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 in their room; otherwise he would have left out part of the Matter contain'd in his Model, and his Poem would have been defective.

This last sense of the Word Episode is not so different from the second as it seems at first sight, since it still informs us that an Episode is a necessary part of the Action. The difference between them lies in this, that an Episode in the second sense is the Foundation and Ground-work of the Episode in the third Sense: and that this third Sense adds to the second the probable Circumstances of Places, Princes, and People, where and among whom he was cast by Neptune, and abode during his Absence from Ithaca.

We must likewise take notice, that in this third Sense, the Incident which serves as a Foundation to an Episode, ought to be of some Extent and Compass, and that without this an Essential part of the Action and Fable is not an Episode. As in the Example of Oedipus which we propos'd; the Cure of the Thebans is a part proper and essential to the Fable, and would be an Episode in the second Sense. But because the Poet has not amplified this Incident by any Circumstance, therefore 'tis not an Episode in the third Sense: 'tis only the Foundation of such an Episode, which the Poet made no use of. This Observation makes it clear, that in reality the first Platform of the Action contains only what is proper and necessary to the Fable, and has not any Episode; as Aristotle says of the Model he has given us of the Odysseïs.

'Tis therefore in this third Sense we are to understand the Precept of Aristotle, which orders us not to form the Episodes till after we have made Choice of the Names we would give our Personages. Homer could not have spoken of a Fleet and Navy, as he has, if instead of the Names of Achilles, Agamemnon, and the Iliad, he had made choice of those of Capaneus, Adrastus, and the Thebaid, as he might have done without spoiling the Essence of the Fable.

If one should form an Episode, whereof not only the Names and Circumstances were not necessary, but whose very Ground-work and Foundation was not a part of the Action, that serves for the Subject-Matter of a Poem: then this Episode would have a sorry Connexion, and would render the Fable Episodical. This Irregularity is discernable, when one can so take away a whole Episode, without substituting any thing in its room, that this Substraction shall make no Vacuum, nor Defect in the Poem. The Story of Hypsipyle inserted in the Thebaid, is an Instance of these defective Episodes. If the whole Narration of this famous Matron were taken away, the Sequel of the main Action would be but so much the better; one should not perceive that the Poet had forgot any thing, or wanted the least Member of the Body of his Action.


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 and never engaged in acrimonious controversy. No man ever succeeded better in winning and preserving the affection of his equals; and he had the happiness of being hailed as a benefactor of the poor. The infirmities of old age, from which he was not altogether exempted, were mitigated by the society of his relatives and friends; and, though his decease has created a blank which will not soon be supplied, we may venture to predict that the memory of his personal worth and professional eminence will never perish, so long as posterity shall be capable of estimating the obligations which the Medical School of Edinburgh conferred on science and humanity, in the age of and  and.

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 1790 down to the last of 1870, the population was doubled in every 28 years, the value of real estate in every 16 years.) This law applies with equal force to the several portions of the country, so that in a neighborhood with one hundred people on one square mile, the price of an acre will, on an average, be nearly the four-fold of what it is in a neighborhood of but fifty people on one square mile. The exceptions to this rule are few, and can be accounted for without disproving the law. It is, therefore, the demand for land which raises the price, because the supply cannot be increased, and raises it proportionally more than the population increases, because that demand comes from new comers that are all landless, and must at once be domiciled and fed, the means for which demand are brought with them. A strong and steady current of immigration brings along with it two things or values which it costs the country nothing to produce—laborers that need not first be raised to the grown age, and money that need not first be earned within the country. The latter seeks at once security and growth by acquiring real estate, the former soon follow the example' by diligence and economy. In old countries the same law obtains, but the growth in the price is far slower, for the reason that those are countries from which emigrants come.

Every new-born infant helps to raise the price of real estate, and when grown to be a man or woman, must pay by surplus work that increase to the then owners of land and capital, just as he must help to pay the interest and to extinguish the capital of all public debts, which were, perhaps, contracted before he or she was born. That is law in the present Capitalistic world. Instead of placing every new generation on a better footing for a start in life, it diminishes the chances for a prosperous career to every new generation of laborers, in spite of the rapid increase of the wealth of the nation, because that is constantly accumulating in fewer and fewer hands, and with it go power and freedom.

Oh, that every worker might again and again ponder on this ultimate cause of all the bad times, present and future! Unless this cause be removed, no good times can return. This last or first cause is—the private property in land, on which capitalism in every shape is based. If you are a holder of real estate or a small farmer—you need not here throw this pamphlet aside—there is hope and security for your property, but only under the one condition that you study well and take to heart all the contents of this pamphlet.

No amount of specious sophistry can refute the truth that land cannot, should not, must not be made private property. Can water, air, sunheat, and daylight be made


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Rh ty to both the girls and the talk that confused him. For some reason he did n’t like the atmosphere; and de did n’t know why. His excuse to the brothers and to himself for leaving early was that he was in
 * raining and not supposed to dance.

Track above all things was absorbing his inter¬ est. He could hardly think of anything else. He lay awake nights dreaming of the race he would run against Raleigh. Sanford had three dual track neets a year, but the first two were with small coleges and considered of little importance. Only i point winner in the Raleigh meet was granted his etter.

Hugh won the hundred in the sophomore-freshnan meet and in a meet with the Raleigh freshnen, so that he was given his class numerals. He did nothing, however, in the Raleigh meet; he vas much too nervous to run well, breaking three
 * imes at the mark. He was set back two yards

md was never able to regain them. For a time he vas bitterly despondent, but he soon cheered up vhen he thought of the three years ahead of him. Spring brought first rain and slush and then the ‘sings.” There was a fine stretch of lawn in the
 * enter of the campus, and on clear nights the stu¬

dents gathered there for a sing, one class on each jide of the lawn. First the seniors sang a college
 * ong, then the juniors, then the sophomores, and
 * hen the freshmen. After each song, the other


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Rh one group that was going “to wipe up that god¬ damned English course to-night.”

There were only five men at the seminar, which met in Surrey 19, because Pudge Jamieson, who was “rating” an A in the course and was therefore an authority, said that he would n’t come if there were any more. Pudge, as his nickname suggests, was plump. He was a round-faced, jovial youngster who learned everything with consummate ease, wrote with great fluency and sometimes real beauty, peered through his horn-rimmed spectacles amusedly at the world, and read every “smut” book that he could lay his hands on. His library of erotica was already famous throughout the college, his volumes of Balzac’s “Droll Stories,” Rabelais complete, “Mile, de Maupin,” Burton’s “Arabian Nights,” and the “Decameron” being in constant demand. He could tell literally hundreds of dirty stories, always having a new one on tap, always looking when he told it like a complacent cherub.

There were two other men in the seminar. Freddy Dickson, an earnest, anemic youth, seemed to be always striving for greater acceleration and never gaining it; or as Pudge put it, “The trouble with Freddy is that he’s always shifting gears.” Larry Stillwell, the last man, was a dark, hand¬ some youth with exceedingly regular features, pomaded hair parted in the center and shining


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246 miserably. “I could n’t get a car for love nor money. I’m awfully sorry.”

Cynthia did a dance-step and petted his arm hap¬ pily. “What do I care? I’m so—so damn glad to see you, Hugh. You look nicer ’n ever—just as clean and washed and sweet. Ooooh, look at him blush! Stop it or I ’ll have to kiss you right here. Stop it, I say.”

But Hugh went right on blushing. “Go ahead,” he said bravely. “I wish you would.”

Cynthia laughed. “Like fun you do. You’d die of embarrassment. But your mouth is an awful temptation. You have the sweetest mouth, Hugh. It’s so damn kissable.”

She continued to banter him until they reached the fraternity house. “Where do I live?” she de¬ manded. “In your room, I hope.”

“Yep. I’m staying down in Keller Hall with Norry Parker. His room-mate’s sick in the hospi¬ tal; so he’s got room for me. Norry’s going to see you later.”

“Right-o. What do we do when I get six pound: of dirt washed off and some powder on my nose?”

“Well, we ’re having a tea-dance here at the house at four-thirty; but we’ve got an hour til] then, and I thought we’d take a walk. I want tc show you the college.”

After Cynthia had repaired the damages of travel and had been introduced to Hugh’s fraternity


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172 Carl rushed into the room and urged him to go to Hastings, a town five miles from Haydensville. .

“Jim Pearson ’s outside with his car,” Carl said excitedly, “and he 11 take us down. He’s got to come right back—he *s only going for some booze— but we need n’t come back if we don’t want to. We 11 have a drink and give Hastings the once¬ over. How’s to come along?”

“All right,” Hugh agreed indifferently and began to pull on his baa-baa coat. UI’m with you. A shot of gin might jazz me up a little.”

Once in Hastings, Pearson drove to a private residence at the edge of the town. The boys got out of the car and filed around to the back door, which was opened to their knock by a young man with a hatchet face and hard blue eyes.

“Hello, Mr. Pearson,” he said with an effort to be pleasant. “Want some gin?”

“Yes, and some Scotch, too, Pete—if you have it 111 take two quarts of Scotch and one of gin.”

“All right.” Pete led the way down into the cellar, switching on an electric light when he reached the foot of the stairs. There was a small bar ir; the rear of the dingy, underground room, a table ot two, and dozens of small boxes stacked against th« wall.

It was Hugh’s first visit to a bootlegger’s den and he was keenly interested. He had a high-bal along with Carl and Pearson; then took another


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Rh >onald Ferguson, who was lying on the couch and stening in silence. He was a handsome youth ith Scotch blue eyes and sandy hair. Women ere instantly attracted by his good looks, splendid hysique, slow smile, and quiet drawl.

He spoke for the first time. “The old singleandard fight,” he said, propping his head on his and. “I don’t see any sense in scrapping about lat any more. We ’ve got a single standard now. he girls go just as fast as the fellows.”

“Oh, that’s not so,” Hugh exclaimed. “Girls on’t go as far as fellows.” Ferguson smiled pleasantly at Hugh and drawled; Shut up, innocent; you don’t know anything about . I tell you the old double standard has gone all ) hell.”

“You ’re exaggerating, Don, just to get Hugh ccited,” Ross said in his quiet way. “There are lenty of decent girls. Just because a lot of them zt on all occasions is n’t any reason to say that ley are n’t straight. I’m older than you fellows, ad I guess I’ve had a lot more experience than lost of you. I’ve had to make my own way since was a kid, and I’ve bumped up against a lot of )ugh customers. I worked in a lumber camp for year, and after you’ve been with a gang like that }r a while, you ’ll understand the difference beveen them and college fellows. Those boys are id eggs. They just have n’t any morals* that’s


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 But suppose any one should say, "That if these particular Incidents were natural and necessary Members, it would thence follow, that they would not be foreign, extraneous, additional, and inserted Pieces." To this I answer, that all this is true; but withall, that the Thing has retain'd its original and native Name, though it has quite lost its Nature. Aristotle, who as well as others has retain'd this dubious Term, prescribes the Rules of Tragedy under the Name of Episode. Therefore in this Treatise, wherein I only follow his Precepts, I am oblig'd to take every thing in his sense, and not spoil the Nature of the Things, which he explains, by a superstitious adhering to a Word that has chang'd its Nature ever since its first Rise.

I will maintain then that the Word Episode in the Epick Poem does not signifie in extraneous foreign Peice, even in Aristotle's opinion: but that it signifies the whole Narration of the Poet, or a necessary and essential part of the Action and the proper Subject, extended and amplified by probable Circumstances.

This Conclusion deserves a more particular Examination.

Episode, according to Aristotle, should not be taken from something else and added to the Action; but should constitute a part of the Action it self. That this is Aristotle's Mind, we shall find, if we would but reflect, that this great Master, when he treated of Episodes, never made use of this Word to Add, although his Interpreters have found it so natural, that they have commonly made use of it in their Translations and Notes.

When he commends Homer for taking only part of the Siege of Troy for the Subject-Matter of his Iliad; he does not say that he has amplified it by Adding a great many Episodes to it; this Expression would distinguish the Episodes from the Matter to which they would have been added: But he says, That he made use of a great many Episodes of this Action: and this denotes that the Episodes of the Iliad were part of the Action which is the Subject-Matter thereof. And a few Lines after he says, That the Poet divided his Poem by Episodes. This is what we observ'd before in Oedipus.


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 private property? And if not, can land be private property according to common sense and morality? There is no moral, equitable title to private property but work. There is no value ever created except by labor. If we, by our labor improve a piece of land, we certainly have a moral and reasonable title to the value of our improvement; but not to the land itself, because we did not create the land. It is a free gift of Nature, and no one can—in higher law—lay his hand on a piece of this gift which was given to all, and call it his own, to the exclusion of all others. To deny this would be as much as to say, that a handful of men should have the right to demand that all the rest must drown themselves in the ocean, if those few did not choose to tolerate their existence. In Scotland and in Ireland, as is notorious, millions of inhabitants were, within the last thirty years, forcibly exiled from the land of their birth and their inherited share of the products of the soil, to make room for sheep drifts or deer parks or cattle pastures, for the sole benefit of a few robbing land-owners. And even in our own state of Massachusetts, there are some dozen towns belonging exclusively to one person, or to one company who have the right to drive out of the limits of the town any one of their operatives who should dare to oppose their lordship's intentions. In Texas, there are whole counties belonging to one or a few great cattle raisers who may exile any inhabitant obnoxious to the lords. And all this is so late and rapid a growth that no one can deny that this system will spread very soon all over the country if a determined resistance is not organized.

The private ownership of the soil is commonly justified—not on a principle of moral right, but on a maxim of expediency. It is said this ownership is useful because it encourages the owners to improve their land, and so to make it far more fruitful for the owners and the State. Nobody would care to cut down the forests, to drain the swamps, to break and plough and improve the soil, to erect durable and ornamental buildings and fences on it, to build roads and keep them in repair, to plant trees and stock the waters with fish, etc., unless he knew that he could safely enjoy the fruit of all this labor down to his last days, and leave to his children and grand-children this land as their birthright. To this defense we must object that no sane person will try to destroy an inducement to such work, or blame the hankering of most men for a secure possession of a share in the soil and a life among the charms of nature. It just for this reason that we reformers wish to secure the blessings connected with a share of the soil to every mother's son who wishes for it. But for this purpose


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 long leases—lasting, perhaps, several generations—are altogether sufficient; it is not at all necessary that the property-right in the soil should be granted by the National Government. There are two dangers of a most serious kind connected with this right. It implies that the private land may be sold, mortgaged, and encumbered, and, as we have seen would thereby bring into existence the system of private capitalism. And when it is sold, where is the argument of our opponents? where the benefit to the human heart, and where the improvement of the soil? The second danger is that the soil may not be improved, even by many subsequent generations of one family, or at least not in a manner to benefit the community. The more dense a population grows, the more prevails a common need of fertilizing the soil to the utmost, of husbanding groves, forests, or large trees so as to secure a sufficient amount of rain, dew, and snow at the proper time, a wholesome climate, and as many rural homesteads as possible for the necessary and always increasing agricultural laborers—in short what is called rational husbandry, or Scientific farming. This requires combined wealth and Co-operation of laborers according to Scientific principles. All the Nation is deeply interested in this provision, and can not satisfy this indispensable demand without having herself the only right of property, and without insisting that her leased land should be husbanded in the most productive way, and for the benefit of all.

Europe furnishes a warning example in all the lands along the Mediterranean sea, no less than the opposite shores of Africa. These countries were, two thousand years ago, the most fruitful and beautiful of the world, and richly fed 150 or 200 millions of cultured people, while now they are, in great part, a barren, sparsely peopled, and uncultured waste. This was brought about by the private ownership of the soil, which was, in the course of centuries, divided among a diminishing number of lordly owners who did not care for a prosperous and numerous yeomanry. The consequence was that all these lands were tilled by slaves, and could not withstand the repeated attacks of foreign warlike nations, in the wars with which, forests and buildings were destroyed. Rains began to fail, or when they came, they poured down in torrents which washed all the good soil down the slopes, formed pestilential swamps in the plains, and ruined the pastures by the cover of gravel and boulders which were swept down. No animals but goats could live along the hilly regions, and they ate all the young sprouts of trees, so that the barrenness went on increasing. Navigable rivers turned into sluggish brooks, aqueducts and roads decayed—in short, where once ten men could live in plenty as freemen, and


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 produce the highest culture of ancient times, one or two miserable paupers, beggars, robbers, or boors now toil for the sole benefit of a few worthless nabobs. It is time in our own country that we should learn from such dreadful examples.

It would no doubt be an unwise policy to begin the fight against capitalism where its power originated, in the many small real estate owners, who may have escaped the swallowing jaws of capital. The real root of the evil is not the owners of the soil, much less the small owners—the real root is a principle, a false opinion and _ practice. The error is that there can be a private property in what we do not create, and that error leads to the immoral principle that it may be lawful and just to appropriate a portion of the fruit of the labor of others. And all the dangers, all the social ills that flow from that principle and its capitalistic consequences, may be uprooted by a law that forbids all sales of real estate after a certain year in the future; every sale after that date to be a sale to the state or government for a personal income during the life of the seller—or some other measure which puts an end to the money value of land.

From the moment that such a law is passed, the price of land, and with it that of money will gradually sink, and the price of labor will rise proportionally. Indeed, the transition from the present immoral and ruinous state of society to a prosperous future society built on moral principles, may be rendered as slow, gradual, and safe as is desirable to the majority of voters, but it cannot help being a sudden, revolutionary, and stormy transition if it be long delayed. It is perfectly in the power of our voters to adopt or to reject a moral and just principle in matters of property, but it is not in their power to prevent its natural effects. An immoral and unjust principle in property legislation will, with an iron force, and by and by with the velocity of steam, overthrow the prosperity of the people and the constitution of the state, and has, in bygone centuries, entirely wiped out many a nation and its culture. A moral and just principle in property laws, being akin to our better nature, will cure one after another the ills of Society.

The system of Capitalistic Production creates wealth for the few through the unpaid portion of the labor of the many. The system of Wages Labor is but another name for that of Capitalistic Production. All over the civilized world the loud cry of the masses is heard that Wages Labor must give way to Co-operation of the laborers, and it will soon be followed by the filling up of legislatures with real laborers only,


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 mental and bodily laborers, to the exclusion of representatives of capital. If this future legislation through laborers for the exclusive benefit of labor is to be successful, we must not indulge in any illusions like that which now seems to have a hold upon the mind of the majority, to wit.: "That Capital and Labor should be in harmony." By that term "Capital" now-a-days private capital is understood. But it is an illusion, a dangerous mistake to suppose that private capital and labor could ever be in harmony. Private capital is a beast of prey that lives and thrives solely on human flesh and blood, on the substance of wages laborers. How can beasts of prey live in harmony with their victims? How can legal robbers and the robbed have the same interests? How can, then, a system of Co-operation become universal before the system of capitalist robbery and legislation is abolished? How can laborers, the great majority of whom are more and more reduced to slow starvation, undertake a successful competition in productive industry with the great capitalistic producers, or their giant monopolies? They never can do it, unless they have the legislative and executive powers of the state on their side; and even then they can do it only if their laws are calculated to utterly abolish the system of private capitalism.

Let us well understand what the "abolition of private capital" (or wages slavery) means. If to-day, by some miracle or revolution, all the great private capitalists and their companies could be removed from our country, would we to-morrow be any poorer for all that? No, we should be richer. They could remove only their persons which we now must feed, house, clothe, and protect, at the outlay of at least two-thirds of our labor product—these two-thirds we should thenceforth keep for ourselves. They could take along also all their legal titles to property within our borders, such as titles to land, mortgages, shares in moneyed institutions, policies, and the like, but all this is a sham value, worth nothing anywhere else, unless we pay interest on it, that is to say, unless we work at wages which are two-thirds two low, or, unless we work two-thirds of our time for lazy people. They could also take along their clothes and finery, diamonds, jewelry, coaches, and coach horses, their gold and silver money. But what of it—as much gold and silver money as we should want we could soon have dug from our mines. They could not take along what no human labor can create—lands, air, water, and sunshine; they could not take along what the accumulated labor of all mankind has created—Sciences, Arts, improvements of the soil, the laboring force of all of us, and all the means of labor, such as buildings, establishments, machines, con-


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 original sin is to be understood “that transgression of God’s command, that departure of human nature from the law of God, and consequently from its aims, which was committed by our first parents in Paradise and which from them passed over to us. ‘Original sin,’ we read in the Orthodox profession of the Catholic and Apostolic Eastern Church, ‘is a transgression of the law of God, given in Paradise to our forefather Adam. This original sin passed from Adam to the whole human race, for we then were all in Adam, and thus through the one Adam the sin has spread to all of us. For this reason we are begotten and born with this sin.’ The only difference is that in Adam this departure from the law of God, and consequently from its destination, was free and arbitrary, but in us it is inherited and necessary: we are born with a nature which has departed from the law of God; in Adam it was a personal sin, a sin in the strict sense of the word,—in us it is not a personal sin, not really a sin, but only a sinfulness of our nature as derived from our parents; Adam sinned, that is, he freely violated the law of God and thus became a sinner, that is, caused his whole nature to deviate from the law of God, and consequently became personally guilty toward God,—but we have not sinned personally with Adam, but have become sinners with him and through him: By one man’s disobedience many were made sinners (Rom. v. 19); receiving from him our sinful nature we appear in the world as children of the wrath of God (Eph. ii. 3).

“Under the consequences of the original sin the church understands those consequences which the sin of our first parents produced immediately upon them, and which pass over from them to us, such as the dimming of the intellect, the abasement of the will, and the proclivity to do evil, diseases of the body, death, and so forth. (pp. 493 and 494.)

“This distinction of the original sin and of its conse-


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 factorily ascertained; but without entering disputatiously into theoretical disquisitions, or absolutely denying that part of the advantage derived from purgative medicines might be ascribed to their efficacy in stimulating the ducts of different glands in the intestinal canal, and thus promoting their respective secretions, he referred the benefit of these medicines, in the diseases which he treated, to their sensible effect in unloading the bowels, rather than to any less obvious and more questionable power, which they may be capable of exciting. No man could be less dogmatical than Dr was in matters of speculation; and, on the other hand, no man was ever more becomingly firm in maintaining the certainty of the conclusions which he had cautiously and deliberately established on the solid foundation of long experience. It must have been very gratifying to him to receive such a testimony of the estimation in which his services were held in other countries, as is contained in a letter from Mr, the translator of his work into French, who says, "that he had been induced to undertake the task by the consideration that such a work can never be sufficiently known in all countries;" and then adds, "whatever be the variations of our medical theories, your prac-


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 tice will constantly preserve its use and efficacy.” In this letter, dated 24th January 1827, Mr states that Dr  had adopted Dr ’s treatment, with much profit, in cases of cutaneous diseases at the Hospital St Louis.

A less complimentary notice of Dr ’s book was communicated to the public a few years afterwards, in “ Dr Stoke’s Observations on Enteritis, Gastritis, and Gastro-Enteritis,” contained in the “Cyclopedia of Practical Medicine.” Among the causes of the prevailing ignorance of the pathological states of the alimentary tube, Dr Stoke is pleased to assign this as one, namely, "the spread of the doctrines of, so popular to many minds from this, that, under the name of science, was put forward an empiricism, easy in its application, though destructive in its results, and saving the trouble of thinking and the necessity of study.”

Dr had the satisfaction of seeing a very temperate and judicious defence against this allegation, in No. CXVI. of the Edinburgh Medical and Surgical Journal; and he soon afterwards (on the 9th of September 1833) printed and circulated among his friends a few observations, in the course of which he states that the experience of thirty years had fully


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 veyances. Oh, how much richer should we be! And what moral wrong would be done to them by our exiling them? We would do nothing but stop their lawful robbery which has continued so long. Individual cases of hardship might occur; there might be many innocent sufferers among them, but we would gladly guarantee them a well-to-do existence in our midst, if they would stay and go to labor in whatever branch they are capable of following. Or if not able to work, we would in some other way provide for them at home or abroad.

Now, in fact, we do not propose such a revolution. We laborers are less cruel, more humane than our legal robbers; we would even rejoice in keeping them among ourselves, and make good citizens, better men, and useful laborers of them. But our humanity must not go so far as to allow their robbery to continue among us. We are ready for all sorts of compromises with them, provided they agree that after a reasonable period, all capitalistic titles or sham values shall be extinguished, and that we in the meantime shall have our burdens lightened, a generous system of universal education carried out, and guarantees for the future given.

And this,—no more,—is what the Workingmen's Party of the United States—which stands on the same principles as the International Workingmen's Association, a powerful body of laborers with mind and body, spread over most of Europe—is about. Our platform and the methods of our present activity may be found at the end of this tract. We must, however, explain the same still more unmistakably.

In the first place, the improvement of Education, the universal propagation of all true Sciences and Arts, of a higher morality based on the dignity and value of labor, and the furtherance of freedom and justice through Education lie at our heart. As soon as a legislative compromise with our opponents can be had, we shall formulate—as has already in part been done in Europe—our demands with regard to all matters of Education. In the meantime our platform exhibits only the first fundamental planks in this respect.

As the social fabric of all the modern nations has, for centuries, been based on legalized robbery by the powerful, and the indifferent ignorance and slavish tolerance of the powerless majority, it is merely impossible to rear a new social edifice of a juster, freer, and truly moral sort on the present foundation of EeducationEducation [sic]. A great moral reform of the Nations is needed, and can be produced by rendering Sciences and Arts and the love for Labor universal. Teaching must be the most honored and influential profession and very attractive for all persons born with an aptitude to teach,


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 confirmed the utility of the agents which, after much patient and anxious inquiry, he had recommended; in the administration of which he had uniformly inculcated, that they were intended to produce, not severe or repeated purging, but a laxative effect; and had urged the necessity of inspecting the alvine egesta, that a correct judgment of the nature of a malady might he formed, and the subsequent doses, as well as the time of the repetition of medicines, might be ascertained. To the neglect of this attention he ascribed the injury which might sometimes occur; but he maintained that he could not be accountable for results against which he had endeavoured to guard.

It would almost be injustice to his memory to forbear to quote the following spirited sentence, which reflects great credit on the sound judgment and good taste of a man who had completed his 84th year. “I have not been aware that I incurred the charge of empiricism; but, if I have ascertained the loaded state of the bowels to be the cause of some diseases; if I have traced the effects of this state through the gradual decline of health to the introduction of distressing and obstinate ailments; if, in proposing a remedy for these, I have contributed to


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 and the education of the teachers themselves must be go complete and thorough, that none but the wisest and best persons shall be trusted with conducting all our schools and educational institutions, and shall have the management of the same as unhampered as possible by outsiders. In this way alone can "a higher humanity be inaugurated," and all the people be prepared to really govern themselves. So deeply are the bulk of our party imbued with this idea that already thousands of them have, in spite of a former neglected education, gone into serious study of such Sciences as History, Political Economy, Philosophy, and Pedagogy, Foreign Languages and Grammar and others, and can exhibit creditable progress therein. No less are the members of our party, as a rule, intent on reflecting credit on their family life; they fight not only prostitution, the curtailment of family happiness by factory labor of women and children, the sexual profligacy of the ruling classes and the wrongs embodied in our matrimonial laws, but they will be less liable to the charge of dissolute living than any other body of men.

It is now clear that our party, which recognizes no other property as just and moral than that which is produced by real labor, must have some sort of capital or accumulation of riches, by which labor can be made profitable. More than that. The system of Capitalistic Production is vicious only in so far as it is robbery of the labor product of others; but it was heretofore the only means to apply the grand modern discoveries and inventions of Science, and thus and by a progressive division of labor to render labor ten-fold, nay, a hundred-fold (in some branches) more productive of useful wares than it ever had been. This advantage of modern technical Science must not be lost in reforming society, but increased, far more increased than capitalistic speculators will henceforth be willing to allow. Every hour of labor which inventions take from man's hand and impose on some machine, should benefit the real laborer, and not a private tax-gatherer of an employer. The increased mass of merchandise should ennoble the life of the worker, and allow him to devote more and more spare time to his own and his family’s education, and higher recreations. The wealth created by an ever augmented productivity of divided labor should be the means to remedy the wear and tear of body and mind which one-sided productive activity brings with it, and to remedy it by an increasing leisure of the worker so that he may cultivate the neglected sides and inclinations of his natural endowment. It has been shown that even at present our machinery, chemical appliances, and minute divisions of labor are sufficient to produce with six hours' work a day (if all grown men


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 the happiness and enjoyment of mankind; if I have recalled the sparkling lustre to the languid eye, and the bloom of youthful beauty to the pale cheek; if these things constituted me an empiric, I cheerfully accept the imputation, and will glory in the name.”

The distinctions which Dr obtained do not require to be very minutely detailed. He was one of the original Fellows of the Royal Society of Edinburgh. He was elected President of the College of Physicians in 1792, having been President of the Harveian Society the preceding year. The Managers of the Royal Infirmary, and the Governors of Heriot’s Hospital testified their sense of his valuable services by requesting him to sit for his picture, and by voting him their thanks. A still more substantial tribute to his excellencies was rendered to him by the confidence which his numerous patients reposed in him. It would be superfluous here to dwell on the features of a character which was so universally respected. To all that is most valuable in the literature of his profession, he added the accomplishments of a perfect gentleman. Retaining through life some peculiarities of exterior which sat very gracefully on him, he was most unobtrusive and unaffected in his manner. He was a lover of peace,


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 are employed) all the necessaries and enough of the accustomed luxuries for everybody. Well then, why should the really deserving people, the creators of wealth, work from ten to twelve or more hours a day, especially when millions are out of employment, for the sole benefit of the undeserving speculators? Let us work eight hours, every one of us, and devote the proceeds of the two superfluous hours to the accumulation of capital, that is to say, to the increase of our means of labor; and when four hours a day will be as productive as six are now, let us work six, and so on to continue increasing our investment of common capital.

A common investment of capital, to the exclusion of all private capital—that is the prophetic cry of History. Our party has been (reproachfully) called the Communistic party. We do not indignantly repudiate that name, it is in our view no title of reproach, but rather an honorable name. But we indignantly throw the calumnies which our opponents connect with it, back into their faces. They play the contemptible old "stop thief" trick. It is not the robbed who need protest their innocence, as against their robbers. Honest laborers need not plead Not Guilty when they are charged with thievish propensities by life-long usurers, profit-mongers, and sharks.

Aye, all means of labor to be common property of the people, while the full proceeds of labor are to be private property. The laborer to be indeed, for the first time within many centuries, worthy of his full hire. EverbodyEverybody [sic] to be at fullest liberty to choose a calling, to enter one of the National Trades Unions, which all and each govern themselves, and are governed by a compromise with all others and with the state, the latter leasing out under specified contracts the means of labor to the Trades Unions. The State or Nation to be really Democratic, since no law can be passed but which was first compromised with the advisory body or the Parliament of all the Trades Unions. Every citizen to be twice represented, once as a citizen in the Government, once as a worker, with his special interest in his Trade Union. No interest to be unrepresented, and all compelled to peaceably devise bills for the common and most equitable interest of all, and the Government to be unable to do great wrongs and to inflict great evils, but to be able to hear and carry out the wisest advice of all conflicting interests which must be harmonized by the Trades Unions. A Government, therefore, which is just as progressive as the march of Science and Education can demand, and just as stable as the Economical wants of each age will enforce. All the Nations which have been organized on the same basis, to


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 sense I conversed with the Minister of War, von Roon: we had got our slap in the face from France, and had been reduced, by our complaisance, to look like seekers of a quarrel if we entered upon war, the only way in which we could wipe away the stain. My position was now untenable, solely because, during his course at the baths, the King, under pressure of threats, had given audience to the French ambassador for four consecutive days, and had exposed his royal person to insolent treatment from this foreign agent without ministerial assistance. Through this inclination to take state business upon himself in person and alone, the King had been forced into a position which I could not defend; in my judgment his Majesty while at Ems ought to have refused every business communication from the French negotiator, who was not on the same footing with him, and to have referred him to the department in Berlin. The department would then have had to obtain his Majesty's decision by a representation at Ems, or, if dilatory treatment were considered useful, by a report in writing. But his Majesty, however careful in his usual respect for departmental relations, was too fond not indeed of deciding important questions personally, but, at all events, of discussing them, to make a proper use of the shelter with which the Sovereign is purposely surrounded against importunities and inconvenient questionings and demands. That the King, considering the consciousness of his supreme dignity which he possessed in so high a degree, did not withdraw at the very beginning from Benedetti's importunity was to be attributed for the most part to the influence exercised upon him by the Queen, who was at Coblenz close by. He was seventy-three years old, a lover of peace, and disinclined to risk the laurels of 1866 in a fresh struggle; but when he was free from the feminine influence, the sense of honor of the heir of Frederick the Great and of a Prussian officer always remained paramount. Against the opposition of his consort, due to her natural feminine timidity and lack of national feel-


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 proach towards the Æquilibrium, the incurvation of the arches of the courses on the contrary shall, by degrees, increase.

I confesse, Salviatus, that to interrupt you in your Discourse is ill manners, but I esteem it no lesse rudeness to permit you to run on any farther in words, whilst they are, as the saying is, cast into the air: for, to speak freely, I know not how to form any distinct conceit of so much as one of these conclusions, that you have pronounced; but because, as I thus generally and confusedly apprehend them, they hold forth things of admirable consequence, I would gladly, some way or other, be made to understand the same.

The same that befalls you, befell me also, whilst my Guest transported me with bare words; who afterwards assisted my capacity, by describing the businesse upon a material Instrument, which was no other than a simple Sphere, making use of some of its circles, but to a different purpose from that, to which they are commonly applied. Now I will supply the defect of the Sphere, by drawing the same upon a piece of paper, as need shall require. And to represent the first accident by me propounded, which was, that the courses or journeys of the spots, twice a year, and no more, might be seen to be made in right lines, let us suppose this point O [in Fig. 4.] to be the centre of the grand Orb, or, if you will, of the Ecliptick, and likewise also of the Globe of the Sun it self; of which, by reason of the great distance that is between it and the Earth, we that live upon the Earth, may suppose that we see the one half: we will therefore describe this circle ABCD about the said centre O, which representeth unto us the extream term that divideth and separates the Hemisphere of the Sun that is apparent to us, from the other that is occult. And because that our eye, no lesse than the centre of the Earth, is understood to be in the plane of the Ecliptick, in which is likewise the centre of the Sun, therefore, if we should fancy to our selves the body of the Sun to be cut thorow by the said plane, the section will appear to our eye a right line, which let be BOD, and upon that a perpendicular being let fall AOC, it shall be the Axis of the said Ecliptick, and of the annual motion of the Terrestrial Globe. Let us next suppose the Solar body (without changing centre) to revolve in it self, not about the Axis AOC (which is the erect Axis upon the plane of the Ecliptick) but about one somewhat inclined, which let be this EOI, the which fixed and unchangeable Axis maintaineth it self perpetually in the same inclination and direction towards the same points of the Firmament, and of the Universe. And because, in the revolutions of the Solar Globe, each point of its superficies (the Poles excepted) describeth the circumference of a


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 ing, the King's power of resistance was weakened by his knightly regard for the lady and his kingly consideration for a Queen, and especially for his own Queen. I have been told that Queen Augusta implored her husband with tears, before his departure from Ems to Berlin, to bear in mind Jena and Tilsit and avert war. I consider the statement authentic, even to the tears.

Having decided to resign, in spite of the remonstrances which Roon made against it, I invited him and Moltke to dine with me alone on the 13th, and communicated to them at table my views and projects for doing so. Both were greatly depressed, and reproached me indirectly with selfishly availing myself of my greater facility for withdrawing from service. I maintained the position that I could not offer up my sense of honor to politics, that both of them, being professional soldiers and consequently without freedom of choice, need not take the same point of view as a responsible Foreign Minister. During our conversation I was informed that a telegram from Ems, in cipher, if I recollect rightly, of about 200 "groups," was being deciphered. When the copy was handed to me it showed that Abeken had drawn up and signed the telegram at his Majesty's command, and I read it out to my guests, whose dejection was so great that they turned away from


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 circle, either bigger or lesser, according as it is more or lesse remote from the said Poles, let us take the point F, equally distant from them, and draw the diameter FOG, which shall be perpendicular to the Axis EI, and shall be the diameter of the grand circle described about the Poles EI. Supposing not that the Earth, and we with her be in such a place of the Ecliptick, that the Hemisphere of the Sun to us apparent is determin'd or bounded by the circle ABCD, which passing (as it alwayes doth) by the Poles AC, passeth also by EI. It is manifest, that the grand circle, whose diameter is FG, shall be erect to the circle ABCD, to which the ray that from our eye falleth upon the centre O, is perpendicular; so that the said ray falleth upon the plane of the circle, whose diameter is FG, and therefore its circumference will appear to us a right line, and the self same with FG, whereupon if there should be in the point F, a spot, it comming afterwards to be carried about by the Solar conversion, would, upon the surface of the Sun, trace out the circumference of that circle, which seems to us a right line. Its course or passage will therefore seem straight. And straight also will the motion of the other spots appear, which in the said revolution shall describe lesser circles, as being all parallel to the greater, and to our eye placed at an immense distance from them. Now, if you do but consider, how that after the Earth shall in six moneths have run thorow half the grand Orb, and shall be situate opposite to that Hemisphere of the Sun, which is now occult unto us, so as that the boundary of the part that then shall be seen, may be the self same ABCD, which also shall passe by the Poles EI; you shall understand that the same will evene in the courses of the spots, as before, to wit, that all will appear to be made by right lines. But because that that accident takes not place, save onely when the teminator or boundary passeth by the Poles EI, and the said terminator from moment to moment, by meanes of the Earths annual motion, continually altereth, therefore its passage by the fixed Poles EI, shall be momentary, and consequently momentary shall be the time, in which the motions of those spots shall appear straight. From what hath been hitherto spoken one may comprehend also how that the apparition and beginning of the motion of the spots from the part F, proceeding towards G, their passages or courses are from the left hand, ascending towards the right; but the Earth being placed in the part diametrically opposite the appearance of the spots about G, shall still be to the left hand of the beholder, but the passage shall be descending towards the right hand F. Let us now describe the Earth to be situate one fourth part farther distant from its present state, and let us draw, as in the other figure, the terminator ABCD,


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 food and drink. On a repeated examination of the document I lingered upon the authorization of his Majesty, which included a command, immediately to communicate Benedetti's fresh demand and its rejection both to our ambassadors and to the press. I put a few questions to Moltke as to the extent of his confidence in the state of our preparations, especially as to the time they would still require in order to meet this sudden risk of war. He answered that if there was to be war he expected no advantage to us by deferring its outbreak; and even if we should not be strong enough at first to protect all the territories on the left bank of the Rhine against French invasion, our preparations would nevertheless soon overtake those of the French, while at a later period this advantage would be diminished; he regarded a rapid outbreak as, on the whole, more favorable to us than delay.

In view of the attitude of France, our national sense of honor compelled us, in my opinion, to go to war; and if we did not act according to the demands of this feeling, we should lose, when on the way to its completion, the entire impetus towards our national development won in 1866 while the German national feeling south of the Main, aroused by our military successes in 1866, and shown by the readiness of the southern states to enter the alliances, would have to grow cold again. The German feeling, which in the southern states lived long with the individual and dynastic state feeling, had, up to 1866, silenced its political conscience to a certain degree with the fiction of a collective Germany under the leadership of Austria, partly from South German preference for the old imperial State, partly in the belief of her military superiority to Prussia. After events had shown the incorrectness of that calculation, the very helplessness in which the South German states had been left by Austria at the conclusion of peace was a motive for the political Damascus that lay between Varnbüler's "Væ victis" and the willing conclusion of the offensive and defensive alliance with Prussia. It was confidence in the


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 [as in Fig. 5.] and the Axis, as before AC, by which the plane of our Meridian would passe, in which plane should also be the Axis of the Suns revolution, with its Poles, one towards us, that is, in the apparent Hemisphere, which Pole we will represent by the point E, and the other shall fall in the occult Hemisphere, and I mark it I. Inclining therefore the Axis EI, with the superiour part E, towards us, the great circle described by the Suns conversion, shall be this BFDG, whose half by us seen, namely BFD, shall no longer seem unto us a right line, by reason the Poles EI are not in the circumference ABCD, but shall appear incurvated, and with its convexity towards the inferiour part C. And it is manifest, that the same will appear in all the lesser circles parallel to the same BFD. It is to be understood also, that when the Earth shall be diametrically opposite to this state, so that it seeth the other Hemisphere of the Sun, which now is hid, it shall of the said great circle behold the part DGB incurved, with its convexity towards the superiour part A; and the courses of the spots in these constitutions shall be first, by the arch BFD, and afterwards by the other DGB, and the first apparitions and ultimate occultations made about the points B and D, shall be equilibrated, and not those that are more or lesse elevated than these. But if we constitute the Earth in such a place of the Ecliptick, that neither the boundary ABCD, nor the Meridian AC, passeth by the Poles of the Axis EI, as I will shew you anon, drawing this other Figure [''viz. Fig''. 6.] wherein the apparent or visible Pole E falleth between the arch of the terminator AB, and the section of the Meridian AC; the diameter of the great circle shall be FOG, and the apparent semicircle FNG, and the occult semicircle GSF, the one incurvated with its convexity N towards the inferiour part, and the other also bending with its convexity S towards the upper part of the Sun. The ingressions and exitions of the spots, that is, the termes F and G shall not be librated, as the two others B and D; but F shall be lower, and G higher: but yet with lesser difference than in the first Figure. The arch also FNG shall be incurvated, but not so much as the precedent BFD; so that in this position the passages or motions of the spots shall be ascendent from the left side F, towards the right G, and shall be made by curved lines. And imagining the Earth to be constituted in the position diametrically opposite; so that the Hemisphere of the Sun, which was before the occult, may be the apparent, and terminated by the same boundary ABCD, it will be manifestly discerned, that the course of the spots shall be by the arch GSF, beginning from the upper point G, which shall then be likewise from the left hand of the beholder, and going to determine, des-


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 Germanic power developed by means of Prussia, and the attraction which is inherent in a brave and resolute policy if it is successful, and then proceeds within reasonable and honorable limits. This nimbus had been won by Prussia; it would have been lost irrevocably, or at all events for a long time, if in a question of national honor the opinion gained ground among the people that the French insult, La Prusse cane, had a foundation in fact.

In the same psychological train of thought in which during the Danish war in 1864 I desired, for political reasons, that precedence should be given not to the old Prussian, but to the Westphalian battalions, who so far had had no opportunity of proving their courage under Prussian leadership, and regretted that Prince Frederick Charles had acted contrary to my wish, did I feel convinced that the gulf, which diverse dynastic and family influences and different habits of life had in the course of history created between the south and north of the Fatherland, could not be more effectually bridged over than by a joint national war against the neighbor who had been aggressive for many centuries. I remembered that even in the short period from 1813 to 1815, from Leipzig and Hanau to Belle-Alliance, the joint victorious struggle against France had rendered it possible to put an end to the opposition between a yielding Rhine-Confederation policy and the German national impetus of the days between the Vienna congress and the Mainz commission of inquiry, days marked by the names of Stein, Görres, Jahn, Wartburg, up to the crime of Sand. The blood shed in common from the day when the Saxons came over at Leipzig down to their participation at Belle-Alliance under English command had fostered a consciousness before which the recollections of the Rhine-Confederation were blotted out. The historical development in this direction was interrupted by the anxiety aroused by the over-haste of the national craving for the stability of state institutions.


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 This retrospect strengthened me in my conviction, and the political considerations in respect to the South German states proved applicable likewise, mutatis mutandis, to our relations with the populations of Hanover, Hesse, and Schleswig-Holstein. That this view was correct is shown by the satisfaction with which, at the present day, after a lapse of twenty years, not only the Holsteiners, but likewise the people of the Hanse towns, remember the heroic deeds of their sons in 1870. All these considerations, conscious and unconscious, strengthened my opinion that war could be avoided only at the cost of the honor of Prussia and of the national confidence in it. Under this conviction I made use of the royal authorization communicated to me through Abeken, to publish the contents of the telegram; and in the presence of my two guests I reduced the telegram by striking out words, but without adding or altering, to the following form: "After the news of the renunciation of the hereditary Prince of Hohenzollern had been officially communicated to the imperial government of France by the royal government of Spain, the French ambassador at Ems further demanded of his Majesty the King that he would authorize him to telegraph to Paris that his Majesty the King bound himself for all future time never again to give his consent if the Hohenzollerns should renew their candidature. His Majesty the King thereupon decided not to receive the French ambassador again, and sent to tell him through the aide-de-camp on duty that his Majesty had nothing further to communicate to the ambassador." The difference in the effect of the abbreviated text of the Ems telegram as compared with that produced by the original was not the result of stronger words but of the form, which made this announcement appear decisive, while Abeken's version would only have been regarded as a fragment of a negotiation still pending, and to be continued at Berlin.

After I had read out the concentrated edition to my two guests, Moltke remarked: "Now it has a different ring;


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 cending towards the right, in the point F. What I have hitherto said, being understood, I believe that there remains no difficulty in conceiving how from the passing of the terminator of the Solar Hemispheres by the Poles of the Suns conversion, or neer or far from the same, do arise all the differences in the apparent courses of the spots; so that by how much the more those Poles shall be remote from the said terminator, by so much the more shall those courses be incurvated, and lesse oblique; whereupon at the same distance, that is, when those Poles are in the section of the Meridian, the incurvation is reduced to the greatest, but the obliquity to the least, that is to Æquilibrium, as the second of these three last figures [''viz. Fig''. 5.] demonstrateth. On the contrary, when the Poles are in the terminator, as the first of these three figures [''viz. Fig''. 4.] sheweth the inclination is at the greatest, but the incurvation at the least, and reduced to rectitude. The terminator departing from the Poles, the curvity begins to grow sensible, the obliquity all the way encreasing, and the inclination growing lesser.

These are those admirable and extravagant mutations, that my Guest told me would from time to time appear in the progresses of the Solar spots, if so be it should be true that the annual motion belonged to the Earth, and that the Sun being constituted in the centre of the Ecliptick, were revolved in it self upon an Axis, not erect, but inclined to the Plane of the said Ecliptick.

I do now very well apprehend these consequences, and believe that they will be better imprinted in my fancy, when I shall come to reflect upon them, accommodating a Globe to those inclinations, and then beholding them from several places. It now remains that you tell us what followed afterwards touching the event of these imaginary consequences.

It came to passe thereupon, that continuing many several moneths to make most accurate observations, noting down with great exactnesse the courses or transitions of sundry spots at divers times of the year, we found the events punctually to correspond to the predictions.

Simplicius, if this which Salviatus saith be true; (nor can we distrust him upon his word) the Ptolomeans and Aristoteleans had need of solid arguments, strong conjectures, and well grounded experiments to counterpoise an objection of so much weight, and to support their opinion from its final overthrow.

Fair and softly good Sir, for haply you may not yet be got so far as you perswade your self you are gone. And though I am not an absolute master of the subject of that narra-


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 it sounded before like a parley; now it is like a flourish in answer to a challenge." I went on to explain: "If in execution of his Majesty's order I at once communicate this text, which contains no alteration in or addition to the telegram, not only to the newspapers, but also by telegraph to all our embassies, it will be known in Paris before midnight, and not only on account of its contents, but also on account of the manner of its distribution, will have the effect of a red rag upon the Gallic bull. Fight we must if we do not want to act the part of the vanquished without a battle. Success, however, essentially depends upon the impression which the origination of the war makes upon us and others; it is important that we should be the party attacked, and this Gallic overweening and touchiness will make us if we announce in the face of Europe, so far as we can without the speaking-tube of the Reichstag, that we fearlessly meet the public threats of France."

This explanation brought about in the two generals a revulsion to a more joyous mood, the liveliness of which surprised me. They had suddenly recovered their pleasure in eating and drinking and spoke in a more cheerful vein. Roon said: "Our God of old lives still and will not let us perish in disgrace." Moltke so far relinquished his passive equanimity that, glancing up joyously towards the ceiling and abandoning his usual punctiliousness of speech, he smote his hand upon his breast and said: "If I may but live to lead our armies in such a war, then the devil may come directly afterwards and fetch away the 'old carcass.'" He was less robust at that time than afterwards, and doubted whether he would survive the hardships of the campaign.

How keenly he wanted to put in practice his military and strategic tastes and ability I observed not only on this occasion, but also in the days before the outbreak of the Bohemian war. In both cases I found my military colleague in the King's service changed from his usual dry and silent habit; he became cheerful, lively, even merry.


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 In the June night of 1866, when I had invited him for the purpose of ascertaining whether the march of the army could not be begun twenty-four hours sooner, he answered in the affirmative and was pleasantly excited by the hastening of the struggle. As he left my wife's drawing-room with elastic step, he turned round at the door and asked me in a serious tone: "Do you know that the Saxons have blown up the bridge at Dresden?" Upon my expression of amazement and regret he replied: "Yes, with water, for the dust." An inclination to innocent jokes very seldom, in official relations like ours, broke through his reserve. In both cases his love of combat and delight in battles were a great support to me in carrying out the policy I regarded as necessary, in opposition to the intelligible and justifiable aversion in a most influential quarter. It proved inconvenient to me in 1867, in the Luxemburg question, and in 1875 and afterwards on the question whether it was desirable, as regards a war which we should probably have to face sooner or later, to bring it on anticipando before the adversary could improve his preparations. I have always opposed the theory which says "Yes"; not only at the Luxemburg period, but likewise subsequently for twenty years, in the conviction that even victorious wars cannot be justified unless they are forced upon one, and that one cannot see the cards of Providence far enough ahead to anticipate historical development according to one's own calculation. It is natural that in the staff of the army not only younger officers, but likewise experienced strategists, should feel the need of turning to account the efficiency of the troops led by them, and their own capacity to lead, and of making them prominent in history. It would be a matter of regret if this effect of the military spirit did not exist in the army; the task of keeping its results within such limits as the nations' need of peace can justly claim is the duty of the political, not the military, heads of the State. That at the time of the Luxemburg


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 question, during the crisis of 1875, invented by Gortchakoff and France, and even down to the most recent times, the staff and its leaders have allowed themselves to be led astray and to endanger peace, lies in the very spirit of the institution, which I would not forego. It only becomes dangerous under a monarch whose policy lacks sense of proportion and power to resist one-sided and constitutionally unjustifiable influences.


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 enter into a compact for the abolition of all war and for a World's Court of Justice to settle amicably all Economical and Political differences or disputes. Reason and Science to have a universal field of advisory and executive action.

This is a meagre outline of the future organization of Society as far as it now needs to be foreshadowed. This is the goal at which present knowledge of the spirit of the times bids us aim, leaving the specialties to future consideration. It is useless to declaim against this conception as a mere fancy picture, against this goal as an impossible, or far too arduous undertaking. Historical necessities are "stubborn things," which we either must comply with or perish; and where there is a will there's a way. The world is full of wisdom and knowledge now to serve all our purposes, provided we give it fair play. Infinitely more wisdom and knowledge is as yet squandered to defend, uphold, and patch up old worn out immoral institutions and superstitions, errors and vices, than there is applied to the solution of a future moral society. There is no lack of means to advance mankind on the largest scale; all that is wanted is unanimity of the workers of the foremost countries to be no longer harnessed to the wrong side of the wagon of progress.

It is, of course, of the first importance that not one Nation alone should try to realize our schemes of the regeneration of Society, but several of the prominent ones at the same time; otherwise every thoroughgoing reform would be a failure. Private capital is now internationally organized and confederated, the Party of Labor can not conquer it without an International Brotherhood.

But we of the United States are in this respect far less advanced than Europe is. We have not thirteen National Representatives, as our brothers in Germany have; we have not two millions of Nationally organized Trades Unionists, as our brothers in England and Scotland have; we have not even that degree of organization and influence which our brothers have in some of the most brutally governed states of the Old World. We must hurry up to fall into line with them, and to do our share of the Emancipation of the Laborers of the world. But whether we will or no, we shall be compelled to do it, and the later we resolve to do it the greater will meanwhile be our suffering, and the more difficult or desperate our task afterward. The United States is the one civilized country in which the rule of Capitalism is least limited, its progress quickest, its prejudices and superstitions most deeply rooted among the working people themselves. There is among us far more to do toward weaning the latter from their egoistic isolation. They


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 are wont to think that as members of a Church, or a Lodge, or some other small Benevolent Society they will forever be safe from the worst miseries. They fail to see that when the great majority of a Nation has once entered upon the downward path of impoverishment, all the channels of mutual help and benevolence must dry up; and that a great National, even a World's Crisis, like the present, cannot be overcome but by a great and general growth of the feeling of solidarity. The maxim thus far prevailing, "Every one for himself, and the dl take the hindmost" is played out, as we all can observe, and should yield to the great principle of the future, "One for all, and all for one."

As regards the measures which our Party Congresses have devised for our common immediate activity, none are of greater importance than organization of Trades Unions on a Socio-Democratic basis, and political action to obtain a law in favor of a work-day of Eight Hours and its faithful execution.

Wherever the old Trades Unions, which exclude political discussion and action, can be induced to give up that portion of their maxims, and to place themselves squarely on our platform,—because our Party is founded in an uncompromising hostility to both the old parties—there it is far preferable to increase their membership by new accessions. Where, however, this conversion is for the moment not feasible, it should be tried again and again, and in the meanwhile corresponding Trades Unions should be founded on our own basis and induce the old Unions to join their action to ours wherever they sympathize with it. The Unions of every kind should most energetically be expanded into National, International, and common local organizations of all. They should collect Labor Statistics within their sphere, subscriptions to our Labor Papers, and Party Demands at the hand of the Legislatures; they should join our public demonstrations, and take care that all their members may be converted to our party creed and membership. It is only in these Unions that all the followers of the same trade or profession can form an intimate acquaintance with the capacities and moral trustworthiness of each member, so as to have a sufficient number of fitting organizers of business in the new society of the future, when the State must trust them with the productive interests of all. And it is only there that the brotherly spirit of solidarity can be fostered, especially among the rising generation of workers who are not yet voters.

The Normal Work-day of, for the present at most, Eight (later of less) Hours, is a most urgent necessity. Hundreds of thousands of working people are out of employment, and


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 without daily bread, but might find employment, and by earning their bread increase consumption which in turn would increase production and the confidence in better times; they might find it if those who have employment were not compelled by their task-masters, or their own wants, to work all the way up from ten to fifteen hours, and, of course, at starvation wages, too. The greater amount of leisure would enable our workers to devote more time and energy to the study of Labor problems and Scientific writings, and to recreation in family life and party festivities; and as less hours mean higher wages—a natural law, proven by the history of all Labor organizations—they would have their means for higher aspirations gradually enlarged. The Normal Workday is equivalent to a new Declaration of Independence, this time the independence of Labor from Capital.

These two measures need not stand in the way of other measures devised by our Congresses, but should be ever present to the mind of every member of our party. They are, as has been shown, not of a present only, but also of a perpetual future importance—the foundation of the Socio-Democratic policy of the future.

We must conclude—the rest of our Platform will explain itself.

We do not strike any bargains with any of the old parties—they have all alike been the tools of that private Capitalism which has made this land of plenty one of misery, and threatens the destruction of the Liberty of all of us and of the Republic itself. For that same reason we cannot compromise with the Greenback and Granger organization though we sympathize with some of their aims and with all organizations of real laborers. The platforms of these two latter bodies do not strike at the root of our complaints, and are even yet imbued with the Capitalistic spirit. We cannot yield any of our principles which were formulated by the united experience and wisdom of the Laborers of many countries. We cannot afford to waste time with such slender reforms as these bodies propose, and which are more difficult to carry out than our programme, because they contain no great moral principle, and are opposed by the Capitalistic class with no less energy than are our ideas.

What is needed is a regeneration of mankind, and the universal enthusiasm which an insight into its necessity alone can stir up. There is no shorter way to the great goal than a universal enlightenment of all the Workers of all the prominent countries in regard to the necessity and means of our grand effort of Emancipation. Whether we will or not, we must choose that way, because the growth of Capitalistic oppression hurries to that gulf in which we


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 all, together with Culture, Freedom, Progress, and Humanity would be buried, unless we hurl into it that Capitalistic system itself.

Our war is a war of principle against principle. Our principle is a moral and irrefutable one, while the Capitalistic principle is utterly wrong, immoral, and ruinous. We are, therefore, fully convinced that our principle must be, and must soon be, completely victorious. It is for that reason that we deprecate and shun all violence, all wanton disregard of existing laws, how bad so ever they be, and all bloodshed, unless we be provoked and wantonly attacked, and forced to resist.

The Emancipation of the Working Classes must be achieved by the Working Classes themselves, independent of all political parties of the propertied class.

The struggle for the Emancipation of the Working Classes means not a struggle for Class privileges and monopolies, but for Equal Rights and Duties, and the abolition of all Class Rule.

The Economical subjection of the man of Labor to the monopolizer of the means of labor—the sources of life—lies at the bottom of servitude in all its forms, of all social misery, mental degradation, and political dependence.

The Economical Emancipation of the Working Classes is therefore the great end, to which every political movement ought to be subordinate as a means.

All efforts aiming at that great end have hitherto failed from want of solidarity between the manifold Divisions of Labor in each country, and from the absence of concerted action between the Workingmen of all countries.

The Emancipation of Labor is neither a local nor a national, but a Social Problem, embracing all countries in which modern society exists, and depending for its solution upon the practical and theoretical concurrence and co-operation of the most advanced countries.

For these reasons, the has been founded.

It enters into proper relations and connection with the Workingmen of other countries.

Whereas, Political Liberty without Economical Freedom is but an empty phrase; therefore we will in the first place direct our efforts to the Eco-


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 nomical question. We repudiate entirely connection with all political parties of the propertied classes without regard to their name.

We demand that all the means of labor (land, machinery, railroads, telegraphs, canals, etc.) become the Common property of the whole people, for the purpose of abolishing the Wages System, and substituting in its place Co-operative Production with a just distribution of its rewards.

The of the party is confined generally to obtaining legislative acts in the interest of the working class proper. It will not enter into a political campaign before being strong enough to exercise a perceptible influence, and then in the first place locally in the towns or cities, when demands of purely local character may be presented, provided they are not in conflict with the Platform and Principles of the party.

We work for organization of the Trades Unions upon a National and International basis to ameliorate the condition of the working people and seek to spread therein the above principles.

The proposes to introduce the following measures, as a means to improve the condition of the Working Classes.

1. Eight Hours for the present as a Normal working day, and legal punishment of all violators.

2. Sanitary Inspection of all Conditions of Labor, Means of Subsistence and Dwellings included.

3. Establishment of Bureaus of Labor Statistics in all States as well as by the National Government; the officers of these Bureaus to be taken from the ranks of the Labor Organizations and elected by them.

4. Prohibition of the use of Prison Labor by private employers.

5. Prohibitory laws against the employment of children under 14 years of age in Industrial Establishments.

6. Gratuitous Instruction in all Educational Institutions.

7. Strict laws making employers liable for all accidents to the injury of their employees.

8. Gratuitous administration of Justice in all courts of Law.

9. Abolition of all Conspiracy Laws.

10. Railroads, Telegraphs, and all means of Transportation to be taken hold of and operated by the Government.

11. All Industrial Enterprises to be placed under the control of the Government as fast as practicable and operated by free Co-operative Trades Unions for the good of the whole people.


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present volume is an effort to trace the reform movement in education from Vives, Bacon, and Ratke to Comenius, who gave the movement its most significant force and direction; and from him to the later reformers,—Francke, Rousseau, Basedow, Pestalozzi, Fröbel, and Herbart. A variety of ideas, interests, and adaptations, all distinctly modern, are represented in the life-creeds of these reformers; and, in the absence of a more satisfactory term, the progressive movement which they represent has been styled realism, sometimes called the “new education.”

It has been well said that “the dead hand of spiritual ancestry lays no more sacred duty on posterity than that of realizing under happier circumstances ideas which the stress of age or the shortness of life has deprived of their accomplishment.” Many of the reforms represented by the realists occupy no inconsiderable place in the platforms of modern practitioners of education; and in the belief that a history of the movement might contribute toward the ultimate reforms which realism represents, it has seemed expedient to focus such a survey on the life and teachings of the strongest personality and chief exponent of the movement.

The condition of education in Europe during the sixteenth century is briefly told in the opening chap-


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 assembled together they approached Brahmā with a petition. "A certain wicked rākshasa named Rāvana greatly oppresses us," they said, "whom we suffer patiently because thou hast granted him a boon—not to be slain by gandharvas, or yakshas, or rākshasas, or gods. But now his tyranny becometh past endurance, and, O Lord, thou shouldst devise some method to destroy him." To them Brahmā replied: "That evil rākshasa disdained to ask from me immunity from the attack of men: by man only he may and shall be slain." Thereat the deities rejoiced. At that moment there arrived the great God Vishnu, clad in yellow robes, bearing mace and discus and conch, and riding upon Garuda. Him the deities reverenced, and prayed him to take birth as the four sons of Dasharatha for the destruction of the wily and irrepressible Rāvana. Then that one of lotus-eyes, making of himself four beings, chose Dasharatha for his father and disappeared. In a strange form, like a flaming tiger, he reappeared in Dasharatha's sacrificial fire and, greeting him, named himself as the messenger of God. "Do thou, O tiger amongst men," said he, "accept this divine rice and milk, and share it amongst thy wives." Then Dasharatha, overjoyed, carried the divine food and gave a portion of it to Kaushalyā, and another portion to Sumitrā, and another to Kaikeyī, and then the fourth portion to Sumitrā again. In due time four sons were born of them, sharing the self of Vishnu—from Kaushalyā, Rāma; from Kaikeyī, Bharata; and from Sumitrā, Lakshmana and Satrughna; and these names were given them by Vāshishtha.

Meanwhile the gods created mighty monkey-hosts, brave and wise and swift, shape-shifters, hardly to be slain, to be the helpers of the heroic Vishnu in the battle with the rākshasas.

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The courts of justice under this Charter are of three tiers, namely, courts of first instance, appellate courts, and Supreme Court of Justice, save where a law otherwise prescribes.

The courts of first instance are the Civil Court, the Bangkok South Civil Court, the Thon Buri Civil Court, the Criminal Court, the Bangkok South Criminal Court, the Thon Buri Criminal Court, provincial courts, municipal courts, and other courts of justice which are designated as courts of first instance by their constituent acts.

The appellate courts are the Court of Appeal and the Regional Courts of Appeal.

The Supreme Court of Justice, appellate courts, and courts of first instance may divide their public service into divisions or agencies called otherwise and may permit them to separately and specifically exercise their powers over any types of cases or over cases in any territory under their jurisdiction. This shall be effected announcements issued by the Courts of Justice Judicial Administration Commission.

The announcements of the Courts of Justice Judicial Administration Commission under paragraph 1 shall come into force upon publication in the Royal Gazette.

The President of the Supreme Court of Justice shall have the duty to lay down rules for the judicial service of the courts of justice in order that the business of the courts of justice shall proceed in an orderly and uniform manner. In addition, the President of the Supreme Court of Justice shall have the power to supervise judges in order that they shall correctly observe the rules and procedures designated by the law or by other means.

The Secretary General of the Office of the Judiciary, with the approval of the Courts of Justice Judicial Administration Commission, has the power to propose an opinion as to the establishment, dissolution, or change of jurisdiction of courts of justice to the Council of Ministers for consideration and implementation, having regard to the number, conditions, locations, and jurisdiction of the courts as may be necessary for the smooth bringing of justice to the people throughout the Kingdom.

The Courts of Justice Judicial Administration Commission shall designate the number of judges in the courts of justice which suits the necessity of the public service.

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 In issuing the rules for the judicial service of the courts of justice according to paragraph 1, regard shall be had to the expertise and appropriateness of the judicial panels to be responsible for case files, as well as the quantity of the cases under the responsibility of each judicial panel.

Recall or transfer of a case file under the responsibility of any judicial panel shall only be made by the President of the Supreme Court of Justice, President of the Court of Appeal, President of a Regional Court of Appeal, chief judge of a court of first instance, or presiding judge of a court only when the fairness in trying and adjudicating upon cases before such court is likely to be affected and the Vice President of the Supreme Court of Justice, Vice President of the Court of Appeal, Vice President of the Regional Court of Appeal, deputy chief judge of the court of first instance, most senior judge in the provincial court, or most senior judge in the municipal court, as the case may be, who is not part of the panel in charge of the case file has proposed an opinion that this should be done.

In the event that the Vice President of the Supreme Court of Justice, deputy chief judge of the court of first instance, most senior judge in the provincial court, or most senior judge in the municipal court, as the case may be, is unable to serve or has become part of the panel in charge of the case file to be recalled or transferred, the Vice President of the Supreme Court of Justice, deputy chief judge of the court of first instance, or judge of that court who is next in seniority shall have the power to propose the opinion instead. In the event that there is only one Vice President of the Supreme Court of Justice or deputy chief judge of the court of first instance, and in the event that the Vice President of the Court of Appeal or Vice President of the Regional Court of Appeal is unable to serve or has become part of the panel in charge of the case to be recalled or transferred, the most senior judge of that court shall then become the person who has the power to propose the opinion.

No senior judge or junior judge has the power to propose the opinion according to paragraph 1 or paragraph 2.

In the event that a large number of cases is pending before a judge rapporteur or judicial panel, which would delay the trial and adjudication of cases before that court, and the judge rapporteur or judicial panel applies for permission to return a case file under his or its responsibility, the President of the Supreme Court of Justice, President of the Court of Appeal, President of the Regional Court of Appeal, chief judge of the court of first instance, or presiding judge of the court, as the case may be, shall have the power to accept the return of the said case file and transfer it into the responsibility of another judge or judicial panel in that court instead.

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Rh Appointment of Chaplains as members of Local Committees.—I am truly glad to see how well our School is going on at Dacca. To the appointment of Major Blackull there can be no objection. As to Mr. Shephard, I must own that, though I would by no means exclude Chaplains, as such, from the Local Committees, yet I do not think that the mere circumstance of being a Chaplain is a recommendation. In all such cases I should like to have some assurance that the individual is not a person likely to be hurried beyond the limits of discretion by feelings which, however laudable, we are not at liberty to indulge in our public capacity. But though I think that this ought to be our general rule, I will not object to the appointment of Mr. Shephard.—[Book H. page 99.] 15th August, 1835.

The system of mutual instruction.—The system of mutual instruction is not I conceive, by any means fitted for teaching the sciences. But whatever is mere matter of memory and does not require the exercise of the reasoning powers, such as the vocabulary of a language, may be taught by that system. I admit that you cannot with advantage teach the higher mathematics in that way. But the English language can be taught and taught very well and effectually, in that way. The English language, I conceive, is the great avenue by which the people of this country must arrive at all valuable knowledge. A native, without that language, can never have more than a smattering of science: and it is well if even that smattering be free from error. A native, with that language has ready access to full and accurate information on every subject, and will be able, if his natural talents are great, to make very considerable advances in knowledge, even without the aid of a teacher. By the system of mutual instruction, we shall be able to impart a knowledge of that language to a much greater number of pupils than by any other arrangement.

I earnestly hope that the Committee will try the experiment. Without some such arrangement, our means will not enable us to educate one-tenth of those who will apply to us for instruction.

The only proposition now before us is, that Mr. Trevelyan be, permitted to publish extracts from Mr. Clift’s letter. I can see no objection to his doing so.—[Book H. page 139.] 20th October, 1835.

Introduction of the Monitorial system in the Dacca School.—It seems very singular that the Local Committee should have forwarded Mr. Ridge’s application without expressing any opinion whatever, as to the expediency of what he proposes. The necessity for engaging an assistant, the qualifications of Mr. Gunn, and the propriety of hiring a house are matters about


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