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 Ohai>. XII.

DISSENSIONS IN THE COUNCIL

G7I

acceptable. He had Leen brought from a diti'erent presidency, and was thus viewed by several members of the council as an intruder, who, without any better qualification than the recommendation of Olive, had broken in upon the rotation which nmst, sooner or later, have put them in possession of the highest object of tiieir ambition. Tims at the very time when the unsettled state of Meer Jaffier's government was held a sufficient grouml i'ov dethroning him, the council chamber of Calcutta was itself the scene of acrimonious discussions and violent dissensions. The governor from the very first had a bare majority, and was ere long left in a minority by the dismissal of his })rincipal supportei's. They had signed the remonstrance which Clive drew up before he sailed, and in which he complained in no measured terms of the language employed in the general letter of the directors. They in their turn were equally offended with the remonstrance, and vindicated their dignity by ordering that any one of the subscribers still in their service should forthwith be dismissed, and not only dismissed, but sent home to England. In this way some of the most experienced members of comicil were lost to it, at the time when they could least be spared, and were supplied in some instances by men equally devoid of experience and temper.

The kind of internal administration which Meer Cossim, now installed as nabob, was about to pursue, remained for a short time uncertain. Shah Alvun was again hovering on the frontier, and it Avas necessary, before settling the home government, to be relieved from the expense and alarm of a foreign war. Accordingly, Major Carnac, who had assumed the command of the Briti.sh army in India, fixed his head-quai-ters at Patna in the beginning of January, 1701, and as soon as the rains ceased, commenced the campaign. Shah Alum was only at a short distance to the west, and being overtaken before he could muster an adequate force, was easily defeated. Law had joined him with his Frenchmen, and was taken prisoner. Caniac's instructions were rather to neo^otiate than fiirht. An ofier of the dewannee had, as we liave already seen, been made to Clive; and Mr. Yansittart, following out his views, was disposed to think that the time when it would no longer be advisable to decline it, might soon arrive. But, even apart from this considera- tion, it seemed important to form such a connection with the emperor as would secure the sanction of his name to whatever measm-es it mifjht be thoujrht necessar}"^ to adopt. Carnac accordingly, instead of following up his victory, solicited an interview, and after some demur was permitted to visit Shah Alum

.VI). 1701.

DisseiiBioiiH in the lieu gal cuuiK'il.

Shah Alvm. — Froraa Uinil>H> miniature, copied in FrmcckUa't Lif« of Siiah Alum.

NegDtiatiiiii: with Shah .'Mum.


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 672 IllSTOllY OF INDIA. [Book I J I.

A.u. 1701 in his camp. A friendly understanding was easily formed, and they returned

together to Patna. Here, Meer Cossim, after betraying great jealoasy of the

c(ommo- new connection which the Company had thus formed, was induced to acknow-

il:itioii with I •■ f>,, i i

siiahAiuin Icdge Shall Alum as emperor, and received formal investiture from him of the provinces of Bengal, Beliar, and Orissa, on an engagement to pay an annual revenue of twenty- four lacs of rupees. Shah Alum shortly after took his departure for the west, intending to endeavour to obtain possession of his capital. Carnac escorted him to the confines of Behar, and, on parting, received a new offer of the dewannee for the Company.

Severity of Mccr Cossim being thus relieved from all apprehension of a foreign invader,

Sim's gov- was able to give his undivided attention to domestic affairs, and displayed abun- dance of vigour, though of a more than questionable description. The greatest difficulty of his predecessor had been an empty treasury. It was this which kept his army constantly in a state of mutiny, and furnished the council of Cal- cutta with the only plausible ground for deposing him. Meer Cossim's first object therefore was to supply himself with money, both to meet present demands and supply funds for future emergencies. With this view he was rigid in calling the collectors and farmers of the pubhc revenue to account. When balances were due, he was undoubtedly entitled to exact them, but the mere wealth of the parties was often held to be sufficient evidence of their guilt, and large sums were extorted by cruelty and terror. Of all the .subordinate governors none was supposed to have accumulated so much wealth as the Hindoo Ram narain; and Meer Cossim, who hated him as cordially as Meer Jaffier had done, was determined at once to gratify his hatred and his avarice by destroying him. It was necessary, however, to proceed with caution. Ramnarain had obtained a guarantee of his personal safety from Clive, and had subsequently rendered important service by resisting the attempts of Shah Alum and his confederates to obtain a permanent footing in the province. He was thus under the special protection of the Company, and seemed consequently secure from direct personal violence. Still he was liable to account. Meer Cossim called upon him to do so, and was met by delays and evasions. This was just as he had anticipated ; and he had little difficulty in making out a plausible case of complaint to the governor and council of Calcutta. How could he carry on the government, and how, moreover, could he discharge the obligations he had imdertaken to the Company, if, through their interference, one of the largest collectors of the revenue was emboldened to withhold pajonent, and even set him at defiance? Unfortunately the civil and military authorities took opposite views on the sub-

Qnaiieiasto ject. Major Camac and Colonel Coote, who had superseded him on his an-ival

Ramnarain.

from Madras, believed that Meer Co.ssim, in calling for accounts, was merely employing a subterfuge to further his designs on Ramnarain's life. They had too good grounds for this belief; for they were not only aware of the nabob's anxiety to get the Hindoo into his power, but had been offeied large bribes to

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 Chap. XI I.J .^ BUSES OF THE COMPANY'S SERVANTS. 073

connive at it. Mr. Vansittart, on the otlier hand, seeing nothing but what was a.d. irei. reasonable in Meer Cossim's demand, insisted that every facility should be given him. Coote and Carnac still refusing to abandon the course which they Pe'-fiJ'"'!* had taken, and which they held to be the only one consistent with honoin* and -f lumim- equity, a violent quarrel ensued ; and Mr. Vansittart, with the sanction of a majority of his council, took the extraordinary step of recalling both these officers to Calcutta. The remainder of the plot was easily cairied out. Rani- narain, deprived of the protection which had been solemnly pledged to him, was seized by his remorseless enemy, pillaged, and thrown into prison.

If Mr. Vansittart's object in thus shamefully sacrificing Ramnarain, was to Q'lairti i.e- hind Meer Cossim to British interests, the result must have miserably disap- cotsim ana pointed him A (piarrel of a much more serious nature immediately arose. Mr. i^uiy. Ellis, a violent and arrogant man, had been appointed head-factor at Patna, and acted, from the first day he entered upon office, as if his object had been not to conciliate, but to exasperate the native government. His folly soon produced its proper fruits ; and Meer Cossim, stung to the quick by repeated insults which disgraced him in the eyes of his subjects, began to meditate revenge. The abuses practised under the name of private trade had long been a subject of bitter complaint. Meer Jaffier had not been a month on the musnud when he remonstrated against the loss sustained by the public revenue by claims of exemption from custom on the part of Em-opean officials of the Company, or natives professing to be authorized by them. The trade of the Company was wholly foreign, and was consequently confined to imports and exports. By express treaty, neither of these were liable to customs or transit duties. This exemption was perfectly understood, and couUl not be challenged. But besides the foreign trade there was a most important inland trade, for which no such exemption could be claimed. The Company, in fact, had no concern with it. Their servants, however, very indifferently paid by fixed salaries, were allowed to engage in it, and derived from it the better part of their incomes. This was in itself a great abuse, and ultimately became a crying injustice. Not sati-sfied with being placed on a footing with native traders, the European officials not Monstrous

•111 1 I'lii r»i' 1 pretensions

only availed themselves oi the dustuks or pa.s.sports of their employers, to oftuecom- smuggle goods which they were never designed to cover, but boldly a.sserted '* that they were entitled to carry on private trade for their own behoof duty free. The native traders were thus virtually excluded from their own markets, since it was impossible for them, while burdened with duties, to compete with those who paid none. They were hence reduced to the alternative of either becoming commercial agents to the British officials, or of paying large sums to them for the privilege of being permitted to trade in their name. In either case the public revenue was grossly defrauded. Meer Cossim had previously complained of the abuse, and after the insults of Mr. Ellis had exa.sperated him, was deter- mined no longer to tolerate it. There cannot be a doubt that in this he had Vol. I. 85

jwny 8 ser- auts.


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 674. HLSTOltY OF INDIA. . [Book IIJ.

AD. iroj. justice on Ids side, and did not draw an exaggeiated picture when, in a letter

addressed to the governor, in March, 1702, he said, "From the factory of Cal-

Compiaints cuttii to Cossiinbazar, Patna, and Dacca, all the English chiefs, with their

of Meor _ _ _

Cossim. gomastaks, officers, and agents in every district of the government, act as col- lectors, renters, and magistrates, and setting up the Company's colours, allow no power to my officers. And besides this, the gomastaks and other servants in every di.strict, in every market and village, carry on a trade in oil, fish, straw, bamboos, rice, paddy, betel -nut, and other things; and every man with a Company's dustuk in his hand regards himself as not less than the Com- pany." This statement is fully borne out by Mr. Hastings, who, in a letter to Mr. Vansittart, dated only a month later, describes the evil complained of as 'a grievance which calls loudly for redress; and will, unless duly attended to, render ineffectual any endeavours to create a firm and lasting harmony between the nabob and the Company."

Selfish and The coursc which ought to have been pursued is obvious. The private trade

impolitic

views of of the Company's servants ought to have been absolutely interdicted, or at all couucii." events subjected to such regulations as would at once protect the revenue and the native trader. But by whom were these regulations to be made ? The members of council in Calcutta were themselves the worst offenders, and having the power of legislation in their hands, were determined that, happen what might, they would never allow it to be used for the purpose of curtailing their emoluments. Mr. Vansittart, feeling himself powerless, was not bold enough to lay the axe to the root of the evil, and proposed, as a compromise, that the trade should be open to the Company's servants as before, but subject to the payment of the regidar duties. After much keen debate, he obtained, or thought he had obtained, full powers from the council to make an amicable settle- ment. With this view he had an interview with the nabob, and obtained his reluctant consent to an arrangement by which, to prevent the inconvenience of repeated stoppages, the goods of the Company's servants engaged in private trade were to pay a duty of nine per cent, on the prime cost in one slump sum. This was far less than was exacted from the native traders, and Mr. Vansittart returned, in the belief that if he had erred in any part of the bargain, it was only in having exacted too favourable terms for the Company's servants. It must hence have been with some surprise and indignation that, when the terms were divulged, he found them bitterly assailed by all the members of his council except Mr. Hastings. At a full meeting of council, specially called to consider the subject, ten members voted that the private trade of the Company's servants was like tb.e public trade of their masters, duty free, and that the only article on which they ought to pay anything, and that more from com-tesy than legal obligation, was a duty of 2^ per cent, on salt. Not satisfied with passing the disgi-aceful resolution, they caused it to be forthwith notified to the nabob.


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 Chap. XII.] EUPTUliE WITH MEEU COSSIM. G7o

It is probable that the nabob, though he expressed disappointment at this ad. i762. notification, was not wliolly dissatisfied with it. He saw that the grievances of which he comphiined could not be effectually remedied by the arrangement ^^^'' cowim

decUirua the

concluded with Mr. Vansittart, and he was thei'efore not unwilling that the iniai.dtiudo whole question should once more be thrown open. He was thus at liberty to take the course which seemed to him most expedient. As the servants of the Company, backed by the council at Calcutta, insisted on trading free, he would no longer offer any opposition, but on the contrary would extend the privilege to all classes of the population, by announcing that in future no duties whatever would be levied on the inland trade. He had repeatedly threatened to take this step, but it was so obviously destructive of one of the main sources of the public revenue, that it was taken for granted he would never carry it into effect. Great then was the disappointment and consternation at Calcutta when it was known that the private trade monopoly under which so many fortunes had been made, and so much extortion practised, was cut up by the roots. The council showed on this occasion that there was no amount of extravagance and iniquity which they were not prepared to commit. No fewer than eight of the members, under the false and hypocritical pretext that the interests of their employers would be injuriously affected, recorded it as their opinion that the nabob was bound to exact duties from his own subjects and leave the Com- pany's servants free. Mi-. Vansittart and Mr. Hastings again stood alone in resisting this monstrous decision. After adopting it, they actually sent a deputation to the nabob in the hope of being able to persuade or terrify him into acquiescence. But the quarrel was now irreconcilable, and nothing but the sword could decide it.

While the deputies, Messrs. Amyatt and Hay, were vainh* endeavouring An open

. . . . . . rupture.

to accomplish the object of their extraordinary mission, some boats loaded with arms for the British troops at Patna were stopped by native officers. The deputies demanded their instant release, but the nabob positively refused unless Mr. Ellis was removed from his office as head-factor, or the troops of which in that capacity he had the control were withdrawn. This step was followed by another still more decided. When the deputies proposed to depart, Mr. Hay was told that he must remain as an hostage for the safety of some of the nabob's servants who had been imprisoned at Calcutta. It was vain to dream any longer of amicable accommodation, and both sides began to prepare for open war. The rashness of Mr. Ellis precipitated the event. He had for some time been alarming the presidency witii accounts of the dangers with which he con- ceived himself to be surrounded, and urging them to invest him with discretion- ary powers, in order that he might be able to act on any emergency without waiting for specific instructions from Calcutta. His request wsvs unfortunately granted, and he no sooner learned the reception which the deputies had met with, than regarding it as an open declaration of war, he ordered out the


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 676

lli.STUKY OF INDIA.

[B«joK in.

AD I76:i.

Hostilities with Meer t'ossim.

He is

deposeil.

His defeat.

troops, and by a sudden onset uuidf; himself master of the town of Patna. 'J'hi- citadel, however, stood out; and the troops, who had tied on the first surjjrise, having returned, regained tiie town almost as easily as they had lost it. It was now the turn of the British to act on the defensive, and they retired to their factory for that j)urpose. After a short i-esistance, they found their position untenable, and betaking themselves to boats, hastened up the Ganges towards Chuprah. Here the commander of the district attacked them, and they were obliged to surrender. The factory of Cossimbazar was taken and ])lundered at the same time; and all who had been taken at both places were sent off prisoners to the strong fort of Monghir. When Mr. Ellis attacked Patna Mr. Amyatt had only begun to journey homeward. A party sent after him by the nabob endeavoured to detain him. He resisted, and in the scuffle which ensued lost his life.

As soon as hostilities were thus commenced, the presidency, as if they were absolute lords of the country, i,s.sued a proclamation on the 7th of July, 1763, deposing Meer Cossim, and replacing Meer Jafiier on the musnud. The old nabob had continued to reside in Calcutta, and thouoh now more unfitted than ever for government, by age and disease, had ambition enough to aspire to it. As a matter of course he accepted whatever conditions were proposed to him, and imdertook in particular to re-establish the monopoly of private trade in favour of the Company's servants, by allowing their goods to pass duty free, while those of the natives were heavily burdened. These proceedings l)laced Mr. Vansittart in a very awkward predicament, but he attached his sig- nature to all the documents, subject, however, to the salvo, that he did it without prejudice to his former declarations and opinions. The Company's army, consist- ing of 750 Europeans, together with a considerable number of sepoys and native cavalry, had previously started, under the command of Major Adams, fi'om the neighbourhood of Chandernagore, and proceeded northward to Augadeep, not far from Cutwah, wheie they were joined by Meer Jafiier, now on the way to lesiime possession of the capital. Meer Cossim, determined not to jaeld it without a struggle, had thrown up entrenchments, and occupied them with an army, formidable not only from its numbers, but fr(^m containing a consider- able number of sepoys, regularly trained m European discipline, and commanded by an European adventurer of the name of Suniroo, who was of Swiss origin, and had been a sergeant in the French army. After a short but decisive action, fought on the 24?th of July, Meer Cossim's entrenchments were stormed, and Moorshedabad was entered without opposition. The Adctors, after a short delay, continued their march up the banks of the Hooghly, and on reaching Sooty, on the 2d of August, found the enemy encamped on the plain of Gheriah, and prepared to offer battle. It was much more keenly contested than before, but, after a conflict of four hours, at one time with doubtful issue, British valoiu' again prevailed, and gained a complete victoiy.


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 Chap. XII.] MASSACRE AT PATNA. 677

Meer Cossim, while his troops were thus fighting, had kept aloof from ad. irea. danger within the fort of Monghir, venting his rage and gratifying his savage nature by several atrocious murders. Among his victims were Ramnarain, who had never been released from the prison to which he was consigned when Mr. Defeat of Vansittart shamefully abandoned him, and two members of the famous banking cossim. family of the Seits. As if these murders had inspired him with courage, he made bold to quit his fort and joined his army, which had now taken up a .strong position at OudanuUa or Oondwah Nullah, a strong fort situated near the right bank of the Ganges, eight miles south of Rajamahal. Meer Cossim is said t(^ have had 00,000 men within the entrenchment, which was defended by 100 pieces of cannon. The British barely mustered in all 3000, and yet with these succeeded in both capturing the fort and storming the entrenchment. After this defeat Meer Cossim's temporary courage forsook him, and he hastened back to Monghir, followed by the wreck of his army. The British pm-sued, invested the fort, and after a short siege compelled, or, as it has been alleged, bribed it to surrender. Meer Cossim had previously placed himself beyond the reach of danger, and was residing at Patna when he learned that Monghir had fallen. He had for some time been meditating a lioriid massacre ; for Major Adams, when advancing vipon that fort, had received a letter from him, in which, after an ominous allusion to his prisoners, he concluded thus: "Exult not upon the success which you have gained, merely by treacher}' and night assaults, in two or three places, over a few jemidars sent by me. By the will of God you shall see in what manner this shall be revenged and retaliated." The only answer that could be returned was to denounce his brutality, and threaten it with signal vengeance. He cared not, for the fall of Moncrhir had made him desperate, and he issued the inhuman order to butcher all the prisoners. It was at once executed to the very letter by Suraroo, who, by his own hand Massncre.it and that of his emissaries, slaughtered every one of the prisoners except Dr. Fullarton, whose professional services had caused Meer Cossim to except him. The number of Englishmen thus murdered in cold blood exceeded 200. Among them were Mr. Ellis, who almost merited his fate, and Mr. Hay, a member of council, and the fellow - deputy of Mr. Amyatt on the absurd mission about jirivate trade.

Meer Cossim, aware that he had placed himself beyond the pale of mercy, (lid not await the arrival of the British at Patna, but hastened to cross the Caramnassa, which formed part of the boundary between Behar and the terri- tories of the Nabob of Oude. The garrison he left made a spirited but unavailing defence, and the town was taken by stown on tiie Hth of November. Thouo-h there was now little hope of overtaking the blood-stained fugitive, the pursuit was continued ; and the British army, early in December, encamped on the banks of the Caramnassa in order to watch the motions of Meer Cossim, who had assumed a more formidable appearance than ever in consequence of having


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 /

078 HISTORY OF INDIA. [Book III.

AD. 17C4. formed a junction with the Emperor Shah Ahjm and Sujali Dowlah, the Nabob

of Oude, who, as has been already mentioned, had been appointed Ijis vizier.

lunctionof When he crossed the river they were both at AUahaVjad preparing for an

sim with expedition against Bundelcund. They received liim with all the respect due to

peroTmi.i ''i^ rank as nabob, and promised him their assistance to recover the provinces

Nabob of fj-oni which lie represented himself as most unjustly expelled. To show that he

was not undeserving of their assistance, he volunteered to head the expedition

against Bundelcund with his own troops, and was so successful that his new

confederates were impressed with a favourable opinion of his cause, and

declared their determination to unite as soon as the season would admit in a

common invasion of Bengal.

The presidency, notwithstanding the successes which had attended their arms, were by no means free from apprehension. Meer Jaffier's name carried no weight with it, and they found themselves involved in a war which mere distance made difficult and expensive, and which, if permitted to spread, might soon extend over the greater part of Northern India. They were therefore extremely urgent that Major Carnac, who had again been appointed to the chief command, should at once assume the aggressive, or at all events maintain the advanced position which had been taken up. Unfortunately, it seemed to him impracticable to do either. His troops were disaffected. They thought that Mutinous their previous services had not been sufficiently rewarded, and had been worked Smpany's^ upou by cmissarics of the enemy, who succeeded in convincing not a few that ''™^' the most effectual way of bettering their circumstances would be by changing masters. Desertion, accordingly, became alarmingly frequent; and when the enemy began to advance, Carnac, afraid to risk the encounter, retired upon Patna. The enemy followed, in hope of interposing between him and the toAvn ; and when they failed, came up boldly in front of the walls under which he was encamped, and offered him battle. However unwilling he might be, it was scarcely in his power to decline it. On the morning of the 13th of May, the enemy commenced with a cannonade, and under cover of it made a general attack, wlilch was kept up with great spirit, and was not finally repulsed till evening began to close. The British, thus far victorious, were unable to derive any advan- tage from their victory ; while the enemj', instead of retiring, kept hovering about, watching an opportunity to repeat their attack.

Durino- the continuance of this unsatisfactory state of matters, negotiations were repeatedly attempted. Carnac. as a preliminary, demanded the delivery of Meer Cossim and Sumroo. The vizier not only refused, but demanded the Attempted ccssion of the whole province of Behar. Between parties entertaining such nego la ions, ^^^^^^gj^g vicws, there could be no agreement, and yet the semblance of nego- tiating was kept up for several weeks. The only thing gained was time, and this was of considerable importance, for in the interval the difficulty of maintain- ing an army in the field had greatly increased ; and the emperor and his vizier


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 CiiAr XI I] MUTINY OF SEPOYS SUPPRESSED. 679

becoming suspicious of each other's good faith, betrayed a willingness to treat a.u. 1:04 separately. The emperor, in particular, offered to enter into regular alliance with the Company. It became unnecessary to make a Unal choice between these overtures before the confederacy Wiis broken up, by the sudden departure of the vizier, who, alarmed for the safety of his own territories, threatened by a sti-ong detachment which Carnac had sent across the Ganges, hastened off" to defend them.

Major Carnac was succeeded by Major Hector Monro, wlio arrived with a Monro reinforcement which he brought by sea from Bombay. He found the mutinous cannu: n» spirit wiiich had crippled his predecessor's operations .still prevalent. On the inulBf"'""^ very day of his arrival, a whole battalion of sepoys set off" with their arms and accoutrements to join the enemy. A body of troops sent in pursuit, came u[)on them while asleep, and brought them back as prisoners. It was absolutely neces- sary to make an example, and Monro was determined that it .should be of a kind sufficient to strike terror. Having picked out twenty-four who were understood to be the most criminal of the mutineers, he brought them before a com't-martial of native officers, who found them guilty, and sentenced them to any kind of death the commander should appoint. He immediately ordered that four of them should be blown away from guns. When they were tied up for this pur- pose, four gi-enadiers who had been condemned, stepped forward and requested that, as they had always had the post of honour, they should be the first to suffer. This extraordinary precedence was allowed them. After they had suff'ered, the sepoys intimated tlirough their European officers that they would not allow any more to be executed. Monro was not to be thus deterred. After nis firmne««

. IT /« '" quelling

loading the field-pieces with grape, and ])lacing them at intervals m the line of mutiny. p]uropeans, he ordered the sepoys to ground their arms, intimating that, on the least symptom of refiLsal, he would order the artillery to fire upon them. They were completely overawed, and looked on without a murmur, while sixteen more were blown from the guns. Four remained, but with no intention to respite them, for they were immediately sent off" to another cantonment, where, from the frequency of desertion from it, it appeared that the example of an execution was particularly required.

The mutinous spirit being thus quelled, Monro brought the troops out of cantonments as soon as the cessation of the rains permitted, and on the 1 5th of September commenced his march westward at the head of an army consisting of n^ victi.r>- 857 Europeans, 5297 sepoys, and 918 native cavalry. 111 all /0/2 men, with twenty field-pieces. After encountering some resistance at the passage of the Sone, where some breastworks had been thrown up, and suff'ering considerable annoj'ance from cavalry which hung on his line of march, he arrived on the 22d of October at the town and fort of Buxar, situated on the right bank of the Ganges, nearly equidistant between Patna and Benares. Here the Vizier Sujah Dovvlah and Meer Co.ssim were occupying an entrenched camp, with an army


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 //

G80

llLSTUliV OF INDIA

[Book III.

Monro's victory cat Huxar.

AD. iMi. estimated variously from 10,000 to 00,000 men. "Their po.sitioii, having the Ganges on tlie left and Buxar in the rear, was strong, but wnfident in their numbers they disdained to act on the defensive, and on the morning of the 2.Sd were seen advancing to the attack. Monro's intention to surprise the camj) during the previous niglit had been frustrated by tlie failure of the spies whom he had sent out to return with the necessary information, and he had now no option but to fight in open day on ground which the enemy had chosen. The battle lasted three hours, and appears to have been stoutly contested, for even after the enemy saw themselves defeated they retired slowly in.stead of breaking into a tumultuous flight. Their greatest loss was sustained at the crossing of a stream, over which there was a bridge of boats. The vizier seeing the British in close pursuit ordered the bridge to be broken down. About 2000 of his troops thus left behind were drowned or slain. This order to destroy the bridge was, in the opinion of Major Monro, the best piece of generalship which Sujah Dowlah showed that day. But for it, he said, " I would either have taken or drowned his whole army in the Caramnassa, and come up with his treasure and jewels, and Cossim Ali Khan's jewels, which, I was informed, amounted to be- tween £2,000,000 and £3,000,000." Besides the 2000 who perished at the bridge, the enemy lost other 2000 in the field of battle, together with 130 pieces of cannon. The British loss was also severe, amounting in killed and wounded to 847, or rather more than a ninth of their whole force.

The victory of Buxar was immediately followed by overtures of peace both from the emperor and Sujah Dowlah. The former, indeed, was so far reduced in his fortunes that he scarcely ventured to assume the character of an inde- pendent prince, and offered to submit to any terms that might be dictated to him. The only return he asked was protection against his own vizier, who, he complained, was treating him as a state prisoner. The British commander having no authority to treat, wrote to Calcutta for instructions, but so deter- mined was the emperor to escape from the thraldom in wdiich he was held, that in the interval before the instmctions arrived he kept close to the British army, and every night encamped for safety as near them as he could. At last, when a favourable answer arrived from Calcutta, the protection which he had previ- ously enjoyed on mere sufferance was regularly granted, and he was recognized as no longer the enemy but the ally of the Company.

Sujah Dowlah was equally anxious for the cessation of hostilities, and offered to purchase it by paying twenty-five lacs of rupees as the expenses of the war, twenty-five lacs to the army, and eight lacs to the commander. One indis- pensable requisite was still wanting — the delivery of Meer Cossim and Sumroo. To this Sujah Dowlah still refused his assent. He seemed to be influenced in his refusal by a feehng of honour, and yet this could hardly be, for at this very time, Meer Cossim, so far from being treated with the hospitality due to a guest, was suffering the greatest indignity, and had almost been reduced to beggary

Submission of the emperor.

The Nabob of Oude offers to treat.


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 CUAV. XII.]

ATTEMPT ON CHUNAR.

681

by extortion and the violent seizure of his treasures. In regard to Sumroo, ad. i764. scruples of honour were not even pretended. Tlie reason assigned for not delivering him was, that being at the head of the battalions of sepox's he was his The negoun-

_ . . tions with

own master, and would resist any attempt to make him a prisoner. The true sujah reason was different. Sumroo, on finding that Meer Cossim was no longer able broke'u'ofl. to be his paymaster, had abandoned him, and was now with his sepoys enlisted in the vizier's service. He was, therefore, unwilling to part with him. At length, however, on finding that the delivery of him was still insisted on as an indispensable pi'eliminary to the conclusion of a treaty, he endeavoured to effect a singular compromise by proposing that, instead of being delivered up, he should be assassinated. The plan was to give an entertainment, and murder him in the midst of its festivities. To make sure of the right man, deputies from the English camp who knew Sumroo's person were to be present and witness the death. It is almost unnecessaiy to say that the proposed compro- mise was at once rejected, and the negotiation was broken off

At the commencement of the necrotiation, the British aiiny had advanced to Fa>i""of

° "^ _ attempt ou

Benares. On its termination it resumed its march in the direction of Allahabad, cinmar. At the same time a strong detachment was .sent into the territories of Oude proper, and succeeded in effect-

ing

■^awe'

Fort ok Chin akohuk— Fmm an original drawing, by Capt. U. Smith, ■)4th Regt.

the capture of Lucknow, the capital. Anotiier enterprise un- dertaken by the main anny was less success- ful. The strong fort of Chunar, or Chunar- ghur, situated on the right bank of the Ganges, lay so near the line of march that it was deemed imprudent to leave it behind in the enemy's possession. Its site was a sandstone rock, rising abruptly from the river to the height of 104; feet, and continuing to ascend till it reached the height of UG feet. The whole area, inclose.l 1)y a rampart, measured 750 yards in length by 300 in breadth. It was supposed that, notwithstanding the strength of its position and its fortifications, it might be carried by a night attack. The attempt was made and failed ; but the place was subsequently carried after a regular breach had been effected. A still more important success was obtained by the capture of Allahabad, which, though strongly fortified, made only a feeble resistance. The emjieror, still excluded from Delhi, immediately took up his residence in Allahabad, which, with a considerable tract of surrounding country, had been guaranteed Vol. I. 86


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 (5^2 IILSTORV OK INDIA. [Book IFI

A i>. 17G5. to hiiri by a treaty which the presidency had concluded with hirn in name of

the Company. Tiii« was only a first instalment of a much more extensive

Territories guarantee, for he was ultimately to be put in posse.ssion of the whole terri-

granted to ,

ti.eeraperor torics of Sujali Dovvlal), liis latc vizier, with whom he was now openly at war.

The presidency, however, had, in giving this guarantee, undertaken more than their superiors would allow them to perform, and the part of the treaty relating to the other territories was destined, as will be seen, to become a dead letter.

During these transactions, another event, fraught with more important con- sequences, had taken place. Meer Jaffier, after his restoration to the musnud_ had accompanied the army, and remained the reluctant spectator of a war which he would willingly have terminated by a cession of territory or any other sacri- fice. His treasury was as empty as ever, and in addition to war expen.ses at the rate of five lacs a month, he had not only heavy arrears to the Company to discharge, but was pestered by their servants with indefinite demands of com- Death of pensation for losses. In his eagerness to resume a throne which it would have

Meer Jaffier. "^ _ _ °

been his wisdom to decline, he had agi'eed to this so-called compensation, which consisted for the most part of imaginary claims of damage for the stoppage of private trade. This compensation, when he agreed to it, was estimated at ten lacs, but continued mounting up, till at last it exceeded more than five times the original estimate. In the hope of more readily obtaining pa^Tnent, the council brought the old nabob down to Calcutta, where the constant irritation in which he was kept brought on a serious illness. It proved fatal ; for, after languishing a few weeks, he was with difficulty removed to Moorshedabad, and died there in the beginning of February, 1765.

The question of succession remained to be settled, and was immediately taken up by the presidency, who, having the power of nomination completely in their hands, saw many reasons for proceeding without delay to exercise it. .< Appoint- -jij^Q only individuals who could be regarded as rival claimants were Meer

ment of Ins "^ "^

saccessor. Jafficr's cldcst Surviving son, Nujum-ud-Dowlah, and a gTandson by bis eldest son Meerun. Both of them were illegitimate, and therefore without any valid legal title. Had they been legitimate, the better title was in Nujum-ud-Dowlah according to the Mahometan law, which, in.stead of continuing the succession by representation, always prefers a surviving son to a grandson. In another i-espect Nujum-ud-Dowlah was preferable. He was about twenty, while Meerun's son was only a boy of about six years of age. This difference, indeed, was of little consequence, as the nabob was in future to be a mere puppet, while all power was to centre in the Company. Such being the real object, something might have been gained by appointing a nabob who was incapable of acting from nonage. This, however, was counterbalanced by a serious disadvantage. An infant nabob could hardly be supposed capable of making presents, and yet it may be affirmed, without any breach of charity, that on these presents the nabob-makers of Calcutta were far more intent than on the interests of their


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Chap. XII.] OLIVE'S RECEPTION IN ENGLAND. G83

employers. The fact is undeniable ; for at the very time when Mr. Spencer, who ad. itoj

liad succeeded Mr. Vartsittart as governor, and his council shared among them so-called presents to the amount of £139,357 for raising Nujum-ud-Dowluh to sordid oon the musnud, new covenants interdicting the servants of the Company from re- "comi.;uiy'» ceiving presents had been sent out by the court of directors, and were l}ing '^'■■'*"^- unexecuted on the council table. Private trade also had been interdicted ; but in regard to it the authority of the directors was in like manner defied, and the new nabob was expressly taken bound to leave the private trade on its old footing. In the other arrangements, the interests of the Company not running counter to those of their servants were more carefullj' attended to, and the v^hole powers of government, civil and military, were transferred to them. They were to undertake the whole defence of the country, employing for that purpose the revenues of the assigned districts of Burdwan, Midnapore, and Chittagong, together with five lacs of inipees to be paid monthly by the nabob from other sources ; and were to have a complete control over the whole civil administration by means of a deputy nabob, or naib-subah, whom the nabob bound himself to appoint by their advice, and not to dismiss without their sanction. This deputy, invested with the whole executive authority, was in fact the real nabob. Nujum-ud-Dowlah, aware of this, was extremely anxious to appoint Nuncomar, a Hindoo, whom we have already seen supplanting iiis patron Roydullub by i series of intrigues. He had possessed and abused the confidence of Meer Jaffier, and acquired an unbounded influence over Nujum-ud-Dowlah, whom he hoped to employ as the instniment of his villainy ; but the presidency, thoroughly acquainted with his character, refused to ratify his appointment, and succeeded in securing it for Mahomed Reza Khan, who was in every respect far better entitled to it.

The leading events which took place after Clive's departure from India having ciive'g re been traced, it will now be necessary to follow him to England, and attend to EugUnd. the transactions in which he was there taking a prominent part. The time of his arrival was most opportune for his fame. Disaster had everywhere been following the British arms, and India wjis the only quai-ter in which the national pride could find any gratification. His achievements there were consequently magnified even beyond their deserts, and all classes vied in doing him honour. He was not indisposed to turn this tide of favour to account, but an attack of illness so severe that " for twelve months," to use his own language, " it was difficult to pronounce whether he was to live or die," frustrated many of his intentions, and even deprived him of a part of the reward which he thought due to his merit. In a letter to Major Carnac he says, " If health had not deserted me on my first arrival in England, in all probability I had been an Englisii peer, instead of an Irish one, with the promise of a red riband. I know I could have bought the title (which is usual), but that I was above, and the honoui-s I have obtained are free and voluntary. My wishes may hereafter be accomplished."


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 f

1

684 Ill.SJOltV <Jf INDIA. [ho(,K III.

A.D. 1763. His ambition, it thus appears, was not satisfied; and lie had the mortification to see the ministry through wliom iie anticipated higher advancement dispkiced. DiBsatisfac- He was the more disconcerted because his interest at court and in parhament, ouve. which he had riedulously laboured to establisii, failed him at the very time when he was confidently calculating upon it to defeat an attack which had been darkly threatened by the court of directors. Though the proceeds of his jaghire had been regularly paid by the Bengal presidency to his agents in India, the directors, who were suffering under gi'eat pecuniary embarrassment, felt much dissatisfied, and Mr. Sullivan, the chairman, gave him to understand that the secret committee wouM communicate with him on the subject. He himself seems not to have been without misgivings, and for some time pursued a course which displayed none of his characteristic fearlessness, and was in fact more prudential than chivalrous. In a letter to Mr. Amyatt he says, " My friends advise me to do nothing to exasperate them (the directors), if they are silent as to my jaghire. Indeed, it is an object of .such importance that I should be inex- cusable if I did not make every other consideration give way to it ; and this is one of the reasons why I cannot join openly with the Bengal gentlemen in their resentments. It depends upon you, my friend, to make me a free man, by getting this grant confirmed from Dellii, and getting such an acknowledgment from under the hands of the old nabob and the new nabob, as may enable me to put all our enemies at defiance." His anxiety It is painful to see such a man as Clive reduced to the necessity of gagging jaghire. himsclf, and confessing that he could not act as a "free man," because he was afraid of giving offence which might prove injurious to his pecuniary interests. The worst of it is, that he seems unconscious of the degradation which he was thus voluntarily imposing upon himself, and hence again and again brings it under tiie notice of his correspondents as if it were a matter of which he had not the least cause to be ashamed. In a letter to Mr. Pybus, of Madras, after describing Sullivan as " the reigning director," and as " keeping every one out of the direction who is endowed with more knowledge, or would be likely to have more weight and influence than himself," he continues thus: "This kind of political behaviour has exasperated most of the gentlemen who are lately come from India, particularly those from Bengal They are surprised I do not join in their resentments ; and I should think it very surprising if I did, considering I have such an immense stake in India. My future power, my future gi-andeur, all depend upon the receipt of the jaghire money. I should be a madman to set at defiance those who at present show no inclination to hurt me." He was thu.s, according to his own confession, acting in a public matter from a selfish and sordid motive. Peace on such terms was at best a hollow truce ; and accord- ingly, no sooner was Clive convinced that the dominant party in the court of directors might be turned out, than he declared open war against it. In order to influence the election of 17G3 he manufactured an enormous number of votes.


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 Chap. Xll.J OPPOSITION TO CLIVE. t585

The (qualification was then £500, and he employed £100,000 in this very (lis- a. d. ires, creditable manoeuvre. The other party, backed by the Bute ministry, to which Clive was opposed, were equally unscrupulous, and scenes of the most scandalous cuveand nature were exhibited. At the meetings ot tlie general courts oi proprietors a minority Clive's party had so decided a majority that he considered the victory as gained. ^t"india He had entirely miscalculated. Sullivan, supported by all the influence of "°"** government, and by the great body of proprietors, who had established an influ- ence with the existing directors, and were eagerly waiting for the fulfilment of promises which had been made to them, carried his list by a triumphant majority.

Clive, being thus defeated in a contest in which he ought never to have engaged, was not left long in doubt as to the course which his opi)onents meant to pursue. One of the first uses which they made of their victory was to transmit orders to the Bengal presidency to stop all further payments on account of Lord Clive's jaghire, and furnish an account of all the payments pre- viously made. There was much indecent haste and vindictiveness in this pro- His rigi.t t4) ceeding ; but what else was to be expected from the victors in a contest in which ,iiBi)ute.i. the combatants on both sides had from the first shown that they were not to be restrained by any ordinary scruples? Clive felt, or affected to feel astonishment at the harsh measure dealt out to him by the directors, and immediately took the only remedy which seemed open to him, by instituting a suit in Chancery. It would be painful to dwell on the proceedings, and fortunately it is not neces- sary, as the merits of the case were never judicially investigated, and it was taken out of court by a compromise. The intelligence of the massacre at Patna, of the violent dissensions in the council at Calcutta, and of the commencement of a war, of which it was impossible to foretell the issue, put a sudden end to all the petty squabblings among the directors, and was followed by a loud and general call for Clive's return to India. As he had founded the British empire there, so he was regarded as the only man capable of saving it from the destruc- tion with which it was threatened. Clive had it now in his power to make his own terms; and, tiiough he cannot be charged with taking an undue ad- vantage of his position, he certainly showed his determination not to yield a single point which he deemed of importance.

The first question which called for settlement was that of tlie jaghire. The general court of proprietors would at once have set it at rest, by deciding it entirely in his favour; but he thought it unbecoming to dispose of a grave (piestion of law by a resolution proposed and carried in a moment of excitement, and he therefore begged delay, that he might be able to submit a propo.sal which Discu-ssiun he trusted would lead to an amicable adjustment. The question of appointment reaj,poii,t was not settled without a keen and even doubtful contest. No fewer tlian four 'i"X*" general courts were held on the subject. The two first were principally occu- pied with preliminary matters. At the third the subject was brought formally


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80 there will therefore be the double number of this of stadii which the Sun is distant from the Moon, viz. 11,088,260. But the Sun is distant from the Earth 16,632,390 stadii; and Venus is likewise distant from the Sun 16,632,390 stadii, but from the Earth 33,264,780 stadii; and Mercury is distant from Venus 22,176,520 stadii, but from Earth 55,441,300 stadii; and Mars is distant from Mercury 49,897,170 stadii, and from Earth 105,338,470 stadii; and Jupiter is distant from Mars 44,353,040 stadii, but from Earth 149,691,510 stadii; Saturn is distant from Jupiter 149,691,510 stadii, but from Earth 299,383,020 stadii.

Who will not feel astonishment at the exertion of so much deep thought with so much toil? This Ptolemy, however—a careful investigator of these matters—does not seem to me to be useless; but only this grieves [one], that being recently born, he could not be of service to the sons of the giants, who, being ignorant of these measures, and supposing that the heights of heaven were near, endeavoured in vain to construct a tower. And so, if at that time he were present to explain to them these measures, they would not have made the daring attempt ineffectually. But if any one profess not to have confidence in this [astronomer's calculations], let him by measuring be persuaded [of their accuracy]; for in reference to those incredulous on the point, one cannot have a more manifest proof than this. O, pride of vain-toiling soul, and incredible belief, that Ptolemy should be considered preeminently wise among those who have cultivated similar wisdom!

Certain, adhering partly to these, as if having propounded great conclusions, and supposed things worthy of reason, have


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 (J.SG

ULSTUIIY UF ISbLV

[Book HI.

A.D. 1761.

Clive reappoiutetl.

Want of cordiality between Clive and the lUrectors.

Agreement as to the jaghire.

under discussion by a motion that the nomination of Mr. Spencer as governor of Bengal should be referred back to the court of directors for their re-consider- ation. The object of the motion, of coui-se, was to cancel the nomination, and thus prepare the way for Lord Olive's appointment. But, after a warm debate, it was lost by a majority of 184; to 141. The Clive party, thus defeated, pre- pared for a new struggle by a wholesale manufacture of votes ; and at a subse- quent meeting, held on the 12th of March, 1701, carried the following resolu- tion: — "That it was the desire of the general court that Lord Clive be requested to take upon him the station of president of Bengal and the command of the Company's military forces, upon his arrival at that presidency."

The directors having no alternative but to make an appointment which they would most willingly have resisted, contented themselves with instructing their ' secretary to send Clive a letter inclosing a copy of the above resolution, and informing him of their readiness to provide for his passage in the manner that might be most convenient for him. His answer was equally laconic. " I have received your letter inclosing copy of the last resolution of the general court. I must desire you will return the directors my thanks for their offers of preparing every convenience for my passage." While such feelings existed, cordial co-ope- ration was impossible; and therefore Clive was right when, at a subsequent general court, held on the 21st of March, he declined to declare his acceptance of the appointment till the issue of the approaching election of directors was known. He made no secret of his motives. It was his positive determination not again to enter the service of the Company while Mr. Sullivan filled the chair, for "it would be in vain for him to exert himself as he ought in the office of governor and commander-in-chief of their forces, if his measures were to be thwarted and condemned at home, as they probably would be, by a court of directors, under the influence of a chairman, whose conduct upon man}' occasions had evinced his ignorance of East India affairs, and who was also known to be his personal and inveterate enemy." The election which was thus to decide the whole matter proved fiivourable to Clive's supporter.s. Both the chau-man and deputy were his friends ; and Sullivan was run so closely, that he cari'ied his seat in the direction by only a single vote. All obstacles were now removed, and Clive's acceptance was immediately declared. The lawsuit as to the jag- hire was also arranged in terms of a compromise which Clive himself proposed, and by which the Company engaged to pay him the quit-rent for ten yeai-s, or during his life, if he should not live so long. What was to become of it after- wards does not appear to have been openly declared, but the understanding was, that the Company, who had previously farmed out the lands included imder the jaghire at £100,000, while their quit-rent fell short of £30,000, were, in the event of Clive's death, to be absolute proprietors.

At the time of Clive's reappointment, afftiirs in Bengal were understood to have fallen into such disorder, that it would be necessary to make his powers


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 Chap. XII. J PKIVATE TllADINCi INTKRDKTKI). GST

almost absolute. His own suggestion was, that he should be intrusted with " a ad. itim. dispensing power in the civil and political affairs," that is, as he him.self explains it, " that whensoever I may think proper to take any resolution entirely upon rowers myself, that resolution is to take place." The directors did not confer these oucuve. absolute powers, at least in the form in which he asked them ; but they did wliat was almost equivalent to it, by making him the head of a select committee, consisting, besides himself, of four individuals, appointed on his recommendation, and made so far independent of the council, as to be empowered to act whenever they judged proper without consulting it. Two of the members of the com- mittee, Mes.srs. Sumner and Sykes, accompanied Clive fi"om England ; the others, General Carnac and Mr. Verelst, were already in India. Among other arrange- ments to which an understanding was come, the most important related to the private trade, and to the receiving of presents. In February, iTG-i, while the old directors were still in office, they had taken up the former subject and dis- posed of it greatly to their credit, by the following passage in their general letter to the Bengal presidency: — " One grand source of the disputes, misunder- standings, and difficulties, which have occurred with the country government, appears evidently to have taken its rise from the unwarrantable and licentious manner of carrying on the private trade by the Company's servants, their gomastaks, agents, and others, to the prejudice of the subah, both with respect, to his authority and the revenues justly due to him; the diverting and taking from his natural subjects, the trade in the inland part of the country, to which neither we, nor any other persons whatsoever dependent upon u.s, or under our protection, have any manner of right. In order, therefore, to renied}' all these disorders, we do hereby positively order and direct, that, from the receipt of this letter, a final and effectual end be forthwith put to the inland trade in salt, betel-nut, tobacco, and all other articles whatsoever, produced and consumed in the country." This interdict on private trade was fully ap- Privaietra.i proved by Clive, who, in a letter addressed to the directors, 27th April, Gi, .lictedton... thus expressed himself: — "Strict and impartial justice should ever be observed; ^r^uTta" but let that justice come from ourselves. The trade, therefore, of salt, betel, and tobacco having been one cause of the present disputes, I hope these articles will be restored to the nabob, and your servants absolutely forbid to trade in them. This will be striking at the root of the evil." Unfortunately, these enlightened and disinterested views did not find favour with the general court of proprietors, who, in a meeting held 18th May, adopted the following reso- lution: — "That it be recommended to the court of directors to reconsider the orders sent to Bengal, I'elative to the trade of the Company's servants in the articles of salt, betel, and tobacco, and that they do give such directions for regulating the same, agreeable to the interests of the Company and the subah, as to them may appear most prudent, either by settling here at home the restric- tions under which this trade ought to be carried on, or by referring it to the


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 //

bys

ilLSTOJiY Oh' INDIA.

[Book JIJ.

A.U. 1765.

Rflj;nl.'ition9 rcginliiig private tradint; and presents.

Olive's outward voyage.

His fir.st proceedings at Calcutta.

governor and council of Fort William, to regulate this important point in sudi a manner as may prevent all further disputes between the subaii and the Com- pany." In consequence of this recommendation, the previous orders of the directors were modified, and it was left to the governor and council, after " consulting the nabob, to form a jn-oper and equitable plan for carrying on the inland trade." On the subject of presents the orders of the directiji-s were more peremptory, and new covenants, dated May, 1704, were sent out to be executed by all servants, civil and military, of the Company, binding tiiem to pay to the Company all presents received from natives, if the amount exceeded 4000 rupees, and not to accept of any present exceeding 1000 rupees in value without the consent of the presidency.

Clive sailed from England on the 4th of June, 1704, and had so tedious a passage that he did not reach Madras till the 10th of April, 1765. Here he learned, for the first time, that the war in Bengal had been brought to a conclu- sion, and that the terms of peace were so completely in the power of the Com- pany, that it was "scarcely hyperbole to say, To-morrow the whole Mogul empire is in our power." In the same letter, written privately to Mr. Rous, chairman of the court, seven days after his arrival at Madras, he added, "We must become nabobs ourselves in fact, if not in name, perhaps totally so without di.sguise, but on this subject I cannot be certain tiU my arrival in Bengal." At this time, though he knew of Meer Jaffier's death, he was not aware of the steps which had been taken to appoint a successor ; but he was so satisfied thai the Company was about to enter on a new course of prosperity, which would greatly advance the value of its stock, that he wrote on the same day to his agent in London, desiring that whatever money he had in the public funds, or anywhere else, and as much as could be borrowed in his name, should be, " without loss of a minute, invested in East India stock."

Clive arrived in Calcutta on the 3d of May, and lost no time in commencing the exercise of his extraordinary powers. Some of the members of council, conscious of the awkward position in which they stood, were disposed to take advantage of some ambiguous expressions which occurred in the commission to the select committee, and to put their own interpretation upon them ; but Clive denied their right even to inquire, and gave them to understand that it would be full time to give their opinion when the select committee judged it necessary to ask it. By taking this high ground he intimidated the boldest of his opponents, though he at the same time provoked a hostility which afterwards followed him to England, and subjected him to imputations and insults which his proud spirit proved unable to endure. Difiiculties, however, so far from deterring him, only stimulated him to exertion. " I was determined," as he afterwards expressed it, " to do my duty to the public, though I should incur the odium of the whole settlement. The welfore of the Company required a vigorous exertion, and I took the resolution of cleansing the Augean stable."


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 Chap. XII.] PROHIBITION OF PRESENTS. 68i)

This opprobrious epithet is by no means inappropriate ; for in every class of the a.d. ives. Company's servants, from the highest to the lowest, the great actuating prin- ciple was avarice, manifested without any regard to decency, and in the form comiiaions most insulting and oppressive to the native population. It is impo.ssible, how- t„,„','!ai.y« ever, to forget how much of the corruption might have been traced to the bad "*"""**■ example which Clive himself had set, and there is therefore something painfully incongruous in the high-flown style which he sometimes employs. Thus, in a letter written to General Carnac, three days after he had entered upon office, he says, " To-morrow we sit in committee, when I make no doubt of discover- ing such a scene as will bo shocking to human nature. The council," he adds, " have all received immense sums for this new appointment (of a nabob), and are so shameless as to own it publicly. Hence we can account for the motive of paying so little respect to me and the committee ;" and then, warming as he proceeds, breaks out into the following exclamation: — "Ala.s! how is the English name sunk ' I could not avoid pajdng the tribute of a few tears to the < leparted and lost fame of the Briti.sh nation (irrecoverably so, I fear). However, I do declare, by that Great Being who is the searcher of all hearts, and to whom we must be accountable, if there must be an hereafter, that I am come out with a mind superior to all corruption, and that T am determined to destroy those great and growing evils, or perish in the attempt.' The cutting retort to which he laid himself open in using this language seems never to have occurred to him.

The covenants which interdicted all the servants of the Company from Attempt to accepting presents had arrived in the previous January, some weeks before the death of Meer Jaffier, and consequently were in possession of the council when they set them at defiance, by taking presents on the succession of Nujum-ud- Dowlah. They had endeavoured to evade the obligation by the very bold but Himsy device of allowing the covenants to remain unexecuted. When ques- tioned on the subject, they hypocritically pretended that their a]>parent contempt of authority was, in fact, an act of deference to it, for the signing of the cove- nants was a matter of so much consequence that they could not think of settling anything final about them till Lord Clive's arrival. That this ludicrous excuse miijht no longer avail, one of the first resolutions of the select committee was that " the covenants be executed innnediately." When this resolution was read to the council they argued strenuously for delay, and only yielded on being told that the only alternative was to sign or be suspended the service. It is not unworthy of notice that when the covenants were afterwtirds trans- mitted to the army for signature, General Carnac, though commander-in-chief, and a member of the select committee, refused. It was, however, on special grounds. He had received a present of 80,000 rupees from Bulwant Sing, Rajah of Benares. The covenants bore a date antecedent to that of the present ; but, as he was not aware of their existence, he refused to sign till the date was altered, so as not to lay him open to the charge of having violated them. Vol. I. 87

covenauts

.'IgHiMft

l)rc8eiits.


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 ///

690

111ST(JRY OF INDIA.

[Book III.

Presents received by General Carnac.

A.D, 1765. Another present to a much larger amount, given him by Shah Alum, who.se necessitous circumstances must have made it verv inconvenient, was bestowed after he had received notice of the covenants. The sum was two lacs of rupees, equal, according to the rate of exchange at the time, to £23,333; making, with the previous present from Bulwant Sing, a total of £32,000, The latter present was so clearly illegal that Carnac accepted it, subject to the approval of the directors, and in the meantime lodged it in the treasury of the presidency To sanction such a present, at the very time when the signature of the cove- nants was enforced under the penalty of suspension from the service, was to establish a very extraordinary precedent ; and yet, in such different lights does the same thing appear, according as personal predilections are affected by it, that Clive strenuously supported the present in the following terms : — " I shall only say that Carnac has acted with such moderation and honour in the service of the Company, and with such good deference and attention towards his majesty the Great Mogul, that the directors must be the most ungrateful of men, if they do not by the return of this ship, or the first conveyance, order him this mone}', with a due encomium on his services, disinterestedness, and modesty." Truly, if Carnac, after pocketing one present, which was only saved from illegality by an accident, and hankering after another which was clearly illegal, and which the directors could not sanction without stultifying themselves, deserved such an encomium, Clive should not have boasted much of " cleansinor the Aucjean stable." In regard to the private trade, the regulations adopted were by no means such as might have been anticipated from the views which Clive had expressed before leaving .England. At that time he considered the abolition of it necessary in order "to strike at the root of the evil," whereas he fully sanc- tioned, if he did not actually originate a scheme by which the present trade, instead of being thrown open to all the inhabitants on equal teims, was con- verted, at least in three of its leading articles, into a rigorous monopoly in favour of the Company's servants. The scheme is said to have been rendered expedient in consequence of a most important change which took place at this time in the circumstances of the Company, and it is therefore only fair before judging of it to have this change fully in view. Treaty with The Empcror Shah Alum had, as we have seen, thrown himself on British the emperor projection, and entered into a treaty, in which the most important stipulations in his favour were that he should immediately be put in possession of Allahabad, and assisted in conquering all the territories which belonged to the Nabob of Oude. This was a very serious undertaking, though there seemed httle reason to doubt that the army which had already achieved so many successes would be able to accomplish it. The nabob, however, was determined not to yield with- out a struggle, and endeavoured to repair the disaster at Buxar, by forming alliances with Ghazi-u-din, the vizier (who, after murdering Alumgeer, usurped possession of the districts around Deliii), with certain of the Rohilla chiefs, and


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 into II more ptiiisiouary.

Chai'. XII.] THE NABOB OF BENGAL PENSIONED. 0!)1

with a body of Mahratt<as. This confederacy was far more formidable in appear- a d. ncs. ance than in reality. The members, pursuing se[)ai-ate ends, had no common interest, and rendered their promised aid so tardily and so feebly that the riie Nabob nabob's affairs became desperate. As a last resource he recurred to negotiation, l,„,'".iioa and was delighted to find that he could obtain liberal terms. The impolicy of ^"'"'^"tiate- the treaty which had been made with the emperor had become apparent, and it was determined to modify, or if necessary set aside its most important provi- sions. At last, after long hesitation, it had been resolved to accept of the dewannee of the three provinces of Bengal, Behar, and Orissa, and thus by transferring the collection of the revenues as well as the military defence of the country to the Company, put an end to the possibility of future collision with the nabob.

The accomplishment of this important work was reserved for Clive, who wa.s The xaimb the first to suggest it, and had repeatedly explained the grounds on which he converts was convinced that it must sooner or later become absolutely necessary. On the 24!th of June Clive left Calcutta on this important mission, and proceeded first to Moorshedabad, where he obtained the consent of Nujum-ud-Dowlah to several important modifications in the treaty made with him when he was raised to the musnud. He would fain have placed himself under the guidance of Nuncomar, and was greatly dissatisfied that Mahomed Reza Khan had been forced upon him as deputy or naib-soubah. Without yielding to his complaints, advantage was taken of them to limit the exorbitant power of Reza Khan, by jissociating with him as colleagues the old dewan Roydullub, and tiie banker Juggut Seat, and at the same time exercising a vigilant superintendence over all the three, by means of a British resident. This, however, was only prelimi- nary to a still greater change. Under the treaty the military defence of the country was undertaken by the Company, who obtained for that purpose a per- manent assignment of the districts of Burdwan, Midnapore, and Chittagong. With this im})ortant exception, all the other revenues belonged to the nabob, who levied them in his own name, and for his own behoof, under deduction of the annual tribute payable to the Mogul. By the new arrangement tlie nabob was converted into a mere pensionary, and, instead of drawing an indefinite revenue, was restricted to an annual pension of fifty lacs of rupees. In future this was to be his only interest in the revenue, and he was to receive it not directly from the collectors, but at second hand from the Company, who in con- sequence became his paymasters. There cannot be a doul)t that the nabob would gladly have escaped from the degrading conditions thus imposed upon liini. Resistance, however, was out of the question, and unreserved compliance was his only alternative. The transaction which made the Company ab.solute mas- ters, of the three provinces of Bengal, Behar. and Oris.sawas now completed, but a ratification was still deemed necessary.

Low as the fortunes of the Mogul had fallen he was still nominally supreme, and continued to be appealed to as the valid disposer of kingdoms, long after he


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 G92

HISTORY OF IM>IA.

[Book JJI

A D. 1765.

Olive's vi»it to Allahabad.

had ceased to liave any real authority within tiiern. It wa.s desirable, therefore, that the Company, in apjjropriating the whole civil and military power of the three provinces, should obtain his sanction. In this there was little difficulty, as he had voluntarily offered, when he threw himself on their protection, to comply with any terms which they might be pleased to dictate. Clive accord- ingly after accomplishing liis (jliject at Moorshedabad, by reducing the nabob to the condition of a pensioner, pursued his tour in the direction of Allahaljad,

Tbe Palace, Allahabad.' — From Daiiiell's Views in India

Uib ;in- iiounceraeiil t.u Sliuh Alum.

that he might there, in conjunction with General Carnac, obtain from Shah Alum a formal sanction of the new revolution which he had just accomplished It is not to be denied that Shah Alum had good cause to complain of the treatment he received on this occasion. When he entered on possession of Allahabad and the adjoining districts, it was under a treaty which promised him the ultimate possession of all the territories which belonged to Sujah Dowlah. Instead of this he was now informed that he must rest satisfied with the small extent of territory already confei'i'ed upon him, and with the annual payment of twenty-six lacs of rupees from Bengal. Besides this tribute he had right to a jaghire in that country which yielded several lacs, and to a large amount of arrears, but when he claimed them, was simply told that he must look on all past arrangements as cancelled. In future he, too, was to be nothing more than a mere pensioner of the Company. There is something almost ludicrous in the double character which Shah Alum was thus made to assume. In the

' This palace "is now the arsenal; a brick wall has been run up between its outer colonnades, with windows of English architecture, and its curious pavilions and other accompaniments removed; and internally, whatever could not be conveniently cut away is carefully covered up with plaster and whitewash, and hid by stands for arms and deal fittings. Still its plan can be made out ; a square

hall supported by eight rows of columns, eight in each row, thus making in all sixty-four, surrounded by a deep verandah of double columns with groups of four at the angles, all surmounted by bracket capitals of the most elegant and richest design, and altogether as fine in style and as rich in ornament as anything in India." — Fergusson's Handbook of Architecture, vol. i.


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 CiiAP. XIT.

TREATMENT OF SUJAU DOWLAH.

G9o

one he is seen higgling with the representatives of the Company, and vainl}- endeavom-ing to increase the amount which they had allotted for his mainten- ance ; in the other, he assumes all the airs of an absolute sovereign, and gives away vast and populous i)rovinces by a mere stroke of the pen. It is not un- worthy of notice that, at the time when the grant of the dewannee of the three provinces, yielding a revenue estimated at from £3, 000, to £4,000,0 sterling, was obtained, Olive's jaghire was not forgotten, the reversion of it after he should have enjoyed it for ten years, or on his death, if it should sooner happen, being expressly bestowed on the Company. This reversion, it is almost unnecessary to observe, was previously included in the grant of the dewannee, and hence the only thing gained by granting it speciaUy, was to give legal effect to the arrangement respecting the jaghire, which had previously been made between Clive and the directors.

The only person who had reason to congratulate himself on the liberal treat- ment which he received was Sujah Dowlali. He had been the mo.st formidable and inveterate enemy of the Company, and had not only taken Meer Cossim and Sunn'oo under his protection, though perfectly cognizant of the horrid mas- sacres which they had i)erpetrated, but had placed himself at the head of a con- federacy avowedly leagued for the purpose of expelling the British altogether from the country. There would, there- fore, have been no injustice in carrjdng out the treaty which engaged to deprive him altogether of his territories, and transfer them to Shah Alum. Indeed, it was not justice, but policy, that dictated the more favourable terms which he received after a series of disastrous defeats had compelled him to throw himself un- conditionally on the mercy of his con querors. The Company had never been ambitious of territorial aggrandizement; and after repeatedly declining the dewannee of the three provinces, had at last accepted it, more from necessity than choice. So long as the revenues were payable to the nabob, his interests were at variance with those of the Com- pany and their agents, and misunderstandings and collisions were constantly occurring. The accejitance of the dewannee by the Company seemed the only effectual remedv, and on this oround alone it was recommended b the select committee, and at last sanctioned with some degree of reluctance by the court The great object now was to make possession safe and permanent by the fonna- tion of such a frontier as would give the best security against foreign invasion,

A D 17C6

TreiUmentof S)iali Alum l.y the

C'oIU]KlllJ.

bfJAH DowLAH. - Kiom a drnwing in iKKMcssioii of ilw Bojral AtlKlic Socittjr.

I.'lier.ll

tumis ],;niiite«l to tlio X:tlxib of Ou.lo.


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 94

HISTORY OF INDIA.

[Bo(jk 117.

Reiisons for the liberality to Siijah Uowlali.

AD. 1765. and afford the necessary leisure for the introduction of important internal im- provements. In the treaty with Shah Alum, this object had been overlooked. The only effect of putting him in possession of the territories of Sujah Dowlah would have been to protract hostilities indefinitely. Too feeble to provide for his own defence within the country, he never could have made head against the Afghans and Mahrattas, who were watching an oppoitunity to extend their conquests.

It was to such considerations as these that Sujah Dowlah owed the favour which was shown him. He was the hereditary prince, and both from his posi- tion and his talents was supposed most capable of interpo.sing an effectual barrier between the possessions of the Company and the foreign invaders who had long been intent on gaining a footing in them. To fit him for the part thiLS assigned him, it was necessary not only to leave his strength unimpaired, but to convince him, by generous treatment, that he could not advance his interest more effectually than by linking his own fortunes with those of the Company, and entering into close alliance with them. Accordingly, when Clive set out to con- clude the treaty with Sujah Dowlah, the select committee, doubtless echoing his own sentiments, furnished him with a paper of instructions, in which they say, " Experience having shown that an influence maintained by force of arms, is destructive of that commercial spirit which we ought to promote, ruinous to the Company, and oppressive to the country, we earnestly recommend to your lordship, that you will exert your utmost endeavours to conciliate the aflfections of the country powers, to remove any jealousy they may entertain of our un- bounded ambition, and to convince them we aim not at conquest and dominion, but security in carrying on a free trade equally beneficial to them and to us. With this view policy requires that our demands be moderate and equitable, and that we avoid every appearance of an inclination to enlarge our territorial possessions. The sacrifice of conquests, which we must hold on a very precari- ous tenure, and at an expense more than equivalent to their revenues, is of little consequence to us ; yet will such restitutions impress them with a high opinion of our generosity and justice. For these reasons we think Sujah Dowlah should be reinstated in the full possession of all his dominions, with such limitations only as he must see are evidently calculated for om' mutual benefit. We would decline insisting upon any terms that must prove irksome to his high spii'it, and imply a suspicion of his sincerity."

A treaty in which the party able to dictate terms felt disposed to act so generously was easily arranged, and Sujah Dowlah gladly consented to pay fifty lacs of rupees as the expense of the war, in return for the restitution of his whole territories, except the districts of Korah and Allahabad previously ceded to Shah Alum, and for a mutual alliance by which the contracting parties became bound to assist each other against all foreign invaders. The difficulty in regard to Meer Cossim and Sumroo no longer existed. The former had taken

Terras of the treaty


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refuge among the Rohillas, the latter had entered the service of the Jats, and Sujah Dowlah did all that could be required of him, when he engaged never to give any countenance or protection to either. The only point as to which he ventured to demur was a proposal that the Company should be empowered to Dowlah and establish factories within his territories. In this he probably suspected a repe- tition of the same process by which Bengal had been wrested from its original. rulers, and therefore objected so strongly that the point was not pressed, and it was merely stipulated that the Company should have liberty to trade duty free. This liberty, however, was scarcely regarded as a boon, for at this time the three provinces were supposed to be the proper limits both of trade and of con- quest. In regard to the former, the presidency could foresee no benefit to the Company from maintaining settlements at so vast a distance; while in regard to the latter, even Clive declared in a letter to the directors, shortly after conclud- ing the treaty, "My resolution was, and my hopes will always be to confine our assistance, our conquest, and our possessions to Bengal, Behar, and Orissa. To go further is, in my opinion, a scheme so extravagantly ambitious and absurd, that no governor and council in their senses can ever adopt it, unless the whole scheme of the Company's interest be first entirely new modelled."

When Clive returned to Calcutta in September, a series of irksome duties lay before him. He had enforced the signature of the covenants interdicting presents, but as large sums had been received after the covenants had arrived, and were therefore, though unexecuted, legally binding, it was judged necessary to institute a strict inquiry in regard to them. This inquiry was, indeed, unavoidable, for Nujum-ud-Dowlah, dissatisfied with the arrangement which had forced Mahomed Reza Khan upon him as naib-soubah, no sooner heard of Clive's arrival than he hastened to Calcutta, and made it a formal complaint that the naib had emptied his treasury by paying away twenty lacs of rupees in pre- sents to the members of council. Mahomed Reza Khan's defence was that he was not a voluntary agent, but on receiving intimation of the sums which the members of council expected had no option but to pay them. The recipients of the so-called presents denied that they had used either force or terror. This was perhaps true, but the inquiry proved that they had intimated their expectations in a way which made it impossible to refuse them, and the sentence therefore was not unjust, which, on the ground of this misconduct, dismissed Mr. Spencer, the governor, and nine other leading officials from the Company's service. ment as to

The question of private trade still remained. The directors had, as we have seen, endeavoured to strike at the root of the evil, by sending out an order, on private the 8th of February, 1764, prohibiting the servants of the Company from trade. engaging in it. This judicious order they had been obliged to recall, in conse- quence of the interference of the general court of proprietors; and accordingly, in a letter sent out in the same ship in which Clive sailed from England, while they still expressed their conviction that the existing regulations as to the pri-


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 696

lllSTUKY UF INDIA.

[Book 111.

A.D. 1765.

.rrange- iiient as to private trade.

Monoijoly of s;ilt, betel, ami tobacco secured by servants of the Com- pany.

vate inland trade were "so injurious to the nabob and the natives that they could not, in the very nature of them, tend to anything but the producing general heartburning and dissatisfactions," and rec^uired that their order of the 8th of February slmuld in the meantime be enforced, they told the committee "to consult the nabob as to the manner of cairying on the inland trade, and there- upon to form a proper and erjuitable plan for that purj^jo.se, and transmit the same to the directors, accompanied by such explanation.s, observations, and remarks, as might enable them to give their sentiments and directions tliere- upon, in a full and explicit manner." This letter contained the only special instructions which Clive and the select committee had received on the subject ; and it was therefore to have been expected that in any arrangement subse- quently adopted, the spirit at least, if not the letter of these instructions would be carefully observed. This, however, was not the case. On the contrary', a scheme was framed by which the three leading articles of the inland trade — salt, betel, and tobacco — were converted into a strict monopoly for the exclusive behoof of the servants of the Company. This scheme, which was diametrically opposed to the instructions of the directors, could only be justified by the great change of circumstances which had taken place. When the directors wrote, they understood that the nabob was still in actual possession of the revenues, and consequently had a special interest in suppressing the abuses by which their amount had been so seriously diminished. The case was now completely altered. By the grant of the dewannee, the whole revenues of the country had been transferred to the Compan}^ and the nabob was only to receive a pension of a definite amount. It was therefore no longer of any consequence to him how the revenues were managed, so long as he was sure of receiving payment of his fifty lacs. So far was the existing nabob from feeling the degrading position to which he was thus reduced, that Clive says: — " He received the pro- posal of having a sum of money for himself and household at his will with infi- nite pleasiu-e ;" and, on retiring from the interview, exclaimed, " Thank God, I shall now have as many dancing girls as I please." There was thus no occasion to pay any regard to tlie nabob in the new arrangement, all modes of carrying on the inland trade being now to him equally indifferent. The only interests to be protected were those of the Company and of the natives, and Clive thought that the plan which the select committee had devised would at once secure this protection and accomplish another object of vital importance. The salaries of the Company's servants were totally inadequate, and the private inland trade was the cliief soiurce from which they had been accustomed to make fortunes or to obtain maintenance. Now therefore, when this source was at once peremp- torily cut off", they saw nothing before them but a sudden descent from affluence to beggary. The salary of a member of council was only £350, and it was perfectly notorious that the establishment which his position in society rendered necessary could not be kept up at less than £3000. The directors, in abolishing


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 CiiAP. XII I MONOPOLY OF PRIVATE TRADE. G97

tlie inland trade, ought to have given due weight to this consideration, and a.d. itcs been prepared when they suppressed an obnoxious source of income to provide another. This they entirely failed to do; and hence Clive considered himself entitled to supply the omission by tiie least objectionable mean^ at his disposal.

Tlie plan adopted was as follows: — A society or partnership was formed, and The mono vested with the exclusive right to cany on the trade in salt, betel-nut, and to- vatu trauo bacco. The partners consisted of the Company's servants, arranged in three iKutnureiup classes, and the stock was divided among them in certain definite shares. To the o7iIl^'|^'* first class were allotted thirty-five shares, distributed thus — the governor, five .shares, the general or commander-in-chief, three shares ; the second in council, three shares ; the other ten members of council and two colonels, two shares each. To the second class were allotted twelve shai-es, or two-thirds of a share each to eighteen persons — namely, one chaplain, three lieutenant-colonels, and fourteen senior merchants. To the third class were allotted nine shares, being one-third of a share each to twenty-seven persons — namely, four majors, four first surgeons at the presidency, two first surgeons at the army, one secretary in council, one sub-accountant, one Persian translator, and one suVj-export-warehouse keeper. To compensate the Compan}^ who in their new position as dewan were entitled to draw a considerable revenue from the monopolized articles, an ad valorem duty of 35 per cent., estimated to produce £100,000 per annum, was paid, and us a security to the natives some precautions were taken to prevent the enhanced price naturally produced by a monopoly. Though nothing can be more objec- tionable in principle than the payment of public officers by the profit of a mono- pol}' of the articles which, next to rice, formed in Bengal the principal neces- saries of life, there cannot be a doubt that the sums realized were sufficient to furnish ample .salaries to all who had the privilege of sharing in it. Clive's calculation was that from the ])artner.ship a colonel would draw £7000 per annum. This being the ])rofit on two shares, each share must have yielded £3500 ; and hence, the five reserved to himself as governor, must have given an income of £17,500. As he had declared his determination not to derive any pecuniary advantage from his re-appointment, he appropriated the whole of tlie profits thus received to the members of his household, and more especially to his brother-in-law, his secretary, and his surgeon, all of whom had accompanied him from England. The court of directors, on being made acquainted with the plan, ri.m dis

,, . approved by

adhered to their former views, and in their general letter to the select commit- .lirectore. tee wrote as follows: — "Much has been urged by our servants at different times in favour of the right to this trade, which we have always treated as a most absurd claim The words of the phirmaund are, ' Whatever goods the English Company shall bring or carry, cOc, are duty free.' To suppose that the court of Delhi could mean by these words, a monopoly of the necessaries of life over their own subjects, is such an absurdity that we shall not lose time or words in trying to refute it. With respect to the Company, it is neither consistent with Vol I. 88


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 698 HISTORY OF INDIA. [Book III.

A.I). iTc-,. their honour nor their dignity to promote such an exclusive trade, as it is now more immediately our interest and duty to protect and cherish the inhahitanis,

Tiie director. s and to give them no occasion to look on every Engli.shrnan as their national enemy,

of the a sentiment we think such a monopoly would necessarily suggest. We cannot.

monopoly, therefore, approve the plan you have sent us, for trading in salt, betel-nut, and tobacco, or admit of this trade in any shape whatever, and do hereby confirm our orders for its entire abolition." These orders were too explicit to be directly disobeyed ; but the execution of them was suspended on the ground, that before they were received the contract for the second year had been formed, and it was therefore impossible, "without ruin to individuals and confu.sion to the puljlic. to fix an earlier date for the abolition than the 1st of September, 1767 Even this date was extended to enable the society to collect their debts and realize their capital, and their operations did not ceasa till September, 1768.

cuve applies Another arrangement which Clive made at this time was deserving of more

to the .... .

Madias pre- praise, though it subjected him to a larger amount of obloquy. Owing to the thesuppiyof resignations, voluntary or compulsory, which had taken place in the council of thrcomcii" Calcutta, and the bad spirit manifested by some of those who remained, it be- came necessary in supplying vacancies to deviate from the ordinary routine and appoint those only who, from character and experience, might be both able and willing to carry out the reforms which had already been introduced or were still contemplated. It seemed vain to look for such persons within the Bengal pre- sidency. The most eligible had perished in the Patna massacre, and the select committee did not hesitate to declare that the whole list of junior merchants within the presidency, did not contain the names of more than three or four individuals whom they "could possibly recommend to higher stations at present." They therefore, on their own responsibility, subject of course to the approval of the directors, applied to the Madras presidency for four of their ablest civil servants, and on their arrival gave them seats in the council. It was not to be expected that a measure which not only broke in upon the established rule of seniority, but virtually charged those who would have succeeded under that rule with incompetency, would escape severe animadversion and violent opposition. The whole settlement was thrown into a ferment, and the individuals who con- ceived their interests to be inj uriously affected, not contented with subscribing a formal memorial of complaint, took the less justifiable step of attempting to eflfect their object by means of private associations, which Clive denounced as "destructive of that subordination without which no government can stand." Failing to obtain their main object, the members engaged to persist in a series Discontent of petty and insulting annoyances. No visits were to be paid to the president ;

qX tins

proceeding, no invitatious from him or any other member of the select committee were to be accepted; and the new counsellors from Madras were to be treated with ne- glect and contempt. In pursuing this course they were abetted by some of the highest officials. Two members of council signed their memorial "in testimony


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 CiiAr. XII.j THKEATENED MUTINY. 699

of their sense of the injustice done to the younger servants," and the secretary ad. itcs.

of the council took such a prominent part in the association that he was deprived

of his oflfice and suspended from the service. Clive had not much difficulty in inJignation

dealing with the insubordination of the civil servants, but a much more serious ciive.

task was awaiting him. The greater part of the European officers in the army

had become disaffected and were on the point of mutinying.

According to a plan framed by Clive the army had been formed into three brigades, each conczsting of a regiment of European infantry, a company of artil- lery, six battalions of sepoys, and a troop of native cavalry. The first brigade, under Colonel Sir Robert Fletchei*, vas stationed at Monghir ; the second, under Colonel Smith, at Allahabad ; and the third, under Colonel Sir Robert Barker, at Bankipore, about four miles west of Patna. From the earliest time the officers serving in India had, while on active service, received in addition to their ordinary pay an allowance known by the name of hcitta. After the battle of Plassey, Meer Jaffier, on whom the payment of the troops devolved, doubled this allowance, and from that period accordingly doable Ixdta had been paid. So long as the nabob drew the revenues and paid the army out of them, the Company did not .share the burden. The case was altered finst when certain districts were assigned for payment of the troops, and still more when the Com- pany obtained the grant of the whole dewannee. Thereafter, the maintenance Tiie directo™ of the troops was borne entirely by the Company, and every deduction that toaMwh could be made was so much added to tlieir income. Influenced by this consi- '^^^^ deration and the financial difficulties with which they were struggling, the directors were desirous to enforce economy wherever practicable, and among other measures resolved to aboli.sh the allowance of double batta. At the time when it was first granted, Clive had distinctly warned the army to regard it Jis an indulgence which they owed entirely to the personal feelings of the nabob, and which the Company would not be dispo.sed to continue. The directors accordingly no sooner felt the burden than they began to com})lain of it, and sent out positive orders that double batta .should be abolished. The very pro- posal was received with so much indignation, and called forth such strong remon- strances from the officers, that the governor and council were intimidated, and chose rather to disobey the orders than incur the obloquy and risk the danger of carrying them into execution.

The directors, determined not to be thus defeated, called Clive's attention en vo carries particularly to the subject, and in the instructions which he took out with him into effect, on his re-appointment, repeated their orders for the abolition of double batta in the most peremptory form. He was detennined to execute them ; and had no sooner brought the war to a termination by the treaties concluded with Shah Alum and Sujah Dowlah, than an intimation was given by the select com- mittee that double batta should cease on the 1st of January, 170G. An excep- tion was made in favour of the second brigade, both because its station at Alia-