text:
Page:Works of Jules Verne - Parke - Vol 1.djvu/310

 will only hold to us a few hours we shall reach Gondokoro and shake hands with our own countrymen."

Ten minutes afterwards the "Victoria" rose majestically, and Dr. Ferguson, as a signal of success, unfurled the Royal Standard of England as they sailed along.

what direction are we going?" asked Kennedy, seeing his companion looking at the compass.

"Nor-nor-west," was the reply.

"The devil! That is not north, is it?"

"No, Dick. And I think we shall have some difficulty to reach Gondokoro. I am sorry for it, but, at any rate, we have united the exploration of the east to those of the north, so we must not complain."

The "Victoria" now edged away from the Nile.

"A last look," said the doctor, "at this insurmountable latitude, which the most intrepid travelers have never been able to pass. There are surely those intractable tribes mentioned by Pethwick, Arnaud, Miani, and the young explorer Lejean, to whom we are indebted for the best works upon the Upper Nile."

"So," said Kennedy, our discoveries are in accord with the forecastings of science."

"Entirely. The sources of the White River of the Bahr-el-Abiad are immersed in a great lake like a sea. It takes its rise there. There poetry lost it. They loved to fancy that this king of rivers had a heavenly origin; the ancients called it 'ocean' and it was not a difficult thing to believe that it descended directly from the sun. But it is necessary to refute or to accept, from time to time, that which science has laid down. There will not be learned men for ever, perhaps; but there will always be poets!"

"There are more cataracts," said Joe.

"Those are the cataracts of Makedo in the 3rd degree of latitude. Nothing is more certain. Fancy our being able thus to follow the course of the Nile for hours!"

"And farther down," said the Scot, "I can perceive the summit of a mountain."

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/


text:
Page:Works of Jules Verne - Parke - Vol 1.djvu/311

 "That is Mount Logwek, the 'Shaking Mountain' of the Arabs. All this part has been visited by M. Debono, who explored it under the name of Latif Effendi. The neighboring tribes are hostile to each other and keep up a war of extermination. You can thus estimate without difficulty the extent of the perils he had to overcome."

The breeze now carried the "Victoria" towards the north-east. In order to clear Mount Logwek it was necessary to seek a more inclined current.

"My friends," said the doctor to his companions, we are now about to commence our journey across Africa in real earnest. So far we have only been following the footsteps of our predecessors. We are now about to penetrate into the 'unknown.' Your courage will not fail?"

"Never!" cried Dick and Joe in one breath.

"Let us go on then, and may Heaven guide us on our way!"

At ten o'clock at night, passing over ravines, forests, and villages, the travelers reached the side of the "Shaking Mountain," beside whose slopes they ascended.

In this memorable journey of the 23rd April, during a sail of fifteen hours, they had, under the influence of a strong wind, accomplished a distance of 315 miles.

But this latter part of the journey had left a trace of sadness behind it. Complete silence reigned in the car. Was Doctor Ferguson absorbed in the contemplation of his discoveries? Were his companions thinking of this expedition into the unknown regions? There was all that, without doubt, mingled with very vivid recollections of England and absent friends. Joe was the only one to assume a carelessly philosophic manner, feeling it only natural that his native land was no longer there when he had quitted it; but he respected the silence of the doctor and Kennedy.

The "Victoria" now anchored, "broadside on," to the "Shaking Mountain"; they were enabled to make a substantial meal, and all slept under the successive guard of the other alternately.

Next day, more cheerful thoughts arrived with the working hours. They had a lovely day, and the wind blew in the proper direction. A breakfast, much enlivened by Joe, sufficed to put them into better spirits.

The country passed over just then was very extensive.


text:
Page:Works of Jules Verne - Parke - Vol 1.djvu/312

 It stretched from the Mountains of the Moon to those of Darfour, a space as broad as the width of Europe.

"We shall undoubtedly cross what is supposed to be the kingdom of Usoga," said the doctor. "Some geographers have pretended that, in the center of Africa exists a vast depression, an immense central lake. We shall see if this hypothesis has any foundation in fact."

"But how have they arrived at such a conclusion?"

"From the reports of the Arabs, these people are great story-tellers; too much so, perhaps. Some travelers, arriving from Kazeh, or the Great Lakes, have seen slaves brought from the central districts. They have questioned these people respecting their country, they have put together a heap of these various statements, and have thence made their deduction. At the bottom of all this there is a substratum of truth, and you have seen that they did not mistake in the origin of the Nile so much after all."

"Nothing could be more correct," said Kennedy.

"It is from these documents that trial-maps have been attempted. So I am about to follow up my route upon one of these, and to rectify it when necessary."

"Is all this region inhabited?" asked Joe.

"Certainly, but thinly."

"I suspect so."

"These scattered tribes are comprised under the general denomination of Nyam-Nyam, and this name is only another name for 'onomatopy'; it reproduces the sound of mastication."

"Perfectly," replied Joe. "Nyam-Nyam."

"My good Joe, if you were the original cause of this onomatopy, you would not be so perfect?"

"What do you mean?"

"Merely that these people are cannibals!"

"Is that certain?"

"Quite certain People also pretended that these tribes had tails, but it was soon discovered that the tails were those of the animals in whose skins they were clothed."

"So much the worse. A tail is a very useful appendage to keep off the mosquitoes," said Joe.

"Possibly, but we must relegate that tale to the ranks of fable, just like the story told by Brun-Rollet of certain tribes having dogs' heads."


text:
Page:Journal Of The Indian Archipelago And Eastern Asia Series.i, Vol.2 (IA in.ernet.dli.2015.107695).pdf/672

The precise period at which Chinese first resorted to Borneo Pro- per must be matter of conjecture. As it appears to have been ear- ly noted for its pepper, camphor, and gold, and these commodities were amongst the principal imports into China from the eastern seas in ancient times, we may believe that the junks, which must have passed close to Borneo on their way to and from Java, early hegan to touch occasionally at some of the ports on the western coast. The Borneans themselves tell us that they are in part descended from Chinese who settled in Bruné. There are so many indepen- dent traditions to the same effect that, although all vague, we are not warranted in rejecting them. According to the Sulu annals a Chinese emperor or chief, named Songtiping, brought a Chinese colony to Borneo, and settled at the northern ports about A. D. 1375. His daughter was married to a celebrated chief of Arabia, Sherif Ali, who had resorted there for commerce. There is nothing improba- ble in this, because we know that about a century previously Borneo was invaded by a fleet sont hy Kublai Khan. Divested of Malay- an exaggerations the fact appears to be that a large colony under a leader settled in Bruné, and that the Arab or Malay chief of the country received him in a friendly manner and married his daugh- ter. The subsequent rulers have all Malay names, which would not have been the case if Songtiping had established a Chinese dynasty. Mr. Low says that the Borneans believe that their king- dom was first formed by large settlements of Chinese (Sarawak &c., p. 94), and we have heard Chinese in Singapore talk of a king of


text:
Page:Seventh Report - Guns for gold- the Wagner Network exposed.pdf/53

Rh 86. '''The Government continues to rely on a largely voluntary model of PMC regulation. Our predecessor committee conducted a detailed report into the subject of PMCs in 2002. Even then, the risks of a voluntary model were clear, in that it does little to prevent the “activities of disreputable companies” that are “detrimental to the United Kingdom’s interests”. The current approach also does little to protect the UK’s domestic PMCs, which may be tarred with the same brush as malign actors. We do not want our successor committee to have to raise these issues again in 20 years’ time.'''

87. '''The Government should improve its understanding of other PMCs and Private Security Companies (PSCs) connected in particular to Russia and China, and from all states. This is likely to be a growth industry, with more Governments seeking to create PMCs to secure their geopolitical and economic interests. The Government should provide further information on how its new approach to countering state threats, outlined in the Integrated Review Refresh, will tackle the challenge of states’ malign use of proxy PMCs.'''

88. 'In its response, the Government should set out the steps that it will take to strengthen the international legal framework governing PMCs’ activities, drawing on the UK’s deep legal expertise. Its response should address the following aspects:'

 * i) how the UK will take steps to move forward the debates around the definition of ‘mercenaries’ and PMCs;

 * ii) how the UK will work to improve the accountability of Wagner fighters in more countries;

 * iii) how the UK will promote greater accountability and responsibility of states where PMCs are headquartered, if PMCs engage in destabilising activities.

'To address the first point (i), the Government should revisit its position on the UN Mercenaries Convention and ratify it, or else propose specific revisions that would make ratification acceptable. The Government could also participate actively in ongoing international debates around a draft convention on private military and security companies (PMSCs). The Government may be able to address the second point (ii), by drawing lessons from work to bolster accountability of Wagner fighters in Ukraine.'

89. 'The UK Government should use its significant support to the Office of the Prosecutor General in Ukraine to identify mechanisms to prosecute the Wagner Network. A prosecution in this theatre would serve to help deter the sense of impunity abroad.'

90. The Government should provide the evidence base that leads it to believe in the effectiveness of its mostly voluntary model of PMC regulation.


text:
Page:Seventh Report - Guns for gold- the Wagner Network exposed.pdf/56

Rh ''we have medium-confidence of attempts at Wagner involvement. This intelligence should make use of network-mapping capabilities. A cross-Government taskforce would be particularly useful as the Wagner Network transforms, following the attempted march on Moscow.'' (Paragraph 54)

14. The UK’s efforts to sanction the Wagner Network are underwhelming in the extreme, compared to those of the European Union and the United States. The responses from the Minister leave us with limited confidence that the UK coordinates effectively with its allies to share intelligence on the Wagner Network and to impose sanctions on relevant individuals and entities. Equally, the Government left us with very little confidence that those British nationals pursued by the Wagner Network receive any meaningful support from the British Government; indeed, they were made more vulnerable due to decisions made from within Government. (Paragraph 55)

15. The Government claimed that its sanctioning of the ‘Wagner Group’ automatically covered all the entities that the Group owns or controls. This approach under-appreciates the complexity of the network. It is also completely unrealistic. It leaves both enforcement agencies and implementing organisations, such as banks, estate agents and other financial services, with no idea which affiliated entities they should target. This makes it possible, if not probable, that Wagner-linked entities are continuing to benefit from access to the UK’s financial markets. The lack of certainty about this denotes a scandalous failure to exercise due diligence. At its worst, this could mean the UK is inadvertently undermining the efforts of our allies. (Paragraph 56)

16. The Minister had no specific knowledge of work within his Department to analyse whether Wagner activities undermine the financial impact of UK sanctions on the Russian war machine. Despite finding it “likely”, he could not confirm that the FCDO had had any input to HM Treasury’s unwise decision to issue sanctions waivers to Prigozhin. Despite assuring us that the Treasury and FCDO communicate over sanctions waivers in general, the Minister himself had not received any official advice specifically on sanctions waivers. Given his position as the Parliamentary Under Secretary of State for Europe, we would expect him to have an interest and role in questions relating to sanctions waivers linked to Russia and Ukraine. His statements also lead us to question whether the Russia Unit is providing the necessary join-up between the FCDO and Treasury, given the central role of sanctions as a tool of UK foreign policy. (Paragraph 57)

17. ''We recommend that the Government move faster and harder in sanctioning Wagner-linked individuals and entities. Specifically, it should:'' (Paragraph 58)

 * (a) Sanction all individuals and entities provided in Appendix 1, which the United States and European Union have already targeted but which the UK has not;

 * (b) Consider bringing forth sanctions on civilian enablers and corporate ‘ frontmen’ for the network’s activities; and

 * (c) Close enforcement gaps.


text: Index:A discvurse of the great ouerthrow.pdf


text:
Page:The German Spartacists, Their Aims and Objects (1919).djvu/10

 5. The removal of all officers and ex-officers from the Soldiers' Councils.

6. Substitution of authorised representatives (Vertrauensmaenner) of the Workers' and Soldiers' Councils for all political organs and authorities of the old régime.

7. Creation of a Revolutionary Tribunal to try the men chiefly responsible for the war and its prolongation, & namely, the two Hohenzollerns, Ludendorff, Hindenburg, Tirpitz, and their fellow-criminals, as well as all conspirators of the counter-revolution.

8. Immediate seizure of all means of subsistence to secure provisions for the people.

1. Abolition of all separate states; a united German Socialist Republic.

2. Removal of all parliaments and municipal councils, their functions to be taken over by the Workers' and Soldiers' Councils and by the committees and organs of the latter bodies.

3. Election of workers' councils all over Germany by the entire adult population of working people of both sexes in cities and rural districts, along the lines of industries, and election of soldiers' councils by the soldiers, excluding the officers and ex-officers. The right of workers and soldiers to recall their representatives at any time.

4. Election all over Germany of delegates from the workers' and soldiers' councils to the Central Council of the W. and S. councils; the Central Council to elect the Executive Council as the highest organ of legislative and executive power. For the present the Central Council is to be convened at least every three months—the delegates to be re-elected each time—for the constant control of the activity of the


text:
Page:Seventh Report - Guns for gold- the Wagner Network exposed.pdf/55

Rh 6. Over the past year and a half, the Russia-Ukraine war eroded the Wagner Network’s deniability and Prigozhin’s public arguments with the Russian Ministry of Defence confirmed the network’s long-suspected links to the Russian state. The brutality of its fighters in Ukraine is appalling but not atypical. So long as the network survives in some form, we believe that countries may still turn to it in future. Many leaders—mostly in insecure environments in Africa—are likely already to have known the price of engaging the network when they decided to work with it. (Paragraph 31)

7. ''We recommend that the Government explicitly states that it opposes the co-operation of any country with the Wagner Network, or future iterations thereof, due to the security threats of the ‘Wagner model’ of business and governance. Where countries can be incentivised not to partner with the network or to re-engage after partnering with it, they should be. National governments that collude with the Wagner Network to breach UN sanctions, or that take no steps to protect their populations from Wagner-perpetrated atrocity crimes, should face financial and diplomatic consequences, where appropriate. (Paragraph 32)''

8. Supporting Ukraine militarily is the Government’s priority when it comes to countering the Wagner Network. We fully support the continued supply of defence assistance and wider support to Ukraine as it fights to liberate itself from Russian illegal occupation. Through this, the UK has enabled Ukrainian Armed Forces to challenge Wagner fighters directly, often resulting in a high rate of attrition. (Paragraph 39)

9. However, it is a significant failing to see the Wagner Network primarily through the prism of Europe, not least given its geographic spread, the impact of its activities on UK interests further abroad, and the fact that its wealth creation sits largely in Africa. (Paragraph 40)

10. The Government believes that it is becoming more important to consider the network’s activities, although it did not say where it would do so. In February 2023, the FCDO told us there was now “much more activity” in Government to understand and respond to the network than there had been six months earlier. The Government also said it had surged resources into the Russia Unit over the last year. Paragraph 41)

11. The Wagner Network began its activities in 2014. By early 2022, when the Government began to invest greater resource in understanding the network, Wagner fighters had already undertaken military deployments in at least seven countries. It is deeply regrettable that it took this long, and that the Government continues to give so little focus to countries beyond Ukraine. This leaves us even less prepared to respond to the evolution of this notoriously shape-shifting network. (Paragraph 42)

12. We have received no evidence of any serious effort by the Government to track the Network’s activities in countries other than Ukraine. (Paragraph 54)

13. We recommend that the Government improve its intelligence-gathering on the Wagner Network’s activities in a wider range of countries, particularly in the countries where


text:
Page:The German Spartacists, Their Aims and Objects (1919).djvu/11

 Executive Council and for the establishment of a living contact of the bulk of the Workers' and Soldiers' Councils in the country with their highest organ of government. The right of local W. and S. councils at any time to recall their representatives on the Central Council and send new ones in their stead in case the former do not act in accordance with the will of their constituents. The right of the Executive Council to appoint or remove the People's Representatives as well as the central authorities of the land.

5. Abolition of all class distinctions, titles, and orders; complete legal and social equality of the sexes.

6. Radical social legislation, reduction of working hours to avoid unemployment and to conform to the physical exhaustion of the working class occasioned by the world war; limitation of the working day to six hours.

7. Immediate, thorough change of the policy with regard to food, housing, health, and education in the spirit of the proletarian revolution.

1. Confiscation of all crown estates and revenues for the benefit of the people.

2. Annulment of the state debts and other public debts, as well as all war loans, except those subscribed within a certain limited amount, this limit to be fixed by the Central Council of the W. and S. councils.

3. Expropriation of the land held by all large and medium-sized agricultural concerns; establishment of socialist agricultural co-operatives under a uniform central administration all over the country. Small peasant holdings to remain in possession of their present owners until they voluntarily decide to join the socialist agricultural co-operatives.


text:
Page:The German Spartacists, Their Aims and Objects (1919).djvu/12

 4. Nationalisation by the Republic of Councils of all banks, ore mines, coal mines, as well as all large industrial and commercial establishments.

5. Confiscation of all property exceeding a certain limit, the limit to be fixed by the Central Council.

6. The Republic of Councils to take over all public means of transport and communication.

7. Election of administrative councils in all enterprises, such councils to regulate the internal affairs of the enterprises in agreement with the workers' councils, regulate the conditions of labour, control production, and, finally, take over the administration of the enterprise.

8. Establishment of a Central Strike Committee which, in constant co-operation with the industrial councils, shall secure for the strike movement throughout the country uniform administration, socialist direction, and most effective support by the political power of the W. and S. councils.

Immediate establishment of connections with the sister parties abroad in order to place the socialist revolution upon an international basis and to secure and maintain peace through international brotherhood and the revolutionary rising of the international working class.

This is what the Spartacus Union stand for!

And because it, wants this, because it calls for it, struggles for it, because it is the socialist conscience of the revolution—it is hated, persecuted, and slandered by all open and secret enemies of the revolution and of the working class.


text:
Page:The German Spartacists, Their Aims and Objects (1919).djvu/13

 "Crucify him!" call the capitalists, trembling for fear of losing their money-bags.

"Crucify him!" call the petty-bourgeoisie, the officers, the anti-semites, the press lackeys of the capitalist class, trembling for the flesh-pots of capitalist class rule.

"Crucify him!" call men like Schiedemann who, like Judas Iscariot, have sold the workers to the capitalist class and are trembling for the shekels of their political power.

"Crucify him!" repeat, like an echo, the duped, the deceived, the misled elements of workers and soldiers, who do not know that they are attacking their own flesh and blood when they attack the Spartacus Union.

In hatred and slander are united against the Spartacus Union all who are counter-revolutionists, enemies of the people, anti-socialists, all who are ambiguous, confused, afraid of light. This only proves that the heart of the revolution is beating in the Spartacus Union, that the future belongs to us.

The Spartacus Union is no party wanting to climb into power on the Shoulders of the mass of workers. The Spartacus Union is only the conscious party of the proletariat. At every turn it calls the attention of the general body of workers to their historic duties. At every stage of the revolution it fights for the final goal of Socialism, and in all national questions it represents the interests of the international revolutionary working class.

The Spartacus Union refuses to share government power with the lackeys of the capitalist class, the Scheidemann-Ebert element, because it sees in such co-operation an act of treason against the basic principles of Socialism, an act calculated to paralyse the revolution and strengthen its enemies.

The Spartacus Union will also refuse to take over the power of government merely because the Scheidemann-Ebert element have completely discredited themselves and the Independent Socialist Party, through the co-operation with them, has reached a blind alley.


text:
Page:A simplified grammar of the Polish language.djvu/22

 {|
 * colspan="5" align="center" | Plural.
 * N. || dobrzy || dobre || dobre
 * G. || dobrych || dobrych || dobrych
 * D. || dobrym || dobrym || dobrym
 * A. || dobrych || dobre || dobre
 * V. || dobrzy || dobre || dobre
 * I. || dobrymi || dobrémi || dobrémi
 * L. || dobrych || dobrych || dobrych
 * }
 * V. || dobrzy || dobre || dobre
 * I. || dobrymi || dobrémi || dobrémi
 * L. || dobrych || dobrych || dobrych
 * }
 * L. || dobrych || dobrych || dobrych
 * }
 * }

There are, however, certain adjectives which end in a consonant in the masculine, and o in the neuter, such as

Sometimes the adjective assumes an apocopated form as in Russian, especially when it is used as a predicate, as

koń laskawy, ‘a quiet horse.’ król jest laskaw na mnie, ‘the king is favourable to me.’

Małecki and Miklosich have shown that the termination of the adjectives -y, -a, -e really are demonstrative pronouns. (Małecki, i. 235.) So also pokarm zdrowy, ‘healthy food;’ mój ojciec zdrów, ‘my father is healthy.’

Adjectives like rad, sam and wszystek are really in their original form, and they have not had the suffix added to them.

The following terminations of adjectives are deserving of notice. Many are of necessity omitted, from want of space.


text:
Page:The German Spartacists, Their Aims and Objects (1919).djvu/14

 The Spartacus Union will never take over the power of government otherwise than by a clear manifestation of the unquestionable will of the great majority of the proletarian mass of Germany. It will only take over the power of Government by the conscious approval by the mass of the workers of the principles, aims, and tactics of the Spartacus Union.

The proletarian revolution can reach full clearness and ripeness only by struggling gradually, step by step along the Golgotha path of the workers' own bitter experiences through defeats and victories.

The victory of the Spartacus Union is not in the beginning but at the end of the revolution: it is identical with the victory of the great mass of the Socialist working class.

Arise, proletarians! To the battle! We have to struggle against a world, to conquer a world.

In this last class struggle of history for the highest aims of humanity our motto towards the enemy is: "Hand on throat and knee on the breast!"

THE SPARTACUS UNION.


text:
Page:Resolutions and Theses of the Fourth Congress of the Communist International (1922).djvu/116

 3. The S.P.E. is therefore instructed to summon a congress for the above purposes at an early date, and not later than January 15, 1923.

(1) This Congress declares that the present Communist Party of Denmark, which was formed under the directions of the Executive of the Communist International, by a union of the Communist "Enhatsparti" and a part of the so-called old Party, one which has loyally carried out all decisions of the Communist International, is recognised as the only section of the Communist International in Denmark. The Party's chief publication, "Arbeiderbladet," and other recognised organs of the Party, shall be issued as Communist Party publications.

(2) The Congress demands that all Communist organisations at present outside of the United Party shall join the United Party.

Such organisations and members of the so-called old Party, who, within the next three months, decide in favour of this United Communist Party and declare themselves as prepared loyally to execute all directions of this Party and its central organs, and of the Communist International, shall be received into the United Party without further conditions.

1. The Spanish Communist Party, which, together with France and Italy had voted against the tactics of the United Front at the Session of the Enlarged Executive in February, soon recognised its error, and on the occasion of the great Asturian strike in May, declared itself for the United Front tactics, as a result of conviction and not of mere formal party discipline. This showed the Spanish working class that the Party was ready to fight for its every-day demands, and was capable of leading the workers in this struggle.

In persevering in this attitude and in taking advantage of all the opportunities for action by drawing the working class organisations and the entire proletariat into action by co-ordinating their revolutionary effort, the Spanish Communist Party will gain the confidence of the masses, and will fulfil its historic mission.

2. The Fourth World Congress expresses its pleasure at the satisfactory solution of the crisis which had convulsed the Party at the beginning of the year, and which ended in the


text:
Page:Resolutions and Theses of the Fourth Congress of the Communist International (1922).djvu/117

 reinforcement of discipline within the Party ranks. The Congress calls upon the Party to persevere in this attitude, and calls especially upon the Young Communists to do their utmost in strengthening Party discipline within their ranks.

3. A characteristic feature of the present Spanish working-class movement is the decline of the anarcho-syndicalist ideology and movement. This movement, which a few years ago had succeeded in drawing in large masses of workers, has failed to fulfil the expectations and the revolutionary will of the latter by making use not of Marxist and Communist tactics of mass action and of centralised struggle, but of anarchist tactics of individual actions and of federalism and terrorism, which is tantamount to scattering the proletarian forces.

To-day the deceived working masses are leaving the organisations, and their leaders are rapidly moving towards reformism.

One of the chief tasks of the Communist Party is to win and educate the deceived working masses, to denounce the neo-reformism of the syndicalist leaders, and to attract the anarcho-syndicalist elements that have recognised the error of their doctrines.

But in its efforts to win the confidence of the anarcho-syndicalist elements, the Communist Party must take care not to make concessions in principle or tactics to the ideology condemned by the experience of the Spanish proletariat itself. It must combat and condemn within its ranks the tendency to concessions intended to enlist more rapidly the sympathies of the syndicalists, and thus direct the Party towards a policy of concessions. It is preferable to take longer time with the assimilation of the syndicalist elements, making them convinced Communists, than to win them over rapidly, by sacrificing party principle, which would lead to more painful crises in the near future. The Spanish Party will do its utmost to explain to the anarcho-syndicalists the revolutionary tactics of parliamentarism, as defined by the Second World Congress. For the Communist Party, electoral action is a means of propaganda and of working-class struggle, and not a refuge for aspiring reformist and petty bourgeois politicians.

Consistent application of United Front tactics will win the confidence of the masses, which are still under the influence of anarcho-syndicalist ideology, and will show them that the Communist Party is a political organisation for the revolutionary struggles of the proletariat.

4. Our Party must pay more attention to the Spanish trade union movement. It must initiate an energetic and systematic propaganda in all the trade union organisations for the unification of the trade union movement in Spain.

In order to achieve success in this direction, it must have the support of a network of Communist nuclei in all the trade unions adhering to the National Confederation and to the


text: Author:Moses King (1853-1909)

title: Author:Moses King (1853-1909)


text: Page:The Farm and Fruit of Old a translation in verse of the 1st and 2nd Georgics of Virgil, by a market-gardener (1862).djvu/51


text:
Page:Resolutions and Theses of the Fourth Congress of the Communist International (1922).djvu/118

 General Confederation, as well as in all the autonomous trade unions. Therefore, it must oppose and combat every idea or tendency advocating resignations from the reformist trade union. In the event of trade unions or Communist groups being expelled from reformist trade unions, the Communists must take care not to satisfy the wish of the Amsterdam secessionists by coming out of the unions as a matter of solidarity. On the contrary, they must express their solidarity for the expelled comrades by remaining within the General Confederation and by carrying on an energetic agitation for the reinstatement of the expelled comrades or unions. If, in spite of their efforts, trade unions and groups fail to be reinstated, the Communist Party must encourage them to join the National Workers' Confederation (C.N.T.). The Communist members of the C.N.T. must establish their nuclei within this organisation which must be attached to the trade union commission of the Party. They will no doubt collaborate harmoniously with the trade unionists adhering to the Red Trade Union International without being members of our Party. But they must preserve their own organisation intact, and, without relinquishing their Communist viewpoint, they must have fraternal discussion with the trade unionists on all controversial matters.

In order to ensure the success of the struggle for trade union unity, the Communist Party must establish a mixed committee for the unity of the Spanish trade union movement, which will be the centre of propaganda, and at the same time a rallying point for the trade unions of both confederations and of the autonomous trade unions adhering to the principle of unity. The Party must endeavour to explain to the Spanish working masses that the ambitions and the local interests of the reformist and anarcho-reformist leaders are the only obstacles to trade union unity which is a vital necessity if the working class is to be freed from the capitalist yoke.

I. The Opposition.

The expulsion of Comrades Jilek, Bolen, etc., was the result of repeated violation of discipline, committed by these comrades against the Party. After the representative of this group, Comrade Jilek, in common with the representative of the Committee of the Party, Comrade Smeral in Moscow, had given his consent to the resolution which stated that in the Czecho-Slovakian Communist Party there are no basic differences, but at the same time pointed out that there were


text:
Page:Resolutions and Theses of the Fourth Congress of the Communist International (1922).djvu/119

 certain shortcomings in the practice of the Party, it was the duty of all the comrades to rectify the errors which they admitted. Instead of this, the opposition demanded the continued existence of a factional organ, "Kommunista," which was a contradiction to the resolution of the Third Congress, which forbade the formation of factions. In the fight for its factional organ, the Opposition committed a gross violation of discipline when, a few days before the meeting of the Council of the Party and of the Party Conference, it circulated an appeal containing the gravest accusations against the Central Committee. The Opposition, by hesitating to withdraw these accusations, caused extreme irritation to the Party Council and to the Party Conference, and thus unwisely provoked their own expulsion.

In the forum of the International, the Opposition preferred a charge against the majority of the Central Committee and against Comrade Smeral, that the latter were working for a governmental coalition with the Left elements of the bourgeoisie. This charge is in direct contradiction to the known facts of the activity of the Party, and must be rejected as totally unsubstantiated. The programme demands of the Opposition as expressed in the draft programme of Vajtauer, contain syndicalist and anarchist, but no Marxian and no Communist conceptions.

The fact that such demands were advanced by the Opposition demonstrates an anarcho-syndicalist deviation on their part from the basic principles of the Communist International.

Nevertheless, the Fourth Congress is of the opinion that the expulsion of the Opposition was inexpedient. The Congress substitutes for this expulsion a stern rebuke and their suspension until the next Conference of the Czecho-Slovakian Communist Party. The decision to revoke expulsion as inexpedient should by no means be interpreted as an expression of consent to the programme of the Opposition, but it was prompted by the following considerations:—The Council of the Party had failed to make it clear to the Opposition at the outset that the formation of factions would not be tolerated; the Opposition therefore deemed itself justified in fighting for the existence of its factional organ. Furthermore, a number of previous breaches of discipline had been tolerated, which caused a weakening of respect for discipline and responsibility on the part of the Opposition. The Fourth Congress leaves the expelled comrades within the Party, but it emphasises the imperative duty of the Opposition implicitly to submit itself to the discipline of the Party and to strictly discharge all its obligations.

This subordination to the discipline of the Party makes it incumbent upon the Opposition to withdraw the assertions and charges which are damaging to the unity of the Party, which were found to be unsubstantiated and untrue on investigation by the Commission. Henceforth they must obey


text:
Page:Fsi-AmharicBasicCourse-Volume1-StudentText.pdf/38

RV 19 (Rh)


text: Amharic Basic Course/Volume 1/Unit 3

title: Amharic Basic Course/Volume 1/Unit 3


text:
Page:Resolutions and Theses of the Fourth Congress of the Communist International (1922).djvu/120

 all the orders of the Central Committee. If any member should feel convinced that an injustice has been done to him, he ought to appeal, to the nearest competent organ of the Party (Enlarged National Council, National Conference), and in the last instance to the Controlling Organ of the Communist International. Until a decision is rendered by the highest instance, every member must absolutely and unconditionally submit to the decisions adopted by the Party organisations.

'''II. The Press.'''

The Press of the Party must be placed under the uniform leadership of the Central Committee. It is impermissible that the central organ of the Party should venture not only to conduct. its own separate policy, but even to consider itself entitled to conduct such a policy. Even if the Editorial Board be of opinion that the responsible leadership of the Party was wrong on a certain concrete question, it is their duty to abide by that decision. The editorial position should not be regarded as a higher instance, but on a line with the other organs of the Party and should be subordinated to the Central Committee. This does not mean to say that the Party editors are not free to express their own opinion in discussions and in signed articles. The discussions on Party questions should be conducted in the general Party Press, but these discussions should in no case be conducted in a manner detrimental to Party discipline.

It is the duty of all the parties and of all the organisations to prepare their actions by thorough discussion in the Party organisations.

'''III. The Shortcomings of the Party.'''

The Fourth Congress fully endorses the July Theses of the Enlarged Executive, in which we find that the shortcomings of the Czecho-Slovakian Communist Party may be explained by their transition from a social-democratic to a Communist Party. The fact that these shortcomings were recognised by the Central Committee no less than by the Opposition makes it even more the imperative duty of all the comrades to do their utmost to remove them. The Congress asserts that the Party is making but slow progress in removing these shortcomings. Thus, for instance, the Party was not sufficiently active in arranging for the propaganda of Communist ideas in the Czecho-Slovakian army, although the legality of the Party and the franchise of the soldiers furnished a good opportunity.

The Fourth Congress instructs the Communist Party to give more attention than hitherto to the question of unemployment. In view of the magnitude of unemployment in Czecho-Slovakia and the precarious position of the unemployed, it is the duty of the Party not to content itself with


text:
Page:Seventh Report - Guns for gold- the Wagner Network exposed.pdf/61

Rh

These Tables have been prepared by analysing the sanctions lists and decisions of the United States, European Union and United Kingdom, as of 7 July 2023. The below individuals and entities have been identified due to the explicit links drawn to Prigozhin, Wagner or Prigozhin-linked entities in the designation of one or more jurisdictions. The analysis is not intended to be exhaustive. Every effort has been made to ensure the accuracy of this information as of 7 July 2023, via cross-checks and the additional use of sanctions comparison resources.


text:
Page:Resolutions and Theses of the Fourth Congress of the Communist International (1922).djvu/121

 this or that demonstration, but to carry on systematic agitation and demonstration among the unemployed throughout the country, in parliament and in municipal councils, and to combine parliamentary action on behalf of the unemployed with action in the trade unions and in street demonstrations.

The parliamentary action of the Party must be of a much more demonstrative character. It must completely reveal to the masses the attitude of the Communist Party towards the policies of the ruling class, and awaken the desire of the masses to capture the power of the State.

In view of the great economic struggles raging in Czecho-Slovakia, which may turn into political struggles any day, the Central Committee should be so reorganised as to be able to take quick decision upon every question. The Party organisation and the Party membership must strictly maintain the discipline of the Party, permitting no wavering or hesitation.

The question of the United Front and of the Workers' Government was properly carried out by the Party as a whole. The Party Council acted quite properly in repudiating individual misconceptions, like the conception of Comrade Votava, who thought that the question of a workers' government was one of a purely parliamentary combination. The Party must be aware of the fact that the workers' government will be possible in Czecho-Slovakia only if it will convince by its agitation the large masses of the National-Socialist, Social-Democratic and indifferent workers, of the necessity to break with the bourgeoisie, if it will succeed in detaching parts of the peasantry and of the petit-bourgeoisie of the city—suffering under the burden of the high cost of living—from the bourgeoisie and in attracting them to the ranks of the Anti-Capitalist Front. In order to achieve this, the Party must take part in all the conflicts, and by its determined leadership and expansion of the conflicts, bring home to the masses that the Czecho-Slovakian Communist Party is the centre of the United Front of all the anti-capitalist elements, that it is willing to turn the correlation of forces in Czecho-Slovakia into the mass struggle in favour of the toiling elements.

In order that the workers' government shall be formed as well as maintained, the Party must exert all efforts to bring together all the workers expelled by the Amsterdam Trade Unions and to organise them into powerful unions. It should at least win support of the workers and peasants to the struggle for the defence of the interests of the working class, and thus obviate the danger of pacifism and of oppression of the working class by the armed violence of the bourgeoisie. Hence the propaganda and the campaign for the workers' government must always be conducted in connection with the propaganda and campaign for proletarian mass organs (Defence Councils, Control Committees, Factory Councils, and the like). It is also necessary. to hold prominently before the


text: Page:The Farm and Fruit of Old a translation in verse of the 1st and 2nd Georgics of Virgil, by a market-gardener (1862).djvu/52


text:
Page:Resolutions and Theses of the Fourth Congress of the Communist International (1922).djvu/122

 masses the programme of the workers' government (shifting the burden of State expenditures on to the possessing classes, control of production by the workers' organs, arming of the working class), in order to emphasise the difference between a bourgeois social-democratic coalition and a workers' government relying upon the organs of the working class.

This work should have the co-operation of all the members of the Party. There should be no vain grumblings, no spreading of false accusations, no sowing of distrust against the leaders of the Party, but pointed criticism of their shortcomings, daily positive work to remove the shortcomings. Only in this way will the Party become a militant Communist organisation equal to the great tasks imposed upon it by the development of events in Czecho-Slovakia.

After having heard the report of the Norwegian Commission, the Congress resolves:—

(1) It is necessary to inform the Executive of the Norwegian Party of the necessity of a more exact fulfilment of all decisions of the International and its Congress, as well as of its executive organs. In the Party organs, as well as in the decisions and resolutions of the directing committees of the Party, there should be no doubt whatever expressed of the possibility of their application to all eventualities which may occur in the life of the Party.

(2) The Congress orders the carrying out of Party reorganisation on the basis of individual membership within one year at most after the next national conference of the Party. The Executive must report, not less than once every two months, on the practical measures taken in the carrying out of this work, and their results.

(3) With regard to the contents of the Party Press, the Party is obliged to comply immediately with the decisions of the previous World Congress as well as those contained in the letter from the International Executive of 23rd of last September. The social democratic names of the Party papers must be altered within three months, from the date of closing of this International Congress.

(4) The Congress supports the standpoint of the Executive in its references to the parliamentary mistakes of the representatives of the Norwegian Party. The Congress is of the opinion that the Communist parliamentary representatives must submit to the control of the Party and the criticism of the Party Press. This criticism must, however, always be well founded and of a comradely nature.

(5) The Congress believes it to be quite admissible, and even necessary, to use the antagonism between various sections


text: Page:The Farm and Fruit of Old a translation in verse of the 1st and 2nd Georgics of Virgil, by a market-gardener (1862).djvu/53


text:
Page:Resolutions and Theses of the Fourth Congress of the Communist International (1922).djvu/123

 of the bourgeoisie in the struggle against the whole bourgeoisie. This refers especially to the antagonism between the representatives of large-scale industry and the landed proprietors on the one hand, and the peasants on the other hand. The struggle to win the peasantry must be one of the special tasks of the Norwegian Party.

(6) The Congress states once again that the parliamentary group, as well as the Party Press, must unconditionally submit to the control of the Central Committee in every detail.

(7) The group, "Not Dag," which is an independent organisation, must be dissolved. We must by all means encourage the formation of a Communist student group, which shall be open to every Communist and under the full control of the Party Executive. The review "Not Dag" may become a Party organ on condition that its editor be chosen by the Central Committee of the Norwegian Party, in agreement with the Executive of the Communist International.

(8) The Congress sustains the appeal of Comrade H. Olsen, and as he is an old and faithful comrade, and was a most active worker and official in the Party, the Congress reinstates him in his rights as a Party member. At the same time the Congress definitely states that his conduct at the Congress of the Metal Workers' Union was incorrect.

(9) This Congress resolves to expel Karl Johannsen from the Communist International and the Norwegian Party.

(10) With the object of bringing about a closer co-operation between the Norwegian Party and the International Executive, and to help overcome the present conflicts with as little friction as possible, this Congress instructs the future Executive to send its plenipotentiary representative to the next National Conference of the Norwegian Party.

(11) This Congress entrusts the Executive with the task of drawing up a letter to the Norwegian Party elucidating this resolution.

(12) The above resolution and the letter of the Executive shall be published in all Party organs, and shall be communicated to all branch organisations of the Party, before the delegates to the next Party Conference are elected.

The Communist Party of Jugo-Slavia was formed out of the organisations of the former Social-Democratic Party in those provinces which now constitute Jugo-Slavia. It came about by expelling the Right, and later also the Centrist elements, and by affiliating the Party with the Communist International (the Vukovara Congress of 1920). The growth of the Communist Party was greatly promoted by the general revolutionary ferment which spread over Central Europe at


text:
User talk:Dnwrtth

--Jan Kameníček (talk) 17:58, 7 October 2023 (UTC)

title: User talk:Dnwrtth


text:
Page:Resolutions and Theses of the Fourth Congress of the Communist International (1922).djvu/124

 that time (the Red Army's march on Warsaw, the seizure of the metallurgical factories in Italy, the strike wave in Jugo-Slavia). Ina short space of time the Party grew into a mass organisation (wielding tremendous influence over the large masses of workers and peasants. This was demonstrated by the municipal elections results, in which the Party captured many municipalities, including Belgrade, as well as by the subsequent elections for the Constituent Assembly, in which the Party secured 59 deputies. This momentous growth of the influence of the Communist Party caused alarm among the dominant military and financial oligarchy, forcing the latter to start a systematic campaign for the purpose of destroying the Communist movement. After the violent suppression of the railwaymen's general strike in April, 1920, the militant oligarchy dissolved by force the municipal councils at Agaram (in June of the same year), and on the 29th of September a decree was published dissolving all the Communist and trade union organisations; the Communist newspaper was suppressed, and the Communist clubs were handed over to the social patriots. In the month of June the Defence of the Realm decree was promulgated, which outlawed the Communist Party and drove it out of its last refuge—the parliament and the municipalities.

In addition to the objective reasons arising out of the general situation in the country, the destruction of the Communist Party of Jugo-Slavia is greatly due to its own internal weakness. Its outward growth did not correspond either with the development and the consolidation of the organisation, or to the level of the Communist consciousness of the party members. The party had not time to complete its evolution towards Communism. It is perfectly clear now that the leading organ of the Party committed a number of serious errors and blunders owing to a wrong interpretation of the methods of struggle laid down by the Comintern. These blunders made the task of the counter-revolutionary government easy. While the working masses showed energy and revolutionary will in a series of strikes, the Party revealed no revolutionary initiative. Thus, when in 1920 the police prohibited the May-day demonstrations in Belgrade, the Central Committee of the Party made not the slightest attempt to arouse the masses to protest. The same thing happened in the following year. Neither did the Party organise any mass action in defence of the municipal councillors, who were forcibly ejected from the Belgrade municipality, which was wrested from the Communists. The passivity of the Party encouraged the government to go to the very extreme. In fact, the government, taking advantage of the miners' strike which broke out at the end of December, dissolved the Party, which at the elections had returned 59 members to parliament. Even then the Party did not organise any mass action.

This passivity of the Party, in the face of the fierce attacks


text:
Page:Resolutions and Theses of the Fourth Congress of the Communist International (1922).djvu/125

 of the reactionaries, was the result of the Party not being firm in its Communist convictions. The Party was still burdened with the old social-democratic conceptions.

Although the Party had enthusiastically joined the Communist International, which showed the readiness of the masses for struggle, the leading organ was not yet quite familiar with the new path. Thus, for instance, it did not dare to publish the 21 conditions adopted by the Second Congress; nor did it publish the "Theses on the Question of Revolutionary Parliamentarianism." Thus it left the Party and the masses which were following it in complete ignorance of the demands which the Communist International had put before the parties which wanted to be real Communist parties. At the same time, the leading organ of the Party did not take any serious steps for the education of the Party and of the masses for the struggle on all fields against the reaction which was threatening them. It concentrated its attention chiefly on its electoral victories, and took care not to alarm the petty bourgeois elements by showing them what the Communist Party meant and what its methods of struggle were. At a time when the financial and military oligarchy in Belgrade was getting ready to conduct a savage and decisive struggle against the revolutionary working-class movement, the Central Committee of the Jugo-Slavian Communist Party was concentrating its attention and spending its energies on such secondary questions as parliamentarianism, leaving the rear of the Party undefended and unorganised. This was its fundamental mistake.

The Jugo-Slavian Party proved itself absolutely powerless and incapable of protecting itself against the White Terror. It had no underground organisation which could have enabled it to act under the new conditions and to remain in contact with the masses. Until the dissolution of the parliamentary group the Communist deputies were the only link between the Centre and the provinces. This link was severed with the dissolution. The arrest of the leading comrades in the Centre and in the provinces left the movement without a lead. Owing to these arrests the Party almost ceased to exist. The same fate overtook the local organisations of the Party, and the danger arose of the workers' organisations, which were left entirely to themselves, becoming completely disrupted. The social-democrats, with the assistance of the police, endeavoured to make use of these circumstances which were favourable to them, but they failed.

Under the reign of terror the central organ of the Party only very slowly acquired the organisational forms and methods of struggle dictated by the new conditions. For a long time it remained passive, hoping that as a consequence of the internal differences within the ruling class, this regime would soon pass away without the active intervention of the mass of the workers. It was only when all hopes of an amnesty for the


text:
Page:Resolutions and Theses of the Fourth Congress of the Communist International (1922).djvu/126

 Communists who were being tried before the tribunal, were dashed to the ground that the Central Committee of the Party began the work of reorganisation, in order to call the Party again into life. It was only in July, 1922, that the first Enlarged Plenum of the Party Committee took place in Vienna. The Vienna Conference deserves warm commendation as the first attempt to re-establish the Party, notwithstanding the defects of its composition and of the viewpoint of the Party statutes. The conditions of the country at that time, the changes in the composition of the Party as a result of arrests and of the treachery of some of the Party members, and of the passivity of the Party for eighteen months, precluded all possibility of convening a legal plenum which could really represent the Party. The Executive of the Communist International did right, therefore, in declaring the Enlarged Plenum a sufficiently competent representative of the Jugo-Slavian Communist Party, and in endorsing its resolution with some extremely rational amendments concerning the composition of the newly-elected Central Committee. For the same reason, the attempt of several Jugo-Slavian comrades to sabotage the Conference by leaving the session on the sixteenth day, regardless of their good intentions, must be condemned as objectively injurious to the Party.

The resolution of the Vienna Conference on the question of the general situation in Jugo-Slavia and the immediate task of the Communist Party, on the trade union movement and reorganisation of the Party, and the resolutions on the Third Balkan Communist Conference, endorsed as they stand by the Comintern Executive, did not arouse any differences of opinion among the representatives of the majority and the minority within the Party. This unanimity on questions which are of the greatest importance to the Party in the present period, is the best proof that there is no justification whatever for dividing the Jugo-Slavian Party into majority and minority factions, and that the split among the leaders which occurred at the Vienna Conference was entirely due to reasons of a personal character. At the moment of its revival, Jugo-Slavian Party must represent a united whole.

This unity must be also preserved in the future. In the face of the capitalist and social-democratic reaction, which is now raging, nothing would be more damaging for the Party and revolutionary movement for Jugo-Slavia than factionism. Therefore, it is the duty of the new Central Committee of the Party to do its utmost, and to take all the necessary steps, in order to set the minds within the Party at rest, to remove all suspicions, to re-establish mutual confidence within the Party and to rally under its banner all the active workers who have remained at their post throughout the counter-revolutionary terror.

In order to achieve this aim, it is essential on the one hand, to carry out the decisions of the Vienna Conference, on the


text:
Page:Resolutions and Theses of the Fourth Congress of the Communist International (1922).djvu/127

 purging of the Party from the compromised element, and on the other hand, to bring into the responsible work of the Party comrades from the ranks of the Vienna Conference minority. The Jugo-Slavian Party can receive valuable assistance in this respect from the Balkan Communist Federation. In order to do this, Jugo-Slavian Party must follow the example of the other Balkan Communist Parties, and must send without delay its representative into the Executive Committee of the Balkan Federation. The Comintern must give substantial assistance in the matter of the re-establishment and the inner consolidation of the Jugo-Slavian Party. The Executive must maintain a closer connection with the C.C. of the Party than formerly. However, the future of the Party depends chiefly on those party comrades who are active and politically and morally sound. The Comintern depends on these comrades, and calls upon them to do their duty. The resuscitated party, having profited by the harsh lessons of the recent past, and animated by the faith in the ultimate triumph of the world revolution, will be able to rally to its banner the proletarian elements, which were left without a lead, and to organise and consolidate the Jugo-Slavian section of the Balkan Communist Federation.

The Congress authorises the Executive of the Comintern to take any organic measures which circumstances might demand.


text:
Page:A Record of the Buddhist Religion as practised in India and the Malay Archipelago.djvu/101

 are left in it. If there is a river or a pond in the neighbourhood, take the jar there and throw away the water containing insects; then put in fresh filtered water. If there a well, use its water, after filtering it, according to the usual manner. In examining well-water, after some has been drawn, observe it in a water-vessel, taking about a handful of it in a bronze cup, as stated above. If there is no insect, then the water can be used through the night, and if any be found it must be filtered according to the process mentioned above. As to the examining of the water of a river or pond, details are found in the Vinaya.

The Indians use fine white cloth for straining water; and in China fine silk may be used, after having slightly boiled it with rice-crcam; for small insects casily pass through the meshes of raw silk. Taking a piece of softened silk about four feet of the Hu-ch‘ih (name of a common measure), lay it lengthwise by taking its edges, then double it by taking both ends, and sew them together so as to form them into the shape of a net. Then attach cords to its two corners, and loops to both sides; and put across it a stick about one foot and six inches long, in order to stretch it wide. Now fasten its two ends to posts, while placing a basin under it. When you pour water into it from a pot, its bottom must be inside the strainer, lest some insects drop off together with the drops of water, and should hardly escape destruction by falling on the ground or into the basin. When water comes out through the strainer, scoop and examine it, and, if it contains some insects, then return the water, and, if it is clean enough, use it. As soon as enough water has been obtained, turn up the strainer, which is to be held at both ends by two persons, put it into the 'life-preserving vessel,' rinse it with water three times, and again pour water over it outside. Pour in water once more in order to see, by means of straining it, whether some insects still remain in it. If no insects be found, remove the strainer in any manner. Even after being thus filtered, the water, when a night has passed, is liable to need examining again; for one who neglects to examine the water that has stood through a night, whether it contains insects or not, is said, in the Vinaya, to be guilty.


text:
Page:A Record of the Buddhist Religion as practised in India and the Malay Archipelago.djvu/102

 There are many ways of protecting life while drawing water. The strainer just described is suitable in case of drawing water from a well. In a river or a pond you may filter the water by a double jar within the willow vessel safely placed in the water. During the sixth or the seventh month the insects are so minute, and different from what they are in the other seasons, that they can pass even through ten folds of raw silk.

Those who wish to protect life should try to set the insect free by some means or other. A plate-like tray maybe used for the purpose, but the silk strainer is also very useful. The tray is generally made of copper, in India, in accordance with the rules laid down by the Buddha : one must not neglect these points. The life-preserving vessel is a small water-pot with an open mouth as wide as the vessel itself. It has two knobs on the sides of the bottom-part, to which cords are fastened. When it is let down into water, it is turned upside down, and, after having been plunged into water twice or thrice, it is drawn up.

The high priests must not touch the filters used in the temple, nor the water kept in a room for filtering purposes. The lower priests who have not yet received full ordination, can take and drink any water ; but if they drink at an improper time they ought to use a clean strainer, clean jar, and pure vessels, such as are fit to be used. As regards living creatures, an injury to them is a sin, and is prohibited by the Buddha.

It is this prohibition that is the most weighty of all, and an act of injury is placed at the head of the ten sins. One must not be neglectful of this. The filter is one of the six possessions necessary to the priests, and one cannot do without it. One should not go on a journey three or five Chinese miles without a filter. If a priest be aware of the fact that the residents in the temple where he is staying do not strain their water, he must not partake of food there. Even if the traveller die on his way from thirst or hunger, such a deed is sufficient to be looked upon as a splendid example. The daily use of water necessitates inspection.


text:
Page:A Record of the Buddhist Religion as practised in India and the Malay Archipelago.djvu/103

 There are some who use the strainer, but let the insects die within it. Some are desirous of preserving life, but few know how to do it. Some shake (or 'upset') the strainer at the mouth of a well, and do not know the use of the life-preserving vessel. The insects will, no doubt, be killed when they reach the water of a deep well. Others make a small round strainer which only contains one quart or two pints. The silk of which it is made is raw, rough, and thin ; and in using it one does not look for the insects at all, but after hanging it at the side of the jar, others are ordered to do the actual inspection.

Thus one pays no attention to the protection of life, and commits sins from day to day. Handing down such error from teacher to pupil, they yet think they are handing down the Law of the Buddha. It is indeed a grievous and regretful matter! It is proper for every person to keep a vessel for examining water, and every place must be furnished with a life-preserving vessel.

morning one must chew tooth-woods, and clean the teeth with them, and rub off the dirt of the tongue as carefully as possible. Only after the hands have been washed and the mouth cleansed is a man fit to make a salutation; if not, both the saluter and the saluted are at fault. Tooth-wood is Dantakâshtha in Sanskrit—danta, tooth, and kâshtha, a piece of wood. It is made about twelve finger-breadths in length, and even the shortest is not less than eight finger-breadths long. Its size is like the little finger. Chew softly one of its ends, and clean the teeth with it. If one unavoidably come near a superior, while chewing the wood. one should cover the mouth with the left hand.


text:
Page:A Record of the Buddhist Religion as practised in India and the Malay Archipelago.djvu/104

 Then, breaking the wood, and bending it, rub the tongue. In addition to the tooth-wood, some toothpicks made of iron or copper may be used, or a small stick of bamboo or wood, flat as the surface of the little finger and sharpened at one end, may be used for cleaning the teeth and tongue; one must be careful not to hurt the mouth. When used, the wood must be washed and thrown away.

Whenever a tooth-wood is destroyed or water or saliva is spit out, it should be done after having made three fillips with the fingers, or after having coughed more than twice ; if not, one is faulty in throwing it away. A stick taken out of a large piece of wood, or from a small stem of a tree, or a branch of an elm, or a creeper, if in the forest; if in a field, of the paper mulberry, a peach, a sophora japonica ('Huai'), willow-tree, or anything at disposal, must be prepared sufficiently beforehand. The freshly-cut sticks (lit. wet ones) must be offered to others, while the dry ones are retained for one's own use.

The younger priest can chew as he likes, but the elders must have the stick hammered at one end and made soft; the best is one which is bitter astringent or pungent in taste, or one which becomes like cotton when chewed. The rough root of the Northern Burr-weed (Hu Tai) is the most excellent; this is otherwise called Tsăng-urh or Tsae-urh, and strikes the root about two inches in the ground. It hardens the teeth, scents the mouth, helps to digest food, or relieves heart-burning. If this kind of tooth-cleaner be used, the smell of the mouth will go off after a fortnight. A disease in the canine teeth or tooth- ache will be cured after a month. Be careful to chew fully and polish the teeth cleanly, and to let all the mouth-water come out; and then to rinse abundantly with water. That is the way. Take in the water from the nose once. This is the means of securing a long life


text:
Death and Doctor Hornbook

 * "Death and Doctor Hornbook", in The Beauties of Burn's Poems (1819), a chapbook printed in Falkirk
 * "Death and Doctor Hornbook", in The Poetical Works of Robert Burns (1887), edited by Alexander Smith

title: Death and Doctor Hornbook


text:
Page:A Record of the Buddhist Religion as practised in India and the Malay Archipelago.djvu/105

 adopted by Bodhisattva Nâgârguna. If this be too hard to put in practice, to drink water is also good. When a man gets used to these practices he is less attacked by sickness. The dirt at the roots of the teeth hardened by time must all be cleaned away. Washed with warm water, the teeth will be freed from the dirt for the whole of life. Tooth- ache is very rare in India owing to their chewing the tooth-wood.

It is wrong to identify the tooth-wood with a willow-branch. Willow- trees are very scarce in India. Though translators have generally used this name, yet, in fact, the Buddha's tooth-wood-tree (for instance) which I have personally seen in the Nâlanda monastery, is not the willow. Now I require no more trustworthy proof from others than this, and my readers need not doubt it. Moreover, we read in the Sanskrit text of the Nirvâna-sûtra thus: 'The time when they were chewing tooth-woods.'

Some in China use small sticks of willow which they chew completely in their mouth without knowing how to rinse the mouth and remove the juice. Sometimes it is held that one can cure a sickness by drinking the juice of the tooth-wood. They become impure, in so doing, contrary to their desire for purification. Though desirous of being released from a disease, they fall into a greater sickness. Are they not already aware of this fact? Any argument would be in vain! It is quite common among the people of the five parts of India to chew the tooth-wood. Even infants of three years old are taught how to do it.

The teaching of the Buddha and the custom of the people correspond on this point, and help each other. I have thus far explained the com- parative merit of the use of the tooth-wood in China and India. Each must judge for himself as to whether he will adopt or reject the custom.

briefly describe the ceremony of inviting priests, in India as well as in the islands of the Southern Sea. In India the host comes


text:
Page:The poetical works of Robert Burns.djvu/65

Rh


text:
Page:Books on Egypt and Chaldaea, Vol. 32--Legends of the Gods.pdf/148

 mandrakes were brought unto him the Majesty of this god gave them to Sekhet, the goddess who dwelleth in Ȧnnu (Heliopolis) to crush. And behold, when the maidservants were bruising the grain for [making] beer, these mandrakes were placed in the vessels which were to hold the beer, and some of the blood of the men and women [who had been slain]. Now they made seven thousand vessels of beer. Now when the Majesty of Rā, the King of the South and North, had come with the gods to look at the vessels of beer, and behold, the daylight had appeared after the slaughter of men and women by the goddess in their season as she sailed up the river, the Majesty of Rā said, "It is good, it is good, nevertheless, I must protect men and women against her." And Rā said, "Let them take up the vases and carry them to the place where the men and women were slaughtered by her." Then the Majesty of the King of the South and North in the three-fold beauty of the night caused to be poured out these vases of beer which make [men] to lie down (or, sleep), and the meadows of the Four Heavens were filled with beer (or, water) by reason of the Souls of the Majesty of this god. And it came to pass that when this goddess arrived at the dawn of day, she found these [Heavens] flooded [with beer], and she was pleased thereat; and


text:
Page:Seventh Report - Guns for gold- the Wagner Network exposed.pdf/75

Rh

The Committee commissioned small-scale open-source research into the Wagner Group’s network and operations, which was carried out by the not-for-profit Centre for Information Resilience (CIR). This research identified individuals and entities involved with the Wagner Network’s operations. Individuals and entities that are not widely sanctioned are listed in tables below, with notes supplied by CIR. The inclusion of these names supports paragraph 61 of this report, where we explain that, by releasing these names identified via our commissioned open- source research, we hope to challenge the mystique that the Wagner Network cultivated in many countries, maximise operating inconvenience, create a deterrent effect and enable the Government to improve its apparently limited understanding of the Network. We implore the Government to urgently assess these names and sanction these individuals and sanctions if the necessary threshold is met (paragraph 61).

'''We are publishing the names of individuals and entities with the legal protection afforded by parliamentary privilege. Readers should note that this protection does not apply to those repeating its contents outside the formal proceedings of the House and its committees.'''

The table below draws together key players in the Wagner Network. Despite their seniority within companies/organisations that have been sanctioned by the UK, the US and/or the EU, these individuals have not been sanctioned by the UK.


text: Page:The poetical works of Robert Burns.djvu/66


text:
Page:The Dial (Volume 76).djvu/73

Rh and beliefs and ideas, but positively to cry up the beliefs and taste of the herd."

The Ordeal of Mark Twain is not only the spiritual history of a man; it is almost the spiritual history of the American people. This and Letters and Leadership, out of all his books, are the most impressive, and, after reading them, one cannot but realize that Van Wyck Brooks belongs to the highest order of critics. He has given a conception of literature and life that is as fine and inspiring as any in that order. Where he falls below them is in intensity of temperament and emotion. Not until we come to his book on Mark Twain—his last published book—do we get what he himself calls "the deep, shaking impact of personality" that we encounter in the great critics as well as in the great artists; we do indeed get it there, but it is not often reinforced by that intensity, that almost wildness of emotion, that thrills us in the work of the great European critics. In comparison with them he seems a little cool and self-possessed. We cannot imagine him capable of shining, reckless enthusiasms, or capable of allowing his mind to wander off into that yearning and almost foolish ecstasy that Taine wanders into over Alfred de Musset. Perhaps, to many this will not seem a very great drawback, but for my own part, I feel sure that the whole secret of a rich and nervous and swiftly-moving style such as Taine's lies just in that capacity for sublime emotional folly. Van Wyck Brooks, measured with these great Europeans, has an American sedateness. But measured with him contemporary critics writing in English seem narrow and limited in ideas, lacking in the sense of reality and the power of inspiring others. While many of the best-known of them are obsessed with trivial aesthetic theories, he, almost alone, has related literature to life. His influence in America has been far-reaching; almost every one of the recent American writers whose work is of value, owes him something. His ideas have reached places where their origin is unsuspected—the usual fate of original criticism. Taking his work as a whole, one comes from it with a firm belief in the lasting validity of his ideas and in the lasting service he is rendering to American literature—to that literature of whose flowering he dreamed in his very first book "I think a day will come when the names of Denver and Sioux City will have a traditional and antique dignity like Damascus and Perugia." It is well that the critic, too, should write out of a dream.

title: Page:The Dial (Volume 76).djvu/73


text:
Page:The Dial (Volume 76).djvu/74

N the centre of the kingdom there was a large thick wood. In it every kind of tree with perennial foliage grew luxuriantly. They did not turn yellow in the fall, nor had they need in the spring to clothe themselves again in tender green. The sun did not enter to warm the grass; the foliage was too thick. And divers brooks wandered about in the wood. No wild beasts infested it. Simple paths, traced by the feet of those that came there, and almost always running along the banks of the brooks, following their course, led to an open space that was in the middle of the wood.

Nobody could recall that it had ever rained in that open space; and a very old and rooted tradition held that really it never did rain in that clearing in the wood. Even on stormy days, which were very few, it seemed as if there must be a hole in the clouds, made to prevent that mysterious open space from being wet by the waters of heaven. And in that open space was the cavern.

The cavern consisted of an opening in the rock, a mouth of stone, within which a little pathway ran down, very steep, but easy to follow. The pathway ran into the cave, until at about two hundred steps' distance, it turned abruptly behind a projecting boulder and was lost to sight.

Nobody knew, nobody could know, what there was in the depths of the cavern behind the boulder. None of those that had passed that point had ever returned, or had ever given any sort of sign by which their fate might be guessed. Children had entered there, youths, and full-grown men—women, old men—sane people and mad, unhappy and gay; and not one had given the least hint of what was within there. Once they had rounded the turn, nothing further was known of them: neither the sound of a fall, nor a scream, nor a groan, nor even a sigh. They were swallowed in complete and utter silence.

title: Page:The Dial (Volume 76).djvu/74


text:
Page:The Dial (Volume 76).djvu/75

Rh But this silence of the cavern occurred only when it received its devotees. On certain days, more often in autumn than in the other seasons of the year, and at certain hours—at the drawing in of evening—there came from the depths of the cavern a mysterious music veiled in the mist of an aroma, intoxicating and unearthly. There came the sound as of the song of a numerous procession, a moving, melancholy song as sung by many persons. But the melancholy of that distant and melodious complaint was very sweet and soothing. It was on hearing that, that a great many of all those who continually hovered around the cavern's mouth, hurried into the depths inside.

All kinds of investigations had been made. A man would go in tied with a stout rope, so that he might be pulled out when he signalled: and every time this was tried, the rope had finally been pulled out, untied, and without there having been any signal. Once they had welded a metal belt around a man's waist, and welded a chain to that: and they had pulled out belt and chain without the man. How could he have freed himself Another time a man had gone in carrying the corpse of a friend—they wanted to see whether the cavern received the dead. The next morning the corpse was found in the pathway in front of the turning; but of the living man that had carried it in nothing more was ever known, just as in every other case. And after that there could be no doubt that the cavern admitted only the living.

Another experiment was thought of and several times tried: and that was to drive animals into the cave. These came out shortly afterwards, but they came out frightened and upset; and they never again in their whole lives made any sound. They came out mute. An animal that returned from the cavern did not bark, or mew, or bleat, or low, or roar, or cackle, during the rest of its life. And no one ever saw the cave entered by a toad, a rat, a lizard, a fly, or a gnat.

More than once, too, they had tried having several people go in attached one to another by their hands. And as soon as the first one had reached the turning and gone around, he was loosed from his neighbour, no matter how firmly he might be held, and he was lost in the silence of the cavern's depth; or else the whole string of men was lost there.

Every class of people had been lost in the mysterious and musi-

title: Page:The Dial (Volume 76).djvu/75