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1832] stuffy to flinch, and sneak off for home without reaching the Rocky Mountains; still hunger is hunger, and the young and the strong feel the greatest call for food. Every one who goes to sea may lay his account for coming to short allowance, from violent storms, head winds, damaged vessel, and the like; but for a band of New-England [30] men to come to short allowance upon land, with guns, powder, and shot, was a new idea to our Oregon adventurers, who had not prepared for it in the article of hard bread, or flour, or potatoes, or that snug and wholesome article, salt fish, so plenty at Marblehead and Cape Ann, and so convenient to carry. When the second company shall march from the seat of science, Cambridge, we would advise them to pack up a few quintals of salt fish, and a few pounds of ground sago, and salep, as a teaspoonful of it mixed with boiling water will make three pints of good gruel, and also a competent supply of portable soup.

Buffaloes were plenty enough. We saw them in frightful droves, as far as the eye could reach, appearing at a distance as if the ground itself was moving like the sea. Such large armies of them have no fear of man. They will travel over him and make nothing of him. Our company after killing ten or twelve of them, never enjoyed the benefit of more than two of them, the rest being carried off by the wolves before morning. Beside the scarcity of meat, we suffered for want of good and wholesome water. The La Platte is warm and muddy; and the use of it occasioned a diarrhœa in several of our company. Dr. Jacob Wyeth, brother of the Captain, suffered not a little from this cause.—Should the reader wonder how we proceeded so rapidly on our way without stopping to inquire, he must bear in mind that we were still under the guidance of Captain Sublet, who knew every step of the way, and had actually resided four years in different green valleys that are here


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208 in this line. He gained his real importance as a writer for the promotion of popular enlightenment.

(1760-1830) was one of the most fertile writers of which the Danish literature can boast. His works were for a long time widely read and keenly appreciated. Still, his intellectual gifts were not of a sufficiently high order to enable him to appropriate the new ideas that came with the dawn of the nineteenth century, or in general to keep pace with the march of time. Nevertheless, he possessed intelligence enough to acknowledge the claims of the new era and to abstain from warring with it. His specialty was æsthetics. In addition to his numerous original poetical and critical works he published many translations of similar productions from foreign languages, and superintended the editing of several poets of ancient and more recent times. He interested himself in various ways in behalf of the theatre, and from 1809 to 1830 he was its manager. He also wrote dramas, which were not, however, successful. Rahbek was a most charming man personally, and had therefore hosts of friends. His house, the so-called "Bakkehus" (House on the hill), near Copenhagen, where his gifted, wife, Kamma (Karen Margarethe), who was a celebrated letter-writer, presided as a most amiable hostess, was for a long time the trysting-place of all who were in any manner distinguished for wit and talent.

In (1759-1829) Danish literary history found an able and untiring worker. When a poor student he had the good fortune of making the acquaintance of the historian, Suhm, who secured him an appointment in the public libraries, in which he was actively engaged until his death. Among his works in the field of history of literature special mention should be made of his "Bidrag til den danske Digtekunsts Historie" (six volumes), which he published with

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 parts, and would you like to have a servant who has been a robber?"

"You have not been a robber," interrupted I the poor fellow, but recollected soon that he had not finished his narration, and perhaps might have been compelled at last, by menaces, to become a member of the gang, I therefore requested him to continue his tale, and to be as brief as possible, which he in vain strove to do, going every now and then affray: The substance of his confused continuation was as follows.

The robbers returned, treated John again with kindness, ate, drank, and left him once more, without mentioning a word about his going with them, which did not in the least displease him; he amused himself with reading, and, when night invited him to sleep, he went to his couch with a much lighter heart than when he had left it in the morning. That manner of life he led eight days, during which time the robbers always returned to


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 dinner, in greater or lesser number; the whole gang consisted of twenty-four stout men besides the Captain.

On the ninth, tenth, eleventh, and the three succeeding days, the robbers did not return, but on the fifteenth they all appeared in high spirits, though with empty hands; John concluded, from this circumstance, and from what he could gather from their mysterious discourses, that they must have had several other haunts, where they hoarded up their spoils, the old Castle on the skirts of the Black Forest, seemed, however, to be their usual residence.

After dinner was over, and the goblet had freely circulated, the Captain recollected that John was to give them a second sample of his capacity, ordered him to mount a horse, and conducted him, accompanied by two of his associates, to the high road leading thro' the forest, where he commanded him to lay


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Rh Rahbek, and "Udvalgte danske Viser fra Middelalderen" (Selected Danish ballads from the middle age), in five volumes, which he published together with Rahbek and Abrahamson. Several historical and antiquarian works by this gifted author are also of great value. He also rendered an inestimable service to northern antiquarian research by the fact that the museum was founded chiefly at his instigation. The above mentioned (1744-1812), a Slesvig by birth, although he had received a German education, became a most ardent advocate of the Danish language, which, at the military academy, had been completely superseded by the German, as Abrahamson found to his sorrow, and he distinguished himself as a warm and sincere patriot. By numerous dissertations in various periodicals he endeavored to diffuse a knowledge of the history and literature of the North.

As we are now considering the general intellectual movements in the literature at the close of the last century, it may not be out of place to mention two men, who, though poets, still were of chief importance as the representatives of the national agitation and of the liberal ideas that were daily gaining ground. These men are and. They both stood on the ground of the French revolution and they took a prominent part in that opposition against the existing institutions, which continued with increasing recklessness, especially after the emancipation of the press effected by Struense in 1770. Heiberg (1758-1841) early made his name known by his satirical songs, and his comedies especially secured him great influence on public opinion. These operettas and comedies obtained an extraordinary success and were even compared with Holberg's comedies, though they are in reality by no means equal to them; but still many of them are very cred-


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210 itable performances, especially as delineations of character. In these dramatic works, as also in his satirical novel "Rigsdalersedlens Hændelser" (the adventures of the bank-note), and in many of his songs and other lesser works, Heiberg unsparingly attacks all existing institutions. The government persecuted him inexorably, while the masses loved and honored him, not only on account of his sallies against the nobility and Germanism, but also against injustice. In the year 1799 there appeared a new press law, to which he fell a victim. He was accused of several offences against this law and sentenced to exile. In spite of the popular indignation thus aroused, the sentence was executed, and in 1800 Heiberg had to leave Denmark. He went to France, where he obtained an appointment in the ministry of foreign affairs, and where he remained until his death.

(1775-1826) was as combative and reckless as Heiberg, and far more violent. The best known of his scathing pamphlets is his "Aristokraternes Katekismus" (1796). It brought him a lawsuit, but he escaped to Sweden. An ode which he at this time wrote on the occasion of Bernstorfs death appeased the government; the suit was withdrawn and he returned to Denmark. But a few years later his writings again gave offence to the authorities, and only by flight to France did he escape a severe sentence that threatened him. He remained in France until his death, chiefly engaged in geographical work, by which he gained a world-wide fame.

This age produced a large number of poets, whose works are not, however, as a rule, of very great value. To encourage obscure talents, Holberg had in his time offered prizes for meritorious poems, and several others had followed his example. Artificial means of this kind soon, however, became superfluous, for poets soon sprang up in such great numbers


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 {|
 * Is Amandus ||rowspan=2|||rowspan=2|still alive?
 * Is my Amanda
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 * Is my Amanda
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they fly into each others arms, and both drop down dead for joy.

There is a soft æra in every gentle mortal's life, where such a story affords more pabulum to the brain, than all the Frusts, and Crusts, and Rusts of antiquity, which travellers can cook up for it.

'Twas all that stuck on the right side of the cullender in my own, of what Spon and others, in their accounts of Lyons, had strained into it; and finding, moreover, in some Itinerary, but in what God knowsThat sacred to the fidelity of Amandus and Amanda, a tomb was built without the gates, where to this hour, lovers call'd upon them to


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 attest their truths,—I never could get into a scrape of that kind in my life, but this tomb of the lovers, would some how or other, come in at the close—nay such a kind of empire had it establish'd over me, that I could seldom think or speak of Lyons—and sometimes not so much as see even a Lyons-waistcoat, but this remnant of antiquity would present itself to my fancy; and I have often said in my wild way of running ontho' I fear with some irreverence "I thought this shrine (neglected as it was) as valuable as that of Mecca, and so little short, except in wealth, of the Santa Casa itself, that some time or other, I would go a pilgrimage (though I had no other business at Lyons) on purpose to pay it a visit.


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Rh that even Holberg himself was annoyed by them. Still this prize system was even further developed by the foundation, in 1759, of the "society for the advancement of the sciences of the beautiful and the useful." This society, to the founding of which the above mentioned author of popular and philosophical works, Tyge Rothe, had given the impulse, had for its object the establishment of rewards which were to encourage young poets and guide the public taste. The society consisted almost exclusively of persons who were well-nigh destitute of any real appreciation of poetry, but who were engaged in various kinds of pursuits. They accepted the standard of the age, and were thoroughly satisfied when, instead of genuine poetry, they received pretty thoughts, expressed in intelligible, smooth and metrical verses. The only truly competent member of the society was, who, in 1751, had been called to Denmark by Frederik V, and remained in the country until 1770, when he went to Hamburg, where he stayed until his death in 1803, but supported during all this time by the Danish Government. He enjoyed a high reputation in the leading literary circles of Germany, and exercised a powerful influence on the development of the poetical taste in Denmark. He unquestionably did some good, and it may be said that the greatest poet of the epoch, Johannes Ewald, through him received his main stimulus, though the gifted youth soon surpassed his master and successfully emancipated himself from Klopstock's weak points. But few of Klopstock's numerous followers succeeded in doing this. In their dull poems they faithfully reproduced the affected manner of the German poet, with its high-sounding phrases and hollow pathos. Klopstock's influence on Danish poetry was, therefore, on the whole not a favorable one; nor could it be so, for his essentially German spirit was unable to make due allowance for the national Danish element. Among the small number of poems in Klopstock's style that are something more than mere soulless imitations, we must call attention to a few odes by the Norwegian, (1723-


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212 1776). His best work, the didactic poem "Junkerskilden," betrays, however, unmistakable traces of the influence of English poetry.

The Norwegian, (1728-65), was also a genuine poetical genius, who, unlike the imitators of Klopstock, chose as his models English poets, particularly those who describe natural scenery. He had already gained some reputation by his rather tame cantatas, when, in 1758, he composed the idyllic wedding poem "Maidagen." This poem was received with great favor, and, in spite of its subtle reflections, which seem to us wearisome and heavy, it is a poem characterized by a warmth of feeling and natural freshness that were extremely rare during this period. When the society above mentioned in 1759 offered a prize for the best poem describing "navigation; its origin and results," Tullin, who was engaged in private business in his native town, Christiania, still found time to compete and he won the prize. In his poem he sought, as far as possible, to impart some poetical interest to this matter-of-fact theme; and yet the judges failed to be altogether satisfied with his performance; but found that the poet in his production had been guided too much by his own "fancy" than he had sought to answer adequately the questions propounded. A similar reproach was also expressed in regard to the manner in which Tullin had treated another prize theme proposed by the society "on the excellence of the creation in reference to the order and arrangement of all created things." And yet this was the most grandly conceived and most beautifully executed of all Tullin's works.

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 the time, but shouting in a childish way whenever I caught a "whacker" (as we called a big fish at Tiverton); and in sooth there were very fine loaches here, having more lie and harbourage than in the rough Lynn stream, though not quite so large as in the Lowman, where I have even taken them to the weight of half-a-pound.

But in answer to all my shouts there never was any sound at all, except of a rocky echo, or a scared bird hustling away, or the sudden dive of a water-vole; and the place grew thicker and thicker, and the covert grew darker above me, until I thought that the fishes might have good chance of eating me, instead of my eating the fishes.

For now the day was falling fast behind the brown of the hill-tops; and the trees, being void of leaf and hard, seemed giants ready to beat me. And every moment as the sky was clearing up for a white frost, the cold of the water got worse and worse, until I was fit to cry with it. And so, in a sorry plight, I came to an opening in the bushes, where a great black pool lay in front of me, whitened with snow (as I thought) at the sides, till I saw it was only foam-froth.

Now, though I could swim with great ease and comfort, and feared no depth of water, when I could fairly come to it, yet I had no desire to go over head and ears into this great pool, being so cramped and weary, and cold enough in all conscience, though wet only up to the middle, not counting my arms and shoulders. And the look of this black pit was enough


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 to stop one from diving into it, even on a hot summer's day with sunshine on the water; I mean, if the sun ever shone there. As it was, I shuddered and drew back; not alone at the pool itself and the black air there was about it, but also at the whirling manner, and wisping of white threads upon it in stripy circles round and round; and the centre still as jet.

But soon I saw the reason of the stir and depth of that great pit, as well as of the roaring sound which long had made me wonder. For skirting round one side, with very little comfort, because the rocks were high and steep, and the ledge at the foot so narrow, I came to a sudden sight and marvel, such as I never dreamed of. For, lo! I stood at the foot of a long pale slide of water, coming smoothly to me, without any break or hindrance, for a hundred yards or more, and fenced on either side with cliff, sheer, and straight, and shining. The water neither ran nor fell, nor leaped with any spouting, but made one even slope of it, as if it had been combed or planed, and looking like a plank of deal laid down a deep black staircase. However there was no side-rail, nor any place to walk upon, only the channel a fathom wide, and the perpendicular walls of crag shutting out the evening.

The look of this place had a sad effect, scaring me very greatly, and making me feel that I would give something only to be at home again, with Annie cooking my supper, and our dog, "Watch," sniffing upward. But nothing would come of wishing; that I had long


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52 and there in the Rocky Mountains. To me it seems that we must have perished for want of [31] sustenance in the deserts of Missouri, had we been by ourselves. It may have been good policy in Sublet, to attach us to him. He probably saw our rawness in an adventure so ill provided for as ours actually was. But for him we should hardly have provided ourselves with live stock; and but for him we should probably never have reached the American Alps. By this time every man began to think for himself.

We travelled six days on the south branch of the La Platte, and then crossed over to the north branch, and on this branch of it, we travelled eighteen days. But the first three days we could not find sufficient articles of food; and what added to our distress was the sickness of several of our company. We noticed many trails of the savages, but no Indians. The nearer we approached the range of the mountains the thicker were the trees. After travelling twelve days longer we came to the Black Hills. They are so called from their thick growth of cedar. Here is the region of rattle snakes, and the largest and fiercest bears,—a very formidable animal, which it is not prudent for a man to attack alone. I have known some of the best hunters of Sublet's company to fire five and six balls at one before he fell. We were four days in crossing these dismal looking hills. They would be called mountains, were they not in the neighborhood of the Rocky Mountains, whose peaks overtop every thing, and elevate themselves into the region of everlasting frost and snow. Our sick suffered extremely in ascending these hills, some of them slipped off the horses and mules they rode on, from sheer weakness, brought on by the bowel complaint already mentioned; among these was Dr. [32] Wyeth, our


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 EXTRAORDINARY

PUBLISHED BY AUTHORITY

No. 4, PORT BLAIR, SATURDAY, JUNE 30, 1956.

OFFICE OF THE CHIEF COMMISSIONER Andaman and Nicobar Islands.

NOTIFICATION

Port Blair, the 18th June 1956 No. 76/56—The following Regulation promulgated by the President under clause (2) of article 243 of the Constitution and published in the Gazette of India, Extraordinary, Part II, Section 1, dated the 14th May 1956, is hereby re-published for general information:— THE ANDAMAN AND NICOBAR ISLANDS (PROTECTION OF ABORIGINAL TRIBES) REGULATION, 1956 No. 3 of 1958 Promulgated by the President in the Seventh Year of the Republic of India.

A Regulation to provide for the protection of the interests of socially and economically backward aboriginal tribes. in the Andaman and Nicobar Islands.

In exercise of the powers confected by clause (2) of article 243 of the Constitution, the President is pleased to promulgate the following Regulation made by him:—

1. (1) This Regulation may be called the Andaman and Nicobar Islands (Protection of Aboriginal Tribes) Regulation, 1956.


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At length the time for the organization of the county had arrived. On October 30, 1745, Governor Gooch issued "a Commission of the Peace," naming the first magistrates for the county, viz: James Patton, John Lewis, John Buchanan, George Robinson, Peter Scholl, James Bell, Robert Campbell, John Brown, Robert Poage, John Pickens, Thomas Lewis, Hugh Thompson, Robert Cunningham, John Tinla (Finley?), Richard Woods, John Christian, Robert Craven, James Kerr, Adam Dickinson, Andrew Pickens, and John Anderson—in all, twenty-one.

At the same time, the Governor issued a commission to James Patton as sheriff of the county. John Madison was appointed clerk of the county court by "commission under the hand and seal of Thomas Nelson, Esq., Secretary of Virginia," and Thomas Lewis was commissioned surveyor of the county by "William Dawson, president, and the masters of the college of William and Mary."

In anticipation of the organization, William Beverley, the patentee, had erected a courthouse, no doubt a rough structure, on his land, and at the southwest corner of the present courthouse lot. On the day the commissions to the county officers were issued at Williamsburg, Beverley wrote from the same place to the justices of Augusta, informing them that he had erected the house referred to at his "mill place," and would before spring make a deed for the "house and two acres of land about the same to the use of the county to build their prison, stocks, etc., on." It will be observed that nothing

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2

(2) It extends to the whole of the Andaman and Nicobar Islands.

(3) It shall come into force on such date as the Chief Commissioner may, by notification*, appoint.

2. In this Regulation, unless the context otherwise requires,—
 * (a) “aboriginal tribe” means any of the following tribes or tribal communities in the Andaman and Nicobar Islands, and includes parts of, or groups within, such tribes or tribal communities, namely;
 * Andamanese, Jarawas, Onges, Sentinelese, Nicobarese, and Shom Pens;
 * (b) “Chief Commissioner” means the Chief Commissioner of the Andaman and Nicobar Islands;
 * (c) “Deputy Commissioner” means the Deputy Commissioner of the Andaman and Nicobar Islands;
 * (d) “notification” means a notification published in the Official Gazette;
 * (e) “pass” means a pass granted under section 7; and
 * (f) “reserved area” means an area which the Chief Commissioner has, by notification under section 3, declared to be a reserved area.

3. (1) The Chief Commissioner may, by notification, declared any area which is predominantly inhabited by aboriginal tribes to be a reserved area and specify the limits of such area; and may, from time to time, un 1ko manner, alter such limits.

(2) If any question arises whether any area falls within or without a reserved area, it shall be decided by the Chief Commissioner and his decision shall be final.

4. No waste or unoccupied land at the disposal of the Government in a reserved area shall be allotted for agri- cultural purposes to any person other than a member of an aboriginal tribe:

Provided that the Chief Commissioner may allot any such land to any person other than a member of an aboriginal tribe—
 * (a) if the Chief Commissioner is satisfied that such land is not required by any such member; or
 * (b) if in his opinion the allotment of land to a person other than a member of an aboriginal tribe is necessary for the purpose of consolidation of land or is otherwise. in the public interest.

5. (1) No member of an aboriginal tribe shall, except with the previous sanction of the Chief Commissioner, transfer by way of sale, exchange, mortgage, lease or otherwise any land to any person other than a member of an aboriginal tribe.


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(2) No land held or occupied by a member of an aboriginal tribe shall be liable to attachment or sale in execution of any decree or order of a civil or revenue court.

(3) Any transfer, attachment or sale of any land made in contravention of this section shall be void.

6. (1) No person other than a member of an aboriginal tribe shall, except with the previous sanction of the Chief Commissioner, acquire any interest in any land situated in a reserved area or in any product of, or crop raised on, such land, or shall, except under and in accordance with the terms and conditions of a licence granted by the Chief Commissioner, carry on any trade or business in any such area.

(2) The provisions of sub-section (1) shall apply to any person who, at the commencement of this Regulation, is carrying on any trade or business in any such area after the expiration of sixty days from such commencement.

7. The Chief Commissioner may, by notification, prohibit any person other than a member of an aboriginal tribe or any class of persons other than members of an aboriginal tribe from entering a reserved area except on the authority and subject to the observance of the conditions and restrictions of a pass granted by the Deputy Commissioner or by such other officer as the Deputy Commissioner may authorise in writing in this behalf.

8. (1) Whoever in contravention of the provisions of section 6, acquires any interest in or in any product of, or crop raised on, any land, or carries on any trade or business, in a reserved area, shall be punishable with imprisonment which may extend to one year, or with fine which extend to one thousand rupees, or with both; and the interest so acquired shall be disposed of in such manner as the Chief Commissioner may, after taking into consideration the circumstances of the case, direct.

(2) Whoever, in contravention of a notification issued under section 7, enters a reserved area shall be punishable with imprisonment which may extend to one year, or with fine which may extend to one thousand rupees, or with both.

(3) Whoever, does anything in contravention of any of the conditions or restrictions subject to which a pass has been granted to him under section 7, shall be punishable with imprisonment which may extend to one year, or with fine which may extend to one thousand rupees, or with both.

9. (1) The Chief Commissioner, or any person authorised by him in this behalf, may arrest without a warrant any person who has committed, or is suspected of having committed, any offence punishable under this Regulation.


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From 1753, for more than ten years, war raged all along the frontier. We do not propose to give a history of the general war, and can only briefly sketch some of the principal events which immediately concerned the people of Augusta county.

Some account of the Indian tribes most frequently in contact with the white settlers of this region is appropriate here. Withers states, in his "Border Warfare" [p. 39], that when Virginia became known to the whites, the portion of the State lying northwest of the Blue Ridge and extending to the lakes was possessed by the Massawomees. These were a powerful confederacy, rarely in unity with the tribes east of that range of mountains; but generally harassing them by frequent hostile irruptions into their country. Of their subsequent history, nothing is now known. They are supposed by some to have been the ancestors of the Six Nations.

"As settlements were extended from the sea shore," says Withers, "the Massawomees gradually retired; and when the white population reached the Blue Ridge, the Valley between it and the Alleghany was entirely uninhabited. This delightful region of country was then only used as a hunting ground, and as a highway for belligerent parties, of different nations, in their military expeditions against each other. In consequence of the almost continuous hostilities between the northern and southern Indians, these expeditions were very frequent, and tended somewhat to retard the settlement of the Valley, and render a residence in it, for some time, insecure and unpleasant. Between

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 that as an illustration of what might happen between reasonable nations to avoid war. We were proud of it.

Now these objectors to the treaty, digging around underground, have made the awful disclosure that we were unconstitutional when we adopted that treaty and we have been unconstitutional during the century of its existence in maintaining it. Now, my understanding is that precedent in construing the Constitution should have great influence. Here we have a precedent of one hundred and two years establishing the right of the treaty-making power to include the limitation of armament in the treaties it makes with other countries. I ask you how serious that objection is to the limitation of armament for constitutional reasons.

So much for the first step forward towards peace in the treaty. The second is in Article X. What is Article X? By that, the members of the League undertake to respect and preserve against external aggression the territorial integrity and the existing political independence of all the members of the League. What is it in effect? It is a union that forces the world to maintain inviolate the international commandment, "Thou shalt not steal." That is all it is. It is the embodiment of the declaration with which we went into this war, that the war was to make the world safe for democracy; it was to destroy the militarism of Germany and to produce a condition in which democracies might pursue the happiness of their people without exhausting their energies in making preparations to resist robber nations who would carry out the principle that Might makes Right. I know this is denied, but that was the purpose of the war and that is the basis on which we went into it. At least that was the whole tone of every argument and address in every patriotic meeting that I attended or ever heard of. That is what carried the soldiers to the other side. That is what spurred them up to their grand record on the other side and this Article X is nothing but the embodiment of that principle and it is a refutation of the principle of conquest on the part of Germany.

Senator Beveridge thinks we ought not to give up the power of conquest because we have improved the world so much by conquest heretofore. We took Mexican territory and substituted Americans for Mexicans and that improved the world. Well, I do not say that war has not advanced civilization incidentally and in a way. It has. But I am going to say that we have reached a stage in the history of the world when we


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 have got to stop advancing civilization that way or there will be no world. The next general war will be more destructive than this, as much more than this as this was more so than the last war. The developments that were made on the improvement of machines for destroying men and blowing them up were not given full scope in the last year of this war. If it had continued, the destruction would have been frightful and the next war, if it comes on, will be in the nature of a world suicide. Now do I have to argue against the proposition that it is not worth while to kill one-half of the world in order that the other half may get on? Isn't there some other means of advancing the civilization of God? If Mr. Beveridge's view of it is correct, we ought to sit down and write a note to Germany and say, Take back your Kaiser and go on with your war. Because Germany's plea was exactly that of Senator Beveridge. They said they were improving the world. They said they invented kultur; they had a patent on it but they were willing to license it to God in his work of advancing civilization on condition that it should be done through the machinery of the German army. That is all. If you shut your eyes and consider William Beveridge's proposition, you will see a label on it, "Made in Germany." So I will pass on from that. If you think with Senator Beveridge, I cannot argue with you and you can't argue with me. We will just part peaceably.

The next argument against Article X is a formidable one. It is one that is used by most of the objectors to the League in order to appeal to the women of the country. They realize that the women are more sensitive to war than men. They realize that the memories of women are longer than men's, that men are thicker skinned. Women do not forget the midnight vigil; they do not forget lying awake worrying and anxious over their dear ones exposed in war,—they are no jingoists. They are in favor of peace, and they are sincerely in favor of the League as a means of trying whether we cannot maintain peace and avoid war. So these objectors to the League seek to reach them with the argument that this League and Article X will involve us in more war than if we didn't have them at all. Now, is that so? It is said that we are going into constant wars, little wars all over the world, remote,—and that our boys are to be summoned and sent to remote quarters for the purpose of suppressing wars between countries in whom we have no legitimate interest.

In the first place, that is not the way it will work even if we have


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4

(2) Every person arrested under sub-section (1) shall be produced before the nearest magistrate within twenty-four hours of such arrest excluding the time necessary for the journey from the place of arrest.

10. (1) The Chief Commissioner may, by notification, make rules to carry out the purposes of this Regulation.

(2) In particular, and without prejudice to the generality of the foregoing power, such rules may provide for the form in which, the conditions and restrictions subject to which, and the fee not exceeding rupees fifty on payment of which, a pass under section 7 shall be granted.

11. The provisions of this Regulation and of any rule made thereunder shall have effect notwithstanding anything inconsistent therewith contained in any other law for the time being in force or in any instrument having effect by virtue of any such law, or in any usage or agreement, or in any decree or order of any court or other authority. RAJENDRA PRASAD, President.

K, Y. BHANDARKAR, Secy, to the Govt. of India.

OFFICE OF THE CHIEF COMMISSIONER ANDAMAN AND NICOBAR ISLANDS

NOTIFICATION Port Blair, the 19th June 1956 No. ANPATR 1(3) 1.—In exercise of the powers conferred by sub-section (1) of section 1 of the Andaman and Nicobar Islands (Protection of Aboriginal Tribes) Regulation, 1/56 No. 3 of 1956), the Chief Commissioner, Andaman and Nicobar Islands is pleased to appoint the first day of July 1956 to be the date from which the Regulation shall come into force.


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 those wars. The Council is to prepare a plan and advise the means of preparing obligations under Article X. While the Council can not compel the nation to comply with their plans, the report of the Council will be a reasonable limitation upon the obligations of the nations which they may themselves honorably and sincerely adopt. We have a member on that Council; therefore, we can be sure of a reasonable plan and that reasonable plan must necessarily involve a reasonable distribution of the burdens of the obligations of Article X. It would be reasonable, therefore, to limit the activities under Article X for any small war of this kind between one nation and another,—(a bullying nation picking on a small nation in Asia) to the Asiatic government, or those who have the convenient forces there, if military force is needed. And so, too, with the European countries, the policing of that country, if necessary, would primarily fall under such reasonable plan, upon the European nations. And so with us in the Western Hemisphere. The policing of this Western Hemisphere would naturally fall to us. It would be in accordance with the view of those who are most sensitive to the subject of the extent of the Monroe Doctrine.

Now this suggestion is directed to the argument that we will have a constant series of small wars. If we have a general war, I don't need to make the argument because if we have a general war, or large enough so that if the conflagration spreads, it must be a general war, then we want to get into that war "with both feet" as quickly as possible; because as we look back upon this war—and without criticising anyone, we realize that it would have been a great deal better if we had gone in originally and that the war would have been ended much more promptly.

But, secondly, if the League operates as it should operate, there will not be these small wars which are suggested as a reason why we are going constantly to need an army and be constantly engaged in war. Why not? In the first place, when any such war is begun, under Article XVI all the nations of the world are under immediate obligation to levy a universal boycott against the outlaw nation. They put a Chinese wall around that country. They shut off all food supplies,—all supplies of raw material; they refuse a market to any product of the country that is beginning the war and must have the means of continuing it. We cut off all business relations of every sort; we do not pay any debts that we owe them; we cut off the cables and the postal facilities and we sever diplomatic relations. We subject them to a withering isolation—such an isolation as no


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 country except the United States and one or two South American countries can possibly stand without starving. I beg you to consider that, the wonderful penalizing operation, the beautiful penalizing operation of such an organization as the universal boycott. What nation will like to come up against that kind of boycott? How much of a war will it be able to carry on when no neighbor can furnish anything in the way of food and raw material, when it cannot get money for anything that it produces. That in itself and the prospect of it will prevent the nation from going to war. And then if the boycott does not work effectively, then the forces of the neighboring nations will be called in to assist that operation and suppress and inflict a penalty of military destruction upon that nation.

I say, no nation—of course I mean after the stabilization of the condition of Europe today—that is so fluid and chaotic that there will have to be attention to that before we can say that the normal situation is restored. But I mean when peace is restored, the operation of the League is going to prevent the occurrence of any such war. You say that is only reasoning. But the reasoning is thoroughly good, and it is based on human nature. It is the minatory, threatening, cautionary effect of the penalties of the League that are expected to work to prevent war. That is the normal operation of the League. That is the reason why we go into it, not to fight wars, but to have the nations understand that if they fight wars, then we do. We fight not for lawless violence or greed of possession, but we fight with lawful force to overcome lawless violence on the same principle that we use the police force in domestic communities.

Now you say, that is a priori. It is. But if you go back in your own history you have an illustration that ought to a fortiori demonstrate this. In 1823 the Holy Alliance, consisting of the great powers of Europe except Great Britain, indicated a purpose to come over here and overthrow the nations which had revolted from Spain, and which we had recognized. Canning of England was greatly troubled about it. Thomas Jefferson was consulted and he advised uniting with England to prevent it. John C. Calhoun did so. But Monroe and Adams conceived the declaration of the Monroe Doctrine and put it into the message of Monroe of that year. The doctrine was merely the application of the principle of Article X to the aggression of European nations against the territorial integrity and political independence of American nations. It announced that if any of those nations came over here to take the territory or overthrow the independence


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 of an American nation, they would have to fight not only that American nation, but the United States as well. Now the Senate was opposed to it and Congress was opposed to it and Thomas H. Benton made the speech of his life against it. The bitterness was greater then than it is today against the League, and the argument was that it would involve us in so many ways that it would destroy the country. Nevertheless, the doctrine was issued and what has been the result? That is ninety-six years ago, and that doctrine has been maintained inviolate ever since, without our engaging in war on account of it and without firing a shot or losing a man. Just because we threatened.

There was one instance of a violation that was an exception but it is the exception that proves the rule. During the Civil War when our hands were tied so that we could not act and could not maintain the threat, then Napoleon III, that fakir Emperor of France, sent troops over here to Mexico and set up the Empire of Maximilian. He did it for three years against our protest, but we had no means of resisting. Then Appomatox came and we sent Sheridan with thirty or forty thousand troops to the Mexican border, and the interest of Napoleon in Mexico ended and he withdrew his troops, and the empire of Maximilian passed and he was tried and shot, and the independence of Mexico was restored. That shows the Monroe Doctrine has been maintained by the threat of the United States with the power to back up that threat. The minute that the power was taken away, the minute it was seen that the United States could not act, then the greedy nations of Europe came over here—and they had been greedy all the time for colonization in other countries than in America. If that be the result of a threat of one nation which has not the power of imposing the universal boycott, what must necessarily be the result of the union of all nations within the League, beginning with the universal boycott, with its withering isolation and destructive character? I say, no nation will court such disaster. The League becomes effective by its minatory character and its overwhelming power. These features of the League will take away the necessity for the actual exercise of force.

That is the second great step.

I don't know whether I ought to stop to argue the question whether we can agree to make war or not. It is said we cannot agree to make war because congress has to make war. Of course congress has to declare, to make, war, but we can agree in advance that under certain conditions we will make war. We have done it. We guaranteed the integrity of Pan-


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 ama. Isn't that Article X? Was that unconstitutional? That was in 1902. Has anybody been heard to say that was unconstitutional? We guaranteed the integrity of Cuba; we guaranteed the integrity of other nations long before Panama in connection with the Canal. Isn't sauce for the goose, sauce for the gander? Why should it be necessary to lug in these imponderable constitutional arguments when precedent shows that they have no weight at all? So I am not going to waste time in pausing to make a further answer.

Then the third step forward is that which provides for the settlement of differences peaceably. That provides, if two nations have a difference, they shall arbitrate and the nations covenant to abide the arbitration. Then there is a specification in the words of Mr. Root as to what steps are arbitrable: The violation of treaties, international law, questions of international law, and facts needed to establish rights under treaties or international law. There is a provision for the organization of a court and the provision that an arbitration of the council may call for the advice of the court when organized and that the court may be used by voluntary submission as a tribunal for decision. For the decision of cases between states there is no obligatory provision as to arbitration, but if nations should disagree about arbitration then the question goes as of course for mediation by the council and if the council is not satisfactory, either party may ask that the assembly mediate. The duty of mediation consists first in trying to get the parties to agree, hearing the case just as a court would hear it, and ultimately if they cannot get the parties to agree, making a recommendation of settlement,—and if the recommendation of settlement is unanimous then it is the basis for a settlement in this form: The nations covenant not to make war until three months after the award or until three months after the recommendation of settlement and not then if the nation against whom the award has been made or the settlement recommended complies with the award or the settlement. In other words it is eminently drawn for the purpose of restraining the aggressive nation and limiting it to the remedies allowed by the recommendation of settlement of the nation against whom that recommendation is made complies with the settlement or the award.

If there is no compliance with that unanimous settlement, then the nations are to do nothing. There is nothing said as to the performance of that recommendation—I mean the compulsory performance of it, but the nation seeking it is allowed to pursue such remedies as it may see fit. In other words it can go on with the war, fight with that nation against whom it has a judgment, so to speak, and use that means of compelling it. But


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1832] Captain's brother, who never had a constitution fit to encounter such an expedition. And yet we could not leave them under the care of a man, or two or three men, and pass on without them, to follow us, when they were able. It was to me particularly grievous to think that he, who was to take care of the health of the company, was the first who was disabled from helping himself or others, and this one a blood relation. It required a man of a firmer make than Dr. Jacob Wyeth to go through such a mountainous region as the one we were in: a man seldom does a thing right the first time.

From the north branch we crossed over to what was called Sweet-water Creek. This water being cool, clear, and pleasant, proved a good remedy for our sick, as their bowel complaints were brought on and aggravated by the warm, muddy waters of the Missouri territory we had passed through. We came to a huge rock in the shape of a bowl upside down. It bore the name of Independence, from, it is said, being the resting-place of Lewis and Clarke on the 4th of July; but according to the printed journal of those meritorious travellers, they had not reached, or entered, the American Alps on the day of that memorable epoch. Whether we are to consider the rock Independence as


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 the other nations are under no obligation to act and there is no mention of their doing anything. There was such a suggestion in the first covenant but that has been now omitted.

That is not a complete and perfect plan for the settlement of differences. I could have drawn a better plan, I think; doubtless all who hear me could have drawn a better plan; but I was not invited to and neither was anybody else. This was a result of the conference of fourteen different representatives. It does grate me somewhat and I submit I have a right to object, from a personal standpoint, to find gentlemen who opposed the universal arbitration treaties—and who opposed the League of Nations recommended by our League to Enforce Peace in which there was a specific plan for the hearing of justiciable cases and machinery for determination of justiciable cases and bringing the nations in to abide judgment in such cases—to have these gentlemen that defeated those particular things or opposed them, now criticise this League because it does not contain those things that they opposed. I am in favor of getting what we can. I believe as we go on, if we get our foot inside the door, we shall open it up, and with the power of amendment of the League, we can so amend the League, as the Constitution was amended, that we can perfect its operation if we all go in sincerely to make it work. If we do not find sincere coöperation, then we can get out of the League on two years' notice; but here is the great opportunity to get a boon for mankind and to help this nation and the world,—and now are we to stand on mere technical objections, filed with all the meticulousness of a lawyer with a desperate case before the Supreme Court. That is not the spirit with which we should approach a great issue like this, affecting human kind.

Even if this is not war proof, as we admit that it is not, it provides a locus penitentiae for the parties in the hearing of the case when they all covenant to restrain war for three months after judgment. It provides for the operation of the public opinion of the world through the agencies of the League in knocking the heads of the parties together to see if they cannot come to some voluntary agreement. It enables the people of each nation to understand the attitude of the other quarreling nation and with the suggestion by recommendation as to what the right or wrong of the issue is, most threatened wars will be settled. That some wars will follow


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 I shall not propose to deny; I am not here as a vendor of quack medicines, with sure-cures; I do not think that appeals to the confidence of people; certainly not to lawyers. I feel in that respect, if I may use a somewhat undignified illustration, as in the case of the announcements of the hair elixir in which I have considerable interest these days, which terminates—after describing the glossy, curly result that will come from its application—"but it must be noted that we do not guarantee to cure a shiny, bald head."

Proponents of this League do not guarantee the abolition of war, but they say it will work in most cases and that if it does, the enormous value of the result justifies the sharing of the burdens with other nations of the obligations needed to bring it about.

The fourth great step forward is open diplomacy. Heretofore many important treaties have been secret, especially those of offensive and defensive character promising war. Now they are all to be open. Now they are to be-spread in the secretariat of the League, just as the deeds of titles to land in the community are filed in the Recorder's office. So when you go to deal with a nation, you can go to the secretariat of the League and find all the obligations that are binding against that nation. In the past, these secret treaties have led to difficulties and often to war. The Triple Alliance was a secret treaty; the Entente between France and Russia was a secret treaty; this London Pact over which they are having such a fuss in respect to Fiume and the Dalmatian coast was a secret treaty. Now all that is to be abolished. Every one is to be "in on the ground floor." Straightforwardness is to be introduced into diplomacy. We are to play the game of diplomacy with the cards face up on the table.

That makes the four great steps. Now, my friends, here they are:

First:—The reduction of armament to such a point that everything will be defensive instead of offensive.

Second:—The guaranty against stealing and territorial independence, backed up by the pressure, economic and military, of the world.

Third:—The settling of differences peaceably. The reconciliation of parties and their mediation and the explanation of their issues, to draw down the public opinion of the world.

Fourth:—Then, open diplomacy.

With these four great steps, we have every reason to hope that war will be pushed into remoteness. United—they make the greatest step for-


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 ward ever taken by the world in the interest of mankind to avoid the scourge of war.

It is said that we ought to make the treaty of peace and then separate the League and consider that at our leisure. I don’t know whether you have followed—I have no doubt you have—the arguments against the League. If you have and have seen the manifestation of any sense of responsibility of those who have objected to the League for the execution and carrying out of the treaty of peace, you have seen more than I have. I have not seen a single argument based on the view that the peace treaty presented any trouble or any problem at all. Now let me suggest some difficulties.

The first one is that we are said to have overthrown Germany. We have destroyed her military power, it is said. Yes, but we have not destroyed Germany and we have not destroyed her spirit—at least if we can judge by circumstances, she is still in many regards unrepentant.

We have limited her armament to two hundred thousand men, to be reduced in a short time to one hundred thousand; the destruction of certain fortifications; restriction upon her manufacture of ammunition and arms, of submarine and aeroplanes. She is forbidden to resort to conscription and there are a number of other restraining provisions, and their effect must last for ten or fifteen years.

Do you think that if we went away and left our treaty and trusted only to M. Clemenceau to write a note to President Ebert, inviting his attention to the obligations of Germany under the treaty and asking Germany politely to comply with them, that we could enforce that treaty? Do you think Germany is in that condition of mind? If you do, you are greener than the fields of corn that we like to look on now. You have got to enforce that treaty by power and power behind it, the same power that won the war, or the treaty won't be enforced. How are you going to get the power? You are going to get it only from the League of Nations that dictated that treaty, who are the nations that declared war against Germany and many of them carried it on. That is the only way. And when you have the foundation of a League of Nations brought about by the force of circumstances, you have got the beginning of a new institution in the world.

Leagues do not grow out of conventions of college professors. I have attended those conventions. I am a college professor. I know. You go and discuss such a plan and the discussions are valuable; you print your


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 speeches if you have the money and circulate them if you have the money and your friends take them and put them in a pigeon hole for future reference. They are not drawn out again until the circumstances require a consideration of that as a practical solution of a real situation. That is the way that most institutions are brought into the world. The circumstances make it necessary. It is like a house beginning with a small family that is increasing and every time they need a room, they put on an "L." It does not add to the architectural beauty of the house but it has this advantage—that every part of the house was put on for practical use at the time it was built. And this is the way the British constitution was built. The Habeas Corpus Act and all other adjective processes making the bill of rights were introduced into the British constitution to meet an existing and pressing abuse.

That is the way institutions that are permanent in the world are created. That is the reason this League of Nations will be created, by the force of circumstances, that required it. You cannot get along without it.

I do not refer to a league of world nations, but I mean the League of Nations that is engaged in enforcing this treaty. The first thing is to keep Germany on her knees, to keep her in that graceful, useful posture until she brings forth works meet for repentance. Then we can take her into the League and give her the same treatment that other nations have. But we have got to maintain the power to keep that status until the time comes, and you can get no such power without the League of Nations.

Read Senator Lodge's speech made shortly after the armistice, describing what the peace was that had to be made. It is a luminous exposition. You can leave out the latter part where it argues against the League of Nations because that was academic. There was no covenant at the time. But take up that exposition and you will see how the treaty shaped itself reasoning from the armistice and its terms, and following the principle of self-determination. There are four independent, strong, powerful states, if they are allowed to develop, Finland and the Baltic provinces, Poland and Ukrania which are created between Russia and Germany. What for? For strategical purposes—to keep Germany out of Russia. She has been trying to get in there for years. She forced that treaty of Brest-Litovsk for the purpose of taking over Russia. These nations are created for the purpose of keeping her out.

Then she had a dream of a Central Empire, of all the central countries of Europe down to the Bosphorous and then across in Asia Minor, uniting


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 all that empire with a steel bond of the Hamburg-to-Bagdad Railway and the Persian Gulf. That is to be interfered with. How? By the creation of the Czech-Slovak state and of ten million Slavs of Bohemia, Moravia and Slovakia, which is a way station in Germany, on that railroad. That, with the Jugo-Slav state carved out of Southern Hungary and Southern Austria as they were, and Herzegovina, Bosnia, Croatia, reaching to the Adriatic, that is another block to the Central Empire. Then comes Transylvania, which contains more Rumanians than Hungarians, it is taken from Hungary and added to Rumania to make another block in the plan. Then we come to Constantinople to be under the League, to be administered for all the nations of the world and to keep open the straits between the Black Sea and the Ægean Sea.

And that bird, that lame, sick bird, Turkey, is to be eliminated from Europe. Her legs and wings and breast are to be cut up into autonomies, the autonomy of Palestine, the autonomy of Armenia, the autonomy of Syria, the autonomy of Arabia, and the autonomy of the Caucasus and the autonomy of Mesopotamia. If you count them over, you will find a dozen nations independent of the old empires created. They are for the strategic purpose of keeping the Central countries from again conspiring against the world. But that condition has to be stabilized. It is fluid now. There is a chaotic condition there and there must be some power to stabilize it. Treaties are to be as long as the moral law. The differences which will arise between them are myriad. Somebody will have to settle those differences. Somebody will have to see that the settlements are authoritative. Some power must exist to back up those settlements or else you will have confusion worse confounded and more war than ever before.

Then, over and above all is the spectre of Bolshevism that comes from Russia, militant Bolshevism, that awful doctrine, that doctrine that would overturn everything that is decent in society, that doctrine that Lenine announces is legitimately manifested in the dictatorship, whilst the Proletariat of two hundred thousand succeeds the dictatorship and lordly landowners of one hundred fifty thousand to rule over one hundred eighty millions, only distinguished from the former dictatorship "because it is in the interest of the masses," secured by force, secured by the suppression of every individual right, the right of free speech, the right of the free press, and secured by compulsory labor.


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 Read John Spargo, the Socialist; the description by Lenine himself of Bolshevism and see what a terrible force it is. Mass murder and other pleasant circumstances are there as instances of the government, and it is militant. The properties they are plundering they use to pay the Red Guards to spread unrest and the force which is to overthrow all society, and they have gotten into Hungary; they are pressing again into Germany; they have pressed into Bavaria and they are pressing into Vienna. Nowhere is there unrest that they do not seek to take advantage of it. There is soil for Bolshevism in France and Italy and Great Britain.

Isn't it to our interest to uphold modern society? We do not fear Bolshevism in this country—perhaps—unless Europe becomes Bolshevist, unless England and the rest of them become Bolshevist and then it will be a real threat.

The spirit of our free institutions prevents: Take these little concentrations of loud-mouthed anarchists and socialists and bolshevists; they are misled as to the character of the American people. They do not understand our tolerance; they do not understand our traditional desire for freedom of speech, so that it irks us to have any restraint or punishment for it. When they stand on barrel heads and announce their theories in foreign languages to their various followings, and the speeches are translated, and nothing is done to them, they think everybody acquiesces. They do not understand our spirit which is—and I think it is a sanitary method—that the best way to get rid of a bad smell is to let it evaporate into the air. If you will read Kipling's "American Spirit," you will see how he understands it. If Bolshevism persists here there will be a reaction that will be ruthless in its severity and this will make a deep impression on those who survive. Nevertheless, it is our duty to see that it does not get any further. Through the League of Nations we must stabilize modern society and retain that which we have been two thousand years fighting to protect, to stabilize the guaranties of Liberty—life, liberty and the right of property. It is idle to call the Lenine government a democracy when he drove by force the selected representatives of Russia, elected by universal suffrage under careful registration of all men and women of Russia. It was found that the Bolshevists have a very small minority. That was enough for them to summon the Red Guards and drive the delegates home and close forever the Assembly during their power.


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Now, my friends, don't we owe it to Europe, don't we owe it to ourselves, don't we owe it to the world to establish a league of nations, which will stabilize what is worth having in our civilization? Are we quitters? Are we slackers? Are we going to fight the battle in the field and leave the peace which represents the fruit of our effort, which represents the justification of our sacrifices, to go as meaning nothing? Or are we going to stand up and with the tremendous power that God has given us, as the most powerful nation of the world, with resources beyond compare, with people of the highest average intelligence of one hundred million or more, and the military potentiality that we demonstrated on the fields of Belgium and France—are we going to allow that great power to operate in no way in the settlement of this great war in which we took an honorable part? Are we going to run away from it, saying as one statement was made, "We have licked the Huns, and now you clean up the mess." Isn't that a grand vision of the situation?

If you believe that the objections to this League are real, if you believe they are fair, that the boon that the League offers does not justify the endangering of the nation and assuming that risk, then it is your duty to use your influence against the ratification of the League. But if you feel as I do that this represents the greatest possible step forward to save civilization, then you will use your influence with your senators and notify them to support the League. But what I urge you to do is to purge your minds and souls from unworthy considerations in reference to the issue. Take it upon its merits. If, because you do not like Mr. Wilson, or don't like that administration, or don't like the democratic party—any more than I do—and think it may redound to the credit of that party and so oppose the League, then you are acting from unworthy motives, irrelevant and incompetent to any such issue.

I am a Republican and hope to live and die a Republican. No matter whether they read me out of the party or not, I can vote the Republican ticket.

Now I believe in parties. A party is essential in popular government to interpret the will of the majority. A party is an organization in which the members agree on general principles waiving minor differences. They select their candidates and adopt their platforms representing those prin-


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 ciples. Then they invite the support of the people, and if a majority of the people support the party, it carries out the will of the majority. That is the only way you can interpret the will of the majority into governmental action. That is what popular government is. But there are certain issues that arise above party, that transcend all parties and all party triumphs that are merely temporary. Those issues usually grow out of something very fundamental. This issue is as fundamental as the Declaration of Independence, the constitution of the United States or the issues of the Civil War. And speaking of the Constitution, I beg of you to go back and read the discussions on that instrument, and see how much it was abused and what dangers were anticipated in working it out. By great men, too. Men who, if they were alive today, would be glad to wipe out what they said about the Constitution.

With this issue so transcendent; an issue that grows out of the international relations, we may well say that when we step across the frontier, when we go down beyond low water mark and confront the nations of the world, we stand neither as Democrats nor as Republicans, but as Americans.

My friend, suppose you were a Senator, or suppose you had a power to influence a Senator and you influenced him against the League. Suppose the League came in and it worked those benefits that we believe it will work and twenty-five years later, after that had been demonstrated, your grand-son should come up to you and say, "Grand-dad, why did you vote against the League?" Suppose you are a man who voted against the League because you hate Mr. Wilson—men have told me that they hated Mr. Wilson and so they were going to vote against the League. I said to one the other day, "My dear Sir, don't you see how utterly illogical and absurd you are? Why, you are allowing yourself to be influenced by a man whom you hate, to oppose something you would otherwise support. Just think, you magnify and allow your personal feelings towards him and his influence upon you to be so great that you do not examine the merits of a question which concerns your country and the world." Now when this grand-son of yours, twenty-five years from now, should come up to you (and you had voted against the League because you hated Wilson) and when he should ask you in the light of the beneficial operation of the League, "Grand-dad, why did you vote against the League?" What will you tell him? You will do one of two things; you will either say, "Run away, Grand-son, you do not understand those issues" or else you will lie about it.


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4. The rainy season was a factor precluding any substantial offensive in the panhandle area until mid-November.

They added that General Khanh's political base was not as strong as we wished and that it might not be so until the end of the year. This factor was also cited by other conferees as being a reason for delay.

C. The Need to Refine Plans and Resolve Issues.

Immediately following the Honolulu Conference, its Chairman, Secretary Rusk, reported to President Johnson, presumably making some recommendations. Although a record of this discussion is not available, Ass't Secretary Bundy's brief to Rusk just prior to his White House meeting may provide a clue to the thrust of the Secretary's remarks. Citing "somewhat less pessimistic estimate" of conditions in South Vietnam, the "somewhat shaky" but hopeful situation in Laos, and the military timing factors reported above, Bundy counseled taking more time "to refine our plans and estimates." Criticizing CINCPAC's presentation on military planning, he stated that it "served largely to highlight some of the difficult issues we still have." These he identified as: "(1) the likely effects of force requirements for any significant operations against the [Laotian] Panhandle"; (2) the trade-off between the precautionary advantages of a major build-up of forces prior to wider action and the possible disadvantages of distorting the signal of our limited objectives; (3) the sensitivity of estimates of communist reactions to different levels and tempos of a military build-up; and (4) the need for "more refined targeting and a clearer definition of just what should be hit and how thoroughly, and above all, for what objective."

In particular, Bundy emphasized to Secretary Rusk the need for immediate efforts in the information and intelligence areas. These were needed, he said, "both for the sake of refining our plans and for preparing materials to use for eventual support of wider action if decided upon" --particularly to support the diplomatic track in Laos. He called for "an urgent U.S. information effort" to "get at the basic doubts of the value of Southeast Asia and the importance of our stake there..." However, noting the problem of "handling the high degree of expectations flowing the conference itself, "Bundy recommended "careful guidance and consideration of high-level statements and speeches in the next two weeks" to assure that our posture appeared firm.

Rusk was accompanied at the White House meeting by other high-ranking Honolulu conferees. Bundy's reactions to Honolulu were forwarded to Secretary McNamara, Mr. McCone and General Taylor prior to the meeting. Events which followed the late afternoon meeting of 3 June provide an indication of the discussion that probably occurred. Rh


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Laos and our political effort in South Vietnam. Higher authority particularly desires a maximum effort with our allies to increase their real and visible presence in support of Saigon.

b. Laos -- an intensive effort to sustain Souvanna and to restrain the right wing from any rash act against the French. Possible increase of direct support and assistance to Kong Le in appropriate ways.

c. South Vietnam -- rapid development of the critical province program and the information program, strengthening of country team, and shift of U.s. role from advice toward direction; emphatic and continued discouragement of all plots; energetic public support for Khanh Government.

d. In the U.S. -- continued reaffirmation and expanded explanation of the above lines of action, with opposition to both aggressive adventure and withdrawal, and a clear open door to selected action of the sort included in above " Possible military actions ."

The files contain no record of the discussion that occurred at the 15 June meeting, but in this memorandum, the guidance provided from the White House was evident: Unless drastic measures were provoked from. "the other side," there were still a number of political and military actions available which appeared to enable the United States to demonstrate an increasingly firm resistance without the need to risk major escalation. Moreover, such actions would not risk embarking on a depth or direction of commitment in which the United States would sacrifice policy flexibility. As the White House memorandum concluded, the actions were listed with the assumption that "defense of U.S. interests is possible, within these limits, over the next six months." Rh


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Secretary McNamara said that before we undertook attacks against the North, we certainly had to be prepared to meet threats at the level stated by General Taylor. Mr. McCone agreed with this point, but went on to say that there was a serious question about the effect of major deployments on Communist Chinese reactions. The intelligence community was inclined to the view that the more substantial the deployment, the greater the possible chance of a drastic Communist Chinese reaction. General Taylor commented that under present plans it was not contemplated that we should have deployment of all the potentially necessary forces at the outset. We were thinking along the lines of a brigade to the northern part of South Vietnam, two to three brigades to Thailand, considerable naval deployments, and some alerting of other forces in the U.S. and elsewhere. Even this, however, added up to a significant scale of activity...

Secretary McNamara noted that all this planning was on the basis that a really drastic communist reaction was possible, and was not based on any judgment that it was probable. The best current view was that appropriately limited attacks on the North would not bring in Communist Chinese air or North Vietnam or Communist Chinese ground forces. However, it was still essential that we be prepared against these eventualities.

Ambassador Lodge asked whether the Communist Chinese could not in fact mount almost any number of forces they chose. General Taylor and Admiral Felt said they could not do so and support them to the extent required...Secretary McNamara then went on to say that the possibility of major ground action also led to a serious question of having to use nuclear weapons at some point. Admiral Felt responded emphatically that there was no possible way to hold off the communists on the ground without the use of tactical nuclear weapons, and that it was essential that the commanders be given the freedom to use these as had been assumed under the various plans. He said that without nuclear weapons the ground force requirement was and had always been completely out of reach. General Taylor was more doubtful as to the existence or at least to the degree of the nuclear weapon requirement, and again the point was not really followed up.

Secretary Rusk said that another possibility we must consider would be the Soviets stirring up trouble elsewhere. We should do everything we could to minimize this risk, but it too must be considered. He went on to stress the nuclear question, noting that in the last ten years this had come to include the possibility of a nuclear exchange, with all that this involved. Rh


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Fairly shot of her

 * "Fairly shot of her", traditional Scottish song
 * "Fairly shot of her", with anonymous lyrics (O Young men beware of waling a wife)
 * "Fairly shot of her", with lyrics by John Anderson (Till we were married, I cottldna see licht till her)
 * "Fairly shot of her", with lyrics by John O'Keefe (Boys, when I play, cry, O Crimini)

title: Fairly shot of her


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India, Indonesia, Malaysia, Japan, Taiwan, the Republic of Korea, and the Republic of the Philippines with respect to U.S. durability, resolution, and trustworthiness. Finally, this being the first real test of our determination to defeat the Communist wars of national liberation formula, it is not unreasonable to conclude that there would be a corresponding unfavorable effect upon our image in Africa and in Latin America."

Similarly, in Secretary Rusk's perception.

""We must demonstrate to both the Cormunist and the non-Communist worlds that the wars of national liberation formula now being pushed so actively by the Communists will not succeed.""

B. Interagency Study, February-March 1964

The immediate effect of the heightened interest in causing Hanoi to alter its policies by exerting greater punitive pressures was to stimulate a variety of planning activities within the national security establishment. For example, on 20 February, at a meeting with the Secretaries of State and Defense, CIA Director MeCone, CJCS Taylor and members of the Vietnam Committee, the President directed:

""Contingency planning for pressures against North Vietnam should be speeded up. Particular attention should be given to shaping such pressures so as to produce the maximum credible deterrent effect on Hanoi.""

Underway at the time was a detailed interagency study intended to determine ways of bringing measured pressures to bear against the DRV. Directed by Robert Johnson, of the Department of State Policy Planning Council, the study group was assembled under the auspices of State's Vietnam Committee. Its products were funneled through Willian Sullivan, head of the committee, to its members and thence to the principal officials of the agencies represented. However, the papers produced by the study group did not necessarily represent coordinated interdepartmental views.

The study examined three alternative approaches to subjecting North Vietnam to coercive pressures: (1) non-attributable pressures (similar to the advanced stages of the covert actions program); (2) overt U.S. deployments and operations not directed toward DEV territory; and (3) overt U.S. actions against North Vietnam, including amphibious, naval studies" attacks. In addition, it encompassed a number of "supporting on such subjects as U.S. objectives, problems of timing, upper limits of U.S. action, congressional action, control arrangements, information policy, negotiating problems, and specific country problems. By addressing such a range of subjects, participants in the study came to grips with a number of broader issues valuable for later policy deliberations (e.g., costs and risks to the U.S. of contemplated actions; impact of the Sino-Soviet split; possible face-saving retreats). Rh


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Bible (Berean Standard)/Genesis

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title: Bible (Berean Standard)/Genesis