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 in a caravel, and FERDINAND DE PALARES in a ship, having each 40 men, to go out of the harbour on purpose to protect a convoy of provisions then on its way to Malacca, of which the city was in great want. The fleet of the enemy immediately attacked them, and soon battered all three ships to pieces. Seventy-five of the Portuguese were slain or drowned on this occasion, forty were made prisoners, and only five saved them- selves by swimming. Only 150 mcn now remained in Ma- lacca, of whom 110 were sick or aged. Being in want both of men and ammunition, TRISTAN VAZ was under the necessity of remaining very quiet; but the enemy, fearing he was pre- paring some stratagem against them, raised the siege in a panic of terror, when they might easily have carried the city, after remaining before it from the beginning to the end of January 1575. The priests, women and children of the dis- tressed city had implored the mercy of God with sighs and tears; and, next to God, the city owed its safety to the courage of TRISTAN VAZ, and to his generosity likewise, as he spent above 20,000 ducats in its defence.

After this period, we find that the power of the Portuguese in India began to decline, and that of the Hollanders to rise. It may be interesting to know that, according to DE FARIA, the historian before us, it was in the year 1597 that the Dutch first ventured to India. We give his own words:

"In May 1597, Don FRANCISCO DE GAMA, Count of Vidugucyra, grandson to the discoverer, arrived at Goa as viceroy of India, but carried himself with so much haughty state that he gained the dislike of all men. During his government the scourge of the pride and covetousness of the Portuguese came first into India, as in the month of September news was brought to Goa that the two first ships of the Hol- landers that had ventured to navigate the Indian seas had been in the port of Titangonc, and were bound for the island of Sunda. In a grand council held upon this important event, it was ordered to fit out a squadron of two galleons, three galleys, and nine other vessels to attack the intruders,


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 to show how such tables may be calculated with much greater facility.

41. By the method of No. 34, it will be found that, reckoning interest at 5 per cent., the present value of L. 1 to be received at the expiration of a year, provided that a life, now 89 years of age, survived till then, is $$\frac{142 \times 0{\cdot}95238.}{181}$$ But the age of that life will then be 90 years, and the proprietor of an annuity of L. 1 now depending upon it, will, in that event, receive his annual payment of L. 1 then due; therefore, if the value then of all the subsequent payments, that is, the value of an annuity on a life of 90 be 2·339 years’ purchase, the present value of what the title to this annuity may produce to the proprietor, at the end of the year, will be the same as that of L. 3·339, to be received then, if the life be still subsisting, or $$\frac{142 \times 0{\cdot}952381}{181} \times \text{L. } 3{\cdot}339 = \text{L. } 2{\cdot}495$$; which, therefore, will be the present value of an annuity of L. 1 on a life of 89 years of age. That is to say, an annuity on that life will now be worth 2·495 years’ purchase (7).

42. In the same manner it appears generally, that, if unity be added to the number of years’ purchase that an annuity on any life is worth, and the sum be multiplied by the present value of L. 1, to be received at the end of a year, provided that a life one year younger survive till then, the product will be the number of years’ purchase an annuity on that younger life is worth in present money.

43. But according to the table of mortality, an annuity on the eldest life in it is worth nothing; therefore, the present value of L. 1 to be received at the end of a year, provided that the eldest life but one in the table survive till then, is the total present value of an annuity of L. 1 on that life. Which, being obtained, the value of an annuity on a life one year younger than it may be found by the preceding number; and so on for every younger life successively.

Rate of Interest 5 per cent.

44. Proceeding as in No. 36, it will be found, that at 5 per cent. interest, and according to the Carlisle table of mortality, the present value of L. 1 to be received at the expiration of a year, provided that a person now 89 years of age, and another now 99, be then living, is $$\frac{142 \times 9 \times \text{L. } 0{\cdot}952381}{181 \times 11}$$: therefore, if the present value of an annuity of L. 1 on the joint continuance of two lives, now aged 90 and 100 years respectively, be L. 0·950; by reasoning as in No. 41, it will be found that the present value of an annuity on the joint continuance of two lives, of the respective ages of 89 and 99 years, will be worth $$\frac{142 \times 9 \times 0{\cdot}952381}{181 \times 11} \times 1{\cdot}950 = 1{\cdot}192$$ years’ purchase.

45. In this manner, commencing with the two oldest lives in the table that differ in age by ten years, and proceeding according to No. 43, the values of annuities on all the other combinations of two lives of the same difference of age, may be determined.

The method is exemplified in the following specimen:

46. Hence, and by what has been advanced in the 39th number of this article, it is sufficiently evident, how a table may be computed of the values of annuities on the joint continuance of the lives in every combination of three, or any greater number; the differences between the ages of the lives in each combination remaining always the same in the same series of operations, while the calculation proceeds back from the combination in which the oldest life is the oldest in the table, to that in which the youngest is a child just born.

47. But, when there are more than two lives in each combination, the calculations are so very laborious, on account, principally, of the great number 1em

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 vessels that were burnt or sunk. Seven hundred of the enemy were taken or slain, with the loss only of five men on the side of the victors. The Portuguese ships waited three days in the river to see if the enemy would return, and then carried the joyful news to Malacca, where it could hardly be believed. The king of Acheen appears to have raised the siege of Ma- lacca after this naval victory.

Scarcely had India begun to enjoy some respite after the late troubles, when the queen of Japara sent her general QUIAFDAMAND to besiege Malacca, with 15,000 chosen natives of Java, in a fleet of 80 large galleons and above 220 smaller vessels. TRISTAN VAZ DE VEGA happened to be then at Ma- lacca, and was chosen by common consent to assume the com- mand, FRANCISCO ENRIQUEZ, the former commandant, being dead. TRISTAN VAZ sent immediate notice to Goa of his danger, on which MONIY issued orders to all the neighbouring places to send succours, and to fit out a fleet for its relief. In the meantime the Javanese army landed and besieged Malacca. VAZ sent JUAN PEREYRA and MARTIN FERREYRA with 150 men to drive the enemy from a fort. After killing 70 of the enemy, they levelled the work, and brought off seven pieces of can- non. PEREYRA afterwards burnt 30 of their galleons, and de- stroyed some great engines which they had constructed for attacking a bastion. Two other officers, in a sortie, burnt the palisades which the enemy had erected for straitening the garrison and defending their own quarters. After this, PEREYRA, going out of the river with the Portuguese vessels, besieged the besiegers, and at Jor took a large quantity of provisions that were going to the Javanese army. Upon these repeated misfortunes, the Javanese embarked in great conster- nation and withdrew under cover of night, but were pursued by PEREYRA, who cut off many of their vessels in the rear. Al- most half of this great army perished by the sword or sick- ness in this siege, which lasted three months.

Hardly was the army of the queen of Japara gone from Malacca, when the king of Acheen arrived before it with 40 galleys and several ships and smaller vessels, to the number of 100 in all, with a great train of artillery. TRISTAN VAZ gave orders to JUAN PEREYRA in a galley, BERNARDIN DE SILVA


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 At this time Malacca was in a miserable condition, excess- ively poor, having very few men, and these unhealthy and dispirited, having suffered much by shipwreck, sickness, and scarcity of provisions; not without deserving these calami- ties, for Malacca was then the Portuguese Nineveh in India; I know not if it be so now. In this deplorable situation, incessantly battered by the enemy, cut off from all supplies of provisions, Malacca had no adequate means and hardly any hopes of defence. In this extremity, TRISTAN VAZ accident- ally entered the port with a single ship, in which he had been to Sunda for a cargo of pepper. Being earnestly entreated by the besieged to assist them, he agreed to do everything in his power, though it seemed a rash attempt to engage a fleet of 100 sail with only ten vessels, nine of which were almost rotten and destitute of rigging. Among these he distributed 300 naked and hungry wretches; and though confident in his own valour, he trusted only in the mercy of God, and caused all his men to prepare for battle by confession, of which he set them the example. He sailed from Malacca with this armament about the end of November 1571, and soon dis- covered the formidable fleet of the enemy in the river Fermoso. Giving the command of his own ship to EMANUEL FER- RAGRA, TRISTAN VAZ DE VEGA went sword in hand into a galliot, to encourage his men to behave valiantly by expos- ing himself to the brunt of battle along with them. On the signal being given by a furious discharge of cannon, TRISTAN instantly boarded the admiral ship of the enemy, making great havoc in her crew of 200 men, and even carried away her ensign. FERDINANDO PEREZ, with only 13 men in a small vessel, took a galley of the enemy's. FERDINAND DE LEMOS ran down and sank one of the enemy's ships. FRANCISCO DE SIMA having taken another, set her on fire, that he might be at liberty to continue the fight. EMANUEL FERRAGRA sank three vessels, unrigged others, and slew great numbers of the enemy. In short, every one fought admirably, and the whole hostile fleet fled, except four galleys and seven small


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 The island of Sunda is divided on the south from Java by a very narrow channel. It produces pale gold with abun- dance of pepper and provision. The natives are numerous but unwarlike, yet are curious in adorning their arms. They worship idols, and often sell their children to supply their necessities. The women are beautiful, those of the higher ranks being chaste, contrary to what is usual in most parts of the world. They have convents as in Spain and Portugal, in which they reside while virgins; and the married women kill themselves on the death of their husbands. This would be a good custom to show their duty and affection, were it not contrary to the law of nature, and therefore a barbarous error. ENRIQUE SEME happening to go there, drawn by the plenty and goodness of its peppers, was well received by the king SAMIAM, who offered ground for a fort, and to pay a yearly tribute of 351 quintals of pepper to purchase the friendship and support of the Portuguese against the Moors, by whom he was much infested. But when FRANCISCO DE SA came to build the fort, he met with such opposi- tion from the Moors that he was obliged to return to Malacca.

We find afterwards that in the year 1571 another attempt was made by the Moors to wrest Malacca from the power of the Portuguese. The king of Acheen was one of the Indian princes who had entered into the grand confederacy against the Portuguese, and had agreed to lay siege to Malacca, but did not execute his part of the league till about the middle of October 1571, when he appeared before Malacca with a fleet near 100 sail, in which he had 7,000 soldiers, with a large train of artillery and a vast quantity of ammunition. Landing on the night of his arrival, he set fire to the town of Ileer, which was saved from total destruction by a sudden and violent shower of rain. He next endeavoured to burn the Portuguese ships in the harbour, but failing in this and some minor enterprizes, he sat down before the city, intending to take it by a regular siege, having been disap- pointed in his expectations of carrying it by a coup de main.


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 PEREZ had purchased during his residence in China. Such was the profitableness of the China trade at this time, that PEREZ, though only an apothecary of mean parentage, had by this time acquired 2,000 weight of rhubarb, 1,600 pieces of damask, 400 pieces of other silks, above 100 ounces of gold, 2,000 ounces of silver, 84 pounds of loose musk, above 3,000 purses or coods of that perfume called papos, and a great deal of other commodities.

Between the years 1522 and 1524 Malacca was much straitened by the king of Bintang, who sent a powerful armament against it, to oppose which GEORGE ALBUQUERQUE sent a naval force under DON SANCHO ENRIQUEZ; but in a violent storm 70 out of 200 Portuguese were lost. Till now the king of Pahang had sided with the Portuguese; but seeing the tide of fortune had turned against them, he too became their enemy. Ignorant of this change, ALBUQUERQUE sent three ships to his port for provisions, where two of his captains and thirty men were killed. The third made his escape, but was slain with all his men at Java. SIMON ABREU and his crew were slain on another occasion, and two vessels sent to pre- vent provisions from getting into Bintang were lost. At this time MASCARENHAS, who waited in Malacca for the proper sea- son of sailing to Cochin to assume the government, went against Bintang with twenty-one ships and 400 Portuguese soldiers, having likewise 600 Malays commanded by Tuan MAHOMET and SINAI Rajah. Although the capital of Bintang was well fortified and defended by 7,000 men, MASCARENHAS surmounted every opposition and took the place. Of the enemy 400 were slain and 2,000 taken prisoners. A vast booty was made on this occasion, among which were nearly 300 pieces of cannon; and the Portuguese lost only three men in this glorious exploit. The king of Bintang died of grief, and MASCARENHAS restored the kingdom to the lawful heir under vassalage to Portugal, the former king having been an usurper.


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 forced him to flee for refuge in the woods, after many of his men were slain. A considerable quantity of artillery and am- munition was found in that part of the ground, after being plundered of much riches. Having received succour from Java, and from MAHMUD, the expelled king of Malacca, QUITIR erected another fort in a convenient place at some distance from the city, where he became powerful by sea and land, being in hopes of usurping the sovereignty of Malacca. PEREZ went out against him, but, though he fought as valiantly as before, he was forced to retreat after losing three captains and four soldiers. At this time LACSAMANA, an officer be- longing to MAHMUD, entered the river of Malacca with a great number of men and many cannon on board several vessels. PEREZ attacked him with three ships, and a furious battle took place, which lasted for three hours, with much advantage on the side of the Portuguese; but night obliged the combatants to desist, and PEREZ took a position to prevent, as he thought, the Malayans from escaping out of the river during the dark- ness. But LACSAMANA threw up an intrenchment of such respectable appearance during the night, that it was thought too dangerous to attempt an attack, and PEREZ retired to the fort. At this time three ships entered the port from India, bringing a supply of ammunition and a reinforcement of 150 soldiers; but LACSAMANA had established himself so advantage- ously that he intercepted all the vessels carrying provisions for Malacca, which was reduced to such straits that many fell down in the streets from famine. The same plague attended PATE QUITIR in his quarters. When the season became fit for


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 navigation, PEREZ set out with ships and a galley in quest of provisions. While sailing towards Singapore, the galley dis- covered a sail, and stuck by it till the fleet came up. It was found to be laden with provisions and ammunition for PATE QUITIR. PEREZ brought the captain and other headmen on board his own ships, where they attempted to slay the Portu- guese, even PEREZ being stabbed in the back by a kris or dag- ger. Being foiled in this attempt, most of them leapt into the sea, but some were taken and put to the rack, who confessed that there was a son of QUITIR among them, and that they were followed by three other vessels similarly laden. These were likewise captured and carried to Malacca. At the same time GOMEZ DE CUNHA arrived with his ships with provisions from Pegu, where he had been to settle a treaty of amity and commerce with the king of that country. The famine being thus appeased and the men recovered, PEREZ attacked PATE QUITIR by sea and land; and having fortunately succeeded in the capture of his fortified quarters, which were set on fire, that chieftain was forced to retire to Java, and LACSAMANA, on seeing this success of the Portuguese, retired with his forces.

This island (Java) is almost 100 leagues in length from east to west, but is narrow in proportion to its breadth, being divided by a long range of mountains through its whole length, like the Apennines of Italy, which prevents intercourse be- tween the two coasts. It has several ports and good cities, and its original inhabitants appear to have come from China. In after times the Moors of Malacca possessed themselves of the sea-coast, obliging the natives to take shelter in the forests and mountains of the interior. At this period a Malay chief named PATI UNUS was lord of the city of Japara, who became afterwards King of Sunda. Indignant that the metro- polis of the Malayan territories should be possessed by the enemies of the Mahometan faith, he had been seven years preparing a powerful armament of ninety sail to attempt the


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 In the year 826, the Year of the Monkey (2007 BE), His Divine Highness Borommatrailok the Lord erected an image hall [at] Chulamani Temple.

In the year 827, the Year of the Rooster (2009 BE), His Divine Highness Borommatrailok the Lord entered the priesthood at Chulamani Temple for eight months, whereupon He left the priesthood.

In the year 830, the Year of the Rat (2011 BE), on that occasion, the high king, Thao Bun, usurped Chiang Mai Town from Thao Luk.

In the year 833, the Year of the Rabbit (2014 BE), a white elephant was obtained.

In the year 834, the Year of the Dragon (2015 BE), His royal son was born.

In the year 835, the Year of the Serpent (2016 BE), Muen Nakhon had gold peeled off from idols to gild [his] sword.

In the year 836, the Year of the Horse (2017 BE), [His Divine Highness] went to take Chaliang Town.

In the year 837, the Year of the Goat (2018 BE), the high king asked to come and establish amity.

In the year 839, the Year of the Rooster (2020 BE), the founding of Nakhon Thai Town was commenced.

In the year 841, the Year of the Pig (2022 BE), Phra Siharatdecho met his fate.

In the year 842, the Year of the Rat (2023 BE), the ruler of Lan Chang met his fate and [His Divine Highness] permitted the ruler of Sai Khao to be anointed as the ruler of Lan Chang in his place.

In the year 844, the Year of the Tiger (2025 BE), He had great entertainments performed for fifteen days to celebrate Phra Si Rattana Maha That and then perfectly finished composing Mahachat Khamluang.


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 conquest of Malacca, during all which time he kept up a secret correspondence with the Javan Malays who inhabited that city. Several of his ships were equal in size to the largest Portuguese galleons, and the one destined for himself was larger than any ships then built by the Europeans. Having completed his preparations, he embarked with 12,000 men and a formidable train of artillery, and appeared suddenly before the city. FERDINANDO PEREZ immediately embarked with 350 Portuguese and some native troops in seventeen vessels, and attacked the Javan fleet, with which he had an obstinate engagement, doing considerable damage to the enemy, but night parted the combatants. Next morning PATI UNUS endeavoured to get into the river Muar with his fleet, but PEREZ pursued him, and penetrating into the midst of the enemy, plied his cannon and fireworks with such success that many of the Javan ships were sunk or set on fire. After a furious battle of some endurance, UNUS fled, and was pursued all the way to Java, where he preserved his own vast vessel as a memorial of his escape and of the grandeur of his fleet, and not without reason, as a merchant of Malacca engaged to purchase it of PEREZ for 10,000 ducats if taken. This victory cost the Portuguese some blood, as several were slain, and few escaped without wounds. From this time for- wards, the natives of Java were for ever banished from Malacca.

Soon after this brilliant victory, FERDINANDO PEREZ sailed from Malacca to Cochin with a valuable cargo of spice, accom- panied by LOPEZ DE AZEVEDO and ANTONIO DE ABREU, who came from the discovery of the Molucca islands with three ships. After their arrival at Cochin, ANTONIO DE MIRANDA arrived there from Siam, to the great joy of ALBUQUERQUE, who thus reaped the rich fruits of his care and labour for the acquisition of Malacca, and the happy return of those whom he had sent upon other discoveries.

King MAHMUD had not yet lost all hope of recovering Malac- ca, to which he now drew near; and having in vain attempted to succeed by force, he had recourse to stratagem. For this purpose he prevailed on a favourite officer named Tûan MAXI-


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 LIZ to imitate the conduct of ZOPIRUS at Babylon. Being accordingly mutilated, Tûan MAXILIZ fled with some companions to Malacca, giving out that he had escaped from the tyrannical cruelty of his sovereign. RUY DE BRITO, who then commanded in the citadel of Malacca, credited his story, and reposed so much confidence in his fidelity that he was admitted at all times into the fortress. At length, having appointed a particular day for the execution of his long-concerted enter- prise, on which MAHMUD was to send a party to second his efforts or to bring him off, he and his accomplices got admit- tance into the fort as usual, and immediately began to assassi- nate the Portuguese garrison by means of their daggers, and had actually slain six before they were able to stand to their defence. BRITO, who happened to be asleep when the alarm was given, immediately collected his men, and drove the traitor and his companions from the fort, at the very moment when a party of armed Malays came up to second their efforts. The commander of his party, named Tûan CALASCAR, On learning the miscarriage of Tûan MAXILIZ, pretended that he came to the assistance of BRITO, and by that means was per- mitted to retire.

Soon after this, PEDRO DE FARIA arrived at Malacca from the Straits of Sabam, bringing with him ABDELA King of Campar, who, being no longer able to endure the insolence of his father-in-law MAHMUD, came to reside in security under the protection of the Portuguese in Malacca. This was in the month of July, 1543, shortly after the arrival of GEORGE DE ALBUQUERQUE from Goa to command at Malacca, By instruction from the viceroy, ABDELA was appointed Bendara, or Governor of the natives, which office had till then been enjoyed by NINACHETU, who was now displaced on account of some miscarriage or malversation. NINACHETU, who was a Gentoo, so much resented this affront, that he resolved to give a signal demonstration of his fidelity and concern. He was


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 Stinnes and Westarp and won over to our side, not as members but as allies, even if somewhat hesitating, shall we have made some real progress.

Comrades, what special tasks confront us? Permit me to read you an extract from Comrade Lenin's brochure on "Infantile Sickness of Left Wing Communism":—

"A powerful enemy can be overcome, only by the greatest exertion of effort by the absolutely careful, painstaking, cautious, and able utilisation of the most minute differences in the camp of the enemy, the antagonism of interests between the various sections of the bourgeoisie in each country, as well as even the smallest possibility of recruiting allies even When they are temporary, hesitating, vacillating and unreliable. He who does not understand this, has not grasped a gramme of Marxism and of modern 'civilised' scientific Socialism generally. Those who have not, during a fairly lengthy period, and in various political situations, shown that he knows how to apply this truth in practice has not yet learned how to help the revolutionary class in its light for the emancipation of toiling humanity and the exploited, What has been said applies equally to the period prior to, as well as after the capture of power by the proletariat."

In another part of the pamphlet, he deals with the differences hot only between the petty-bourgeois and the masses, but also the peaceful, transition situation in England.

For me, this implies the following: in Germany, the peasants after the victory of the revolution, will play an important role, because the question will arise: how how shall we obtain bread? The peasants will not play an important part in the actual capture of power, because it will be captured in the towns. There is no concentrated peasant army in Germany, and no great concentrated mass. For that reason, the petty-bourgeois of the towns will play a great part.

What part will the conflicts of groups in the Fascist camp play in this?

In his article on the "German Koltchak," Comrade Zinoviev does not sufficiently emphasise the difference between the petty-bourgeoisie in Germany and that in Russia. He says, that the mensheviks after the defeat of the revolution in 1205, caused the differences between the Cadets and the Octobrists to come out more clearly. We, Bolsheviks, knew that these parties represented various sections of the bourgeoisie, but we said that these antagonisms will not be outstanding, and therefore we would have to light the bourgeoisie.

Comrades, if the difference between the petty-bourgeois doctors, government employees, handicraftsmen, and Stinnes and Westarp were the same us the differences between Guttchkov and Muilukov, Zinoviev would be right. But he forgets the most outstanding. In Western Europe, we have large masses of new middle class, the remnants of the old middle class, and the millions


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 by some of the underlings employed in the underground transactions connected with the Dunciad and the Grub-street Journal. P. T. began by writing to Curll in 1733, and offering to sell him a collection of Pope's letters. The negotiation went off for a time, because P. T. insisted upon Curll's first committing himself by publishing an advertisement, declaring himself to be already in possession of the originals. Curll was too wary to commit himself to such a statement, which would have made him responsible for the theft; or, perhaps, have justified Pope in publishing the originals in self-defence. The matter slept till March 1735, when Curll wrote to Pope proposing a cessation of hostilities, and as a proof of goodwill sending him the old P. T. advertisement. This step fell in so happily with Pope's designs that it has been suggested that Curll was prompted in some indirect manner by one of Pope's agents. Pope, at any rate, turned it to account. He at once published an insulting advertisement. Curll (he said in this manifesto) had pretended to have had the offer from P. T. of a large collection of Pope's letters; Pope knew nothing of P. T., believed the letters to be forgeries, and would take no more trouble in the matter. Whilst Curll was presumably smarting under this summary slap on the face, the insidious P. T. stepped in once more. P. T. now said that he was in possession of the printed sheets of the correspondence, and the negotiation went on swimmingly. Curll put out the required advertisement; a "short, squat" man, in a clergyman's gown and with barrister's bands, calling himself Smythe, came to his house at night as P. T.'s agent, and showed him some printed sheets and original letters; the bargain was struck; 240 copies of the book were delivered, and it was published on May 12th.

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 ALGEBRA.

ASTRONOMY,

BOTANY,

CHEMICAL THEORY,

DYNAMICS.

ELECTRICITY,

FISHES,.

FUNGI,

LIGHT.

LOGIC.

MAMMALS,

MATTER,

MICROSCOPIC FOAMS AND ON PROTOPLASM,

MINERALOGY,

PHILOSOPHY,

POLITICAL ECONOMY,

THEOLOGY,

ZOOLOGY


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 So far the plot had succeeded. Pope had printed his own correspondence, and had tricked Curll into publishing the book piratically, whilst the public was quite prepared to believe that Curll had performed a new piratical feat. Pope, however, was now bound to shriek as loudly as he could at the outrage under which he was suffering. He should have been prepared also to answer an obvious question. Every one would naturally inquire how Curll had procured the letters, which by Pope's own account were safely deposited in Lord Oxford's library. Without, as it would seem, properly weighing the difficulty of meeting this demand, Pope called out loudly for vengeance. When the Dunciad appeared, he had applied (as I have said) for an injunction in Chancery, and had at the same time secured the failure of his application. The same device was tried in a still more imposing fashion. The House of Lords had recently decided that it was a breach of privilege to publish a peer's letters without his consent. Pope availed himself of this rule to fire the most sounding of blank shots across the path of the piratical Curll. He was as anxious to allow the publication, as to demand its suppression in the most emphatic manner. Accordingly he got his friend, Lord Ilay, to call the attention of the peers to Curll's advertisement, which was so worded as to imply that there were in the book letters from, as well as to, peers. Pope himself attended the house "to stimulate the resentment of his friends." The book was at once seized by a messenger, and Curll ordered to attend the next day. But on examination it immediately turned out that it contained no letters from peers, and the whole farce would have ended at once but for a further trick. Lord Ilay said that a certain letter to Jervas contained a reflection upon Lord Burlington. Now the letter was found in a

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 of the petty-bourgeoisie, whom capitalism is ruining completely. This situation is different to that in Russia in 1907. Russia was in a period of economic development in which capitalism, while it robbed the middle class of its independence, did not worsen its social position to such an extent. In Western Europe we have a process of the expropriation of the middle classes, which has taken place nowhere else. These, then, are the destructive elements, which we must utilise.

Comrades, I am prevented from taking up a question on which there are important differences between us, namely, the continuation of the united front tactics on an international scale. On this I will say just one or two words. The Fourth Congress did not have the view that the united front tactics were to serve evolution, that a long period would elapse before the revolution during which we would be under democracy. Nevertheless, it had in mind the possibility of situations arising in Europe, when it would be possible to utilise democratic workers' governments, which fall into our hands as spring-boards in the fight for the dictatorship. We make thousands of mistakes in the application of the united front tactics, but we can rectify them. If, however, we lose sight of these possibilities, if we say that the united front tactics is purely agitation, we are wrong even theoretically, because we close our eyes to possibilities that may recur in Germany.

(: Hear, hear!)

I declare that I am not a politician, but I want to have the differences discussed, in order that when the break-up of Fascism and of the Fascist troops takes place, we shall be in a position where we can play our Saxony cards better than we played them before.

(Cries of: Quite right! Hear! hear!)

And for those who wish to close up these possibilities, there can be no compromise on this question.

(Quite right!)

For the simple reason that we, in Western Europe, will make our organisations either Communist discussion parties, or fighting parties, and if the latter, then we must make use of all practical possibilities. Ninety-nine chances out of a hundred are that the question of a workers' government will not play an important role on the continent of Europe, but that it will play a decisive role in England, I have not the slightest doubt.

For these reasons, I say, I am prepared, because for me the practical policy of the Party is a thousand times more important than all the theoretical hairsplitting as to what things will look like in one, five, or six years' time, to sacrifice ten formulas, rather than obstruct our own path. If we do, we shall raise a crisis in Communism due to the fact that our theories do not reflect the real requirements of the movement.

I now conclude.


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 I would like to throw out just one more thought. The greatest cause of the crisis we are now experiencing, and of the many crises that we shall yet experience for years to come, if the revolution does not come, arises from the fact that we are the Party of dictatorship, but when there is no revolutionary wave, we can only conduct propaganda and agitation for the dictatorship. The masses however, do not live merely by propaganda and agitation alone. Practical tasks confront the Communist Party. It is so difficult to carry through the point of view of Communism, that a great discrepancy arises between desiring and doing. If we fail to see this, we shall break up. When I heard the speech of Thalman, I said to myself: What agitational zeal, what faith in the revolution: and yet in Hamburg we have 14,000 members, while the Social-Democrats have 78,000.

(A voice: It has now lost 30,000.)

After five years of the greatest betrayal of the revolution.

With a purely agitational policy of Communism, we will have only small Communist parties. The question will again arise, sect or masses. That question has already come up. Had we not restrained the Party in March, Levi would have been right. We restrained it, saying, go among the masses on a practical basis. And to-day the question has come up again,

We will fight out our differences. We are not Levis. Whatever the decision of the Executive will be, we will all submit, but we will not ignore the differences as they stand to-day. We will fight this matter out in the Communist International.

If the Commission will function, I will present my views in the form of the theses drawn up by Comrades Trotsky, P., and myself.

How is the October defeat to be explained? The representative of the Executive has described how he came to Germany to the Chemnitz Conference on the 22nd and was faced with a fait accompli. It must be made quite clear what it was that created the situation the Executive Representative had described.

I came to Germany on October 8th: on the 12th the Saxon Government was already formed. I arrived when the negotiations for the formation of the Government were almost completed. Events moved with great rapidity. I had no time to consider the situation which faced me carefully and thoroughly. The participation in the Saxon Government was a result of the decision of the Executive. The Executive demanded by telegram that the comrades should enter the government although the necessary preparations had not been made. I was against the proposal


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 first batch of fifty copies sent to Curll, and which had been sold before the appearance of the Lords' messenger. But the letter had been suppressed in a second batch of 190 copies, which the messenger was just in time to seize. Pope had of course foreseen and prepared this result.

The whole proceeding in the Lords was thus rendered abortive. The books were restored to Curll, and the sale continued. But the device meanwhile had recoiled upon its author; the very danger against which he should have guarded himself had now occurred. How were the letters procured? Not till Curll was coming up for examination does it seem to have occurred to Pope that the Lords would inevitably ask the awkward question. He then saw that Curll's answer might lead to a discovery. He wrote a letter to Curll (in Smythe's name) intended to meet the difficulty. He entreated Curll to take the whole of the responsibility of procuring the letters upon himself, and by way of inducement held out hopes of another volume of correspondence. In a second note he tried to throw Curll off the scent of another significant little fact. The sheets (as I have mentioned) were partly made up from the volume of Wycherley correspondence; this would give a clue to further inquiries; P. T. therefore allowed Smythe to say (ostensibly to show his confidence in Curll) that he (P. T.) had been employed in getting up the former volume, and had had some additional sheets struck off for himself, to which he had added letters subsequently obtained. The letter was a signal blunder. Curll saw at once that it put the game in his hands. He was not going to tell lies to please the slippery P. T.,

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 or the short squat lawyer-clergyman. He had begun to see through the whole manœuvre. He went straight off to the Lords' committee, told the whole story, and produced as a voucher the letters in which P. T. begged for secrecy. Curll's word was good for little by itself, but his story hung together and the letter confirmed it. And if, as now seemed clear, Curll was speaking the truth, the question remained, who was P. T., and how did he get the letters? The answer, as Pope must have felt, was only too clear.

But Curll now took the offensive. In reply to another letter from Smythe, complaining of his evidence, he went roundly to work; he said that he should at once publish all the correspondence. P. T. had prudently asked for the return of his letters; but Curll had kept copies, and was prepared to swear to their fidelity. Accordingly he soon advertised what was called the Initial Correspondence. Pope was now caught in his own trap. He had tried to avert suspicion by publicly offering a reward to Smythe and P. T., if they would "discover the whole affair." The letters, as he admitted, must have been procured either from his own library or from Lord Oxford's. The correspondence to be published by Curll would help to identify the mysterious appropriators, and whatever excuses could be made ought now to be forthcoming. Pope adopted a singular plan. It was announced that the clergyman concerned with P. T. and Curll had "discovered the whole transaction." A narrative was forthwith published to anticipate Curll and to clear up the mystery. If good for anything, it should have given, or helped to give, the key to the great puzzle—the mode of obtaining the letters. There was nothing else for Smythe or P. T. to "discover." Readers must

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text: Travels in West Africa, Congo Français, Corisco and Cameroons/Chapter 2


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Lthough that common examples doo ſufficiently ſhewe vs, that patient forbearing ſufficeth to giue legitimate Princes the infallible victorie of Rebellions, without the hazarding of battailes; yet not withſtanding, the loue of his Maieſtie hath been ſo great towards his ſubiects, that for to redeeme them from the oppreſsions which they ſuffer, and are yet to ſuffer through the continuance of a long warre, hee hath deſired nothing more for the ſpeedie ending thereof, (ſince the taking of armes in hand) than to aduenture the iuſtice of his cauſe, vpon the ſucceſſe of a battaile, hauing ſought to draw all his enemies thereunto by al meanes poſsible. Firſt of all, when they ſought him in Normandie, they reported, that they went not to giue battaile, but to a victorie alreadie gotten. At which time, (in their ſight) he went to beſiege and take the towne and


text: Travels in West Africa, Congo Français, Corisco and Cameroons/Chapter 3


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 have been strangely disappointed on finding not a single word to throw light upon this subject, and merely a long account of the negotiations between Curll and P. T. The narrative might serve to distract attention from the main point, which it clearly did nothing to elucidate. But Curll now stated his own case. He reprinted the narrative with some pungent notes; he gave in fall some letters omitted by P. T., and he added a story which was most unpleasantly significant. P. T. had spoken, as I have said, of his connexion with the Wycherley volume. The object of this statement was to get rid of an awkward bit of evidence. But Curll now announced, on the authority of Gilliver, the publisher of the volume, that Pope had himself bought up the remaining sheets. The inference was clear. Unless the story could be contradicted, and it never was, Pope was himself the thief. The sheets common to the two volumes had been traced to his possession. Nor was there a word in the P. T. narrative to diminish the force of these presumptions. Indeed it was curiously inconsistent, for it vaguely accused Curll of stealing the letters himself, whilst in the same breath it told how he had bought them from P. T. In fact, P. T. was beginning to resolve himself into thin air, like the phantom in the Dunciad. As he vanished, it required no great acuteness to distinguish behind him the features of his ingenious creator. It was already believed at the time that the whole affair was an elaborate contrivance of Pope's, and subsequent revelations have demonstrated the truth of the hypothesis. Even the go-between, Smythe, was identified as one, a painter, actor, and author, of the Bohemian variety.

Though Curll had fairly won the game, and Pope's

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 of Gamaſhe, and two dayes after to recouer the towne of Ewe; all their Armie beeing but 3. leagues off. Since that, in his returne, hee made fiue or ſixe dayes iourney on their ſide of the Some: bot paſsing the Riuer at Pone del arche, as hee might haue done, but deferred to paſſe at Muellan, for to receaue them if they would haue giuen him battaile. And ſince likewiſe, after the taking of the Suburbs of Paris, the day of his departure thence, his Maieſtie kept his Armie ranged in battaile foure howres, to ſee if there wold be anie effect of that furie, in which it was reported they were arriued at Paris: as it hath been more amplie declared in the former diſcourſe. And his Maieſtie declared in the former diſcourſe. And his Maieſtie being at the village of Linars vnder Mountlhery, remained there a whole daye, thinking that his enemies, hauing been reſted and refreſhed three dayes in the towne of Paris, would haue gathered ſtomacke to haue come out, and haue giuen him battaile there; which if they had put in practiſe, the King would haue met them halfe way. But being aduertiſed, that in ſtead of troubling of themſelues with this buſines, they thought it leſſe dangerous to ſhew their choler, in ſaccaging the particular inhabitants of the ſaid citie; executing thoſe themſelues, whō al men thought they ſhould haue defended from beeing executed by others: imputing to the richeſt ſort, and ſuch as were eaſieſt to be trodden vnder foote, that they were the Kings friends (to colour thereby their maſſacre and pillaging from puniſhment) regarding neither qualitie nor age, killing and drowning manie, both men and women; making the world beleeue, that that which was executed through the valor of the Kings


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 made by Zinoviev in the telegram, and in favour of the amendment of Radek, for I believed that if the intention of entering the Saxon Government was in order to make it possible to arm, this could only follow after intensive preparation both in Saxony and in the rest of the Reich. The decision to enter the Government was precipitately carried into effect. The object of entering the Government was not a parliamentary manœuvre, but in order to procure arms, Since the entry into the Government took place practically without preparation, the necessary measures could not be taken. In order to procure arms one must know the bureaucratic machine and one must know the arms depots. For this purpose certain preparatory measures are necessary, of which not a single one was taken. The bureaucratic machine must be conquered and learned before we can use it. These may appear to petty and irrelevant details, but for us they were of the greatest importance. The Communist period of power lasted nine days in all. During these nine days nothing was done, except that attempts were made to procure weapons. The attempts failed owing to insufficient preparation.

I am still of the opinion that it was possible to make a better thing of the Saxon experiment than was actually the case. It is highly probable that in future things will develop quite differently and we shall never have a similar situation again. We must learn from the mistakes we have made.

Thälmann said that at bottom we did not believe in the revolution and that therefore when the moment became ripe for the fight, we were unable to make a sudden spring. This argument, stated with Thälmann's power of conviction, seems very plausible. Nevertheless it is false. I put the question thus: was the situation in October objectively ripe? Does the revolution depend upon the fact—although nobody more appreciates the subjective role of the Communist Party than I—that leaders of the Communist Party have no inner faith in the revolution? Does revolution come to a hilt on that account? Or are there other forces objectively at work preventing it from breaking out? If Thälmann is right then we have betrayed the revolution. The matter is then quite simple. The traitors must be removed and the 100 per cent. revolutionists put in their place.

Comrades, the March action in 1921 showed us that the whole class situation, the objective relations as a whole, had not ripened to such a degree that we could overthrow capitalism by a storm attack. Objective factors so brought it about that in the March action after a storm attack we were badly defeated. For this defeat, I personally was made just as responsible as for the October defeat, although the situations were entirely different. But that by the way. I have committed political errors, and so did other conradescomrades [sic]. But I think it is my nature not to commit the same error twice. I assume full responsibility for the October retreat. I assert that if I had not intervened in the very critical situation


text:
Author:James Worsdale

Works

 * A Cure for a Scold (1735), a ballad opera or farce taken from the ‘Taming of the Shrew’
 * Gasconade the Great (1759)

title: Author:James Worsdale


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 Armie, was enterpriſed by practiſes and intelligences, to excuſe the ſlender care, and ſmall courage of thoſe, which were within the Citie: where they liuing at their pleaſure, being ſo neſted that there was no meanes to drawe them out, his Maieſtie determined to take the towne and caſtle of Eſtampes, beeing mooued thereunto by the aduertiſement hee had, that the Lord Cluremont of Lodeſue with fiftie or three ſcore Gentlemen had thruſt themſelues into it, thorough the aſſurance the Duke de Maine had giuen them, (and confirmed by manie of his letters which were intercepted) that he wold come to reliue them with all his Armie. His Maieſtie knowing that the Duke de Maine had bound himſelfe by his faith and honour to relieue Eſtampes, thought to giue him occaſion to ſeeke the battaile, through the beſiegeing of it: and in hope thereof departed from the village of Linars vpon Sunday the firſt day of Nouember, and arriued at Eſtampes with all his Armie; which he had inuironed the ſame day in the morning: & although he could not come thether before day light was ſhut in, yet at his firſt comming he wonne the ſuburbes, which the enemies made ſhowe they would defend. The very ſame night the town likewiſe was wonne, and the men of warre did retire themſelues into the caſtle; which was immediately inuironed, & approches made, and two Culuerins were placed in batterie, the Tueſday folowing by faire day light. Which they within ſeeing, and that the Armie which ſhould haue relieued them, did not appeare, nor that there was any newes of it, demanded a Parle, and yeelded themſelues the ſame day: with condition that eight


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 of them ſhould remaine priſoners, vntill ſuch time as they ſhould cauſe ſeuen or eight others to be deliuered, who were named vnto them. His Maieſtie after the ſaid agreement, did ſhew that fauour to the Lord Cleremont of Lodeſue, to two maſters of the Camp, & vnto fiue others that ſhuld haue remained priſoners, to ſend them away vppon their oathes: ſo that there departed out of the ſaid Caſtle, about 40. Gentleme, and aboue 200. ſouldiers, who were ſafely confucted halfe way vnto Paris. His Maieſtie conſidering that the poore towne of Estampes in foure moneths had been three times taken, and that although it had been neceſſaries for him to haue kept a good garriſon in it, yet notwithſtanding (of his own nature being as eaſie to be ouercome with pitie and clemencie, as hee is inuincible to his enemies) was content to take no other aſſurance of the towne, than the oathes of the inhabitants, wherein hee repoſed his truſt. And further, to put them out of doubt, that the caſtle ſhuld be noe meane of their rigorous vſage hereafter, he determined to raſe the ſaid caſtle, & to commit the keeping of the town to the townſmen only, perſwading himſelf that they cōparing the vſage which they had had at his hands and his enemies together, it was the ſureſt Garriſon, to keepe them in obedience. His ſaid Maieſtie remained ther vntil the ſaturday folowing, during which time there arriued a Gentleman ſent from the Queene Dowager, bringing a requeſt, which ſhe preſented vnto his Maieſtie for to beſeech him, to ſhew her iuſtice for the cruell ſlaughter committed vpon the perſon of the late king her husband. His Maieſtie deferred the aunſwere of this requeſt,


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 intrigue was even at the time sufficiently exposed, it seems to have given less scandal than might have been expected. Probably it was suspected only in literary circles, and perhaps it might be thought that, silly as was the elaborate device, the disreputable Curll was fair game for his natural enemy. Indeed, such is the irony of fate, Pope won credit with simple people. The effect of the publication, as Johnson tells us, was to fill the nation with praises of the admirable moral qualities revealed in Pope's letters. Amongst the admirers was Ralph Allen, who had made a large fortune by farming the cross-posts. His princely benevolence and sterling worth were universally admitted, and have been immortalized by the best contemporary judge of character. He was the original of Fielding's Allworthy. Like that excellent person, he seems to have had the common weakness of good men in taking others too easily at their own valuation. Pope imposed upon him just as Blifil imposed upon his representative. He was so much pleased with the correspondence, that he sought Pope's acquaintance, and offered to publish a genuine edition at his own expense. An authoritative edition appeared accordingly in 1737. Pope preferred to publish by subscription, which does not seem to have filled very rapidly, though the work ultimately made a fair profit. Pope's underhand manœuvres were abundantly illustrated in the history of this new edition. It is impossible to give the details; but I may briefly state that he was responsible for a nominally spurious edition which appeared directly after, and was simply a reproduction of, Curll's publication. Although he complained of the garbling and interpolations supposed to have been due to the wicked Curll or the phantom P. T., and although he omitted in his

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Page:Travels in West Africa, Congo Français, Corisco and Cameroons (IA travelsinwestafr00kingrich).pdf/107

 looking like coiling snakes under a blanket, make the vessels lying broadside on to the play pendulum to an extent that precludes the discharging or taking on of heavy cargo; and heavy cargo has to come on and off for Lagos to the value of £1,566,243 a year. So as the West African trading vessels are enterprising and determined, particularly where palm oil is concerned, they arrange the matter by going and lying up Forcados River. This river, which is 120 miles below Lagos, is a mouth of the Niger, and has a bar you can cross (if you don't mind a little walking), drawing seventeen feet nine inches. This being the case they run just inside Forcados River and then wait for the branch boat from Lagos to come and bring them their heavy cargo. When they have got this on board, they proceed up coast and call off Lagos Bar, and another unfortunate branch boat brings off mails and passengers to them.

Well, the Batanga after leaving Calabar and calling at Bonny had duly waited for the branch boat in Forcados and ultimately got her and her cargo, with its attendant uproar; and an account of the latest iniquities of Lagos Bar which had one of its bad fits on just then and was capturing and wrecking branch boats galore; and we had the usual scene with Mrs. S. Mrs. S., I may remark, is a comely and large black lady, an old acquaintance of mine, hailing from Opobo and frequently going up and down to Lagos, in connection with trading affairs of her own, and another lady with whom Mrs. S. is in a sort of partnership. This trade usually consists of extensive operations in chickens. She goes up to Lagos and buys chickens, brings them on board in crates, and takes them to Opobo and there sells them. It is not for me as a fellow woman to say what Mrs. S. makes on the transaction, nor does it interest the general public, but what does interest the general public (at least that portion of it that goes down to the sea in ships and for its sins wanders into Forcados River) is Mrs. S.'s return trip to Lagos with those empty crates and the determination in her heart not to pay freight for them. Wise and experienced chief officers never see Mrs. S.'s crates, but young and truculent ones do, and determine, in their hearts, she shall pay for them, advertising this resolve of theirs openly all the way from Opobo,


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Page:Boris Souvarine - The Third International.djvu/28

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 vntill ſuch time as he ſate in counſell; where beeing the daye following, the Gentlemen was called for; who after hee had deliuered his meſſage, the requeſt was read alowd in the preſence of al the Princes Mareſhalls of France, and principall Lords and Gentlemen, of which there was then a great number about King. By which requeſt, beſides the deſiring of his Maieſtie, ſhe did adiure not onely the Princes & Nobilitie of France, but alſo all the Princes of Chriſtendome, to be aſsiſters in this iuſt cauſe. His Maieſtie making aunſwere himſelfe, declared that he highlie commended her vehemencie in following this ſute, and ſent his ſaid requeſt vnto his Court of Parliament tranſported to Towers, that his Atturney general, with the Atturney of the ſaid Ladie, might make the information againſt the offenders, to the intent the matter might bee determined afterward in his preſence, in manner and forme conuenient. And for his owne part, althought the ſaid ſute were commendable in the ſaid Ladie, yet he would not ceaſe to proſecute the matter, but vowed in the preſence of the cōpanie, that he would imploy his trauaile and armes, vntill ſuch time as he had done the iuſtice, that God had appointed him to doo. So that as the pitifull termes of the Requeſt of the ſaid Ladie, had filled the eyes of all the hearers with teares; the Princelie anſwere of his Maieſtie had quickly dried them with a deſire of reuenge. At which time was renued by thē all with a lowd voyce, the oath of not laying downe Armes, vntill ſuch time as they had reuenged the hateful death of the late King their maſter: & to haue ſeene their countenances, it had not been for the


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 avowed edition certain letters which had given offence, he nevertheless substantially reproduced in it Curll's version of the letters. As this differs from the originals which have been preserved, Pope thus gave an additional proof that he was really responsible for Curll's supposed garbling. This evidence was adduced with conclusive force by Bowles in a later controversy, and would be enough by itself to convict Pope of the imputed deception. Finally, it may be added that Pope's delay in producing his own edition is explained by the fact that it contained many falsifications of his correspondence with Caryll, and that he delayed the acknowledgment of the genuine character of the letters until Caryll's death removed the danger of detection.

The whole of this elaborate machinery was devised in order that Pope might avoid the ridicule of publishing his own correspondence. There had been few examples of a similar publication of private letters; and Pope's volume, according to Johnson, did not attract very much attention. This is, perhaps, hardly consistent with Johnson's other assertion that it filled the nation with praises of his virtue. In any case it stimulated his appetite for such praises, and led him to a fresh intrigue, more successful and also more disgraceful. The device originally adopted in publishing the Dunciad apparently suggested part of the new plot. The letters hitherto published did not include the most interesting correspondence in which Pope had been engaged. He had been in the habit of writing to Swift since their first acquaintance, and Bolingbroke had occasionally joined him. These letters, which connected Pope with two of his most famous contemporaries, would be far more interesting than the letters to Cromwell or Wycherley, or even than the letters addressed

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 which is foolish. When it comes to sending heavy goods overside into the branch boat at Forcados, the wise chief officer lets those crates go, but the truculent one says,

"Here, Mrs. S., now you have got to pay for these crates."

"Lor' mussy me, sar," says Mrs. S., "what you talk about?"

"These here chicken crates of yours, Mrs. S."

"Lor' mussy me," says Mrs. S.," those crates no 'long to me, sar."

"Then," says the truculent one, "heave 'em over side! We don't want that stuff lumbering up our deck."

Mrs. S. then expostulates and explains they are the property of a lone lorn lady in Lagos to whom Mrs. S. is taking them from the highest motives; motives "such a nice gentleman" as the first officer must understand, and which it will be a pleasure to him to share in, and she cites instances of other chief officers who according to her have felt, as it were, a ray of sunlight come into their lives when they saw those chicken crates and felt it was in their power to share in the noble work of returning them to Lagos freight free. The truculent one then loses his head and some of his temper and avows himself a heartless villain, totally indifferent to the sex, and says all sorts of things, but my faith in the ultimate victory of Mrs. S. never wavers. My money is on her all the time, and she has never disappointed me, and when I am quite rich some day, I will give Mrs. S. purses of gold in the eastern manner for the many delicious scenes she has played before me with those crates in dreary Forcados.

These affairs being duly disposed of, the Batanga left Forcados and duly proceeded up coast to call off Lagos for mails and passengers; my fate being to go on to the branch boat which brought these out, and which I then expected would take me in to Lagos, to await the arrival of the south-west outward bound boat.

I had been treated, as passengers landing at Lagos are properly and customarily treated, to a course of instruction on the dangers of going on and off branch boats on the bar, with special mention of the case of a gentleman who came down the Coast for pleasure and lost a leg to a shark while so engaged, and of the amount of fever of a bad type just then


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Prince of Denmark, I. ii

Our state to be disjoint and out of frame,

Colleagued with the dream of his advantage,

He hath not fail'd to pester us with message,

Importing the surrender of those lands

Lost by his father, with all bands of law,

To our most valiant brother. So much for him.

Now for ourself and for this time of meeting.

Thus much the business is: we have here writ

To Norway, uncle of young Fortinbras,

Who, impotent and bed-rid, scarcely hears

Of this his nephew's purpose, to suppress

His further gait herein; in that the levies,

The lists and full proportions, are all made

Out of his subject; and we here dispatch

You, good Cornelius, and you, Voltimand,

For bearers of this greeting to old Norway,

Giving to you no further personal power

To business with the king more than the scope

Of these delated articles allow.

Farewell and let your haste commend your duty.

King. We doubt it nothing: heartily farewell.

And now, Laertes, what's the news with you?

You told us of some suit; what is't, Laertes?

You cannot speak of reason to the Dane,

And lose your voice; what wouldst thou beg, Laertes,

That shall not be my offer, not thy asking?

 20 disjoint: at loose ends

frame: order

21 Colleagued: allied

dream of his advantage: imaginary superiority

23 Importing: bearing as its purport

24 bands: agreements

31 gait: proceeding

32 proportions: supplies, forces

38 delated: expressly stated

44 the Dane: the king of Denmark

45 lose your voice: speak to no purpose

title: Page:Hamlet (1917) Yale.djvu/21


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 of the League, that this requeſt had been preſented at the day of a Battaile. But the King ſeeing, that neither ſhame nor loſſe could make his enimies come out of Paris, and that there was no hope of bringing them to battaile, but by extreame neceſsitie, hee ſent backe againe the Duke de Longueuile with the forces that he had brought with him out of Picardie, to refreſh themſelues in the ſaid Prouince, Monſieur La Nowe returning with him. Hee did the like alſo by the Lord de Giury, which came and met him a verie good troupe at his departure from the Suburbs of Paris, ſending him toward the Countrey of Brie: and with the reſt which he had, hee was determined to make a little voyage to the Riuer of Loir, beeing called thether by manie occaſions: and this hee did, ſtaying vntill his ſtrange forces that aroſe firſt were further on their way, than they were then. So he departed from Estampes, on Saturday the x. of Nouember: and taking his waye through the Countrey of Beauſſe, beeing aduertiſed that the towne of Ianuille, which is in the middeſt of the ſame, ſtopt all the paſſages, deſired to winne it in paſsing. And being arriued vppon the Sundaie, the Captaine that was in it, made a ſhewe of defence, but ſeeing the Canon approach, yeelded it; and departing with 200 harquebuziers, his Maieſtie entred the ſame day, and lodged there the morow after: thoſe of the towne receiuing no diſpleaſure nor diſcommoditie, no more than if they neuer had reiected the obedience of his Maieſtie. The King leauing good garriſon in the Caſtle, which is a reaſonable good place, departed thence, going through the Land of Beauſſe, to the towne of


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 a word, if all the Complaints of this kind are causeless and needless, and there are neither the Crimes or the Criminals to be found, or to be heard of among us, then indeed the Satyr cannot be just, and the Author deserves the Censure of a false Accuser. Let him be try'd by, and his Country; and let the abused Persons who are without the Sin, throw the first Stone at him.

if the Fact is to be prov'd, if the Guilt is notorious, if he not only has pointed out the Crime, but is ready, if called upon in a lawful way, to point out the Criminals too, and to convict them upon their own Evidence, and out of their own Mouths; if they not only daily commit those Things, but daily boast of them; if the Coffee-houses are witnesses on one Side, and the Tea-Tables blush on the other, and lewd Dialogues on that wicked Subject circulate from one to t'other; if the differing Sexes are united in the guilt, tho' in a differing way, and the odious Facts are become flagrant, 'tis then high time to combate the Vice, and endeavour by any possible Ways to bring the World to blush for them, since they are past blushing for themselves.

the Guilt thus legitimates the Satyr, so the Circumstances of it, and the unhappy state of Things justifies the Author in the Method of attacking it. The Law cannot reach it; the Fact is not cognisable in a way of Justice; no criminal Process can lie in the Case, 'tis one of the Offences that are too vile to be hid, and yet too secret, and too much hid, to be laid hold of. They seem to be fenced and protected by those very Laws that should censure and expose them; and tho' they frequently sally out,


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54

King Ludegast of Denmark was healed now of his wound,

And eke the Saxon leader was once more whole and sound.

Albeit many dead men they left in alien land.

Then went the royal Gunther to where Siegfried did stand.

And to the warrior spake he: “Advise what I shall do;

For early on the morrow our foes intend to go,

And crave abiding pledges of peace, from mine and me:

Now counsel me, thane Siegfried, what seemeth good to thee?

“What ransom they have offered thou shalt be truly told:

So much as mares five hundred can carry of pure gold,

This will they give me gladly, if I will set them free.”

Then Siegfried answered stoutly: “That would unworthy be!

“Free, and without a ransom hence shouldst thou let them fare:

And that these noble warriors henceforward may beware

How they come hither, riding as foemen to our land,

Of this in full assurance let both kings give their hand.”

“This counsel will I follow!” So saying, forth they went.

A message to the foemen was soon thereafter sent:

“The gold, that ye have offered, doth no man care to keep,

While for the strife-worn warriors at home their dear ones weep,”

Then many a shield with treasure piled high they carried there:

Enough, although he weighed not, for every friend to share;

Five hundred marks well-counted, yea more, he gave to some.

This counsel to King Gunther had from bold Gernot come.


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 Chaſteaudun. Where as ſoone as hee was arriued, he ſent to ſummon the towne of Vandoſme, which is his auncient patrimonie, and the auncient title of his predeceſſors; and although that thereby they were double his ſubiects, and therefore the more culpable in taking his enemies part: yet notwithſtanding he hauing a more care to keepe them from further offending, than to puniſh them for their firſt fault, did lodge three daies at the ſaid Chasteaudun, for go giue them reſpite to aduiſe themſelues. But God who reſerued them for an example of his iuſtice, would not ſuffer them to accept the offers which his Maieſtie offered them to receiue them to his good fauour: but on the contrarie becomming more inſolent and ſtifnecked, conſtrained him to aſſaile them. Whileſt the King lodged at Chasteaudun, the Captaine of the Swiſſes arriued, which were ſent by and by after the death of the late King deceaſed by the Colonells of the foure Regiments, which are in ſeruice of his Maieſtie, for to knowe the pleaſure of their ſuperiours, whether they ſhuld continue in the ſeruice, or aske their leaue to returne? Who reported vnto his Maieſtie, beſides the anſwere which they gaue vnto their ſaid Colonels from their ſuperiours, that they had expreſſe charge from them to giue his Maieſtie to vnderſtand, that they did not onely command the Colonels and Captaines of the ſaid Regiments to continue in dooing him good and faithfull ſeruice, but alſo that they did offer him all ſuch other ſuccour as he ſhuld need; holding from that hower the ſame alliance and good friendſhip confirmed with his Maieſtie, which they haue had with the Kings his predeceſſors; which is


text:
User talk:Steve98052

--Jan Kameníček (talk) 22:02, 28 October 2023 (UTC)

title: User talk:Steve98052


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 raging in Lagos; and then when we saw the branch boat that was coming out to us get stuck on the bar in the middle of what a German would call a Wirrwarr of breakers, I own it took all the fascination of my memories of the South West Coast to prevent my giving up the journey, and going home to England comfortably on the Batanga, as my best friends strongly advised my doing.

However presently the branch boat stamped her way over the bar, and came panting up, and anchored near us, and from her on to the Batanga came a Lagos Government official in a saturated state. He said he had just come out to see how a branch boat could get across the bar at low water—a noble and enterprising thing which places him in line with the Elder Pliny. He entertained us with a calm, utterly dispassionate account of how the water had washed right over them, gone down the funnel and all that sort of thing—evidently a horribly commonplace experience here; and he said the Eko (that was our branch boat's name) was not going back into Lagos until she had put the down coast mail and over a hundred deck-passengers who were going to the Congo, on to the South West Coast boat, which was hourly expected in the roads, as she had been telegraphed from Accra. He casually observed he hoped she would not be late in the afternoon as he had to go up country in the morning on the Government steamer. Well, things seeming safe and pleasant, I went off to the branch boat, being most carefully lowered over the side in a chair by the winch.

"Take care of yourself," said the Batanga.

"I will," said I, which shows the futility and vanity of such resolves, for had not other people taken care of me, goodness only knows what would have become of me. Arrived alongside of the Eko, I proceeded up her rope-ladder on deck, and that deck I shall not soon forget. The Government official had understated the case; things were in a spring-cleaning confusion the waves had not made a clean sweep of her but an uncommonly dirty one, and it would have been better if she had stuck among the breakers another half hour and given the sea-nymphs time to tidy up. They had made especial hay of the gallant captain's cabin, flinging out on to


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 and make criminal Excursions, yet when they are attack'd, they retreat behind the Fences and Fortifications of the conjugal Laws, and the Letter of Matrimony is turn'd against the Meaning of it, as the Cannon of a Bastion, when the Work is taken, are turn'd against the Town which they were mounted to defend.

can scourge where the Lash of the Law cannot; the Teeth and Talons of the Pen will bite and tear, and the Satyr has a Sting which is made for the Correction of such Of fences and such Offenders as bully Justice, and think themselves out of the reach of Prisons and Punishments; as small Arms are of use in Battle where the Cannon and Mortars cannot play, and the Point of the Lance can wound where the Balls cannot fly.

Men are fenc'd against one Thing, they may not be fenc'd against another, and the sense of Shame may restrain where even a sense of Punishment will not. There are Crimes which a lash of the Pen reach'd when a lash at the Cart's-tail would not; and a time when Men that have laugh'd at the Law, and ridiculed all its Powers, have yet been laugh'd out of their Crimes by a just Satyr, and brought to the necessity of hanging themselves for Shame, or reforming to prevent it.

then the Crime be evident, and yet the Law impotent, who will contend that the Satyr is not just? 'Tis the only unexceptionable Case in which not the Justice only, but the Necessity of a Satyr, is to be insisted on.

will say, and in this particular Case I think they are right, that there is no such thing as an unjust Satyr; that a Satyr is never wrong, or can be so; for that,


text: The Great Didactic of John Amos Comenius/The Great Didactic/Chapter 26


text: The Great Didactic of John Amos Comenius/The Great Didactic/Chapter 27


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V.]

Then took they leave, for all were impatient to be gone;

But first, before Kriemhilda the guests filed, one by one;

There sat dame Uté also, the Queen, who bade “God speed”!

Never before were warriors sped half so well, indeed.

The hostels were left empty when they had ridden away.

Only at home remainéd the king, in state array

With all his friends and kinsmen,— full many a noble knight.

These, day by day, were gladden’d, by dame Kriemhilda’s sight.

Now Siegfried, the good hero, did also sue for leave:

Not heping more to win her, to whom his heart did cleave.

The king o’erheard the saying that he would fain away:

’Twas Giselher who urged him his journey to delay.

“Now whither, noble Siegftied, is it thy will to ride?

Stay rather, I beseech thee, and with our warriors bide.

Remain with our King Gunther, and with his men and me;—

Are there not here fair women, whom thou hast leave to see?”

Then spake the stalwart Siegfried: “So bide the steeds in stall!

For I have changed my purpose, I will not ride at all.

And bear the bucklers hence too;— I hoped to see my land,

But Giselher's true friendship I know not to withstand.”

Thus did the gallant hero remain for friendship’s sake.

And in no other country could he a sojourn make

That to his soul were sweeter;— and so it hap’d that he

On every day thenceforward did fair Kriemhilda see.


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 1. the Fact be not true, 'tis no more a Satyr but a Slander; 'tis a LIE, and merits the Correction of the Law.

2. the Fact be true, but is in it self no Crime, the Satyr has no Teeth, no Claws, it can neither Bite or Sting; and then again 'tis no more a Satyr; it has only a kind of close par'd Nails with which it can scratch, its own Face, and can hurt no Body else; so that 'tis no more a Satyr, nor will it bear to be call'd by that Name. But this is out of the Way here.

insist upon the Justice of the Satyr, as well from the Nature of the Charge it brings, as from the certainty of the Fact proved by the Confession of the guilty Offenders, and the general Testimony of the Times, as above.

remains then to speak of the Manner of the Performance, and enter upon the Vindication of it, a thing much more properly undertaken, now 'tis finish'd, than it cou'd be before it was begun.

only Objections which can lie against the manner, I think, come into these two. (1.) The necessity of speaking a Language that is unpleasant to hear, and which, at least, seems to tread on the brink of the same Indecency which it reproves; which also the Author has sufficiently express'd his dread of. , (2.) The deficiency of the Reproof from an over-restraint, and declining to express Things fully on that very Account, for fear of offending one Way, offending too much the other.

I have, with the utmost Care, avoided the first of these; I have studied to shun all Indecency of Expression, or saying any thing that


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56

For her surpassing beauty he was content to stay

And spend the days in pastimes, which whiled the hours away.

Although her love constrained him, it gave him grievous pain.

Through it the brave knight, later, was miserably slain.

Fresh rumours now were coming from over Rhine: for there

As all the folk were saying was many a maiden fair.

Of these was good King Gunther now thinking one to woo,

And high his knightly ardour rose, as this purpose grew.

There was a great queen, dwelling, somewhere beyond the sea,

Whose like none had seen ever, and ne’er again would see.

She was of matchless beauty, and strong withal of make;—

She shot with ready warriors, and made her love the stake.

A stone she hurl’d far from her, then after it would spring;

He, who her love did covet, must, without wavering,

Win three games in succession from her, the highborn maid;—

And if he failed in any, his head was forfeited.

Thus many a time and often the maid was wont to do,

’Twas one day heard in Rhineland, by a good knight and true,

Who turned his thoughts towards her, and sought to win the dame,

Through whom full many a hero to death foredooméd came.


text: The Lay of the Nibelungs/Chapter 5

title: The Lay of the Nibelungs/Chapter 5


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 the deck his socks and hats and boots just anyhow, and over all and everything was a coating of wet coal-dust. On the little lower deck were the unfortunate native passengers. They were silent, which with native passengers means sick, and every rag they possessed was wringing wet. Rats ran freely about everywhere, and from out of the black patch of silence on the main deck rose no sound save Mrs. S.'s ''Chei! Chei! Chei!'' of disgust and disapproval of her surroundings. The kindly German captain (for the Eko belonged to a great German trading firm in Lagos, and not to the steamboat companies) did all he could to make me comfortable, and the Government official pointed out to me objects of interest on the distant shore: the lighthouse, the Government House, the Wilberforce Hall, and so on, but particularly the little Government steamer which, he observed, was getting up steam to be ready to take him up river early in the morning. He seemed to think they were beginning rather too early, as the Government are vigilant about the sin of wasting coal. As the afternoon wore away, our interest in the coming of the Benguella grew until it surpassed all other interests, and the Benguella became the one thing we really cared about in life, and yet she came not. The little Eko rolled to and fro, to and fro, all the loose gear going slipperty, slop, crash; slipperty, slop, crash: coal-dust, smuts, and a broiling sun poured down on us quietly, and the only thing or motion that gave us any variety was every three or four minutes the Eko making a vicious jerk at her anchor. About six o'clock a steamer was seen coming up into the roads. The experienced captain said she was not the Benguella, and she was not, but the Janette Woermann, and as soon as she got settled, her captain came on board the Eko, of course to ask what prospect there was of cargo on shore. He appeared as a gigantic, lithe, powerful Dane clad in a uniform of great splendour and exceeding tightness, terminating in a pair of Blucher boots and every inch of his six feet four spick and span, but that was only the visible form—his external seeming. What that man really was, was our two guardian cherubs rolled into one, for no sooner did he lay eye on us—the depressed and distracted official and the dilapidated lady—than he claimed us as his own, and in a few more


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 minutes we were playing bob cherry again with Lagos Bar sharks, going down into his boat by the Eko's rope-ladder.

Were I but Khalif of Bagdad, I would have that captain's name—which is Heldt—written in letters of gold on ivory tablets with a full and particular account of all he did for us. No sooner did he successfully get us on board his comfortable vessel, than he gave me his own cabin on the upper deck and stowed himself in some sort of outhouse alongside it, which I observed, when going out on deck during the night to see if that Benguella had come in to the roads, was far too short for him. He gave us dinner with great promptitude—an excellent dinner commencing with what I thought was a plateful of hot jam, but which anyhow was nice. Indeed so reconciled did I become to my environment that my interest in the coming of the Benguella hourly waned, and had it not been for my having caught a sense of worry about "the way coals were being wasted" on the Government boat inside the bar, I should have forgotten the South-Wester. Not so my companion. You cannot distract a man from the higher duties and responsibilities of life so easily. His mind was a prey to the most dismal thoughts and conjectures. He regretted having come out on the Eko, although his motive to see how she would get across the bar at low water was a noble one and arose from the nature of his particular appointment, and not only did he regret that, but remembered, with remorse, all the other things he had done which he should not have done. Captain Heldt did his best to cheer him and distract him from the contemplation of these things and the way coal was being wasted on his account inside the bar. The captain offered him suits of his own clothes to change his sopped ones for; but no, he said he was lost enough already without getting into clothes of that size. Lager beer, cigars, and stories were then tried on him, but with little effect. He took a certain amount of interest in the captain's account of how he had had his back severely injured and had had to navigate his vessel among the shoals of Saint Ann while lying in great agony for weeks owing to an accident in the Grain Coast surf, and also in the various accounts of the many ribs the captain had had broken in various ways on the high seas, but any


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 might offend the chastest Mind, and the most modest Ear, allowing but just room to mention the Crime that is reproved, and hardly that in some Places sufficient to have it understood.

I have given the least Cause of Complaint, I profess it to be unseen and undesigned; nor upon revising the whole Work, do I yet see any Reason for altering or wiping out any thing on that Account.

Scripture it self, the sacred Pattern of Modesty in Expression, and which I have all along kept in my Eye as a Director in that particular Point, has, in many Places, been obliged to speak plainer than I have done in the like Cases.

when the Censure is to be pass'd, there must be so much said at least, as may let the Reader understand what it is we reprove, or else we speak of nothing, and to no purpose; yet I have studied with the utmost Care to do it, so as to leave no room for Reproach. None can find Occasion to blush here but those that are guilty; let them blush and reform, then the End of the Satyr is answered.

to the second Case; I cannot but lament the necessity I have been under to omit several flagrant Stories, with Names and Sirnames too attending them, good Evidence of Fact ready, which yet I have not been able to find Words to express with Decency enough to bear reading, or to preserve the Purity of the Design, and the Dignity of a just Satyr.

vile and perhaps unheard-of Practices could I have exposed, could I have found Words to dress up the Relation in? And what inimitable Examples have I ready to produce to sup-


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 legend of a more cheerful character than these he evidently felt was unfitted to our situation, and flippant, considering the way those coals were being wasted. Still the Benguella came not, though we sat up very late looking for her, and at last we turned in.

The next morning we were up early. There was no Benguella. The Eko was still rolling about near us waiting for her, and the Eko's passengers having had, as I heard, in vivid account some months after from Mrs. S. with many ''chei! cheis! a wretched, ratful, foodless night, the Eko'' naturally not laying herself out for water pic-nic parties. We fared well on the Janette, our guardian angel providing us with an excellent breakfast. My fellow countryman's anxiety had now passed into a dark despair. He no longer looked for the South-Wester. It was past that; but he borrowed Captain Heldt's best telescope and watched the Government steamer, which lay smoking away like a Turkish man-of-war, waiting for him. Captain Heldt tried to cheer him with more stories, lager beer, and cigars, and at last produced an auto-harp, an instrument upon which he was himself proficient and capable of playing not only the march from "Ajax," but "Der Wacht am Rhein" and "Annie Laurie." This temporarily took my fellow countryman's mind off coals, and he set about to acquire the management of the auto-harp and rapidly did so, but then he only picked out with infinite feeling and pathos "Home, Sweet Home," so it was taken from him. Then we had long accounts of the region round the Swakop river, from which the Janette had just come, and at last, about two o'clock, my fellow countryman sadly said: "Here she comes!" and there she did come, and in a short time the graceful old Benguella was duly anchored in the roads and I was taken on board by my two friends.

We none of us felt very enthusiastic, I fear. I had never been on her before, so regarded her as an utter stranger. My fellow countryman felt it was a hanging matter by now for him on shore, because of those coals, and so did not feel in such a hurry to get there. And to Captain Heldt she was a rival. But often those things which you expect least of ultimately give you the most pleasure, as the moralist would


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 say, and moreover when you are on the Coast you never know whom you may meet; and as I, after a good deal of trouble in the Janette's boat to get my companions to go on deck before me up the rope ladder, elaborately climbed that thrilling nautical institution myself and had got my head over the top of the bulwark, I saw a yard off me, dead ahead, still super-intending the hatch—my first tutor in Kru English. It was in '93 that he had last seen me, a very new comer, going ashore at San Paul de Loanda from the Lagos, on which vessel he was then officer, and vowing I meant to go home by the next boat; now seeing me coming on board, in a way I am sure would have done credit to a Half Jack captain, he naturally asked for an explanation, which, being quite busy with the rope-ladder palaver, I did not then and there give him.

In a short time I had said farewell, with many thanks to my two friends who had taken such care of me on Lagos Bar, and my fellow countryman returned in the Eko, which, having got her mails and passengers safe and sound on to the Benguella, was at last going in to Lagos again, and I am sure it will be a relief to you to know that none of those expected troubles on shore befell the official, but he lived to earn the gratitude and esteem of Lagos and its Government for his noble and determined services in working and surveying that awful bar. When, a few months after our amusing experiences on it, it went on worse than ever, and vessel after vessel was wrecked, he rescued their passengers and crews at the great risk of his own life; for going alongside a vessel that is breaking up in the breakers, and in an open boat with a native crew, and getting off panic-stricken Africans and their belongings, surrounded by such a sea, with its crowd of expectant sharks, in the West African climate, is good work for a good man, and my fellow-countryman did it and did it well.


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 in it for your own sake, if your health be so ill as you make me apprehend, though you tell me nothing particular besides what you said a good while since of your eyes. 'Tis too much to know you are in the physician's hands, and in an air that it seems does not use you so well as I could wish, but you will be revived by the spring, which is nowhere more beautiful than at the Hague for the two next months, and till about the middle of June; by that time, I fancy 'tis possible the Prince may be content you should come over, if you desire it, and the world continue likely to be quiet, at least on this side. For my part, I know not how it goes, having not so much as read a gazette since I came down, and finding (in this sense, as well as in the common one,) a kind of sweetness in being in the dark, when one is at ease.

Whenever you come over, and your business with your brother is ended, which I reckon upon, I shall be pressing you to marry, because I think it will be the best for the rest of your life; and, having made some enquiries against my son's coming over, I shall tell you of some I have heard of, who may be in your reach, though they may


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voyage down coast in the Benguella was a very pleasant one and full of instruction, for Mr. Fothergill, who was her purser, had in former years resided in Congo Français as a merchant, and to Congo Français I was bound with an empty hold as regards local knowledge of the district. He was one of that class of men, of which you most frequently find representatives among the merchants, who do not possess the power so many men along here do possess (a power that always amazes me), of living for a considerable time in a district without taking any interest in it, keeping their whole attention concentrated on the point of how long it will be before their time comes to get out of it. Mr. Fothergill evidently had much knowledge and experience of the Fernan Vaz district and its natives. He had, I should say, overdone his experiences with the natives, as far as personal comfort and pleasure at the time went, having been nearly killed and considerably chivied by them. Now I do not wish a man, however much I may deplore his total lack of local knowledge, to go so far as this. Mr. Fothergill gave his accounts of these incidents calmly, and in an undecorated way that gave them a power and convincingness verging on being unpleasant, although useful, to a person who was going into the district where they had occurred, for one felt there was no mortal reason why one should not person-


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 not be in his, while I live and spoil his fortunes; and I shall take the same pleasure in bringing about such an affair for you as for him, though that be all I have at this time at heart, and shall be mightily pleased to see you both in a way of passing long and easy lives together when I am gone, and as good friends as you and I have always been. I have thoughts of making a journey to the Baths this spring; designing not so much (between you and I) the physick of it, as the entertainment of seeing that part of the West, though I will make the other the pretence, and so may possibly go before the season and spend about three weeks in that adventure.

You will be glad to know that your friend my L. S. and I have been of late upon the best terms that can be, so he has been pressing me to the old business ever since the other has been declared, and says it will be always at my mercy; but I continue fixed to charge myself with no public employment at home. Whether I shall ever do it any more abroad or no, I cannot tell, for I have been mightily pressed upon thoughts of one of late,