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Thornburg v. Gingles/Concurrence O'Connor

JUSTICE O'CONNOR, with whom THE CHIEF JUSTICE, JUSTICE POWELL, and JUSTICE REHNQUIST join, concurring in the judgment.

In this case, we are called upon to construe § 2 of the Voting Rights Act of 1965, as amended June 29, 1982. Amended § 2 is intended to codify the "results" test employed in Whitcomb v. Chavis, 403 U.S. 124 (1971), and White v. Regester, 412 U.S. 755 (1973), and to reject the "intent" test propounded in the plurality opinion in Mobile v. Bolden, 446 U.S. 55 (1980). S. Rep. No. 97-417, pp. 27-28 (1982) (hereinafter S. Rep.). Whereas Bolden required members of a racial minority who alleged impairment of their voting strength to prove that the challenged electoral system was created or maintained with a discriminatory purpose and led to discriminatory results, under the results test, "plaintiffs may choose to establish discriminatory results without proving any kind of discriminatory purpose." S. Rep., at 28. At the same time, however, § 2 unequivocally disclaims the creation of a right to proportional representation. This disclaimer was essential to the compromise that resulted in passage of the amendment. See id., at 193-194 (additional views of Sen. Dole).

In construing this compromise legislation, we must make every effort to be faithful to the balance Congress struck. This is not an easy task. We know that Congress intended to allow vote dilution claims to be brought under § 2, but we also know that Congress did not intend to create a right to proportional representation for minority voters. There is an inherent tension between what Congress wished to do and what it wished to avoid, because any theory of vote dilution must necessarily rely to some extent on a measure of minority voting strength that makes some reference to the proportion between the minority group and the electorate at large. In addition, several important aspects of the "results" test had received little attention in this Court's cases or in the decisions of the Courts of Appeals employing that test on which Congress also relied. See id., at 32. Specifically, the legal meaning to be given to the concepts of "racial bloc voting" and "minority voting strength" had been left largely unaddressed by the courts when § 2 was amended.

The Court attempts to resolve all these difficulties today. First, the Court supplies definitions of racial bloc voting and minority voting strength that will apparently be applicable in all cases and that will dictate the structure of vote dilution litigation. Second, the Court adopts a test, based on the level of minority electoral success, for determining when an electoral scheme has sufficiently diminished minority voting strength to constitute vote dilution. Third, although the Court does not acknowledge it expressly, the combination of the Court's definition of minority voting strength and its test for vote dilution results in the creation of a right to a form of proportional representation in favor of all geographically and politically cohesive minority groups that are large enough to constitute majorities if concentrated within one or more single-member districts. In so doing, the Court has disregarded the balance struck by Congress in amending § 2 and has failed to apply the results test as described by this Court in Whitcomb and White.

I
In order to explain my disagreement with the Court's interpretation of § 2, it is useful to illustrate the impact that alternative districting plans or types of districts typically have on the likelihood that a minority group will be able to elect candidates it prefers, and then to set out the critical elements of a vote dilution claim as they emerge in the Court's opinion.

Consider a town of 1,000 voters that is governed by a council of four representatives, in which 30% of the voters are black, and in which the black voters are concentrated in one section of the city and tend to vote as a bloc. It would be possible to draw four single-member districts, in one of which blacks would constitute an overwhelming majority. The black voters in this district would be assured of electing a representative of their choice, while any remaining black voters in the other districts would be submerged in large white majorities. This option would give the minority group roughly proportional representation.

Alternatively, it would usually be possible to draw four single-member districts in two of which black voters constituted much narrower majorities of about 60%. The black voters in these districts would often be able to elect the representative of their choice in each of these two districts, but if even 20% of the black voters supported the candidate favored by the white minority in those districts the candidates preferred by the majority of black voters might lose. This option would, depending on the circumstances of a particular election, sometimes give the minority group more than proportional representation, but would increase the risk that the group would not achieve even roughly proportional representation.

It would also usually be possible to draw four single-member districts in each of which black voters constituted a minority. In the extreme case, black voters would constitute 30% of the voters in each district. Unless approximately 30% of the white voters in this extreme case backed the minority candidate, black voters in such a district would be unable to elect the candidate of their choice in an election between only two candidates even if they unanimously supported him. This option would make it difficult for black voters to elect candidates of their choice even with significant white support, and all but impossible without such support.

Finally, it would be possible to elect all four representatives in a single at-large election in which each voter could vote for four candidates. Under this scheme, white voters would elect all the representatives even if black voters turned out in large numbers and voter for one and only one candidate. To illustrate, if only four white candidates ran, and each received approximately equal support from white voters, each would receive about 700 votes, whereas black voters would cast no more than 300 votes for any one candidate. If, on the other hand, eight white candidates ran, and white votes were distributed less evenly, so that the five least favored white candidates received fewer than 300 votes while three others received 400 or more, it would be feasible for blacks to elect one representative with 300 votes even without substantial white support. If even 25% of the white voters backed a particular minority candidate, and black voters voted only for that candidate, the candidate would receive a total of 475 votes, which would ensure victory unless white voters also concentrated their votes on four of the eight remaining candidates, so that each received the support of almost 70% of white voters. As these variations show, the at-large or multimember district has an inherent tendency to submerge the votes of the minority. The minority group's prospects for electoral success under such a district heavily depend on a variety of factors such as voter turnout, how many candidates run, how evenly white support is spread, how much white support is given to a candidate or candidates preferred by the minority group, and the extent to which minority voters engage in "bullet voting" (which occurs when voters refrain from casting all their votes to avoid the risk that by voting for their lower ranked choices they may give those candidates enough votes to defeat their higher ranked choices, see ante, at 38-39, n. 5).

There is no difference in principle between the varying effects of the alternatives outlined above and the varying effects of alternative single-district plans and multimember districts. The type of districting selected and the way in which district lines are drawn can have a powerful effect on the likelihood that members of a geographically and politically cohesive minority group will be able to elect candidates of their choice.

Although § 2 does not speak in terms of "vote dilution," I agree with the Court that proof of vote dilution can establish a violation of § 2 as amended. The phrase "vote dilution," in the legal sense, simply refers to the impermissible discriminatory effect that a multimember or other districting plan has when it operates "to cancel out or minimize the voting strength of racial groups." White, 412 U.S., at 765. See also Fortson v. Dorsey, 379 U.S. 433, 439 (1965). This definition, however, conceals some very formidable difficulties. Is the "voting strength" of a racial group to be assessed solely with reference to its prospects for electoral success, or should courts look at other avenues of political influence open to the racial group? Insofar as minority voting strength is assessed with reference to electoral success, how should undiluted minority voting strength be measured? How much of an impairment of minority voting strength is necessary to prove a violation of § 2? What constitutes racial bloc voting and how is it proved? What weight is to be given to evidence of actual electoral success by minority candidates in the face of evidence of racial bloc voting?

The Court resolves the first question summarily: minority voting strength is to be assessed solely in terms of the minority group's ability to elect candidates it prefers. Ante, at 48-49, n. 15. Under this approach, the essence of a vote dilution claim is that the State has created single-member or multimember districts that unacceptably impair the minority group's ability to elect the candidates its members prefer.

In order to evaluate a claim that a particular multimember district or single-member district has diluted the minority group's voting strength to a degree that violates § 2, however, it is also necessary to construct a measure of "undiluted" minority voting strength. "[T]he phrase [vote dilution] itself suggests a norm with respect to which the fact of dilution may be ascertained." Mississippi Republican Executive Committee v. Brooks, 469 U.S. 1002, 1012 (1984) (REHNQUIST, J., dissenting from summary affirmance). Put simply, in order to decide whether an electoral system has made it harder for minority voters to elect the candidates they prefer, a court must have an idea in mind of how hard it "should" be for minority voters to elect their preferred candidates under an acceptable system.

Several possible measures of "undiluted" minority voting strength suggest themselves. First, a court could simply use proportionality as its guide: if the minority group constitutes 30% of the voters in a given area, the court would regard the minority group as having the potential to elect 30% of the representatives in that area. Second, a court could posit some alternative districting plan as a "normal" or "fair" electoral scheme and attempt to calculate how many candidates preferred by the minority group would probably be elected under that scheme. There are, as we have seen, a variety of ways in which even single-member districts could be drawn, and each will present the minority group with its own array of electoral risks and benefits; the court might, therefore, consider a range of acceptable plans in attempting to estimate "undiluted" minority voting strength by this method. Third, the court could attempt to arrive at a plan that would maximize feasible minority electoral success, and use this degree of predicted success as its measure of "undiluted" minority voting strength. If a court were to employ this third alternative, it would often face hard choices about what would truly "maximize" minority electoral success. An example is the scenario described above, in which a minority group could be concentrated in one completely safe district or divided among two districts in each of which its members would constitute a somewhat precarious majority.

The Court today has adopted a variant of the third approach, to wit, undiluted minority voting strength means the maximum feasible minority voting strength. In explaining the elements of a vote dilution claim, the Court first states that "the minority group must be able to demonstrate that it is sufficiently large and geographically compact to constitute a majority in a single-member district." Ante, at 50. If not, apparently the minority group has no cognizable claim that its ability to elect the representatives of its choice has been impaired. Second, "the minority group must be able to show that it is politically cohesive," that is, that a significant proportion of the minority group supports the same candidates. Ante, at 51. Third, the Court requires the minority group to "demonstrate that the white majority votes sufficiently as a black to enable it—in the absence of special circumstances... —usually to defeat the minority's preferred candidate." Ibid. If these three requirements are met, "the minority group demonstrates that submergence in a white multimember district impedes its ability to elect its chosen representatives." Ibid. That is to say, the minority group has proved vote dilution in violation of § 2.

The Court's definition of the elements of a vote dilution claim is simple and invariable: a court should calculate minority voting strength by assuming that the minority group is concentrated in a single-member district in which it constitutes a voting majority. Where the minority group is not large enough, geographically concentrated enough, or politically cohesive enough for this to be possible, the minority group's claim fails. Where the minority group meets these requirements, the representatives that it could elect in the hypothetical district or districts in which it constitutes a majority will serve as the measure of its undiluted voting strength. Whatever plan the State actually adopts must be assessed in terms of the effect it has on this undiluted voting strength. If this is indeed the single, universal standard for evaluating undiluted minority voting strength for vote dilution purposes, the standard is applicable whether what is challenged is a multimember district or a particular single-member districting scheme.

The Court's statement of the elements of a vote dilution claim also supplies an answer to another question posed above: how much of an impairment of undiluted minority voting strength is necessary to prove vote dilution. The Court requires the minority group that satisfies the threshold requirements of size and cohesiveness to prove that it will usually be unable to elect as many representatives of its choice under the challenged districting scheme as its undiluted voting strength would permit. This requirement, then, constitutes the true test of vote dilution. Again, no reason appears why this test would not be applicable to a vote dilution claim challenging single-member as well as multimember districts.

This measure of vote dilution, taken in conjunction with the Court's standard for measuring undiluted minority voting strength, creates what amounts to a right to usual, roughly proportional representation on the part of sizable, compact, cohesive minority groups. If, under a particular multimember or single-member district plan, qualified minority groups usually cannot elect the representatives they would be likely to elect under the most favorable single-member districting plan, then § 2 is violated. Unless minority success under the challenged electoral system regularly approximates this rough version of proportional representation, that system dilutes minority voting strength and violates § 2.

To appreciate the implications of this approach, it is useful to return to the illustration of a town with four council representatives given above. Under the Court's approach, if the black voters who constitute 30% of the town's voting population do not usually succeed in electing one representative of their choice, then regardless of whether the town employs at-large elections or is divided into four single-member districts, its electoral system violates § 2. Moreover, if the town had a black voting population of 40%, on the Court's reasoning the black minority, so long as it was geographically and politically cohesive, would be entitled usually to elect two of the four representatives, since it would normally be possible to create two districts in which black voters constituted safe majorities of approximately 80%.

To be sure, the Court also requires that plaintiffs prove that racial bloc voting by the white majority interacts with the challenged districting plan so as usually to defeat the minority's preferred candidate. In fact, however, this requirement adds little that is not already contained in the Court's requirements that the minority group be politically cohesive and that its preferred candidates usually lose. As the Court acknowledges, under its approach, "in general, a white bloc vote that normally will defeat the combined strength of minority support plus white 'crossover' votes rises to the level of legally significant white bloc voting." Ante, at 56. But this is to define legally significant bloc voting by the racial majority in terms of the extent of the racial minority's electoral success. If the minority can prove that it could constitute a majority in a single-member district, that it supported certain candidates, and that those candidates have not usually been elected, then a finding that there is "legally significant white bloc voting" will necessarily follow. Otherwise, by definition, those candidates would usually have won rather than lost.

As shaped by the Court today, then, the basic contours of a vote dilution claim require no reference to most of the "Zimmer factors" that were developed by the Fifth Circuit to implement White's results test and which were highlighted in the Senate Report. S. Rep., at 28-29; see Zimmer v. McKeithen, 485 F.2d 1297 (1973) (en banc), aff'd ''sub nom. East Carroll Parish School Board v. Marshall, 424 U.S. 636 (1976) (per curiam)''. If a minority group is politically and geographically cohesive and large enough to constitute a voting majority in one or more single-member districts, then unless white voters usually support the minority's preferred candidates in sufficient numbers to enable the minority group to elect as many of those candidates as it could elect in such hypothetical districts, it will routinely follow that a vote dilution claim can be made out, and the multimember district will be invalidated. There is simply no need for plaintiffs to establish "the history of voting-related discrimination in the State or political subdivision," ante, at 44, or "the extent to which the State or political subdivision has used voting practices or procedures that tend to enhance the opportunity for discrimination against the minority group," ante, at 45, or "the exclusion of members of the minority group from candidate slating processes," ibid., or "the extent to which minority group members bear the effects of past discrimination in areas such as education, employment, and health," ibid., or "the use of overt or subtle racial appeals in political campaigns," ibid., or that "elected officials are unresponsive to the particularized needs of the members of the minority group." Ibid. Of course, these other factors may be supportive of such a claim, because they may strengthen a court's confidence that minority voters will be unable to overcome the relative disadvantage at which they are placed by a particular districting plan, or suggest a more general lack of opportunity to participate in the political process. But the fact remains that electoral success has now emerged, under the Court's standard, as the linchpin of vote dilution claims, and that the elements of a vote dilution claim create an entitlement to roughly proportional representation within the framework of single-member districts.

II
In my view, the Court's test for measuring minority voting strength and its test for vote dilution, operating in tandem, come closer to an absolute requirement of proportional representation than Congress intended when it codified the results test in § 2. It is not necessary or appropriate to decide in this case whether § 2 requires a uniform measure of undiluted minority voting strength in every case, nor have appellants challenged the standard employed by the District Court for assessing undiluted minority voting strength.

In this case, the District Court seems to have taken an approach quite similar to the Court's in making its preliminary assessment of undiluted minority voting strength: "'At the time of the creation of these multi-member districts, there were concentrations of black citizens within the boundaries of each that were sufficient in numbers and contiguity to constitute effective voting majorities in single-member districts lying wholly within the boundaries of the multi-member districts, which single-member districts would satisfy all constitutional requirements of population and geographical configuration.' Gingles v. Edmisten, 590 F. Supp. 345, 358-359 (EDNC 1984)."

The Court goes well beyond simply sustaining the District Court's decision to employ this measure of undiluted minority voting strength as a reasonable one that is consistent with § 2. In my view, we should refrain from deciding in this case whether a court must invariably posit as its measure of "undiluted" minority voting strength single-member districts in which minority group members constitute a majority. There is substantial doubt that Congress intended "undiluted minority voting strength" to mean "maximum feasible minority voting strength." Even if that is the appropriate definition in some circumstances, there is no indication that Congress intended to mandate a single, universally applicable standard for measuring undiluted minority voting strength, regardless of local conditions and regardless of the extent of past discrimination against minority voters in a particular State or political subdivision. Since appellants have not raised the issue, I would assume that what the District Court did here was permissible under § 2, and leave open the broader question whether § 2 requires this approach.

What appellants do contest is the propriety of the District Court's standard for vote dilution. Appellants claim that the District Court held that "[a]lthough blacks had achieved considerable success in winning state legislative seats in the challenged districts, their failure to consistently attain the number of seats that numbers alone would presumptively give them (i.e., in proportion to their presence in the population)," standing alone, constituted a violation of § 2. Brief for Appellants 20 (emphasis in original). This holding, appellants argue, clearly contravenes § 2's proviso that "nothing in this section establishes a right to have members of a protected class elected in numbers equal to their proportion in the population." 42 U.S.C. § 1973.

I believe appellants' characterization of the District Court's holding is incorrect. In my view, the District Court concluded that there was a severe diminution in the prospects for black electoral success in each of the challenged districts, as compared to single-member districts in which blacks could constitute a majority, and that this severe diminution was in large part attributable to the interaction of the multimember form of the district with persistent racial bloc voting on the part of the white majorities in those districts. See 590 F. Supp., at 372. The District Court attached great weight to this circumstance as one part of its ultimate finding that "the creation of each of the multi-member districts challenged in this action results in the black registered voters of that district being submerged as a voting minority in the district and thereby having less opportunity than do other members of the electorate to participate in the political process and to elect representatives of their choice." Id., at 374. But the District Court's extensive opinion clearly relies as well on a variety of the other Zimmer factors, as the Court's thorough summary of the District Court's findings indicates. See ante, at 38-41.

If the District Court had held that the challenged multimember districts violated § 2 solely because blacks had not consistently attained seats in proportion to their presence in the population, its holding would clearly have been inconsistent with § 2's disclaimer of a right to proportional representation. Surely Congress did not intend to say, on the one hand, that members of a protected class have no right to proportional representation, and on the other, that any consistent failure to achieve proportional representation, without more, violates § 2. A requirement that minority representation usually be proportional to the minority group's proportion in the population is not quite the same as a right to strict proportional representation, but it comes so close to such a right as to be inconsistent with § 2's disclaimer and with the results test that is codified in § 2. In the words of Senator Dole, the architect of the compromise that resulted in passage of the amendments to § 2: "'The language of the subsection explicitly rejects, as did White and its progeny, the notion that members of a protected class have a right to be elected in numbers equal to their proportion of the population. The extent to which members of a protected class have been elected under the challenged practice or structure is just one factor, among the totality of circumstances to be considered, and is not dispositive.' S. Rep., at 194 (additional views of Sen. Dole)."

On the same reasoning, I would reject the Court's test for vote dilution. The Court measures undiluted minority voting strength by reference to the possibility of creating single-member districts in which the minority group would constitute a majority, rather than by looking to raw proportionality alone. The Court's standard for vote dilution, when combined with its test for undiluted minority voting strength, makes actionable every deviation from usual, rough proportionality in representation for any cohesive minority group as to which this degree of proportionality is feasible within the framework of single-member districts. Requiring that every minority group that would possibly constitute a majority in a single-member district be assigned to such a district would approach a requirement of proportional representation as nearly as is possible within the framework of single-member districts. Since the Court's analysis entitles every such minority group usually to elect as many representatives under a multimember district as it would elect under the most favorable single-member district scheme, it follows that the Court is requiring a form of proportional representation. This approach is inconsistent with the results test, and with § 2's disclaimer of a right to proportional representation.

In enacting § 2, Congress codified the "results" test this Court had employed, as an interpretation of the Fourteenth Amendment, in White and Whitcomb. The factors developed by the Fifth Circuit and relied on by the Senate Report simply fill in the contours of the "results" test as described in those decisions, and do not purport to redefine or alter the ultimate showing of discriminatory effect required by Whitcomb and White. In my view, therefore, it is to Whitcomb and White that we should look in the first instance in determining how great an impairment of minority voting strength is required to establish vote dilution in violation of § 2.

The "results" test as reflected in Whitcomb and White requires an inquiry into the extent of the minority group's opportunities to participate in the political processes. See White, 412 U.S., at 766. While electoral success is a central part of the vote dilution inquiry, White held that to prove vote dilution, "it is not enough that the racial group allegedly discriminated against has not had legislative seats in proportion to its voting potential," id., at 765-766, and Whitcomb flatly rejected the proposition that "any group with distinctive interests must be represented in legislative halls if it is numerous enough to command at least one seat and represents a majority living in an area sufficiently compact to constitute a single member district." 403 U.S., at 156. To the contrary, the results test as described in White requires plaintiffs to establish "that the political processes leading to nomination and election were not equally open to participation by the group in question—that its members had less opportunity than did other residents in the district to participate in the political processes and to elect legislators of their choice." 412 U.S., at 766. By showing both "a history of disproportionate results" and "strong indicia of lack of political power and the denial of fair representation," the plaintiffs in White met this standard, which, as emphasized just today, requires "a substantially greater showing of adverse effects than a mere lack of proportional representation to support a finding of unconstitutional vote dilution." Davis v. Bandemer, post, at 131 (plurality opinion).

When Congress amended § 2 it intended to adopt this "results" test, while abandoning the additional showing of discriminatory intent required by Bolden. The vote dilution analysis adopted by the Court today clearly bears little resemblance to the "results" test that emerged in Whitcomb and White. The Court's test for vote dilation, combined with its standard for evaluating "voting potential," White, supra, at 766, means that any racial minority with distinctive interests must usually "be represented in legislative halls if it is numerous enough to command at least one seat and represents a minority living in an area sufficiently compact to constitute" a voting majority in "a single member district." Whitcomb, 403 U.S., at 156. Nothing in Whitcomb, White, or the language and legislative history of § 2 supports the Court's creation of this right to usual, roughly proportional representation on the part of every geographically compact, politically cohesive minority group that is large enough to form a majority in one or more single-member districts.

I would adhere to the approach outlined in Whitcomb and White and followed, with some elaboration, in Zimmer and other cases in the Courts of Appeals prior to Bolden. Under that approach, a court should consider all relevant factors bearing on whether the minority group has "less opportunity than other members of the electorate to participate in the political process and to elect representatives of their choice." 42 U.S.C. § 1973 (emphasis added). The court should not focus solely on the minority group's ability to elect representatives of its choice. Whatever measure of undiluted minority strength the court employs in connection with evaluating the presence or absence of minority electoral success, it should also bear in mind that "the power to influence the political process is not limited to winning elections." Davis v. Bandemer, post, at 132. Of course, the relative lack of minority electoral success under a challenged plan, when compared with the success that would be predicted under the measure of undiluted minority voting strength the court is employing, can constitute powerful evidence of vote dilution. Moreover, the minority group may in fact lack access to or influence upon representatives it did not support as candidates. Cf. Davis v. Bandemer, post, at 169-170 (POWELL, J., concurring in part and dissenting in part). Nonetheless, a reviewing court should be required to find more than simply that the minority group does not usually attain an undiluted measure of electoral success. The court must find that even substantial minority success will be highly infrequent under the challenged plan before it may conclude, on this basis alone, that the plan operates "to cancel out or minimize the voting strength of [the] racial grou[p]." White, supra, at 765.

III
Only three Justices of the Court join Part III-C of JUSTICE BRENNAN's opinion, which addresses the validity of the statistical evidence on which the District Court relied in finding racially polarized voting in each of the challenged districts. Insofar as statistical evidence of divergent racial voting patterns is admitted solely to establish that the minority group is politically cohesive and to assess its prospects for electoral success, I agree that defendants cannot rebut this showing by offering evidence that the divergent racial voting patterns may be explained in part by causes other than race, such as an underlying divergence in the interests of minority and white voters. I do not agree, however, that such evidence can never affect the overall vote dilution inquiry. Evidence that a candidate preferred by the minority group in a particular election was rejected by white voters for reasons other than those which made that candidate the preferred choice of the minority group would seem clearly relevant in answering the question whether bloc voting by white voters will consistently defeat minority candidates. Such evidence would suggest that another candidate, equally preferred by the minority group, might be able to attract greater white support in future elections.

I believe Congress also intended that explanations of the reasons why white voters rejected minority candidates would be probative of the likelihood that candidates elected without decisive minority support would be willing to take the minority's interests into account. In a community that is polarized along racial lines, racial hostility may bar these and other indirect avenues of political influence to a much greater extent than in a community where racial animosity is absent although the interests of racial groups diverge. Indeed, the Senate report clearly stated that one factor that could have probative value in § 2 cases was "whether there is a significant lack of responsiveness on the part of elected officials to the particularized needs of the members of the minority group." S. Rep., at 29. The overall vote dilution inquiry neither requires nor permits an arbitrary rule against consideration of all evidence concerning voting preferences other than statistical evidence of racial voting pattens. Such a rule would give no effect whatever to the Senate Report's repeated emphasis on "intensive racial politics," on "racial political consideration," and on whether "racial politics... dominate the electoral process" as one aspect of the "racial bloc voting" that Congress deemed relevant to showing a § 2 violation. Id., at 33-34. Similarly, I agree with JUSTICE WHITE that JUSTICE BRENNAN's conclusion that the race of the candidate is always irrelevant in identifying racially polarized voting conflicts with Whitcomb and is not necessary to the disposition of this case. Ante, at 83 (concurring).

In this case, as the Court grudgingly acknowledges, the District Court clearly erred in aggregating data from all of the challenged districts, and then relying on the fact that on average, 81.7% of white voters did not vote for any black candidate in the primary elections selected for study. Ante, at 59-60, n. 28. Although Senate District 22 encompasses House District 36, with that exception the districts at issue in this case are distributed throughout the State of North Carolina. White calls for "an intensely local appraisal of the design and impact of the... multimember district," 412 U.S., at 769-770, and racial voting statistics from one district are ordinarily irrelevant in assessing the totality of the circumstances in another district. In view of the specific evidence from each district that the District Court also considered, however, I cannot say that its conclusion that there was severe racial bloc voting was clearly erroneous with regard to any of the challenged districts. Except in House District 23, where racial bloc voting did not prevent sustained and virtually proportional minority electoral success, I would accordingly leave undisturbed the District Court's decision to give great weight to racial bloc voting in each of the challenged districts.

IV
Having made usual, roughly proportional success the sole focus of its vote dilution analysis, the Court goes on to hold that proof that an occasional minority candidate has been elected does not foreclose a § 2 claim. But JUSTICE BRENNAN, joined by JUSTICE WHITE, concludes that "persistent proportional representation" will foreclose a § 2 claim unless the plaintiffs prove that this "sustained success does not accurately reflect the minority group's ability to elect its preferred representatives." Ante, at 77. I agree with JUSTICE BRENNAN that consistent and sustained success by candidates preferred by minority voters is presumptively inconsistent with the existence of a § 2 violation. Moreover, I agree that this case presents no occasion for determining what would constitute proof that such success did not accurately reflect the minority group's actual voting strength in a challenged district or districts.

In my view, the District Court erred in assessing the extent of black electoral success in House District 39 and Senate District 22, as well as in House District 23, where the Court acknowledges error. As the evidence summarized by the Court in table form shows, ante, at 82, Appendix B, the degree of black electoral success differed widely in the seven originally contested districts. In House District 8 and Senate District 2, neither of which is contested in this Court, no black candidate had ever been elected to the offices in question. In House District 21 and House District 36, the only instances of black electoral success came in the two most recent elections, one of which took place during the pendency of this litigation. By contrast, in House District 39 and Senate District 22, black successes, although intermittent, dated back to 1974, and a black candidate had been elected in each of these districts in three of the last five elections. Finally, in House District 23 a black candidate had been elected in each of the last six elections.

The District Court, drawing no distinctions among these districts for purposes of its findings, concluded that "[t]he overall results achieved to date at all levels of elective office are minimal in relation to the percentage of blacks in the total population." 590 F. Supp., at 367. The District Court clearly erred to the extent that it considered electoral success in the aggregate, rather than in each of the challenged districts, since, as the Court states, "[t]he inquiry into the existence of vote dilution... is district-specific." Ante, at 59, n. 28. The Court asserts that the District Court was free to regard the results of the 1982 elections with suspicion and to decide "on the basis of all the relevant circumstances to accord greater weight to blacks' relative lack of success over the course of several recent elections," ante, at 76, but the Court does not explain how this technique would apply in Senate District 22, where a black candidate was elected in three consecutive elections from 1974 to 1978, but no black candidate was elected in 1982, or in House District 39, where black candidates were elected in 1974 and 1976 as well as in 1982. Contrary to what the District Court thought, see 590 F. Supp., at 367, these pre-1982 successes, which were proportional or nearly proportional to black population in these three multimember districts, certainly lend some support for a finding that black voters in these districts enjoy an equal opportunity to participate in the political process and to elect representatives of their choice.

Despite this error, I agree with the Court's conclusion that, except in House District 23, minority electoral success was not sufficiently frequent to compel a finding of equal opportunity to participate and elect. The District Court found that "in each of the challenged districts racial polarization in voting presently exists to a substantial or severe degree, and... in each district it presently operates to minimize the voting strength of black voters." Id., at 372. I cannot say that this finding was clearly erroneous with respect to House District 39 or Senate District 22, particularly when taken together with the District Court's findings concerning the other Zimmer factors, and hence that court's ultimate conclusion of vote dilution in these districts is adequately supported.

This finding, however, is clearly erroneous with respect to House District 23. Blacks constitute 36.3% of the population in that district and 28.6% of the registered voters. In each of the six elections since 1970 one of the three representatives from this district has been a black. There is no finding, or any reason even to suspect, that the successful black candidates in District 23 did not in fact represent the interests of black voters, and the District Court did not find that black success in previous elections was aberrant.

Zimmer's caveat against necessarily foreclosing a vote dilution claim on the basis of isolated black successes, 485 F.2d, at 1307; see S. Rep., at 29, n. 115, cannot be pressed this far. Indeed, the 23 Court of Appeals decisions on which the Senate Report relied, and which are the best evidence of the scope of this caveat, contain no example of minority electoral success that even remotely approximates the consistent, decade-long pattern in District 23. See., e.g., Turner v. McKeithen, 490 F.2d 191 (CA5 1973) (no black candidates elected); Wallace v. House, 515 F.2d 619 (CA5 1975) (one black candidate elected), vacated on other grounds, 425 U.S. 947 (1976).

I do not propose that consistent and virtually proportional minority electoral success should always, as a matter of law, bar finding a § 2 violation. But, as a general rule, such success is entitled to great weight in evaluating whether a challenged electoral mechanism has, on the totality of the circumstances, operated to deny black voters an equal opportunity to participate in the political process and to elect representatives of their choice. With respect to House District 23, the District Court's failure to accord black electoral success such weight was clearly erroneous, and the District Court identified no reason for not giving this degree of success preclusive effect. Accordingly, I agree with JUSTICE BRENNAN that appellees failed to establish a violation of § 2 in District 23.

V
When members of a racial minority challenge a multimember district on the grounds that it dilutes their voting strength, I agree with the Court that they must show that they possess such strength and that the multimember district impairs it. A court must therefore appraise the minority group's undiluted voting strength in order to assess the effects of the multimember district. I would reserve the question of the proper method or methods for making this assessment. But once such an assessment is made, in my view the evaluation of an alleged impairment of voting strength requires consideration of the minority group's access to the political processes generally, not solely consideration of the chances that its preferred candidates will actually be elected. Proof that white voters withhold their support from minority-preferred candidates to an extent that consistently ensures their defeat is entitled to significant weight in plaintiffs' favor. However, if plaintiffs direct their proof solely towards the minority group's prospects for electoral success, they must show that substantial minority success will be highly infrequent under the challenged plan in order to establish that the plan operates to "cancel out or minimize" their voting strength. White, 412 U.S., at 765.

Compromise is essential to much if not most major federal legislation, and confidence that the federal courts will enforce such compromises is indispensable to their creation. I believe that the Court today strikes a different balance than Congress intended to when it codified the results test and disclaimed any right to proportional representation under § 2. For that reason, I join the Court's judgment but not its opinion.


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Rh {| align=center width=50% cellpadding="0" cellspacing="2"
 * | Thana Nattore, Rajshahi, Hindus to Musalmans as || 50 || to || 100
 * | City of Moorshedabad || 100 || to || 48
 * | Thana Dowlatbazar ditto || 100 ||  to || 86
 * | Thana Nanglia, Beerbhoom || 100 ||  to || 7
 * | Thana Culna, Burdwan || 100 || to || 23
 * | Thana Jehanabad, South Behar || 100 || to || 17
 * | Thana Bhawara, Tirhoot || 100 || to || 9
 * }
 * | Thana Culna, Burdwan || 100 || to || 23
 * | Thana Jehanabad, South Behar || 100 || to || 17
 * | Thana Bhawara, Tirhoot || 100 || to || 9
 * }
 * | Thana Bhawara, Tirhoot || 100 || to || 9
 * }
 * }

If these Thanas be taken as fair average specimens of their respective districts or Zillahs; and these districts or Zillahs fair average specimens of the rest of Bengal, this would give an average for all Bengal, in the proportion of 100 Hindus to 43 Musalmans, or considerably more than 2, or less than 3 to 1. Even this gives a vastly larger aggregate of Musalman population than has been ordinarily imagined or believed; as nothing is more common in ordinary converse and popular writings than the round assertion that the Hindu exceeds the Musalman population in the proportion of 10 to 1. But our chief concern is with the relative amount of scholastic culture possessed by these two great classes respectively. And one may at once say, that all the best authenticated facts go to prove that it is in favour of the Hindus. Thus in Nattore, Rajshahi, while the proportion of Musalmans to Hindus is that of two to one, the proportion of Musalman to Hindu children receiving domestic instruction is rather less than one to four. In all the other districts there is a somewhat similar or rather greater disproportion in favour of the Hindus against the Musalmans. Let the eye be simply directed to the above table of the proportions of the Hindu and Musalman population, and compare the different items successively with the following statements of the relative numbers of Hindu and Musalman children in the elementary vernacular schools:—

This gives us an aggregate of 22,951 Hindu to 1,260 Musalman scholars; whence we deduce the grand result, that, whereas the Hindu population is to the Musalman in the proportion of rather more than two to one, the Hindu scholars, enjoying the benefit of an elementary indigenous education, are to the Musalman scholars in the proportion of about eighteen to one! This vast disproportion may, as Mr. Adam observes, be so far explained by the fact already stated, viz. “that a very large majority of the humblest grades of native society are composed of Musalmans, such as cultivators of the ground, day-labourers, fishermen, &c.,


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 Jones, Emanuel, s. John, of Anglesea, pp. ., matric. 26 April, 1687, aged 19; B.A. 3 March, 1691-2.  Jones, Emmanuel, s. Humphry (4to.), of Whitney, co. Warwick, cler. ., matric. 9 Nov., 1707, aged 18; B.A. 1711; vicar of Leamington Priors, co. Warwick, 1721. See Foster's Index Ecclesiasticus.  Johnes, Evan, of co. Anglesea, pleb. , matric. entry under date 20 July, 1578, aged 14.  Johnes, Evan, of co. Anglesea, pleb. , matric. 11 Feb., 1591-2, aged 17; B.A. from. 22 June, 1599; M.A. from. 14 June, 1602.  Jones, Evan (Joanes), of Salop, pleb. , matric. 12 Oct., 1599, aged 16.  [5]

Jones, Evan (Johnes), of co. Denbigh, pleb. , matric. 19 Oct., 1599, aged 16.  Jones, Evan; B.A. from. 3 March, 1602-3.  Jones, Evan, of co. Cardigan, pleb. ., matric. 26 April, 1605, aged 19.

Jones, Evan, of Surrey, gent. ., matric. 11 Oct. 1605, aged 18; student of Middle Temple 1606, as son and heir of John, of St. George's, Southwark, Surrey, gent. See Foster's Inns of Court Reg.

Jones, Evan, s. John, of Carnarvon town, pleb. , subs. 31 Jan., 1628-9, aged 20; B.A. 12 Feb., 1628-9.
 [10]

Jones, Evan; B.A. from. 19 Feb., 1630-1.

Jones, Evan, s. Maur., of Llanidan, co. Anglesey, pp. . matric. 30 Oct. 1668, aged 18; B.A. 1672, as Evans.

Jones, Evan, s. Dav., of Glamorgan town, pp. ., matric. 18 March, 1Z669-70, aged 18.

Jones, Evan, s. "Joh. M.," of Llan-avan-Vechan, co. Brecon, pp., matric. 19 March, 1672-3, aged 25; B.A. 1676, M.A. 1679 (as Evans). See Foster's Index Eccl.

Jones, Evan, s. " Joh. Hughes," of Llandissilio-gogo, co. " Carm.," pp. ., matric. 23 March, 1677-8, aged 19.
 [15]

Jones, Evan, s. "Joh. Davis," of Clynnog, co. Carn., pleb. ., matric. 19 March, 1695-6, aged 15; B.A. Z3 March, 1699-1700, M.A. 1704 (as Evans); perhaps chancellor of Bangor 1720-40. See Foster's Index Eccl.

Jones, Evan. s. Nic, of Pembrin, co. Card., pp. ., matric. 16 April, 1698, aged 17; B.C.L. 5 Feb., 1709-10.

Jones, Evan, s. Henry, of Llanbeder, co. Denbigh, "pauperis." , matric. 24 March, 1700-1, aged 18; B.A. 5 March, 1704-5.

Johnes, Francis, of co. Leic., gent. ., matric. entry under date 15 March. 1575-6, aged 19; B.A. 12 June, 1578, fellow 1579-83.

Johnes, Francis; B.A. 26 Oct, 1585.
 [20]

Jones, Francis, of Cornwall, gen. ., matric. 16 June, 1610, aged 15; student of Middle Temple 1612, as son and heir of Hugh, of Penrose, Cornwall, esq. See Foster's Inns of Court Reg.

Jones, Francis, s. Thomas, of Kirby, co. Leicester, pleb. ., matric. 27 May, 1636, aged 18; B.A. 4 Feb. 1639-40; perhaps created M.A. 1 Nov., 1642, rector of Thurlaston, co. Leicester, 1665. See Foster's Index Eccl.

Jones, Gaines, s. Edm., of Brecknock, arm. , matric. 7 July, 1655, aged 15; bar.-at-law 1669 (as 2nd son of Edmund, of Raglan, co. Monmouth); brother of Edward 1672. See Foster's Judges and Barristers.

Jones, George, s. George, of Abercothye, co. Carmarth., gent. ., matric. 3 Feb., 1631-2, aged 17.

Jones, George, s. Lewis, of Monmouth town, pleb. . matric. 23 Sept., 1634, aged 18.
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Jones, George (Jhones), s. Abraham, of Wilford, Berks, arm. ., matric. 29 Jan., 1639-40, aged 15.

Jones, George (Johns), "ser." ., matric. 21 July, 1653.

Jones, George, "ser." ., matric. 2 July, 1658.

Jones, George, s. Benjamin, of Beaumaris, Anglesey, paup. ., matric. 17 May, 1681, aged 17; B.A. 1684, M.A 1687, B.D. 1695, perhaps vicar of Clynnogvawr, co. Carmarthen, 1687, vicar of Bangor (moiety), co. Carnarvon, 1695. See Foster's Index Eccl.

Jones, George, s. Griff., of Daylsford, co. Worcester, cler. ., matric. 8 April, 1681, aged 18; B.A. 16 March, 1704-5; M.A. from ., Cambridge, 1712, rector of Upper Swell, co. Gloucester, 1712. See Foster's Index Eccl.
 [30]

Jones, George, s. John, of Llanvinny, co. "Caerm." (4to.), pleb. ., matric. 27 March, 1708, aged 17.

Jones, George, s. Dav., of Nevern, co. Pembroke, cler. ., matric. 5 Dec, 1709, aged 18; perhaps rector of Jordanstown, co. Pembroke, 1713. See Foster's Index Eccl.

Jones, Gervase, of co. Glamorg., cler. fil. ., matric. 25 Oct., 1611, aged 18; B.A. from. 19 June, 1615; Jarvase of St. Michael's parish, Oxford, will proved 6 Aug., 1621.

Jones, Gervase, s. Morgan, of Lantwith, co. Glamorg., pp. (subs. "pleb."). ., subs. 16 Oct, 1694, aged 17.

Jones, Gilbert, of co. Worcester, arm. , matric. 4 Dec., 1612, aged 19; B.A. 30 June, 1614, M.A. 23 June, 1617.
 [35]
Jones, Gilbert, of ., B.C.L. 10 March, 1622-3, D.C.L. 14 Jan., 1627-8 (possibly student of Gray's Inn 1617, as son of Gilbert, of Poole, co. Montgomery, esq.); of Dorchester, chancellor of Bristol, M.P. Wareham April-May, 1640. See Foster's Gray's Inn Reg.

Jones, Gilbert, s. John, of Welchpool, co. Montgom., pleb. ., matric. 21 March, 1703-4, aged 16; B.A. 1707, perhaps vicar of St. Michael Moncton, with chapel of St. Mary, at Pembroke, 1722. See Foster's Index Eccl.

Jones, Gregory, s. John, of Pendarves, co. Brecon, pleb. ., subscribed 3 Feb., 1631-2, aged 19; B.A. from. 20 Feb., 1635-6, rector of Neath, co. Glamorgan, 1661. See Foster's Index Eccl.

Jones, Grent, s. John, of Heyford, Oxon, gent. ., matric. 14 Jan., 1696-7. aged 20; vicar of Ogbourne St. Andrew, Wilts, 1715. See Foster's Index Eccl.

Johnes, Griffith, of co. Cardigan, pleb. ., matric. entry under date 20 March, 1578-9, aged 21.
 [40]

Jones, Griffith, B.A. from 14 July, 1585.

Jones, Griffin, of co. Merioneth, pleb. ., matric. 19 Oct, 1599, aged 18.

Jones, Griffin, pleb. ., matric. 19 March, 1648-9.

Jones, Griffin, s. "John Davis," of Llangadvan, co. Montgom., pp., matric. 16 Dec., 1664, aged 16; B.A. 1668, as Griffith.
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text: Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1500-1714/Johnes, Evan (1)


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text: Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1500-1714/Jones, Evan (3)


text: Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1500-1714/Jones, Evan (4)


text: Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1500-1714/Jones, Gaines


text: Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1500-1714/Jones, Francis (4)


text: Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1500-1714/Jones, Francis (3)


text: Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1500-1714/Johnes, Francis (2)


text: Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1500-1714/Johnes, Francis (1)


text: Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1500-1714/Jones, Evan (16)


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text: Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1500-1714/Jones, Evan (14)


text: Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1500-1714/Jones, Evan (13)


text: Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1500-1714/Jones, Gervase (1)


text: Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1500-1714/Jones, Gervase (2)


text: Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1500-1714/Jones, Gilbert (1)


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text: Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1500-1714/Jones, Evan (5)


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text: Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1500-1714/Jones, Evan (7)


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text: Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1500-1714/Jones, Evan (11)


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text: Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1500-1714/Jones, George (1)


text: Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1500-1714/Jones, George (2)


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question that must now occupy our attention is whether Antichrist, of whom we have already been considering the remarkable predictions given by the Prophet Daniel, be come or not? and secondly, whether any political and religious system has arisen in the world, resulting from the work of any celebrated personage, recorded in history, that bears a sufficient resemblance either to what the prophecies of Daniel, or others of the New Testament, to which we are now about to turn our attention, have described, so that we should be justified in coming to the conclusion that such a personage was the predicted Antichrist, and such a polity the Antichristian empire?

In regard to the first question it is undoubtedly the opinion of many Catholic authors that Antichrist has not yet appeared; but all the authors, who take this view, hold that Antichrist is to reign only for the brief period


text: Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1500-1714/Jones, George (5)


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text: Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1500-1714/Johnes, Griffith (1)


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 of three literal years and a half, and that his empire and dominion are not to outlive their founder, but to perish with him after that exceedingly short duration. Other Catholic authors however take another view, affirming that Antichrist is already come, and that the duration of his dominion was not to be for the literal period of three years and a half, or of 1260 natural and literal days, but for a prophetic period so called, which would in reality amount 1260 years. The only difference between such years and natural years being, that they are years of 360 not 365 days each, such difference resulting from the precise terms in which the prophecies relating to them are couched.

We at once inform our readers that this latter view is the one which we adopt, and which appears to us most consonant to Holy Scripture, to the earliest traditions of the Church, and to common sense.

By-and-bye we shall unfold the scriptural and traditional arguments which go to establish this theory, but it seems to us eminently agreeable to common sense also, and to all sound analogy. For on the face of it, is it likely that all the wonderful and awful descriptions of Antichrist, as given in Scripture, could be fulfilled in the short period of three literal years and a half?


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 that every evil personage recorded in history is a sort of Antichrist, or type of the great Antichrist, we have scriptural authority for affirming; but if the real Antichrist is to last for only three years and a half, many of his types would be infinitely worse than the great antitype himself. For instance Arius, whose heresy desolated the Church for centuries, must have done much more mischief to the Church and to the souls of men, than any such ephemeral Antichrist ever could do: and what shall we say of the three centuries of Pagan-Roman persecution of the early Church on this theory? Assuredly no persecutor for three literal years and a half could ever rival the accumulated amount of the ten great persecutions enacted all over the earth by the Pagan-Roman emperors. Or what ought we to think of the still greater mischief perpetrated by Mahometanism during the last twelve centuries on such a theory as this? It is evident that if Antichrist be not yet come, and if his continuance is only to be for three literal years and a half, instead of being the principal incarnation of evil, to which prophecy points, he would be vastly inferior in this respect to what were merely types and shadows of what he was to be. It is therefore obvious to us, that either some enduring form of evil, already recorded in history, must be the


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Rh included all that have obtained any kind or degree of instruction, however humble, including even those who can merely decipher writing, or sign their names. With this understanding, the following table and remarks, supplied by Mr. Adam, will exhibit a complete representation of the whole subject:—

"“The last column of the preceding table shows, that in the Culna thana of the Burdwan district, where the amount of instruction is greater than in any other of the localities mentioned, of every 100 children of the teachable age, 16 only receive any kind or degree of instruction, while the remaining 84 are destitute of all kinds and all degrees of it; and that in the Bahwara thana of the Tirhoot district, where the amount of instruction is less than in any other of the localities mentioned, of every 100 children of the teachable age, 2 only receive any kind or degree of instruction, while the remaining 97 are destitute of all kinds and all degrees of it. The intermediate proportions are those of thana Jehanabad, in South Behar, and thana Daulatbazar, in the Moorshedabad district, where there are about 6 children in every 100 who receive some instruction, leaving 94 wholly uninstructed; and those of thana Nanglia, in the Beerbhoom district, and the city of Moorshedabad, in which there are about 8 children in every 100 who receive some instruction, leaving 92 wholly uninstructed.”"

Thus in Burdwan, the most highly cultured district visited, only 16 per cent. of the teachable or school-going population do actually receive any kind or degree of instruction at all; and in Tirhoot, the least cultured district visited, only 2 per cent. receive any kind or degree of instruction;—while the aggregate average for all the districts is no more than 7 per cent.—leaving 82 out of every 100 children of the teachable age wholly destitute of all kinds and degrees of instruction whatsoever! And taking


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 predicted Antichrist, or if not, that at least it must be some system still future, which will at any rate endure as long as its predecessors and its types, and which can in no case be realized by an ephemeral Antichrist enduring only for three years and a half.

We shalt proceed to show why we believe that this great Antichrist is not future, but that he belongs to the region of the past and to the domains of fulfilled prophecy.

It is well known to our readers, whether they be Catholic or Protestant, that almost all Protestant commentators on prophecy so far at least coincide with our view, as to admit the symbolical nature of the prophetic period of three years and a half or 1260 days, and that Antichrist is already come.

We need scarcely say that they do not agree with us as to whom prophecy points as the predicted Antichrist. Mr. Mede, a writer certainly of no mean repute whether for learning or ability, has left on record what were his views on this question. The learned Bishop Newton has done the same, and his treatise on the prophecies is certainly a work of great ability and research. That great philosopher, astronomer, and mathematician, Sir Isaac Newton, has done the same also, and however erroneous his conclusions, as Catholics must


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 necessarily affirm them to be, they are at any rate the homage of a great mind and of a brilliant genius to the Divinity of the Scripture prophecies. And to say nothing of other minor authors, or of the continental Protestants from Luther downwards, in our own time the subject has certainly been ably handled, although on wrong premises and false principles, by modern writers,—such as Forster, Faber, and Elliott. All these writers have laboured to show, according to their respective theories, that the Pope was either the Antichrist, or the Man of Sin, or the False Prophet of the Apocalypse, or that he was all three of these figurative characters combined. They have laboured to show that the Catholic Church of Christ fell at a very early period into a fatal apostacy from her primitive faith, that she defiled the revelation of God with a demonolatrous worship of saints and angels, an idolatrous worship of images and the Eucharist, and with a general practice, that fully warranted both them and their forefathers in quitting her communion, and in denouncing her to mankind as the Babylon of prophecy doomed to destruction, and as the most impious foe both of God and man.

On the other hand, Catholic writers, ever since the outbreak of the Protestant Revolu-


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 tion of the sixteenth century, have striven to show, and they have done it successfully, that the Protestant theory of Antichrist was contrary not only to the whole teaching of the Catholic Church in all ages, and the tradition both of East and West, but utterly at variance with the statements of prophecy itself, and that if true, it would do more than annihilate the claims of Catholicity, it would overthrow those of Christianity itself; for what becomes of that religion, as a fact of any practical importance to mankind, if you entirely separate it from the Church, if you make it a mere theory, that has never been properly carried out or realized upon earth? Of course, in saying this, Catholics are far from denying or overlooking the fearful abuses that have, alas! ever existed in the Christian Church. Our Lord and Master prepared us for these. He tells us, that these abuses and scandals must of necessity arise even within His own kingdom, the Church, and that they will never be entirely rooted out until His second coming to judge the living and the dead. But Catholics, while they admit this, and deplore it, are surely right in saying that the Protestant theory goes much further. It passes beyond the corruption of individual members and individual pastors, and affirms that the whole


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 body of the Church has been corrupted, that her doctrine has been perverted, her practice (as approved by her œcumenical councils) has become idolatrous, that from having once been the Church of the living God, authorized by Him :to teach all nations," she has become for many ages the very synagogue of Satan, a sink of corruption, and nothing less than "the great Babylonian Harlot," "the mother of all the abominations of the earth."—(Apocalypse xvii. 5.) If this be true, they must show not only how such a result is consistent with the commission given by Christ to this same Church "to teach all nations," but how it agrees with His glorious promise "that the gates of hell should never prevail against His Church," and that He would remain with the visible teaching Church "always even unto the end of the world."—(Matt. xxviii. 20.)

The commission given by our Lord to His visible Church, and the promises with which He consecrated and confirmed that commission, are utterly inconsistent with the Protestant theory of prophetic interpretation. It cannot be denied even by those who hold this theory, that the visible Catholic Church of the present day is the Church which Christ's apostles founded, and which is the offspring of our Lord’s command to them to teach all nations;


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 self-selected name of Devilsdung I have derived, if no great amount of durable edification, so much intellectual or physical enjoyment and such keen emotion of sustained and admiring interest, that I am not curious to inquire why it should be considered unbecoming to prefer, in speaking of Swift's most distinguished imitator and most unabashed disciple, the surely more decent and indeed comparatively inoffensive designation of Coprostom or Cloacinus: but when I am reminded by friends or others that my estimate of Byron is far different from the opinion professed by a poet whom I should rank among the greatest of all time, I cannot but avow that my belief in Shelley is not the belief of a papist in his Pope or a bibliolater in his Bible. I may of course be wrong in thinking so lightly as I certainly do think of his critical or judicial faculty; but I cannot consent to overlook or pretend to ignore the significance of the fact that the great poet who bowed down his laurels before Byron's was also proud to acknowledge his inferiority to Moore, and exuberant in the expression of his humility before the superior genius of Leigh Hunt. There is nothing more singular in the character of Shelley than the union of self-devoted and heroic sincerity in all serious matters of action or speculation with an apparent or rather an evident excess of deference to the real or imaginary claims of courtesy or convention when addressing or mentioning an elder or a contemporary poet whose opinions were not on all points discordant or incompatible with his own. I cannot bring myself to believe that he really believed himself inferior as a poet to the authors of The Bride of Abydos, The Loves of the Angels, and The Story of Rimini: but, however this may be, I cannot understand why his opinion on any one of these authors should be held as more important, accepted as more sincere, admitted as more serious, than his opinion on the others. And if my


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 Jones, John, of London, pleb. ., matric. 15 Oct., 1591, aged 16; B.C.L. 10 July, 1600, became a Benedictine by the name of "Leander de Sco. Martino," professor of divinity and Hebrew at Douay, president of the Benedictines in England, D.D. and titular prior of the catholic church of Canterbury; died 17 Dec., 1636, buried in the Capuchins chapel, Somerset House. See Ath. ii. 603; & Robinson, i. 28.  Jones, John, of co. Monmouth, gent. ., matric. 9 Feb., 1593-4. aged 19; B.A. 6 July, 1596, then a student in common law; student of Inner Temple 1596, as of Hardwick, co. Monmouth (eldest son of John). See Foster's Inns of Court Register.  Jones John; subscribed 10 Oct., 1594. See Robinson, i. 31.  Jones, John, of co. Hereford, arm. ., matric. 15 Oct, 1602, aged 19; B.C.L. 16 April, 1608.  Jones, John, of co. Worcester, arm. ., matric. 15 Oct, 1602, aged 16.  [5] Jones, John, of co. Flint, cler. fil. ., matric. 26 Nov., 1602. aged 20; perhaps B.A. from 7 July, 1608, and vicar of Eastyn (or Queenhope), Flints, 1616. See Foster's Index Ecclesiasticus.  Jo(h)nes, John, of co. Carnarvon, pleb. ., matric. 22 June. 1604, aged 19.  Jones, John, of co. Worcester, cler. fil. , matric. 16 June, 1620, aged 21. B.A. 4 May, 1612; M.A. from, 28 June 1620, rector of North Piddell, co. Worcester, 1625. See Foster's Index Eccl.

Johnes, John, subscribed 5 May, 1615; B.A. from 8 July, 1619.

Jones, John, of Wilts, gent. , matric. 22 Jan., 1618-9, aged 17; student of Middle Temple 1621, as 2nd son of John, of Woodlands, Wilts. See Foster's Inns of Court Reg.
 [],

Johnes, John, of co. Monmouth, gent. ., matric. 31 Oct., 1622, aged 20; B.A. 9 Nov., 1622, M.A. 21 June, 1625; one of these names rector of Llanfoist, co. Monmouth, 1636, and of Llanvapley 1637. See Foster's Index Eccl.

Johnes, John,s. John, of Coyty, co. Glamorg., pleb. , matric. 15 Nov., 1622, aged 20; B.A. from. 9 Feb., 1625-6.

Jones, John, s. William, of Abergavenny, co. Monmouth, pleb. ., matric. 30 April, 1624, aged 17.

Jones, John, s. John, of Eccles, co. Lancaster, sacerd. ., matric. 20 Oct., 1626, aged 16; B.A. 11 Nov., 1628, M.A. 7 July, 1631, created D.D. 31 Jan., 1642-3.

Jones, John, s. Thomas, of Llandrinio, co. Montgom., pleb. ., matric. 8 Feb., 1626-7, aged 19; B.A. 12 June, 1630.
 []

Jones, John, s. "John Prichard", of Llanybither, co. Carmarth., pleb. , matric. 4 July, 1628, aged 21; B.A. 12 Feb., 1628-9, M.A. 3 Nov., 1631. See Thomas, St. Asaph, 408, 420.

Jones, John, B.A. from. 18 July, 1632.

Jones, John, s. Cadwallader, of Llanllechid, co. Carnarvon, pleb. , matric. 10 July, 1635, aged 18; B.A. 15 June, 1639; created D.D. 12 Sept., 1661; one of these names rector of Llaniestyn, co. Carnarvon, 1662. See Foster's Index Eccl.

Jones, John, s. Evan, of Newington, Surrey, gent. ., matric. 13 July, 1638, aged 17; bar.-at-law, Inner Temple, 1648. See Foster's Judges and Barristers.

Jones, John, s. Lewis, of Barrington, co. Gloucr., sacerd. ., matric. 7 Feb., 1638-9, aged 15; B.A. 7 July, 1643.
 []

Jones, John, s. Henry, of Pixley, co. Hereford, gent. , matric. 28 May, 1641, aged 16.

Jones, John, 4 years of ., Cambridge, B.A. from 4 Aug., 1648; M.A. from. 9 April, 1651. See Ath. i. xxv.

Jones, John, "ser." ., matric. 2 April, 1652; B.A. from. 21 June, 1655. See, St. Asaph, 724.

Jones, John, arm. , matric. 9 April, 1656 (bis), bar.-at-law, Lincoln's Inn, 1667 (as youngest son of Philip, one of the lord protector's council 1657); licenced 8 Feb., 1670-1, to marry Sarah, daughter of William Dashwood, of St. Giles, Cripplegate, London, spinster; brother of Philip and Samuel same date. See Foster's Judges and Barristers & London Marriage Licences, ed. Foster.

Jones, John, "ser." ., matric. 21 March, 1658-9.
 []

Jones, John, gent. ., matric. 6 June, 1660.

Jones, John, y.s. Charles, of Poole, co. Montgom., gent. ., matric. 12 July, 1661, aged 19.

Jones, John, s. Matthew, of Pentyrch, co. Glamorg., pp. ., matric. 28 June, 1662, aged 17; B.A. 1666, fellow, M.A. 1670, B.C.L. 1673, D.C.L. 1677, licenced to practice medicine 25 June, 1678, and practiced at Windsor; licenced 29 Aug., 1678, to marry Mary Starkey, of New Windsor, Berks, spinster; licentiate of the college of physicians, 1687, chancellor of the diocese of Llandaff 1691; died 1709. See Ath. iv. 722; Rawl. ii. 18; London Marriage Licences, ed. Foster; & Munk's Roll, i. 476.

Jones, John, s. Th., of Offee, Devon, pleb. ., matric. 22 May, 1663, aged 16.

Jones, John, s. Th., of Caermarthen, pleb. ., matric. 22 May, 1663, aged 15; B.A. 1667.

Jones, John, s. John, of London, gent. , matric. 3 July, 1663, aged 18; B.A. 1667, M.A. 23 March, 1669-70, proctor 1675, B.D. 1678; possibly a student of Middle Temple 1668. See Al. West. 157; Thomas, St. Asaph, 257; & Foster's Inns of Court Reg.
 []

Jones, John, s. David, of Bettws, co. Pembroke, pleb. pp. ., matric. 11 Nov., 1664, aged 17.

Jones, John, s. William, of Lawrenny, co. Pembroke, pp. ., matric. 5 March, 1668-9, aged 18; B.A. 1672, M.A. 1675.

Jones, John, s. Rich., of Selattyn, Salop, pp. ., matric. 6 May, 1670, aged 20; perhaps B.A. from 9 Feb., 1674-5, rector of Selattyn, 1678. See Foster's Index Eccl.

Jones, John, s. Ellis, of Llanowrin, co. Montgom., pp. ., matric. 7 April, 1671, aged 18; perhaps B.A. from 1674, M.A. 1677.
 []

Jones, John, s. John, of Shrewsbury, Salop, pp. ., matric. 14 April, 1671, aged 17; B.A. 1674, M.A. 1682.

Jones, John, s. John, of Aberfraw, co. Anglesey, pleb. , matric. 8 June, 1671, aged 18; B.A. from. 1674, perhaps rector of Llandegvan, co. Anglesey, 1683, of Heneglwys 1694, and of Aberfraw 1694. See Foster's Index Eccl.

Jones, John, s. Rich., of Westminster, gent. ., matric. 14 May, 1675, aged 16, scholar 1677, B.A. 13 March, 1678-9; M.A. from 1681.
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 how then could Christ command the nations to submit to a teaching, which after three or four centuries was to become idolatrous and blasphemous? and yet assuredly He places no limit to the commission He gave, but on the contrary promised to be with it "always, even to the end of the world." In a word Christ declares "the gates of hell shall never prevail against His Church:" the Protestant theory asserts, that the gates of hell have prevailed against it: for if idolatrous teaching be not a gate of hell, we know not what can deserve to be so called. Now all this has been triumphantly shown over and over again by Catholic writers.

Whoever wrote with greater power on this subject, than the great and pious Cardinal Bellarmine? and if the Protestant student of prophecy would turn to the voluminous commentaries of that able interpreter of Scripture Cornelius à Lapide, or to those of the learned Salmeron, who has literally exhausted the subject, they would see how very weak are the grounds for their own interpretation, how contradictory it is to the whole tenor of Scripture, how it is founded on mere assumptions, on gross misrepresentations of historical facts, or on a still grosser misunderstanding of Catholic usages and doctrines, or on an illogical


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 confusion between the character of the Church as a body, and the crimes of some of her pastors or individual members.

But it was not merely at the period of the great falling away from the Catholic Church, that Catholic authors refuted the theories of their adversaries. As time rolled on, the subject was continually taken up on both sides, and often treated in a new point of view as to some of its details.

We may here mention some others of the principal writers, who have handled this portion of Scriptural interpretation on the Catholic side of the question: and by referring to their pages, the reader will be better able to form an estimate of this immensely important subject.

The great Bossuet wrote a treatise on the Apocalypse, which, like all he wrote, is full of ability and of edifying matter. The venerable Father Holtzhauser, of Bingen, on the Rhine, did the same, and a most interesting and valuable treatise it is. There was also an exposition of the Apocalypse published by an English Catholic bishop, Dr. Walmesley, under the assumed name of Pastorini: and just before the close of the last century, an English lady, who had embraced the Catholic faith, published a most able and learned disquisition on


text: Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1500-1714/Jones, John (13)


text: Alumni Oxonienses: the Members of the University of Oxford, 1500-1714/Jones, John (12)


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Summary
A 1961 printing of the 1928 books. Re-upload with proper capitalization in title.


text: Royal Style and Titles Act 1973

title: Royal Style and Titles Act 1973


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File:The House at Pooh Corner (1961) (page 137 crop).jpg

Summary
A 1961 printing of the 1928 books. Re-upload with proper capitalization in title.


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I have unaccountably failed to mention (though I had made note of them) three versions of 'L'Avvelenato' which are cited by Professor D’Ancona in his Poesia popolare italiana, p. 106 ff.

D. The Canon Lorenzo Panciatichi refers to the ballad in a 'Ciecalata in lode della Padella e della Frittura,' recited at the Crusca, September 24, 1656, and in such manner as shows that it was well known. He quotes the first question of the mother, 'Dove andastù a cena,' etc. To this the son answered, he says, that he had been poisoned with a roast eel; and the mother asking what the lady had cooked it in, the reply was, In the oil pot.

E. A version obtained by D'Ancona from the singing of a young fellow from near Pisa, of which the first four stanzas are given. Some verses after these are lost, for the testament is said to supervene immediately.

F. A version from Lecco, which has the title, derived from its burden, 'De lu cavalieri e figliu de re,' A. Trifone Nutricati Briganti, Intorno ai Canti e Raeconti popolari del Leccese, p. 17. The first four stanzas are cited, and it appears from these that the prince had cooked the eel himself, and, appropriately, in a gold pan.

I will take the opportunity to remark that Nigra has just republished in Romania, 391, 'Luggieri,' a version, from Arezzo, of 'Rizzardo bello,’ previously printed by Giulio Salvatori in the Rassegna Settimanale, No. 77, Rome, June 22, 1879. Nigra treats 'Luggieri' as a variety of 'Jean Renaud.' To me it seems an independent ballad.


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three stanzas of this ballad which are found in the Musical Museum (C) were furnished, it is said, by Burns. It was first printed in full (A b) in Motherwell's Minstrelsy. Motherwell retouched a verse here and there slightly, to regulate the metre. A a is here given as it stands in his manuscript. B consists of some scattered verses as remembered by Sir W. Scott.

The directions in 3, 4 receive light from a passage in 'Robin Hood's Death and Burial:'

Other ballads with a like theme are 'The Bonny Hind,' further on in this volume, and the two which follow it.

Translated in Grundtvig's E. og s. Folkeviser, No 49, p. 308; Wolff's Halle der Volker,, 64.


text: Pharos and Pharillon/Advert

title: Pharos and Pharillon/Advert


text: User talk:39.50.199.112

title: User talk:39.50.199.112


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Page:The four Gospels - translated from the Latin Vulgate, and diligently compared with the original Greek text, being a revision of the Rhemish translation (IA TheFourGospelsTranslated).pdf/15

OF THE GOSPELS. 7 {|
 * Cure of a paralytic,||Matt. ix. 1–8.
 * Mark ii. 1–12.
 * Luke v. 17–26.
 * Dispute about fasting,||Matt. ix. 14–17.
 * Mark ii. 18–22.
 * Luke v. 33.
 * The infirm man at the pool is healed,
 * John v. 1–47.
 * The disciples pluck ears of corn on the sabbath,
 * Matt. xii. 1–8.
 * Mark ii. 23–28.
 * Luke v. 1–5.
 * The man with the withered hand is cured,
 * Matt. xii. 9–21.
 * Mark iii. 1–12.
 * Luke vi. 6–11.
 * Election of the twelve apostles,
 * Mark iii. 13–19.
 * Sermon on the mountain,
 * Matt. v.–vii.
 * Luke vi. 12–16.
 * Luke vi. 17–49.
 * The cleansing of the leper,
 * Matt. viii. 1–4.
 * The servant of the centurion at Capharnaum is cured,
 * Matt. viii. 5–13.
 * Luke vii. 1–10.
 * The resuscitation of the widow’s son at Naim,
 * Luke vii. 11–18.
 * The embassy from John to Christ,
 * Matt. xi. 2–19.
 * Luke vii. 19–35.
 * Christ reproves the Jews for unbelief,
 * Matt. xi. 20–30.
 * The sinful woman at the feet of Christ,
 * Luke vii. 36–50.
 * A demoniac is delivered, whence the Pharisees blaspheme,
 * Matt. xii. 22–37.
 * Mark iii. 20–30.
 * Unbelief of the Jews,
 * Matt. xii. 38–45.
 * The mother and brethren of Christ seek Him,
 * Matt. xii. 46–49.
 * Mark iii. 31–35.
 * Luke viii. 19–21.
 * Parables,
 * Matt. xiii. 1–53.
 * Mark iv. 1–34.
 * Luke viii. 4–18.
 * }
 * Luke vii. 19–35.
 * Christ reproves the Jews for unbelief,
 * Matt. xi. 20–30.
 * The sinful woman at the feet of Christ,
 * Luke vii. 36–50.
 * A demoniac is delivered, whence the Pharisees blaspheme,
 * Matt. xii. 22–37.
 * Mark iii. 20–30.
 * Unbelief of the Jews,
 * Matt. xii. 38–45.
 * The mother and brethren of Christ seek Him,
 * Matt. xii. 46–49.
 * Mark iii. 31–35.
 * Luke viii. 19–21.
 * Parables,
 * Matt. xiii. 1–53.
 * Mark iv. 1–34.
 * Luke viii. 4–18.
 * }
 * Mark iii. 31–35.
 * Luke viii. 19–21.
 * Parables,
 * Matt. xiii. 1–53.
 * Mark iv. 1–34.
 * Luke viii. 4–18.
 * }
 * Mark iv. 1–34.
 * Luke viii. 4–18.
 * }
 * Luke viii. 4–18.
 * }


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 than Big Meadows, and other localities are mentioned by Sargent, who says that Professor Brewer, after whom the tree was named, had previously, in 1863, found a tree which was probably the same species, on Black Butte to the north of Strawberry Valley, at the western base of Mount Shasta, where, however, it cannot now be rediscovered.

Another locality for Brewer's spruce was found in 1898, by Mr. F. Anderson, on an unnamed but conspicuous peak at the headwaters of Elk Creek, about two or three miles west of Marble Mountain and eighty miles west of Mount Shasta. The elevation of the peak is about 8000 feet, and several hundred specimens were found growing near the summit; the trunks were 16 to 20 inches in diameter at 3 feet from the ground, and there were plenty of cones on the tops of the trees which were about 80 feet high.

It grows on the Siskiyous in company with Pinus ponderosa, P. Lambertiana, and P. monticola, but usually gregariously in groves by itself. The soil and climate are dry, but there seems to be no special reason why this tree has proved in the eastern States of North America so difficult to cultivate; and as some of the conifers of the Pacific Coast which will not grow, or are not hardy in the eastern States, as, for instance, Abies bracteata and Picea sitchensis, thrive in England, and the trees with which it is associated in America are hardy and produce good seed here, we need not despair of seeing this beautiful tree established in the south of England.

The late Mr. R. Douglas, of Waukegan, Ill., visited Oregon in 1891 on purpose to obtain the seeds, and collected a large quantity of cones, from which several hundred thousand seedlings were grown. But those sown in America perished in their first and second years from causes which are not known, and attempts to raise the tree in the Arnold Arboretum have also failed.

Some of the seed, however, was raised by the late Baron von St. Paul Illaire at Fischbach in Silesia, which were alive in 1895; and small plants were reported in 1903 to be growing in the Royal Pomological Institute at Proskau in Silesia.

The late Mr. Johnson, of Astoria, Oregon, transplanted a few small trees to his nursery, some of which are, I believe, growing near Portland. Brandagee found a few two-year-old seedlings among the old trees, and half a dozen of them reached the Arnold Arboretum alive.

One of these was sent from there to Kew in November 1897, and is growing near the Pagoda, being about 2½ feet in height at the present time (March 1905). It is the only living specimen known to us in Britain.

The tree is said by Professor Sheldon to grow from 100 to 150 feet high, but Sargent gives 120 feet as the extreme height, and Messrs. Jack and Rehder did not see any higher than about 110 feet by about 9 feet in circumference. Douglas informed Baron von St. Paul that the largest tree measured by him was 121 feet high, and 2 feet 11 inches in diameter at 7½ feet from the ground. As the region in which it grows is so limited, and forest fires are very prevalent and


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A tree, attaining in Yezo 100-150 feet in height. Bark like that of the common European spruce, grey, and composed of irregularly quadrangular scales which do not fall off. Branchlets shining, glabrous, yellow, never becoming reddish. Free part of the pulvini long, directed backwards on branchlets of old trees, not widened or channelled at their bases on the upper surface of the branchlets, persistent on old branchlets. Buds broadly conic, with ovate scales rounded in margin, showing on opening the young leaves tinged with red. Leaves flattened, thin, blunt, or ending in a short point, slightly keeled on both surfaces; ventral surface green without stomata; dorsal surface silvery white with two broad bands of stomata. Cones purple when young, brownish when ripe, straight, oblong, tapering at each end, 2 to 3 inches long by nearly 1 inch wide; scales narrowly oblong-oval, coriaceous, erose, and denticulate in margin; bracts minute, concealed, broad-oblong, slightly narrowed below, their upper rounded denticulate edge giving off abruptly an apiculus. Seed with a wing, which is twice or thrice as long as the seed itself.

Picea ajanensis appears to be confined to Manchuria, Amurland, that part of Eastern Siberia which faces the southern half of the Sea of Ochotsk, Saghalien, the three southern isles of the Kurile group, and Yezo. The spruce of Central China, which has been identified with it in Index Floræ Sinensis, ii. 553, has pubescent shoots, and is probably identical with Picea brachytila, Masters. The accounts of the Ajan spruce on the continent of Asia are of ancient date, the only recent one being that in Russian by Komarov, who states that it grows abundantly with species of Abies and Pinus koraiensis in mountain woods in all the provinces of Manchuria. It has not, however, been collected there by any British travellers.


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 distinct species, Abies microsperma. Plants raised from the seed "turned out to be unsuitable for the climate of this country." This form, according to Mayr, and so far as I can judge myself, can hardly rank even as a variety, and is not in cultivation at the present time.

Maries visited Yezo in 1879 and sent home specimens, now preserved in the Kew Herbarium, and seeds of the true Picea ajanensis from that island; and young trees should accordingly be in cultivation in this country. This plant was kept separate by Messrs. Veitch at first, under the name Abies yezoensis. Maries considered the Yezo spruce to be quite distinct in habit and aspect from the two spruces which he had seen on Fujiyama (Alcockiana and hondoensis).

Mayr informed me last year that the Yezo spruce was not introduced into Europe until 1891; and that most of the trees on the Continent passing under the name of Picea ajanensis belong to Picea hondoensis. The specimens which have been sent me from old trees of reputed P. ajanensis in England also belong to that species.

On account of the heavy floods which occurred in July 1904, I did not get far enough north in Hokkaido to see this tree at its best, but in the State forests of Shari, Kutami, and Kushiro, it occurs in great masses, and is one of the principal economic products of the island. I saw it thinly scattered in forests of deciduous trees between Sapporo and Asahigawa, where it was of no great size, and in the forest round the volcanic crater-lake of Shikotsu in the south-east of Hokkaido it formed, here and there, nearly pure forests of small extent, mixed more or less with Picea Glehnii and Abies sachalinensis, at an elevation of 1000 to 2000 feet. The vegetation in these forests was quite unlike anything that I saw in Central Japan, the ground being covered with a dense layer of humus, and in the more shady places two or three species of Pyrola were abundant. Daphne, Gaultheria, Ledum, and other plants not seen elsewhere occurred, with curious terrestrial orchids and many ferns. The trees rarely exceeded 80 feet in height by 4 to 6 feet in girth, but higher up near the lake I measured one as much as 100 by 9 feet.

The general appearance of the tree is very like that of P. sitchensis, though I did not notice that the roots became buttressed, which is probably only the case in wet soil. The natural reproduction is good, but the seedlings grow slowly at first and seemed to thrive best in shade. The Japanese name is Eso-Matsu.

The wood of this tree is soft, but probably as good as that of other spruces. I passed the night at a factory in the forest where it was being cut up into thin slices for export to Osaka, where large quantities are used for making matchboxes. It is also employed for boat masts and other purposes, and is worth in Tokyo about 10d. per cubic foot. On account of its softness, lightness, and fineness of grain,


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A tree, attaining 80 feet in height in Hondo, the main island of Japan. Bark dark grey, peeling off in small roundish scales and leaving light-coloured spots on the trunk. Branchlets shining, glabrous, yellow in the first year; but becoming reddish brown in the second year, and retaining the red colour in succeeding years till the scaly bark begins to form. The free portions of the pulvini are directed forwards, and on the upper side of the branchlets are enlarged transversely at their bases and show two channels where they become decurrent on the stem; they are shorter than in Picea ajanensis, and on older branchlets tend to disappear. Buds like those of Picea ajanensis, but opening with greenish leaves. Leaves as in that species, but slightly shorter. Cones, red when young, yellowish when ripe, slightly curved, oblong, tapering to each end, about 2 inches long by ¾ inch thick, erect on terminal younger branchlets; scales membranous, oval, broader proportionately to their length than in P. ajanensis, with denticulate erose margins; bracts minute, concealed, oval lanceolate, denticulate, gradually tapering to an acute apex. Seed with a short wing (less than twice the length of the seed).

The description just given enumerates the characters, chiefly those of the bark, shoot, and cones, on which Mayr relies to distinguish the Hondo spruce from the true Picea ajanensis.

Picea hondoensis, as grown in this country, where it is usually called Picea ajanensis, assumes a broadly pyramidal outline, the main branches being rigid and directed either upwards or horizontally. In sunshine the branchlets turn their tips upwards, exposing to view the pale surface of the leaves. The arrangement of the leaves on lateral branchlets is the one normal in flat-leaved spruces, i.e. the upper side of the branchlet is densely covered with leaves, which have their apices directed forwards, while on the lower side of the branchlet the leaves part into two sets, directed outwards at right angles and leaving the twig bare beneath. All the leaves direct their stomatic pale surfaces away from the light, so that these look towards the ground.

The young cones are bright crimson, and make the tree highly ornamental in spring.

Picea Alcockiana, in which the leaves are conspicuously white on the dorsal surface, is often confounded in gardens with Picea hondoensis; but these two species are readily distinguished as follows:— Rh


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 Mayr's view of the specific distinctness of Picea hondoensis and Picea ajanensis be upheld, most of the specimens cultivated in this country under the latter name (and many also incorrectly labelled Alcockiana) must be renamed as Picea hondoensis.

The best specimen we have seen in England is a tree at Hemsted in Kent, which was planted by the Earl of Cranbrook in 1887, and, when measured by Elwes in 1905, was 44 feet high.

There is one at Benmore, near Dunoon, the property of H.S. Younger, Esq., which Henry measured in 1905 as 52 feet by 4 feet 4 inches, about twenty-five years planted.

At Fota, Co. Cork, there is a fine tree which, in 1904, Henry found to be 44 feet by 4 feet 3 inches.