion as to whether we should dispose of the matter or whether we should take any other steps to settle it. I do not want the situation to arise that, after we have gone through all the performance of hearing the case, somebody says that the Council cannot discuss it.

I want the facts placed on the table and the Council to be free to discuss the case and arrive at a means of disposing of it in some way or another, and I want all countries concerned to be heard.

 * In answer to the representative of the United Kingdom, I want to say that the Security Council will be quite competent at its next meeting either to proceed to a discussion, if it so wishes, or to take any action that it might wish in regard to it. But of course, as you will realize in regard to whatever may be the nature of the resolution submitted, the question of the method of voting would be actually the subject of some difference; but it will be for the Council itself when it meets to determine just how it shall treat this particular subject. By its own resolution it will be able to determine how it will proceed to the consideration of these questions.

15. Albanian application for membership of the United Nations

 * I feel that I should intimate to the members of the Council that I have just received a communication from the Yugoslav Government or delegation regarding the application of Albania for membership of the United Nations. This communication is in the course of being typed so that it can be distributed to members of the Council; as soon as that is possible, it will be done. This might possibly be the subject of some consideration at our next meeting as to whether it should be included in the agenda.

(Union of Soviet Socialist Republics) (translated from Russian): The Soviet delegation supports the Albanian Government's request and the Yugoslav delegation's


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21 proposal, and suggests that this question be placed on the agenda for the next meeting on Monday.

 * The only difficulty in regard to that is that this item has not as yet been actually circulated among members of the Council. Therefore, members are not really fully aware of the text of the communication that has been received.

As to the suggestion of the representative of the USSR that at this moment it be placed upon the agenda, it might possibly be more appropriate if it could be left until the next meeting. Then members would be fully apprised of the nature of the text of that communication.

(United States of America): May I suggest that we deal with the question of new membership as a whole later on, at one meeting rather than piecemeal? I am sure there are a number of delegations which have statements to make relative to new membership, and I think it would be much better to deal with the subject in toto.

 * I would suggest that the representative of the United States to whom we receive a communication such as this, it cannot possibly be ignored, but must be dealt with expeditiously. Therefore, I feel we are under an obligation to receive this communication and deal with it, since governments have been prompted to make their application in proper order. Therefore, I think it would be quite proper that this matter might be brought to the attention of the Council on Monday, and then we could decide whether it be included in the agenda for consideration on that day or some subsequent day.

(Poland) (translated from French): I wish to support the request of the Yugoslav Government that Albania be admitted to the United Nations. And the more so because, as the representative of France has pointed out to us in his recent declaration, there are still thirteen States in Europe which are not yet Members of the Organization. Therefore, I should like this subject to be included in the agenda of the Security Council.

 * This item will be the subject of consideration at the next meeting of the Council. At that stage any member of the Security Council will be quite in order in submitting his own approval or otherwise of the adoption of this particular communication.

Any further business?

The Council stands adjourned until Monday at 3 p.m.

The meeting rose at 4:10 p.m.


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 scholar, fumbling his faded leaves, and here the scented actor, dangling his showy seals. Here the glib politician, crying his legislative panaceas; and here the peripatetic Cheap-Jack, holding aloft his quack cures for human ills. Here the sleek capitalist, and there the sinewy labourer; here the man of science, and here the shoe-black; here the poet, and here the water-rate collector; here the cabinet minister, and there the ballet-dancer. Here a red-nosed publican, shouting the praises of his vats; and here a temperance lecturer at fifty pounds a night; here a judge, and there a swindler; here a priest, and there a gambler. Here a jewelled duchess, smiling and gracious; here a thin lodging-house keeper, irritable with cooking; and here a wabbling, strutting thing, tawdry in paint and finery.

Cheek by cheek, they struggle onward. Screaming, cursing, and praying, laughing, singing, and moaning, they rush past side by side. Their speed never slackens, the race never ends. There is no wayside rest for them, no halt by cooling fountains, no pause beneath green shades. On, on, on—on through the heat and the crowd and the dust—on, or they will be trampled down, and lost—on, with throbbing brain and tottering limbs—on, till the heart grows sick, and the eyes grow blurred, and a gurgling groan tells those behind they may close up another space.


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 We now have more than 300 local relief branches, and considering that all organization work was done entirely by correspondence, (in order to economize, an organizer was not sent out) the results were in all respects satisfactory. It is really remarkable how splendidly our women came forward and how harmoniously they worked together, although up to this time there had been very little cooperation care for the dependents of Czechoslovak volunteers fighting in France, in the same manner in which the families of the American soldiers are cared for.

A plan by which Red Cross Local Chapters and Local Czechoslovak Relief Committees could cooperate in the care of these families was agreed upon by national officers of the two organizations, and has been as effectively carried out as between the Czech and Slovak women in their national organizations.

Our first concern was for the families of our fighting men; they must not be allowed to bear physical privation, since they had already made a great sacrifice by giving their supporters to the Army. In this part of our task the American Red Cross, living up to its name of “The Greatest Mother,” adopted, at our request, the then “Baby Ally” and accepted the obligation to could be expected, everything being considered. Our National Office is in constant correspondence with the Home Service Sections of the American Red Cross and the Czechoslovak Committees wherever we have dependents, and has on file a complete record of each case. From the Czechoslovak Military Department dependent parents, wives, and children up to sixteen years of age receive a regular monthly allowance, and in cases where there is a need


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 which our Local Relief Committee cannot meet, this allowance is usually supplemented by the American Red Cross in a way best suited to the individual case. Friendly visiting is also done. Social gatherings are arranged for the mothers and children, and on such holidays as Thanksgiving and Christmas, gifts for the children and baskets of cheer for the families are provided by our Local Committees. Much is being done, but now that the stress of war is over, we hope to do more, especially for those families where the husband, father or son will return no more, having given their lives on the field of honor.

It was in November of 1917 that the first unit of volunteers consisting of seventy-two men, left this country. Other units followed in quick succession. In every case each volunteer before leaving for France was given reading matter and tobacco for the trip overseas, besides a full set of knitted articles, consisting of sweater, wristlets, helmet, socks; also a well filled comfort kit containing about twenty-five articles. If any of the volunteers could carry more than their personal baggage, they were given parcels with cigarettes for the men “over there.” In this way several hundred thousand cigarettes were sent to our units in France with the least possible delay.

Later on, when an embarkation camp was established at Stamford, Conn., it fell again to the Women’s Relief Organization to equip it with bed linens, quilts, towels, soap, underwear, pajamas, sick room necessities, books, newspapers and tobacco. In special cases we supplied shoes, caps, overcoats, razors and eveiMraveling bags. Whenever a volunteer needed anything, he had but to ask, and if it lay in our power to meet the need, he did not ask in vain. The supplies which we sent to the Camp amounted in all to $22,000. Recently, when the Camp was discontinued, most of the equipment was sent to France. In this connection it should be stated that we received general and cordial cooperation from the American Red Cross, through Atlantic Division and the Stamford and New York Chapters, when our stock happened to be depleted by shipments to France.

During all this time we knew that our Czechoslovak units in France, Italy and Russia were looking to the Czechoslovaks of America for moral, and, if possible, material support. These expectations we were only too anxious to meet, as far as lay in our power, because we knew how vital a factor they were in the hole scheme of our revolution. The hearts of our women were touched, especially by the thought that most of these men had been separated for three and four years from what was dearest to them—their country, their families. We had the greatest incentive to work, and work we did, day and night. The majority of our women do not belong to the leisure class, and hence their work in connection with the Relief Committees was done after their ordinary duties had been attended to, that is at night.

To France and Italy we shipped, through the courtesy of the French High Commission, during a period of ten months, 190 cases valued at $51,741. These cases contained knitted wear, underwear, tobacco, chocolate, books, magazines, newspapers, sheet music, musical instruments, regimental flags, comfort kits, handkerchiefs, socks, towels, foot bandages, soap etc. Many contained hundreds of packages for individuals from relatives and friends, who very often also sent sums of money for volunteers in France, Italy and Russia, which we remitted through our Military Department.

Reports reached us of the glorious deeds of the Czechoslovak troops in Russia. Our officers who arrived in this country from Siberia confirmed these reports, but also informed us of the privations and hardships which these men had been enduring for months. We were anxious to help, but were powerless until recently, when our Military Attache at Washington arranged with the United States Shipping Roard for the loading of a cargo of supplies to Vladivostok. Because our Army in Siberia numbered almost 100,000 men, we know that we could help only in a general way; and after learning from good authority that a button costs 1 ruble, a spool of cotton 4 to 5 rubles, that needles could not be bought at any price, and that our men had not had a piece of soap for six months, we decided that comfort kits would best meet this need. We therefore sent out appeals for kits containing these articles and any other comforts that the donors might choose to add. Besides each comfort kit was to contain a personal note.

To write up the results of our Comfort Kit Campaign would fill pages, and would


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and his sister Viola, a young gentleman and lady of Messaline, were twins, and (which was accounted a great wonder) from their birth they so much resembled each other, that, but for the difference in their dress, they could not be known apart. They were both born in one hour, and in one hour they were both in danger of perishing, for they were shipwrecked on the coast of Illyria, as they were making a sea-voyage together. The ship, on board of which they were, split on a rock in a violent storm, and a very small number of the ship's company escaped with their lives. The captain of the vessel, with a few of the sailors that were saved, got to land in a small boat, and with them they brought Viola safe on shore, where she, poor lady, instead of rejoicing at her own deliverance, began to lament her brother's loss; but the captain comforted her with the assurance that he had seen her brother, when the ship split, fasten himself to a strong mast, on which, as long as he could see anything of him for the distance, he perceived him borne up above the waves. Viola was much consoled by the hope this account gave her, and now considered how she was to dispose of herself in a strange country, so far from home; and she asked the captain if he knew anything of Illyria. "Ay, very well, madam," replied the captain, "for I was born not three hours" travel from this place."—"Who governs here?" said Viola. The captain told her, Illyria was governed by Orsino, a duke noble in nature as well as dignity.


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 Viola said, she had heard her father speak of Orsino, and that he was unmarried then. "And he is so now," said the captain; "or was so very lately, for, but a month ago, I went from here, and then it was the general talk (as you know what great ones do, the people will prattle of) that Orsino sought the love of fair Olivia, a virtuous maid, the daughter of a count who died twelve months ago, leaving Olivia to the protection of her brother, who shortly after died also; and for the love of this dear brother, they say, she has abjured the sight and company of men." Viola, who was herself in such a sad affliction for her brother's loss, wished she could live with this lady, who so tenderly mourned a brother's death. She asked the captain if he could introduce her to Olivia, saying she would willingly serve this lady. But he replied, this would be a hard thing to accomplish, because the lady Olivia would admit no person into her house since her brother's death, not even the duke himself. Then Viola formed another project in her mind, which was, in a man's habit, to serve the duke Orsino as a page. It was a strange fancy in a young lady to put on male attire, and pass for a boy; but the forlorn and unprotected state of Viola, who was young and of uncommon beauty, alone, and in a foreign land, must plead her excuse.

She having observed a fair behaviour in the captain, and that he showed a friendly concern for her welfare, entrusted him with her design, and he readily engaged to assist her. Viola gave him money, and directed him to furnish her with suitable apparel, ordering her clothes to be made of the same colour and in the same fashion her brother Sebastian used to wear, and when she was dressed in her manly garb, she looked so exactly like her brother that some strange errors happened by means of their being


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 mistaken for each other; for, as will afterwards appear, Sebastian was also saved.

Viola's good friend, the captain, when he had transformed this pretty lady into a gentleman, having some interest at court, got her presented to Orsino under the feigned name of Cesario. The duke was wonderfully pleased with the address and graceful deportment of this handsome youth, and made Cesario one of his pages that being the office Viola wished to obtain: and she so well fulfilled the duties of her new station, and showed such a ready observance and faithful attachment to her lord, that she soon became his most favoured attendant. To Cesario Orsino confided the whole history of his love for the lady Olivia. To Cesario he told the long and unsuccessful suit he had made to one who, rejecting his long services, and despising his person, refused to admit him to her presence; and for the love of this lady who had so unkindly treated him, the noble Orsino, forsaking the sports of the field and all manly exercises in which he used to delight, passed his hours in ignoble sloth, listening to the effeminate sounds of soft music, gentle airs, and passionate love songs; and neglecting the company of the wise and learned lords with whom he used to associate, he was now all day long conversing with young Cesario. Unmeet companion no doubt his grave courtiers thought Cesario was for their once noble master, the great duke Orsino.

It is a dangerous matter for young maidens to be the confidants of handsome young dukes; which Viola too soon found to her sorrow, for all that Orsino told her he endured for Olivia, she presently perceived she suffered for the love of him; and much it moved her wonder, that Olivia could be so regardless of this her peerless lord and master, whom she thought no one could behold without the deepest


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 admiration, and she ventured gently to hint to Orsino, that it was a pity he should affect a lady who was so blind to his worthy qualities; and she said: "If a lady were to love you, my lord, as you love Olivia (and perhaps there may be one who does), if you could not love her in return, would you not tell her that you could not love, and must she not be content with this answer?" But Orsino would not admit of this reasoning, for he denied that it was possible for any woman to love as he did. He said, no woman's heart was big enough to hold so much love, and therefore it was unfair to compare the love of any lady for him, to his love for Olivia. Now, though Viola had the utmost deference for the duke's opinions, she could not help thinking this was not quite true, for she thought her heart had full as much love in it as Orsino's had; and she said: "Ah, but I know, my lord."—"What do you know, Cesario?" said Orsino. "Too well I know," replied Viola, "what love women may owe to men. They are as true of heart as we are. My father had a daughter loved a man, as I perhaps, were I a woman, should love your lordship."—"And what is her history?" said Orsino. "A blank, my lord," replied Viola: "she never told her love, but let concealment, like a worm in the bud, feed on her damask cheek. She pined in thought, and with a green and yellow melancholy, she sat like Patience on a monument, smiling at Grief" The duke inquired if this lady died of her love, but to this question Viola returned an evasive answer; as probably she had feigned the story, to speak words expressive of the secret love and silent grief she suffered for Orsino.

While they were talking, a gentleman entered whom the duke had sent to Olivia, and he said: "So please you, my lord, I might not be admitted to the lady, but by her handmaid she returned you


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 this answer: Until seven years hence, the element itself shall not behold her face; but like a cloistress she will walk veiled, watering her chamber with her tears for the sad remembrance of her dead brother." On hearing this, the duke exclaimed: "O she that has a heart of this fine frame, to pay this debt of love to a dead brother, how will she love, when the rich golden shaft has touched her heart!" And then he said to Viola: "You know, Cesario, I have told you all the secrets of my heart; therefore, good youth, go to Olivia's house. Be not denied access; stand at her doors, and tell her, there your fixed foot shall grow till you have audience."—"And if I do speak to her, my lord, what then?" said Viola. "O then," replied Orsino, "unfold to her the passion of my love. Make a long discourse to her of my dear faith. It will well become you to act my woes, for she will attend more to you than to one of graver aspect."

Away then went Viola; but not willingly did she undertake this courtship, for she was to woo a lady to become a wife to him she wished to marry: but having undertaken the affair, she performed it with fidelity; and Olivia soon heard that a youth was at her door who insisted upon being admitted to her presence. "I told him," said the servant, "that you were sick: he said he knew you were, and therefore he came to speak with you. I told him that you were asleep: he seemed to have a foreknowledge of that too, and said, that therefore he must speak with you. What is to be said to him, lady? for he seems fortified against all denial, and will speak with you, whether you will or no." Olivia, curious to see who this peremptory messenger might be, desired he might be admitted; and throwing her veil over her face, she said she would once more hear Orsino's embassy, not doubting but that


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 be fascinating reading for anyone. These so called comfort kits were all that their name implies and more. They contained underwear, socks, sewing kits, razors, combs, shaving cream, talcum powder, vaseline, bandages, writing paper, pencils, wash cloths, laundry and toilet soap, towels, handkerchiefs and candy. Many had coffee, dry sausage, boullion cubes, canned goods, etc., etc. Very often a patriotic donor would enclose a nicely folded American flag. The letters were such as will be cherished by the recipients all their lives.

The above description of the comfort kits sent to Russia seems almost an exaggeration, but when it is considered that the majority were not just ordinary comfort kits, but bags measuring 20x36 inches, and were valued up to $28.00, it can readily be seen that the above statements are facts. Every kit was a voluntary contribution, some of those most generously filled coming from men and women in the humblest circumstances. The variety in size, contents and value may not have been a fair division to our soldiers, but that happened through inexperience in providing for an army—where all are equal. However, this did not worry us, as we know that the Czechoslovak Army is one huge brotherhood and that our men share everything in brotherly fashion; so it was unnecessary for us to do the dividing here.

To Russia we shipped 306 cases, valued at approximately $68,397.

We will continue our work until the men are home again; and even then our work is not finished. Ours was a double responsibility, but we have reaped a twofold reward; victory for the United States and independence for Czechoslovakia. Our gratitude spurs us on to renewed effort. We are now preparing to take part in the coming Victory Loan and already our women are busy knitting and sewing garments for returning soldiers, convalescents, widows and orphans of Czechoslovakia. Funds continue to be raised to help meet the many needs of the new republic whose statesmen are bringing order out of chaos in such an admirable way.

We Czechoslovak women cherish the watchword given by President Thomas Garrigue Masaryk to Czechoslovaks the world over: “We shall remain steadfast until the end.”

Among the many nations that the relatively recent tide of immigration has brought to our country Poles, Czechoslovaks and Italians far outnumber the others.

The Czechoslovaks are in a sense the youngest of the nations, inasmuch as their separate government has only been recognized within the past few months by the governments of the modern world.

Here is the irony of history, one of those curious co-incidences that make us stop with a gasp of astonishment and realize that the gods must sometimes smile at the childish games we would-be wordly-wise children of the 20th century are playing.

Here in America we are preaching, writing, often screaming, of the overwhelming heed of universal education—especially as applied to the newly-arrived strangers from the old world who have come to make part of our civilization. This education, we urge, is essential in order to Americanize them, and yet the corner stone, the principles, the ideals of our own system of education today were laid more than three hundred years ago by one of those Czechs, whom we are endeavoring to “convert” to our ideals in this country.

Comenius, known in his own country as John Amos Komensky, was practically the founder of the highest plans of education which have been in use since the 16th century. His life was given to the advancement of education among his own people, as well as to the teaching of the principles of Christ, as interpreted by the Moravian Church of which he was a faithful pastor for many years.

His road was a stony one and he never attained his great ambition of putting into actual practice his scheme of universal


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Letter 1, 20th February 1915 Summary Letter 1, 20th February 1915 Letter 2, 27th September 1915 Letter 3, 1st January 1930 Letter 4, 10th May 1930 Letter 5, 10th March 1931 Letter 6, 9th April 1931 Letter 7, 5th March 1934 Letter 8, 19th May 1931 Letter 9, 8th November 1934 Letter 10, 27th December 1935 Letter 11, 20th January 1936 Letter 12, 20th January 1938 Letter 13, 8th March 1938 Letter 14, 19th April 1938 Letter 15, 14th May 1936 Letter 16, 24th September 1936 Letter 17, 20th June 1938 Letter 18, 27th September 1938 Letter 19, 8th August 1938 Letter 20, 13th October 1938 Letter 21, 18th December 1938

================================================================================ Letter 1, 20th February 1915

IMG 0326

Note squeezed in at the top – hard to read Nicolay – sitting alongside at this table – sends his best salaams – says “Come out here soon – and explore some German trenches”.

c/o 2/2nd (K.E.O.) Gurkhas Indian Expeditionary Force. France,


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 he came from the duke, by his importunity. Viola, entering, put on the most manly air she could assume, and affecting the fine courtier language of great men's pages, she said to the veiled lady: "Most radiant, exquisite, and matchless beauty, I pray you tell me if you are the lady of the house; for I should be sorry to cast away my speech upon another; for besides that it is excellently well penned, I have taken great pains to learn it."—"Whence come you, sir?" said Olivia. "I can say little more than I have studied," replied Viola; "and that question is out of my part."—"Are you a comedian?" said Olivia. "No," replied Viola; "and yet I am not that which I play;" meaning that she, being a woman, feigned herself to be a man. And again she asked Olivia if she were the lady of the house. Olivia said she was; and then Viola, having more curiosity to see her rival's features, than haste to deliver her master's message, said: "Good madam, let me see your face." With this bold request Olivia was not averse to comply; for this haughty beauty, whom the duke Orsino had loved so long in vain, at first sight conceived a passion for the supposed page, the humble Cesario.

When Viola asked to see her face, Olivia said: "Have you any commission from your lord and master to negotiate with my face?" And then, forgetting her determination to go veiled for seven long years, she drew aside her veil, saying: "But I will draw the curtain and show the picture. Is it not well done?" Viola replied: "It is beauty truly mixed; the red and white upon your cheeks is by Nature's own cunning hand laid on. You are the most cruel lady living, if you will lead these graces to the grave, and leave the world no copy."—"O, sir," replied Olivia, "I will not be so cruel. The world may have an inventory of my beauty. As, item, two