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 Chap. X.J OMICHUND'S CASE. 583

important part which he had played in the revolution. A suspicion that some- .vd. itot. thing was wrong must have passed through his mind when, instead of being- invited to the carpet at the conference with the Seats, he was left to find a place for himself in the outward part of the hall. The cause of this treatment must now be explained.

While the conspiracy for the overthrow of Surajah Dowlah was in progress, omicimnds Omichund naturally expected an ample compensation for his services. He had suffered heavy loss from the plunder of Calcutta, and great injustice from the servants of the Company, who had imprisoned him on sus])icions, which if not groundless were never substantiated, and yet he had voluntarily taken ip his residence at Moorshedabad, and bect)me the most active agent in a conspiracy, which, had it been discovered, would have cost him his life. When the term reward is used in its ordinary moral sense, to designate what is due to merit, it is impossible to say that he deserved anything. Conspiracy, whatever be the form which it assumes, is a crime ; and the conspiracy in which Omichund took so active a part was carried out with a very large amount of treachery and per- jury, and for the most part from mercenary motives. Still Omichund was no worse than his fellow-conspirators; and therefore, while the fugitive governor of Calcutta and the other members of the select committee were putting in claims for tens of thousands, on the ground, as one of them expressed it, that "they had set the machine in motion," why should he, who had been so instrumental in keeping it going till the work was finished, be blamed for setting an extravagant value on his services? He is .said to have iisked a com- mission of five per cent, on all the sums found in Sm'ajah Dowlahs treasury. When he made this claim, he gave a significant hint, or rather uttered a direct menace, that if it were not granted he would compensate himself by divulging the conspiracy. It is doubtful if he ever made the menace in the serious sense in which Mr. Watts interpreted it, and most improbable that he would ever have given effect to it, as he was too acute not to perceive that Surajah Dowlahs overthrow was inevitable, and that therefore the ultimate effect of breaking with the conspirators would be his own ruin. Be this as it may, when Mr. Watts returned the public treaty, as finally revised, and con- taining an article stipidating a payment of thirty lacs (£300,000) to Omichund, tik st.puiat- the select committee could scarcely find therms strong enough to express their abhorrence of his rapacity, and their virtuous indignation at his threatened treachery. It was dangerous to expunge the article altogether, as in that case Omichund might be tempted to do his worst; and it appeal's to have been suggested, that as a kind of compromise the sum should be reduced from thirty to twenty Uics. It was reserved for the mind of Clive, ever fertile in expedients, to suggest a plan which would at once keep Omichund faithful to the conspiracy, and punish him for his real or fancied treachery.

Besides the public and private treaties above explained, there was, as luis


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 584- HLSTOliN UK INDIA [Book III.

A.D. 1757. been already hinted, a third treaty, of a very .singular description. It was, in fact, a duplicate of the public treaty, with one very important difierencc It contained an article giving twenty la&s of rupees U> Omiciiund. Externally this dupliciite had all the aj)[)earance of an original, and was sliown a-s such t(^

Deception Omichund, to satisfv liim that his intere.sts had not been neglected. Tiie |»re-

omiuiiun.i. paration of this duplicate was the plan which Clive had devised. To distinguish it from the other, which alone was to receive effect as the genuine treaty, it was written on red paper, but all the signatures were genuine, with a single exception. Admiral Watson refased to put his name to a document which Iih knew was only to be used for the pui-Y)0se of peq^etrating a fraud. The honour- able feelings which dictated this refusal mijjht have made the select committee pause ; but having gone so far they were not now to be deteired by ordinary obstacles, and the admiral's signature was forged.

The deception practised on Omichund by the substitution of a false for a genuine treaty was completely successful. Though him.self full of wiles, he wa-> so firm a believer in English honour, that we have .seen him vouching for it to Surajah Dowlah with a solemn oath. How, then, could he suspect that the representatives of the Company had combined to cheat a Hindoo Vjy pahning upon him a document which they knew to be tainted both with fraud and for- gery? He went accordingly to the Seats in the full belief that no individual had a more direct interest than himself in the an-angemenis about to be made for the payment of the sums stipulated in the treaty. While seated aloof he was probably too distant to catch the purport of the proceedings. After the treaties were read, examined, and acknowledged, a long discussion took place, the result of which was, that only one-half of the stipulated sums should be paid immediately — two- thirds in coin, and a third in plate, jewels, and effects, at a valuation; and that the other half should be paid in three years, by equal annual instalments. The conclusion cannot be better told than in the words of Orme: ' — " The conference being ended, Clive and Scrafton went towards Omi- chund, who Avas waiting in full assurance of hearing the glad tidings of his good fortune; when Clive said, ' It is notv time to undeceive Omichund;' on wdiioh Scrafton said to him in the Indostan language, ' OmichiCnd, the red paper is a trick ; you are to have nothing.' These words oveq^owered him like a blast of

Its effects, sulphur; he sank back, fainting, and would have fallen to the gi'ound had not one of his attendants caught him in his arms, and carried him to his palanquin, in which they conveyed him to his house, where he remained many houi"s in stupid melancholy, and began to show some s^miptoms of insanity. Some days after he visited Colonel Clive. who addsed him to make a pilgrimage to some pagoda, which he accordingly did soon after to a famous one near Maulda. He went and I'eturned insane, his mind every day more and more approaching to idiotism ; and, contrary to the usual manners of old age in Indostan, still more to the

' Oniie's Military Transactions, vol. ii. page 182.

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 CHAP. X.J OMICHUND'S CASE. 5S5

loimer excellence of his understanding, he delighted in being continuall}- dressed ad. itst. ill the richest garments, ornamented with the most costly jewels. In this state of imbecility, he died about a year after the shock of his disappointment." On reading the account of the fatal effect of dive's " trick," few will be disjiosed to fleny that Orme is right when — admitting it to be imcertain whether Omichund would have betrayed the conspiracy, a-s " part of his fortune was in the power of the English, and he had the utmost venoreance of Jaftier and his confederates to fear "' — he says, " as his tales and ai-tifices prevented Surajah Dowlali from lieiieving the representations of his most trusty servants, who early suspected, and at length were convinced, that the English were confederated with Jaffier, the 2,00,0 rupees he expected should have been paid to him, and he left to enjoy them in oblivion and contempt."

Orme, while he thus expresses himself, does not .say one word in reprobation Futile at- -if the trick itself His language rather implies that he saw nothing wrong in justify the it either morally or politically, and would have ajiproved the declaration of "'"^''"""• (.'live when he said, in his examination by the committee of the House of ( '(Mumons, that he thought it " warrantable in such a case, and would do it again a hundred times. " Olive, in the course of the same evidence, seems to consider it sufficient for his own justification that "he had no interested motive in doing it, and did it with a design of disappointing the expectations of a rapacious man ;" that "he thought art and policy warrantable in defeating the l)ur|)oses of such a villain."' In judging Olive's conduct on this occasion, it is 'lut fair to view Omichimd's conduct in the woi'st possible light, and assume that if his demands had not been apparently conceded, he would have put his threat in execution. This was certainly Olive's belief; for immediately after Mr. Watts had acquainted him with the demand and the menace, he wrote in answer: — " I have your last letter, including the articles of agreement. I must lonfess the tenor of them sui^irised me much. I immediately repaired to Oal- <utta; and, at a committee held, both the ailmirals and gentlemen agree that Omichund is the greatest villain upon earth ; and that now he appears in the strongest light, what he was always suspected to be, a villain in grain. How- ever, to counterplot the scoundrel, and at the smne time to give him no room to su.spect our intentions, inclosed you vnW receive two forms of agreement - the one real, to be strictly kept by us. the other fictitious. In .short, this artair concluded, Omichund will be treated as he deserves. This you will ac([uaint Meer Jaffier w^ith. ' On the as.sumption, then, that Omichund deserved the worst epithets here aii])lied to him, the question still returns, Do the means employed to fru.strate his intentions admit of justification? — were they in accord- ance with honoui-. eqiuty. and sound policy? Sir John Malcolm undertakes to prove the affirmative; but lii.s elaborate argument only shows how comjiletely zeal for the reputation of his hero had warped his judgment, and blinded him

for the moment to the necessity of that good faith which he him.self inviolably Vol. I. 74


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 .58(i

JlLST(JJiV 01-' INDIA.

[Hook J II.

A.D. i;.'.!. maiutiiiiied, and which fbniied one of the l^riglitest features in IiIk own distin- guished career. He admits that the concoction of the fictitious treaty "must have been repugnant to the feelings even of tho.se who deemed thems<.'lv<,'S compelled by duty to have recourse to such an artifice, " and that the affect- ^"tT ''**i *" ^"o termination of Omichund's life "must make an impression upon every well- (lecoptioii of constituted mind;" but still insists that, "while we give a tear to weak and

Omichund.

suffering humanity, we mast do justice to those who deemed themselves com- ])elled by circumstances, and by the situation in which they were placed, to repress all private feeling, and even to incur oVjloquy, in the perfonuance of their public duty." The select committee are thus represented, by a very- extra- ordinary flight of imagination, as actuated by the highest and purest motives, and submitting with rare disinterestedness to a kind of martyrdom, in order to secure a great public benefit not otherwise attainable. Was it really so? When the transaction is bared of all the extraneous matter with which Sir John Mal- colm has encumbered it, it will be seen that the only thing at stake was a sum of money. Twenty lacs of rupees promised by an article in the fictitious treats- satisfied Omichund, and induced him to remain true to his fellow-consjjirators. The same sum inserted in the genuine treaty would of course have had the very saine effect ; and therefore the only question to be answered is, Whether, in order to save a sum of £200,000 to the treasmy of the Nabob of Bengal, the represen- tatives of the Company and of British honour in India were compelled t^j commit fraud and forgery? It would be an insult to the understanding of the reader to argue such a question, instead of leaving him to follow the natuial impulse of his own mind by answering it in the negative. siir.ijah We must now follow Surajah Dowlali in his flight. His women, "with the

flight'and fifty laden elephants, were captured the very day after their departure, at Bog- capture. wangola, a town on the right bank of the Ganges, about twelve miles north- east of Moorshedabf.d. Pursuers were also upon the track of the nabob, but his swift boat had enabled lim to out-distance them, and, but for a strange fatality which attended his movements and defeated his plans, he seemed about to escape. Before setting out to encounter Clive he had sent a pressing in-itation to M. Law, who had immediately set out with his body of Frenchmen, and was within a few hours' march of Rajamahal, when, hearing of the disaster at Plasse}', he deemed it prudent to stop, and wait for fiu-ther intelligence. Had he proceeded he would almost to a certainty have joined the nabob and saved him, as there would have been little difficult}^ in defeating fm*ther pursuit, and reaching Patna. This was Surajah Dowlah's original intention, as he Imd reason to believe that the governor of Behar residing there remained faithful amid the general defection, and would give him an asylum. He had accordingly shaped his flight in this dii'ection, and arrived without interniption at Rajamahal. Here the boatmen, worn out with their excessive exertions, were pei'mitted to pass the night in the boat, while the nabob and liis two attendants sought


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 Chap. X.]

SURAJAH DOWLAH'S CAPTLTRE AND DEATH.

 * ,b7

•M*-

shelter ashore in a deserted garden. Orme's account is that he was here acci- ad it.-. dentally recognized at break of day, by a person who had too good reason to remember him, from having been deprived of his ears Ity his orders, thirteen months before, when at this place he stopped short on the expedition to Purneah, and retraced his steps to execute the fatal resolution of expelling the Eneflish from Ben'ral. The native account is, that the person who had been thus maltreated was either a dervise or fakir, and that by a singular coincidence the place where the nabob sought shelter was the cell of this very devotee. He was received with much apparent hos- pitality; but his host, stimulated at once by revenge and the hope of reward, took the earliest opportunity of communicat- ing his important discovery to Meer Cossim, Meer Jaffier's brother-in-law, who was then the commander of Raja- mahal. His capture being thus effected, Surajah Dowlah was hurried back, suffering every kind of indignity consistent wnth the preservation of his life. At midnight he was brought as a felon before Meer Jaffier, in the pjilace which so lately was his own, and, throwing himself on the ground, earnestly asked only for life. Meer Jaftier was or affected to be moved, and a consultation ensued, during which the question of life or death was freely discussed. No formal decision was given ; but Meer Jaffier must have been perfectly aware of what was to follow, when he went off to bed leaving the unhappy prisoner in the charge of his son Meerun, a worthless 3'outh of seventeen, who, having from the first given his opinion for murder, was not slow in bribing a wretch to perpetrate it. Surajah Dowlah had been removed to a distant chamber to await his fate. He was not kept long in suspense. As soon as the murderer entered he saw his purpose in his looks, and begged a few moments" respite to Death of perform liis ablutions and say his prayers. Even this was denied, and he was 'u"™|!|jl speedily despatched by the blows of a poignai'd. In the morning his mangled remains, after being exposed through the city on an elephant, were carried to the tomb of Ali Verdy Khan, his maternal giindfather. He was only in the twentieth year of his age, and the fifteenth month of his government. Worthless though he was. his tragical fjite excited general commiseration, and the question must often have been asked. Why did not the English, whose influence at the court was paramount, not interfere to prevent it ? Clive,

Gateway .at Rajamahal.— From Lieutenant Uiicon's

First Impressions of India


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 588

iII.ST(M{V Ol- INDIA

fB*^>oK III.

AD. 1757.

Attemi>ts of a party of Frdiich to excite a counter- rovolntion.

Coote's expeiUtiuii against tUem.

when he urged the new naljr^h to ])re.ss forward to Moorshedahad and endeavour to secure the person of SuniJMh Dowlah, niight have made him aware that u' mast not toucli his life. This precaution, which mere liumanity .seemed t>> dictate, he omitted to use; it may have been from oversiglit. When after- wards referring to the subject, in a long letter which he addre.s.sed to tiie secret committee of director.s, he contents himself with sajnng. " Surajah Dowlah was not discovered till some days after his flight; iiowevei", he was at last taken in the neighbourhood of Kajamahal, and brought to Moorshedabad on the 2d in.stant late at night. He was immediately cut off by the nabob's son. and, as it i.«. said, without the father's knowledge. Next morning the nabob paid me n visit, and thought it necessary to palliate the matter on motives of policv . for that Surajah Dowlah had wrote letters on the road to many of the jemidar.> of the army, and occasioned some commotions among tho.se in his favour." '

M. Law, after losing the opportunity of .saving Surajah Dowlah, and hearing of his capture, immediately marched back with his body of troops into Behar, intending to ofier their services to Kamnarain, the governor, who, as he had formerly promised to support Surajali Dowlah, would now, it was suppo.sed, not be disinclined to assume independence. By accepting of French assistance and forming alliances with neighbouring chiefs, it might be possible not only to .set the new nabob at defiance, but to assume the offensive, and cany the war into tiie very heart of Bengal. This danger seemed so formidable to Meer Jaftiei- that he immediately called Olive's attention to it, and urged the expediency of endeavouring to make prisoners of the French before they could reach Patna. The natural course would liave been to have employed his own soldiei-s for this purpose. As yet, however, though he professed to have been called to the throne by the ])opular voice, he did not feel so secure as to be able to part with any of the troops on whose fidelity he could calculate, while, for very obvious reasons, it would have been madness to employ those whom he suspected. Clive easily saw the dilemma in which he was placed, and set his mind at ease by under- taking to send a detachment of his own troops in pursuit of the French. The detachment, consisting of 230 Europeans, 300 sepoys, fifty lascars, and two field- pieces, was placed under the command of Major Coote. The baggage and stores were laden in forty boats, which, besides being very imperfectly equipped were not ready to start from Moorshedabad before the Gth of July. By this time the French had got half-way to Patna, and were almost beyond the reach of captm-e. The expedition, howevei', deserves notice for the remarkable courage and perseverance displayed by those employed in it.

The troops arrived at Rajamahal on the 10th, and the boats on the 1 1th of July. Meer Cossim was expected to give all necessary assistance, but sent onl- 120 horsemen, who refused to proceed without two months' pay, and were therefore left behind. Major Coote, thus thrown on his own resources, set out

' Letter dated 26th Jul^. Memoirs of Cliie, vol. i. p. 2<j:i.


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 Chap. X.]

MAJOR COOTE'S EXi'KlJlTION.

589

The Fort of Monohib.— From Bacon's Oriental Portfolio.

again on the 13th, and in five days reached Bhaugulpore, a distance of sixty-five ad. 1:57. miles. Here it was ascertained that the French had passed Patna, which is fifty- five miles in advance, four days before. Major Coote might now have been justi- ^'^*^

~ ailrniices to

fied in abandoning the pursuit as hopeless ; but he was of a character not to be Mongiiir deterred by ordinary obstacles, and by the 21st accomplished twenty-five miles more, which brought him to Monghir The detachment had expected to find a resting-place within its fort — a place of considerable strength, situated on a precipitous rock, washed by the Gan- ges; butthegaiTison, instead of admitting them, manned the walls, lighted their matches, and gave

such unequivocal proofs of hostile intentions, that it only remained to make a circuit and continue the march still farther westward. Coote was now so near Patna that he was determined to reach it at all hazards, and was still pressing- onward when he encountered an obstacle on which he had not calculated. The Europeans became mutinous. It required all Coote's enei'gy to maintain them uisiwidpro- in discipline. As they mui'mm*ed at their hardships and fatigues, he endea- voured to shame them into their duty by putting them into the boats, while he himself continued to marc'i at the head of the sepoys. In this way he proceeded to Futwa or Futtooha, which is within ten miles of Patna. Hitherto Ramna- rain, though perfectly aware of his approach, had taken no notice of it, but two letters were now received from him apologizing for the escape of the French, and ascribing it to the want of timely notice. It thus appeared that, however hostile Ramnarain's intentions miglit be, he was not yet prepared to avow them. The boldness of Coote's march, with a mere handful of men. for above 200 miles through a country known to be unfriendly, had perhap.s overawed him. On the 2Gth the whole of the detachment, as well as the boats, reached Patna, and took up their station at the Company's factory, a spacious building, situated on the bank of the Ganijes. outside but close to the western wall of the city. Ramnarain having made himself acquainted with tiie exact strength of the detachment, and probably also with the mutinous spirit which part of them had manifested, was now less disposed to profess friendshi]), and, on frivolous pretexts, declined to receive the visit which Coote had proposed to pay him

i-eeilings


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 5U0 HISTOIiY OF INDIA. [Book III.

A.D. 17.-.7. Matters, consecjuently, assumed a very ominous appearance. 'I'wo men were

overheard talking of a design to ma.ssiicre the detachment, and, at the same

time, tlie con(hict of the Europeans became so diwjrderly that CVjte had no

lootes alternative but to biing thirty of them to a court- martial, which sentenced

lirnmess.

them to be flogged. The infliction of such a punishment at .so trying a time is a rare example of firmness and decision ; but it must neceasarily have weakened the detachroent, and consequently added to the impending danger. Coote wa«, notwithstanding, determined to persevere in the original design of the ex{>edi- tion, and made preparations to continue the pursuit. The camp attendants and many of the boatmen now took alarm and deserted By great exertions their l)laces were supplied ; and the detachment, after reaching Dinapore and crossing the Sone at its confluence with the Gange.s, proceeded up the right or .southern bank of the latter river, till they arrived opposite to Chuprah. In this place the Company had a factory for the collection of saltpetre, which is made in large quantities in the surrounding districts. It was therefore deemed expedient to cross over, but from the want of boats and other assistance, three days were consumed in the operation. At Chuprah Coote learned that Law's party had reached Benares, and been favourably received by the rajah, who was dependent on Sujah Dowlah, Nabob of Oude. To have proceeded would have been to ri.sk collision with this formidable enemy, and it was therefore determined to wait for further orders. On the 1 2th of August a letter was received from Clive, order- ing the return of the detachment to Patna, there to concert with Mahmood Amy Khan, Meer Jaftier's brother, a scheme for wresting the government of Behar from Ramnarain. Not a moment was lost ; and the very next day the troops, carried swiftly down the stream by the current, landed at Patna, and resumed tlieir quarters in the factory. Coote saw that the only chance of overthrowing Ramnarain was to assault the citadel, then ganisoned by 2000 men, and make him prisoner. The attempt was not only daring, but must have seemed almost desperate; and j^et Coote would have made it, had not Mahmood counselled delay, in order to give him an opportunity of seducing the garrison. Before the result was ascertained, Meer Jafiier, who had suggested the depo.sition of Ramnarain, became suspicious of the designs of his own brother. Coote was, HfliBrecaUed. in consequence, recalled, and arrived with the detachment at Mooi-shedabad, on the 7th of September. The expedition thus failed of its object. Its indirect results, however, were important. The indomitable resolution which its com- mander displayed di'ew all eyes upon him as one of the destined hei'oes of Indian warfare; and, at the same time, made a powerful imjiression on the minds of the natives, convincing them how hopeless would be any attempt to arrest the progress of a nation, a mere handful of whose soldiers could thus wander hundreds of miles througli their country, as if defying attack, and yet without meeting an enemy bold enough to attempt it.

The very same day on which Coote set out on his remarkable expedition, an

J


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 "ciiAi- X.| THE NAROIW 'J'REASURES ARRIVK IN CALCUTTA. o[)l

extraordinary scene was exhibited in Calcutta. The spoils of Meer Jaffier's ad. its; treasury arrived. After a variety of discussions and equivocations, 7,271,0GG rupees, in coined silver, were received, packed in 700 chests, and despatched down the nver in 100 boats. At Nuddea these were joined by all the boats of Arrival of the squadron, and many others, the whole "proceeding with banners displayed, treiisun.* at

CalcutU.

and music sounding, as a triumphal procession, to contrast that in which the inhabitants of the Ganges had seen Surajah Dowlah returning the year before from the destruction of Calcutta. Never before," says Oime, from whom the whole quotation is made, " did the English nation, at one time, obtain such a prize in solid money ; for it amounted (in the mint) to £800,000 sterling." The refierence to the mint would scarcely be intelligible without the explanation that the coined silver was not the regular ciu"rency of the country, but collections of coins of various countries, which had been hoarded up in the treasury of Moor- shedabad by successive nabobs.

The arrival of so much money, and the distribution cf it }»artly among those Gmerai

(lifftision of

whom the pillage of Calcutta had ruined, naturally diffused universal joy. wealth Almost every femily found itself suddenly raised to affluence, commerce revived, and the whole settlement gave signs of rapid and unexampled pro.sperity. The benefits, however, were not without alloy. A most mercenary spirit was engendered, and, at a time when unusual generosity might have been expected, the meanest selfishness was unblushingly displayed. Clive, as we have seen, had not forgotten his own interests, and had shared in the spoil to an extent which cannot easily be justified, and which his most unqualified admirere must unite in deploring, as it gave his enemies a handle for the charges which em- bittered his life, and probably led to the act by which it was prematurely terminated. It must be admitted, however, that in all pecuniary arrangements where his comrades in arms or colleagues in council were concerned, Clive's conduct was characterized by a nice sense of honour and great disinterested ness, and in this respect often contrasts honourably with their rapaciousness. The select committee, while providing for themselves a most liberal com})en- sation in the event of Clive's success, were not willing to incur responsibility in the event of failure; and hence, after giving their express sanction to all pre- vious proceedings, and taking credit to themselves for " setting the machine in motion," addi-essed a letter to him, which could only be interpreted as a mere attempt to reap the profit without incurring any of the hazard. This letter was written before the battle of Plassey, and Clive, answering it after the b.attle, says: — "I cannot help thinking that had the expedition miscarried, you would have laid the whole blame on me." To another letter from the com- mittee, written the very day when the battle was fouMit, he thus reiilies: — " I '^""^ have received your letter of the 23d instant, the contents of which are so results indefinite and contradictory that I can put no other construction on it than an intent to clear yourself at my expense, had the expedition miscarried. It


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 692 JILSTOltV OK INJJlA. ; IJook III.

AD. 1767. put me in inind of tlie famous answer of the iJc.'ljjliiu oracle to Pyirlius — Aio te, ^((cide, Romanos vincere posae.'" The triumj>harit result of the expedition saved the committee frf)m the imf^enerous course which they appear to have contemplated; but when the division of the money was discussed disputes of a disgraceful character arose. Admiral Watson, though not fonnally a member of the select committee, was virtually so, in consequence of the active part which he had taken in all their ])roceedings. and on this ground thought himself entitled to share in the money allotted to that body. Clive, without admitting the strict ju.stice of the claim, saw its reasonableness, and exeiled himself to make it effectual; but, though he offered at once to .set the example, by deducting his part, most of the others were too selfi.sh to follow his example. It was perhaps thought that, as the admiral had refased to damage his character by signing the fictitious treaty, he was compensated in reputation for the lo.ss of money. He certainly was; and it is more than pro})able that he him.self was of the same opinion, when, not many days after, he received in his own ]^)erson a proof of the utter emptiness of all earthly possessions, and died of fever, after a few days' illness. Meicenary Auotlier pccunlary di.spute, which gave Clive much vexation, while it .served

military, to bring out somc of the better and more prominent pai-ts of his character, re- lated to the division of prize-money. Besides the nabob's so-called donation to the army and navy, as to which there could not be any misunderstanding, since the obvious meaning was that the two services ought to share it between them, another and the largest present appears to have been made through Clive to the troops who, under him, had gained the victory. As the squadi'on could not a.scend the river and take part in the victory, it could not be denied that this present belonged exclusively to the troops engaged. All this was clear, but some were selfish enough to maintain that by the term "troops" only .soldiers .should be understood, and that the .sailoi's, who actually sei'ved in the expedition, had no claim. To obtain an equitable settlement of this and various other points, CHve assembled a council of war, which was attended by officers deputed from ever}' branch of the troops. After much discussion, and in the face even of a strong ]irotest made by Clive, the majority came to the shameful decision that the claim of the sailors who came with the expedition should not be recognized. Officers who had committed themselves thus far had no scniples in going further, and, in order to prevent the possibility of appeal against their meditated injustice, proceeded to vote that the division .shoiild be immediately earned into effect. In vain did Clive represent that " the money could not be divided till it was shroffed, and the agents of both parties present, without the gi-eatest injustice.' They still persisted, till Clive overruled their votes, and broke up the council of war. So bent, however, were they on can-ying their point, that ihey sent him what they called a "remon.strance and protest." The nature of its contents may be learned from Clive's admirable answer, the principal part


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 CiiAiv X.] MERC'ENAKY SPIRIT OF THE MiLiTAUY. 59.3

of which was as follows: — "Gentlemen, — I have received both j'our remons- a.d. 1757. trance and protest. Had you consulted the dictates of your own reason, those of justice, or the respect due to your commanding officer, 1 am persuaded such a paper, so highly injurious to your own honour as officers, could never have esca])ed you. You say 3'-ou were assembled at a council to give your opinion cuve's fimi-

. . iies-s in re-

about a matter of property. Pray, gentlemen, how comes it that a promise of preBsiug it a sum of money from the nabob, entirely negotiated by me, can be deemed a matter of light and property ! So very far from it, it is now in my power to return to the nabob the money already advanced, and leave it to his option whether he will perform his promise or not. You have stormed no town and found the money there ; neither did you find it in the plains of Plassey, after the defeat of the nabob. In short, gentlemen, it pains me to remind you, that what you are to receive is entirely owing to the care I took of your interest. Had I not interfered gi'eatly in it, you had been left to the Company's gene- rosit}^ who, perhaps, would have thought you sufficiently rewarded in receiv- ing a pi'esent of six months' pay ; in return for which I have been treated with the greatest disrespect and ingratitude ; and, what is still worse, you have flown in the face of my authority for overruling an opinion, which, if pa,ssed, would , have been highly injurious to your own reputation, and been of the worst con- sequences to the cause of the nation and the Company." This answer, and the decisive step of ])lacing the officers who brought the paper in arrest, and sending a captain, who had acted as ringleader, down to Calcutta, opened the eyes of the remonstrants. Either brought back to a sense of duty, or alarmed at finding that in selfishly grasping at too much they were risking the loss of all, they made their submission and were forgiven.

This dispute, and various others, which, though of a less glaring, were of a Sumsi«i.ii..v very disagreeable nature, leave no room to doubt that the sudden influx of on iiis

11 I'll 1 • 1 -11' iiT/i'i accession.

wealth, obtained by nearly emptying the nabobs treasury, had dinused a mercenary and rapacious sjiirit among all classes, civil and military, in Calcutta. On seeing this result Clive must have had some misgivings as to the propriety of the course he had pursued, in accepting so much money for himself, and allowing so much to be exacted by others, who could not like him plead that they had done enough to deserve it. It was, perhaps, owing to some such feeling, that, in his very long letter to the secret committee of the court of directors, dated a month after he entered Moorshedabad, while giving very full details as to the money which Meer Jaffier had bound himself to pay, and the insufficiency of the treasury to pay it, he makes no allusion to the private treaty in which the select committee, in stipulating for a donative to the army and navy, had inserted an exorbitant donation to themselves, nor to the enormous sums which, without being stii>ulated, had been received in the name of presents. The omission could scarcely be a mere ovei-sight: if it was inten-

ttional. it is difficult to account for it on anv other supposition than that it was


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 o94i

HlSTOilY OF INDIA.

[booK IJI.

A.D. 1757.

Advantages gained by Company.

a delicate subject, which it wfjuld be imprxident to mention incidentally, and which it was then judged premature U> attempt to justify. The whole sum paid by Meer Jaffier to individuals, including the stij^ulation Uj the army and navy, but exclusive of that to the Comjtany, amounted — taking the rupee at the rate of exchange which it bcjre at the time to £1,238,575. Of this Clive received in his capacities as member of the select committee and commander- in-chief, and in the form of an unstipulated gratuitous donation, £234,000.

It is not easy to overrate the advantages which tlie revolution in Beiigal secured to the Company. The money mast have been sufficient to compen.saUj them for all their losses. All the land within the Mahratta Ditch, and for a circuit of 600 yards without it, granted them in absolute property, must have been, from its position, of great and increasing value, and the zeminflary, very vaguely described as including the countiy lying south of Calcutta, be- tween the lake and the river, as far as Culpee, must, notwithstanding the reservation of the customary payments, have added largely to their revenue, and still more largely to their power. The freedom of navigation was, moreover, secured by the stipulation that no forts should be erected on the banks of the river, from Hooghly downwards ; while the internal tiade was set free from all exactions and annoyances by the certainty that the Company's dustuks or passports would no longer be Hable to question, at least on frivolous ground.s. Instead of existing merely on tolerance as traders, the victory of Plassey had made them a great political power. They had unmade one nabob and made another ; and imless they were voluntarily to recede from the high position thus won for them, the three great provinces of Bengal, Behar, and Orissa must henceforth acknowledge them as, to all intents, their lords paramount. Before proceeding to trace the further progress of this gi'eat revolution, it will be necessary to return to the Carnatic, which was likewise about to become the theatre of important events.

CHAPTER XI.

Affairs in the Carnatic.

Position of affairs in the Carnatic — Desultory warfare — Arrival of a French squadron — Lally, com- mander-in-chief of French forces — Naval action — Siege and capture of Fort St. David — Siege o! Tanjore — Siege of Madras — French reverses — Forde in the Northern Circars — Battle of Wandiwash — Siege and capture of Pondicherry — Destruction of French interests in the Deccan.

HE presidency of Madi-as, when they fitted out the expedition to Bengal, anticipated its return before the impending rupture between Great Britain and France should be actually declared, or at least in time to enable them to ward off the dangers with which they would in consequence be threatened. In this expectation, owing to the course of events in Bengal, they were disappointed.


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 I

Chap. XI. J AFFAIRS IN TRt. CARNATIC. 595

Clive, convinced that he could not serve the interests of the Company so a u. 1757.

effectually as by overthrowing Surajah Dowlah, retained all the troops which

lie had taken with him, and ventured, on his own responsibility, to disregard

the orders repeatedly sent him to retui'n. Thus weakened by the absence of a

large part of their forces, the presidency of Madras remained on the defensive.

The French, in the meantime, were not disposed to avail themselves of any

superiority which they possessed. They expected the arrival of a powerful

armament, and deemed it imprudent, while they had the prospect of striking

a final blow at all the British settlements in India, to risk any loss, by engaging

in partial operations. A kind of neutrality had hence been established between -Veiitraiitv

, . ... between the

the companies, and it almost seemed as if the declaration of hostilities between companies, their respective governments had only made them desirous of remaining at peace. This neutrality, however, being only a temporizing expedient, the result not of choice but of accidental circumstances, was necessarily of short duration. It was soon found that neither party could safely remain on the defensive. The Nabob of Arcot, though now nominally in possession of almost the whole territory which he claimed under that title, was unable to derive any regular revenue from it ; and his British allies, who had obtained large tracts of land in assignment of the debts which they had incuiTcd in his behalf, were unable to make them effectual for payment. Two of the nabob's brothers, one in the north and another in the south, were in open revolt; and numerous tributaries, influenced by their example, plainly intimated their determination not to pay unless under compulsion. The necessity of an immediate effort being thus made apparent, the presidency ordered Captain Calliaud, commanding officer at Trichinopoly, to proceed southward with all his disposable troops, to effect the subjugation and settlement of Madura and Tinnevelly, and sent a detachment northward to NeUore. Neither expedition proved successful. In Deauit..ry an attempt to storm NeUore a serious repulse was received; and the siege of Madura was suddenly abandoned, in order to provide for the safety of Trichinopoly, against which the French, when made aware of the defenceless state in which it had been left, had secretly sent an overpowering force, col- lected on the spur of the moment by emptying Pondicherry and other places of their ganisons. The measure was dexterously planned, but very indif- ferently executed, and Trichinopoly was saved by Calliaud, who, by making his way into the city after the enemy supposed that they had rendered access to it impossible, performed the only memorable achievement in this desul- tory warfare, which, after its immediate objects had failed, continued to be carried on by both sides, as if in mere wantonness, with no advantage to tliemselves and infinite misery to the inhabitants. The result was, on the whole, unfavourable to the presidency, who, while their sources of revenue were dried up by the devastation of the country w^iich ought to have furnished them, were constrained to purchase the departure of the Mahrattas,


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 3 lit)

msTOlCY OF IN 1)1 A.

LBooK in

A.D, I7r,8.

Arrival of a Kreiich force under Lilly ii» guvcnior- wneral.

Thomas Arthur, Comte de Lally.

From a French print.

Preparations for the siege of Fort St. David.

who liad made an incursion into the Caraatic, and demanded a large sum aa tlie arrears of chout.

On the 2Hh of February, 1758, Admiral Pococke, who had Bucceeded Admiral Watson, arrived at Madras, with the ships of war from Bengal ; and Admiral Stevens, exactly a month after, with four ships of the line from Bom- bay. This formidable squadron sailed on the 17th of April to the southward, but the hopes which it had raised were suddenly damped on the 28th, when a s(i[uadron of twelve sail, evidently French, was descried making for the road of Fort St. David. It was commanded by Count d'Ache, and had on board Count

Lally, an officer of Iri.sh descent, who, having ac- quired distinction in European campaigns, had been sent out with the most extensive powers as governor- general of all the French settlements in India. He was accompanied by the regiment of liLs name, which mustered 1080 strong, a small nimiber of royal artillery, and many officers of distinction This armament, which had long been expected, had been sent out by the French government, with a strong unhesitating conviction that, with the other troops already collected at Pondicheny, it wa.s destined to achieve a series of triumphs. In none was this conviction stronger than in Lally himself, who was so impatient to commence operations, that leaving the rest of his ships to anchor in the vicinity of the Fort, he hastened off to Pondicherry to proclaim his commission, and tu'ge the immediate departure of the troops there, with all the necessary requisites for carrj-ing on the siege. This precipitancy displayed far more energy than wisdom, and raised up a host of obstacles which might easily have been avoided by acting with more calmness and deliberation. He had no doubt a right to expect that the most essential preparations had been already made, and that at all events no difficulty would be found in procuring the means of transport. Great there- fore was his surprise and indignation on learning that everything remained to be provided. In these circumstances prudence coimselled delay ; but his reso- lution had been formed, and difficulties, so far from changing it, would only furnish an opportunity of acquiring new distinction by surmoimting them. On the very evening of his arrival 2000 men, half of them Europeans and half sepoys, were on the march from Pondicherry for Fort St. David, under the command of Count dEstaing. It had not even been deemed necessary to obtain exact knowledge of the roads or furnish provisions. The consequence was, that they went astray, and, after a niglit of hardship and fatigue, arrived in the morning in a state bordering on staivation. The following day, when other troops were despatched, and with them artillery, stores, and baggage, blunders still more serious were committed. Without paying the least regard to the


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 Chap. XI. j CAPTURE OF FOirr ST. DAVID. Ji^V

feelings and prejudices of the natives, Lally Issued a general order, compelling a.d. irss. all, without distinction of rank or caste, to supply the want of bullocks and other beasts of burden, by becoming themselves drawers and carriers. When this order was issued, the governor and council, aware of the general ferment which it would produce, endeavoured to prevent the execution, but Lally, lidiciding their fears, and even impugning their motives, persisted in his own reckless coiu".se. He was consequently regarded with abhorrence by the native population, who took their revenge by deserting on every opportunity, and rendering no service which they could possibly avoid.

VVliile Lally was thus blundering and raising up obstacles to his own success, indecisive the fate of his whole armament was hanging in a trembling balance. The gagemeut British squadron, after reaching the north extremity of Ceylon, steered again for the coast of India, and arrived oif Negapatam on the very day when the French squacbon was entering the road of Fort St. Daad. Continuing its course northward along the shore, it no .sooner came in .sight of the enemy than Admiral Pococke threw out the signal for chase. Count d'Ach^ did not decline the challenge thus thrown out to him ; and when come up with, about noon of the 29th, was waiting, with his ships in line of battle. His .squadron, diminished by a ship and a frigate which had gone with Lally to Pondicherry, still amoimted to nine sail. The British squadron consisted of only seven sail. The engagement proved indecisive. After it had la.sted an hour and a half tlie French sheered off, apparently not for flight, but to reassemble their ships, which had become scattered, and resume the action. The British, very much damaged in their rigging, were unable and perhaps had no great inclination to follow. The combatants thus parted by a kind of nuitual consent. The loss of the French during the action was the more severe, and afterwards it was considei'ably increased, one of their ships, the Bien Aime, of fifty- eight gims, having run ashore, in consequence of cutting her cable, and become a total wreck.

It was six days after the action before Count d'Ach(^ reached Pondicherry. siege and The troops he had with him were immediately landed and marched off to Fort tortst. St. David. As the difHculty of land ti-ansport had been greatly increased by Lally's rash and improvident proceedings, the artillery and ammunition were sent by sea, and put ashore near the mouth of the Penaar. Everything being now provided for the siege, operations commenced on the 14th of May, by the erection of a battery in the vicinity of Cuddalore, and were continued with con- siderable vigour. The garrison consisted of 619 Europeans, of whom 280 were effective, and 2.50 seamen taken from two frigates which had been run ashore when the French squadron first made its appearance, and of 1 GOO -sepoy-s, lascars, and topasses. Such a force placed within a fortification which, by means of additions and improvements, had been rendered so complete that want of space was its only serious defect, should have been able to make a protracted defence. It was not so. Instead of acting on a kind of regular plan, the commander of

David.


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 5i)H

JJISTOllY OF INDIA.

[FJOOK III.

A.I) 17r,8

.Siego <if Fort St. Uavid.

the fort seems to have contented himself with allowing tlie ganwm, as Mr Orme expresses it, "to lavish away their fire night and day on everything they saw, h(!ard, or suspected." In this way they sustained more injury than they inflicted, for "twenty of the carriages of their own guns were disabled and the works themselves shaken." The besiegers were thus permitted to proceed with little interruption. By the 3th they had advanced their trenches io within 200 yards of the glacis, and from twenty-one pieces of cannon and thirteen mortars kept up an incessant fire, with a constantly increasing supen- ority over that of the defenders, who were now beginning to feel the want of the ammunition of which they had been so lavi.sh at the commencement, when no good purpose could be gained by it. It was now evident that the place must fall if not speedily relieved. Of this there was still some hope. Admli-al Pococke with his squadron was known to be on the coast; and as he had

already gained some advantage

Itardcn Iw

Count d'Achc declines the cliallenge of tlie Britisli fleet.

over his opponent, it was natur- ally expected that he would not allow Fort St. David to fall without a strenuous effort to save it. He did indeed make this effort; and after ha-ing been driven northward as far as Sadrass, had worked his way back, but with so much diffi- culty, that he only gained four leagues in two days. On the 28th he descried the French fleet lying in the road to Pondicherry ; but Count d' Ache's courage had cooled after his pre%'ious encoun- ter, and instead of accepting the challenge to fight, he resolved, with the sanction of his captains and the governor and council, to keep his ships moored near the shore under the protection of the batteries. Lally, hearing of this resolution and ashamed of it, hastened firom the siege, bringing with him a detachment of 400 Europeans and as many sepoys, whom lie tendered to Count d'Ache to serve on board the fleet. The want of men, in consequence of the great number of sick who were on shore in the hospital, had Ijeen the only excuse for not risking an engagement, and as this obstacle was now removed by Lallj'^'s offer, the previous pusillanimous resolution was aban- doned. Count d'Ach^, however, though thus compelled to quit the protection of the shore, had no intention to eng^age if he could possibly avoid it ; and

rORT S^DAYID

1756

of Yards


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 Chap. XL] SURRENDER OF FORT ST. DAVID. oi)i)

therefore, taking advantage of the wind, steereji directly for Fort St. David, a d. i75«. while Admind Pococke had the mortification of only seeing him depart without being able to pursue. One of his ships, the Cumberland, sailed so badly that she operated as a continual drag upon the others; and the whole squadron, losing instead of gaining ground, was obliged to give way and return northward to Alumj)arva. When the garrison, after being buoyed with the hope of relief, saw Count d' Ache's squadron enter the road, they at once abandoned all idea of further resistance, and on the 2d of June hung out a flag of truce. The capitu- lation, in such terms as the victors chose to dictate, was soon arranged, and the French took possession of the place. The first use they made of their conquest was to raze the fortifications to the ground. Their strength was far greater than they had imagined, and they had good reason to congi'atulate themselves on their good fortune in having met with defenders so unskilful and pusillani- mous, that all their lavish firing killed oidy twenty men. The fall of Fort St. David was immediately followed by that of Devicotta, which was abandoned by its garrison the moment the enemy were seen approaching it.

Lally, elated above measure with these successes, set off for Pondicherry to Exultation

•^' ' "^ of Lally .it

celebrate a Te Deura, and fix upon the scene of his next conquest. On this sub- hi* succem ject there should have been no room for doubt. He had spared no means to increase his force, having for that purpose bared all the forts of their garrisons, recalled the detachment which had so long kept Trichinopoly in a state of siege by occupying the island of Seringham, and in spite of remonstrance voluntarily relinquished all the advantages which Bussy had gained, by peremptorily with- drawing him and all his troops from the Deccan, at the very time when French ascendency there, after being well nigh overthrown, had again been triumph- antly established. Nothing could justify Lally in the adoption of such measures but the determination to strike one great and decisive blow at British interests in the Carnatic, and hence the universal belief was that his next attempt would be to capture Madras. That presidency was, of course, in great alarm, and busily engaged in preparing against a siege deemed all but certain, when the cheering intelligence arrived that Lally and his army had set out in an opposite direction.

After celebrating his triumph in Pondicherry, Lallv turned his attention to his pecum the state of the finances, and learned that the treasury was almost empty. The ties, and fact not only disappointed him, but aroused his indignation, for he strongly sus- to relieve

pected that the greater part of the officials were engaged in systematic embezzle-

IK ment, enriching themselves by plundering their employei's. To a man of his

warm temperament suspicion was equivalent to proof; and he was unsparing

in his sarcasms against the governor and council. An open quan-el ensued, and

I much time was wasted in unprofitable bickering. Meanwhile the want of money only became more pressing. The troops were clamoiu-ing for their arrears of

them.


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 W)l) HISTOliV OK JNIJIA. I liooK HI.

A.D. 1758. ance be undertaken with an exhausted treasury? In this perjjlexity an exj>e-

dient which it was thouglit might meet the necessities of tlje ease was suggested

In 1751 tlie King of Tanjore, when attacked hy Cliunda Saliil*, had pinx-hased

})re.sent relief by granting him a bond for 5,G,0 rupees. Tliis bond was in

'schfue for P'^'^session of the government of Pondicherry. Why not attempt to make it

raising available? Tiie same kind of pressure which had extorted it from the kin^,

money. ^ ^ "^

might be successfully employed to extort payment. Tlie circum.stances were peculiarly favoural)le. Not only were the British, to whom alone the king could look for assistance, unable to furnish it, but in the fort of St. David a prisoner had been found whose presence with the araiy might be made to work effectually upon his fears. This prisoner was Gatica, the imcle of a claimant to the Tanjore throne, whose pretensions the Madras presidency, tempted by the offer of Devicotta, and other advantages, rashly undertook to support in 1749 The proceedings, which were disgraceful to the presidency, have already been detailed ; and it is therefore sufficient here to mention, as the result, that on finding it impossible to succeed by force, they suddenly changed sides, and made a sordid bargain, by which, in return for the cession of De^ncotta by the reigning sovereign, they not only ceased to be the protectors, but engaged to become the jailers of the claimant. A timely warning of what was intended enabled him to escape ; but his uncle, who managed for him, and was tlie more formidable rival of the two, was imprisoned in his stead. This was the hapless individual who was now to be a tool in the hands of the French to extort money, in the same manner as his nephew had been used by the British to extort the cession of a fort. tally's A roving expedition to Tanjore was thus, under the influence of pecuniary

expedition _ _ '.

against embarrassiuent, preferred to the siege of Madi'as; and Lally, lea^dng 600 men of his

fiLU i o rG

own regiment, with 200 sepoys, to form a camp of observation between Alum- parva and Pondicheriy, commenced his march southward with the remainder of the army. The improvidence manifest jd on his former expedition was repeated, as if the lesson of a dear-bought experience had been lost upon liim ; and the troops, not only unprovided with the means of transport, but destitute even of necessary food, were subjected to every species of privation, in passing through a country of singular difficulty. Before reaching Carrical, to which, as the place of rendezvous, the heavy artillery and cumbrous stores had been sent by sea, they had crossed no fewer than sixteen rivers, several of them accessible only after wading through extensive flats of mud and sand. They were thus employed during seven days, and in the whole seven had not once received a regular meal. Tiie King of Tanjore, now that the enemy had amved in his country, had little confidence in the army which he had collected, not only among his own subjects, but by means of reinforcements drawn from various other quarters. The British, who should have been his principal resource, rather tantalized than assisted him, by sending him a detachment of 500


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 Chap. XT. 1 EXPEDITION AGAINST TANJORE. 601

sepoys, with ten European artillerymen, and 300 Colleries, or native peons, a.d. itss.

drawn from the neighbouring poly gars. But if the King of Tanjore was

unable to cope with his enemy in the open field, he was at least his equal in

diplomacy, and opened a negotiation, which, whatever might be its issue, would

at least have the effect of procuring a respite. Lally was within six miles of

the city of Tanjore, when he received a message from the king, proposing that

a conference should be held with a view to arrange the terms of accommo- Delusive

negotiation.

dation. Nothing was more anxiously desired by the French commander, who probably had begun to feel that the enterprise in which he was engaged was of very doubtful policy, inasmuch as it was only delaying the execution of other enterprises of far more importance. In order, therefore, that not a moment might be lost, he halted his army, and sent forward two deputies, a captain and a Jesuit, with full powers to treat. Their first demand was pay- ment of the principal and interest of the bond granted to Chunda Sahib. The king made an offer so paltry that it might at once have been rejected. The deputies, however, deemed it necessary to report ^it to Lally, who sent them hack with a demand strangely modified. Instead of the whole sum due under the bond, he would accept 1,000,000 rupees in money, 600 draught bullocks, and 10,000 lbs. weight of gimpowder. As the latter part of the demand would have acquainted the king with the fact that in the hurry of the expedition, this essential element of warfare had been very inadequately provided, the deputies, more prudent than their principal, had the good sense to suppress it. The king refused the bullocks, on the plausible pretext that his religion did not allow him to supply them ; but seemed willing to increase the amount of his money offer. Ijally, when made aware that the gunpowder had not been mentioned, dis- approved of the prudential considerations which had influenced the deputies, and sent them back, not only to mention it, but to insist upon it as an indispensable part of the airangement. Tiie result was as had been anticipated. Monacjee, who was still the king's general, scouted the proposal as an insult, and the nego- tiation terminated abruptly.

Lally, now anxious to recover the time he had lost, immediately moved his Re8"mi>tiou

of hostilities

camp, and took possession without opposition of the pettah or suburbs, on the east side of the city wall. As yet, however, he was totally miprepared for attempting a siege. Only a few pieces of ordnance had accompanied the army, and those shipped for Carrical had not arrived. At last, when some heavy cannon were brought forw^ard, the king became once more alarmed, and to prove liis sincere desire for peace, made a payment of 50,000 rupees to account, on receiving the Jesuit and a lieutenant-colonel as hostages for repayment of this advance in the event of hostilities being renewed. On this footinjj negotiations were renewed, and seemed approaching to a successful result, when Lally, thinking he had obtained proof of the king's insincerity, sent Dubois, the com- missary of his army, to reproach him with his insincerity. At the .same time Vol I. 76

il


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 602

lilSTOIlY OF INJ^IA.

[Bo<>K li

Siege of Tiiujore.

A.D. 1758 he summoned a council of war, and having obtained from it a confirmation of his own opinion, that no reliance couM l^e placed on professions of peace, and that the siege ought fortiiwith to be commenced, and prosecuted with the utmost vigour, wrote a letter denouncing vengeance on both town and c^juntrj', and even threatening to caiTy off the king and his whole family an slaves to the Mauritius. This threat fixed the wavering resolution of the king, who an- nounced his detei'mi nation to defend himself to the last extremity. Captain Calliaud, who, though repeatedly applied to for assistance, had hesitated so long as negotiations with the French were pending, now sent from Trichinojjoly a reinforcement consisting of 500 of his best sepoys, with two excellent sergeants, and seventeen cannoneers.

After determining on the siege, Lally pushed on the necessary operations with great activity ; and two breaching batteries, one of three and the other of two guns, were opened, on the 2d of August, within 400 yards of the south wall. The effect fell far short of what had been expected. Five days' firing produced a breach of only six feet wide, and yet exhausted so much of the imperfect supply of ammunition, that only 150 charges for the cannon were left. The supply of the troops was still more deficient, amounting to no more than twenty cartridges a man. Nor was this all. The Tanjorines, though verj^ ineffective as regidar troops, were excellent skinnishei-s, and had so much increased the difficulty of obtaining provisions, that not more than two days' consumption remained. Rumours, too, of a naval engagement, in which Count d'Ach^ had been worsted, began to prevail, and the whole prospect looked so gloomy that Lally summoned a council of war, and submitted to them, as the onl}- alternative, to assault forth- with or raise the siege. Of the twelve officers fomiing the council only two advocated the bolder course ; the rest, with LaU}- at their head, decided against it. This decision could not long remain a secret. Monacjee, on being made acquainted with it, immediately collected aU his forces, and well nigh succeeded in surprising the French camp. He was repulsed with difficulty, and continued, after the retreat commenced, to follow with clouds of cavalry. The damage inflicted was not serious ; and Lally, though burning with shame at his discom- fiture, and at the loss of all his battering cannon and lieav}- baggage, had reason to congratulate himself and his army on an almost miraculous escape when they at length succeeded in reaching Carrical. Their anxiety, however, was not at an end, for the first sight which met them was the English squadi'on riding at anchor in the mouth of the river. Ineffectual Admiral Pococke, after endeavouring in vain to reach Fort St. David in time

operations, to prevent its premature surrender, retraced his steps, and anchored in the Road of Madras. Here eight weeks were spent in making repairs and in obtaining necessary supplies, and the 25th of July arrived before the squadron was again ready to put to sea. Having sailed on that day it came in sight of Pondicheirv on the 27th, and beheld Count d'Achd's squadron at anchor. Before night

Its failure.

■I


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 I!

Chap. XI.l NAVAL ENGAGEMENT. 603

both squadrons were out at sea, and seemed equally determined to make ad irss. another trial of their strength and prowess. The weather, however, proved so unfavourable that they were tossed about, occasionally losing sight of each other, and were not able to meet, front to front, and form their lines, till the 2d of August. The battle was fought not far from Carrical, and ended in the discomfiture of the French, who drew off after several of their ships had sus- tained serious damage. Tlieir usual tactics saved them from pursuit. Wiiile the British aimed chiefly at the hulls of the vessels, they aimed chiefly at the masts and rigging, and thus crippled their opponents so effectually that thougli Admiral Pococke threw out the signal for a general chase it proved utterly fruitless. In less than ten minutes Count d'Ach^ and his ships were nearly out of cannon-shot. This distance was rapidly increased, and within four liours after the action ceased the hindmost French was five miles in advance of the foremost British ship. As it was hopeless to continue such a chase Admiral Pococke returned, and was anchored, as has been stated, in the mouth of the river, about three miles oflf Carrical, when Lally amved from his ill-fated

attempt on Tanjore. ■

Count d'Ach^, now satisfied of the inability of his squadron to encounter i>.i«t.iriiiv

"^ / COIKl.l.t l.f

that of the British, again anchored in the Road of Pondicherry, as close to the tin- Kmith

shore as the depth of water would allow. He was haunted with the idea that

Admiral Pococke was remaining to windward solely with the view of seizing the

first available opportunity to attack him. Having this conviction, he felt

insecure even under the protection of the batteries of Pondicherry, and to the

dismay of its inhabitants announced his determination to cpiit the coast, and

make the best of his way to the Mauritius. Lally, startled by this intelligence, ; j

hastened to Pondicherry, and backed by the authority of a mixed council which ' '

he had summoned to discuss the matter, endeavoured, partly In' persuasion and

])artly by menace, to induce Count d"Ach^ either to encounter the Englisli

squadron once more, or at least to defer his departure so long as it continued i

on the coast. He did not succeed. The French admiral, sui)ported by all his

captains, declared it impossible either to fight or remain, and after consenting,

with much reluctance, to leave 500 of his sailors and marines to serve on shore,

set sail with all his ships and turned his back on India.

Lally, while smarting under his recent failure at Tanjore, was not disposed '•«">

_ _ re«si)lvts mi

to allow the whole, or even the larger portion of the blame to rest on his own the siege shoulders, and found httle difliculty in satisfying himself that if all had done their duty as well as he did his, the result would have been veiy different. 1 u thus attempting his own vindication, he made rash and intemperate charges both against his own officei-s and the leading members of the government. He thus stirred up a new host of enemies who fought him with his own weapon. Charges of misconduct were fi'eely bandied to and fro; and Lally had the mor- tification to know tiiat throughout the settlement, and in its highest ofiiiial

 * I'


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 (JO-t lllSTOUY (jr INL>1A. [Book III.

A.D. 1758 circles, he was denounced as inconiijcttiit, and, wliat he must have felt to l^e still more insulting, stigmatized as a coward. Tiie true way to answer his accusers was to wipe off the disgrace of Tanjore by some Ijrilliant achievement, and his thoughts turned at once to Madras, the capture of which would at once recover all the fame which he harise was by no means hopeful. During the time which he had lost in Tanjore the British presidency had been busily employed in improving their meaiLs of defence ; and the departure of Count d'Achd leaving Admiral Pococke in complete possession of the sea, not only made it easy for liim to pour in all necessary supplies, but would expose the besiegers to tlie danger of attacks and suq^rises, by the sudden landing of troops at their most vulnerable points. Then, as before, the treasury was exhausted ; and it was again necessary, at the expense of considerable delay, to engage in subordinate operations merely for the pur- pose of endeavouring to replenish it. So discouraging were all these consi- derations that Lally speaks in his own Afemoire as if he never contemplated the possibility of a successful siege, and expected to do nothing more than bombard the place, pillage the Black Town, and devastate the surrounding countiy. Subordinate Bcforc Setting out for Madras Lally had judged it expedient, for reasons

operations. . . ,.,. .^..

already mentioned, to engage in several military operations of minor importance. Saubinet, an officer whom he had despatched with a detachment to the west, captured Trinomalee on the 10th of September, and Carangoly a few days after. The Chevalier de Crillon, with another detachment, had recovered Trivatore. Lally himself, in the meantime, made a tour of inspection, visiting Alumparva, Gingee, and Chittapet, on the way to Wandiwash, which he had appointed as the place of rendezvous for all the separate detachments. Here he was joined by Bussy, who, in obedience to the peremptory orders which he had received, but with a full conviction of the pernicious consequences, had quitted the Deccan. He had brought his troops with him as far as Nellore, and then hastened for- ward with a few attendants, in the hopes that from his representations he might be permitted to return before the evils which he foresaw were actually realized. Lally, however, received his statements with indifference and incre- dulity, and attached Bussy permanently to his own ai-my. It will shoiily be seen that the French thus lost all the ascendency which they had established at the court of the Deccan, and exposed themselves to an attack which ultimately deprived them of the large and valuable temtory which had been pennanently ceded to them in the Northern Ci rears. While at Wandiwash, Lally sent Count d'Estaing with a detachment against Arcot. It proved unnecessary ; for Rajah Sahib, the late Chunda Sahib's eldest son, whom the French had recentl}' invested with the title of nabob, had already succeeded by bribeiy in corrupting the governor of his so-called capital. Lally, whom even the semblance of success now elated, considered the surrender of Ai'cot so important an event that he set


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 I!

Chap. XL] PREPARATIONS FOR THE SIEGE OF MADRAS. 605

out to receive it in person. After making his entry in a triumphal form, under a.d. i768. the discharge of all the cannon, he endeavoured to magnify the event by causing it to be proclaimed, with much ostentation, in Pondicherry and all the other French garrisons. While thus ffratifyinfj his vanity he overlooked a captui'e inMiortancc

^ o J a J 1 ofChingle

which would have been of much more consequence. The fort of Chingieput, i»it. situated thirty-six miles south-west of Madras, was justly regarded as the key of the country on which that city depended for supplies of provisions and other necessaries. The possession of it would therefore have contributed greatly to the success of the meditated siege. Strange to say, both French and Briti.sli had neglected it, the latter fm'nishing it only with a handful of troops, which might easily have been overpowered ; wliile the foimer, who might have carried it by escalade, by open day, made no attempt to secure it. At length, when Lally awoke to a sense of its importance, he found that the presidency had anticipated him, and added greatly to the strength of the garrison. The cap- ture, however, still seeming po.ssible, he resolved to march against it with his whole force, and made application to the government of Pondicherry to fui-nish him with the funds necessary to put it in motion. The old answer was returned. The treasury was empty, and all the money which could be immediately sent amounted only to 10,000 rupees (£1000). The roving expeditions in the Car- natic had not paid their own expenses, the power of borrowing was exhausted, and Lally saw no alternative but to abandon his design, place his troops in can- tonments, and return to Pondicherry, where, as usual, he vented his indignation in sarcasms against its officials.

The siege of Madras being now regarded as a ceitainty, the presidency con- Pieparations

for tlie siege

tinned to increase their means of defence. They recalled Captain Calliaud with of Madra.s

all the Europeans in garrison at Trichinopoly ; and when Admmil Pococke, who

was anchored in the road, foimd it necessary on the approach of the northern

monsoon to sail for Bombay, obtained from him 100 men, forming the marines of

the squadron. They had previously received a reinforcement by the Company's

ship Pitt, of fifty guns, which had left England with six others under convoy of I

two ships of the line, intended to join the admiral's squadron. On board these ' '

ships was a regiment of the king's troops, but of these the Pitt brought only 1 00 '

men, with their commanders, Colonel Draper and Major Brereton. Admiral

Pococke had sailed on the 11th October with the full sanction of the presidency,

who felt confident that no movement of importance would be made by the enemy

till the rains should cease, and that they would at all events be able to make

good the defence till the expected reinforcement of troops should arrive, or the

change of monsoon should enable the squadi'on to return. Only a week after

its departure, an unexpected arnval of treasure from the Mauritius, and of

100,000 rupees brought by M. Moracin, who had been left in charge of Bassy's

detachment, inspired Lally with new hopes. Accordingly, as the arrival of the

rainy season was unusually delayed, he put his troops in motion. Chingieput


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 606

illSTOltV OF INDIA.

H(/OK III.

Mount St. Thome, near Madras.— From Hunter's Picturestjue Scenery of Mysore.

A D 1768 was suppo.sed to be his object; and as both parties were now fully alive to its im[)ortance, the presidency, alarmetl for the safety of a supply of provisions which

wa.s then on the way to it, and on the arrival of which its ability to make a succe.ss- ful defence would greatly depend, re- .solved immediate- ly to take the field, with 1200 Euro- peans and 1 800 sepoys — forming by far tlie larger part of the ^Iadra.s garrison. One-half of these troo})«, under Colonel Draper, advanced to Yandaloor, about half-w^ay between Madras and Chingleput; the other half, under command of Colonel Lawrence, halted at St. Tiiom^, in a position which both covered Madras and kept open a communication with Draper. These movements defeated the enemy's design on the convoy of provisions, and the safety of Chingleput was effectually secured. Lally s disappointment was great. The danger of leaving such a place in his rear was sufficiently obvious, but he detennined to run the risk, as he had only a choice of difficulties, and might, in attempting to take Chingleput, lose the only opportunity which he might have to lay siege to Madras. Lally ap- Qn the 7th of December, Lally, now advancing wdth his whole army, halted

pears before

.Madras. at Vaudaloor. All the British troops which had taken the field were still sta- tioned at St. Thomd, under Colonel Lawrence. This able and cautious officer had no intention to risk a general action; and therefore, on penetrating the object of a feint which Lally employed with some dexterity, in the hope of placing himself between the city and the camp, he struck his tents and moved with his whole force to the Choultry Plain, lying about a mile and a half south- west of Fort St. George. Lally halted at St. Thome till the morning of the 1 2th, when he again moved and continued his approach. A smart cannonade was meanwhile kept up by both sides ; but as Colonel Lawrence had no other object in removing without the walls than to gain time, he retired as the enemy approached, and marched with his main body into the fort, leaving only some detachments of Europeans and sepoys to guard the passes of the Black Town. As soon as the fort was thus occupied, the covmcil of the presidency assembled and committed the defence of the siege to the governor, Mr. Pigott, with a recom-


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 Chap. XL] THE SIEGE OF MADRAS. 607

inendation to take the advice of Colonel Lawrence on all occasions. After all ..d irss. the outposts were called in, the whole force available for the defence of Madras amounted to 1758 Europeans and 2220 sepoys. Besides these, 300 horse, on whom little dependence could be placed, accompanied the nabob, who took refuge in the fort when the encampment at St. Thom^ was abandoned. The besiegers numbered 2700 Europeans and 4000 native troops. Of the former, 300 were cavalry, excellently mounted and disciplined, and, according to Orme, " the greatest number which had hitherto appeared together in India. '

The details of the siege possess little interest. The Black To^vn not admit- Tiie siege, ting of effectual defence, the French gained easy possession of it, and immedi- ately began to pillage. Among other things they discovered a large quantity of arrack, in which the common soldiers indulged so freely, that, according to the i-eport of some spies, most of them were unfit for duty. This report suggested to Colonel Draper the probable success of a sally. He was authorized to attempt it, and about midnight marched out of the western ravelin at the head of 500 picked men. So careless were the enemy, that they reached a main street of the Black Town without being discovered, and would probably have gained a decided advantage had not the driunmers of the detachment, who were mostly black boys, suddenly, of tlieir own accord, beat the gi-enadiers' march, and been followed by a general huzza from the whole line. Thus put upon their guard, the enemy succeeded, after a short struggle, in repairing the effects of the sui-i)rise, and very nearly cut off the retreat of the attacking party. Several blunders, perhaps unavoidable in the darkness, were committed on both sides, but the result on

II

Black Town, Madras. —From Daoieli's Oriental Scenery.

the whole was to give the besiegers an unfavourable impression of the courage Mit.uii and discipline of the gan-ison — an impression, indeed, so unfavom-able, that one of the most experienced of the French officers proposed a general assault, and volunteered to lead the principal attack himself The propo.sal, in which there was probably more bravado than seriousness, was not entertained, and the erec- tion of batteries was immediately commenced. A few days' experience within


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 r

I*

cos IILSTOKY OF INDIA. [Book III.

..D 1759. the fort satisfied the nabob, and he was at Ills own request, and greatly to the relief of the garrison, shipped with his family on board a Dutch vessel which was lying in the road.s, and engaged to land him at Negapatam, whence he might easily proceed to Trichinopoly. Deaiutory Xlic opcratioas of the besiegers were much retarded by obstacles, partly the

bjsiegers. rcsult of their own improvidence. For some time after they had invested the fort, the greater part of their artillery, which had Ijeen sliipped at Alumparva, was at sea detained by contrary winds, and they were unable to open their fire before the 2d of January. 1759. Meanwhile they were kept constantly on the alert both by sallies from the garrison and by detached parties, headed chiefly by Mahmood Issoof, an excellent sepoy commander of Olive's training, who intercepted several of their convoys, and devastated the country from which they derived their principal supplies. When the fire did open it was very ineffec- tive. It proceeded only from two batteries, and was more than answered by the fort, the works of which remained uninjured, though the shells did considerable damage to the most conspicuous public buildings. So little were the besiegers satisfied with their first fire that they desisted, and allowed several days to elapse before they ventured to resume it. By this time the number of their guns had been increased, and the effect produced was proportionably greater. Not a few of the guns of the fort were disabled, and the trenches which had been commenced at a breastwork thrown up close to the sea, 580 yards from the covered way, had been gradually advanced by zigzags to the distance of fifty yards. On the 23d of January, the fire of the besiegers began to slacken. The cause proved to be a want of ammunition, and they were waiting for a supply by a brigantine which had sailed from Pondicherry on the 14th, when intelligence was received which completely changed the prospects of besiegers and besieged. Admiral Pococke had arrived at Bombay on the 10th of December, where he had been joined by the two ships of the line from England ; and on the 31st, six of the Company's ships, having on board GOO men belonging to Colonel Draper's regiment, had sailed under convoy of two frigates, and were on their way to Madras. Rumours of Lally was now aware that the assault, if it was to be made at all, could not

ail assault.

be much longer delayed. Indeed, a general rumour prevailed that it was to take place on the very night when the intelligence was received, and in this belief the whole garrison remained at their posts under arms till morning. The rmnour was groundless ; and another fortnight was to elapse before a breach which had any appearance of being practicable could be efiected. Meanwhile the siege continued, though the hopes of the besiegers were becoming fainter and fainter. On the 30th, a vessel was descried to the southward. She proved to be the Company's ship Shaftesbury, and was one of those expected from Bombay. As the worst sailer among them, she had been made the hospital ship, and left behind on the 7th of the month off the south of Ceylon. Shortly after, both wind and current began to favour her, and she was the first to reach the destined


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 Chap. XI. J TUE SIEGE RAISED. G0<)

[)ort She added nothing to the strengtli of the garrison, for the only soldiers on a.d. 1759.

board were thirty-six men, all sick ; but she brought what was become even more necessary than men — thirty-seven chests of silver, and a large quantity of mili- tary stores. On the 7th of February a breach was made, which Lall}-, who was a breach naturally sanguine and had become very impatient, thought practicable. His engineers and artillery officers on being consulted, were not only of a different opinion, but volunteered, though unasked, to add, that the continuance of the siege seemed to them only a sacrifice of the lives of men without any proba- bility of success. Lally, though he combated this desponding view with much vivacity, could hardly avoid perceiving that there was only too great a proba- bility of its eventually proving correct. During the first weeks of the siege, the soldiers had received only half- pay; latterly, their pay had been stopped alto- gether ; and while the native troops were gradually thinning away by desertion, tlie Europeans were threatening to become mutinous. The gunpowder was nearly, and the bomb-shells wholly expended, and it was only with the utmost difficulty that a precarious and very inadequate supply of provisions could be procured. Amid all these discouraging circumstances, the garrison, already strong enougli to make a successful defence, was in daily expectation of a powerful reinforcement. Nothing more was necessary than its arrival to compel an instant abandonment of the siege. The ships, long detained by contrary winds and cur- rents, which had obliged them to make their voyage by proceeding along the east coast of the Bay of Bengal, at length, on the 1 Gth of February, made their appearance in the north-east, steering directly for the road. "No words," says Amvaior Lally, "are adequate to describe the effect which they produced.' His resolu- fleet. tion was at once taken, but as a cloak to it, he kept up his fire with more vivacity than before. The rumour again spread that the assault was about to be made, and the garrison were once more kept a whole night under arms. This ap})a- rent activity and resolution was only a feint ; and when morning dawned the besiegers were seen in full march towards the Choultry Plain. So hurried was their departure, that Lally was unable to execute the resolution which he had formed from the first to reduce the Black Town to ashes, in the event of being compelled to raise the siege, and besides leaving cannon amounting in all to fifty-two pieces, he did not even attempt to transport his sick and wounded. It was not an oversight ; for in the hospital where forty-two Europeans were lying, a letter was found, in which he recommended them to the governor's care. It is needless to say that no such recommendation was required in order to secure the performance of a simple act of humanity. The whole loss of men by the gar- rison during the siege, including those who deserted or were taken prisoners, amounted to 579 Europeans and 7G2 sepoys ; the loss of the besiegers is not tiic siege

. /» • raised.

accurately known, but it has been inferred from an intercepted letter of Lall}-, ^L that it must have amounted in Europeans alone to at letist 700. Considering

Vol. I. 77


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 /

610 lllSTUUY OF S)IA. [Book 111.

A.D. i7&r. the casualties were fewer than iniglit have been expected; Vjut both besiegers and besieged, while displaying abundance of skill and courage, were cautious not to expose themselves unnecessarily, and avoided serious loss Vjy fighting for the most part under cover. Lally v/as permitted to continue his retreat with little interruption, and retired upon Arcot. There we must for the present leave him, and turn to another quarter which had become the scene of important events. state of Shortly after Bussy had, by withdrawing with his troops from the Deccan,

the Deccan. relinquished the fruit of all his distinguished achievements, the intrigues which had long been carried on at the court of Salabut Jung, and had repeatedly threatened to overthrow the French ascendency, broke out afresh, and even proceeded to open violence. The soubahdar, who was a man of a feeble and indolent character, became a mere pageant in the hands of his brother Nizam Ali and Basalut Jung, who, though pm-suing .separate and opposite schemes of ambition, deemed it politic for a time to combine their interests. When Bussy annoimced his determination to depart, Salabut Jung could scarcely' believe him serious; and when he went to take his leave, the timorous old soubahdar, throwing aside all restraint, expressed himself in terms bordering on de.spair. He called Bussy the guardian angel of his life and fortune, and distinctly intimated that the day he lost him he would consider his own unliappy fate as sealed. He had good cause for his forebodings, for Nizam Ali, at first contented to use him as his tool, was bent on seizing his throne. In the course of nature he would have reached it without a crime, as he had been recognized as his heir to the soubah- ship, but he was too impatient to wait, and secured the object of his ambition by first imprisoning and then murdering his brother. These, however, were only the ultimate results of Bussy's recall; the more immediate results were manifested in the Northern Cii'cars, where the French had for some time ruled as absolute masters. The importance of their possessions in this quarter was too well known to be overlooked even by Lally, with all his rashness; and therefore, in the letter by which Bussy was recalled, he enjoined him to leave, imder an officer of the name of Conflans, as many troops as might be deemed necessary to insure their safety. Under ordinary circiunstances the nmnber left would have sufficed, but a danger not apprehended was at hand, and Conflans, whose military talents were of the lowest possible order, was totally unfit to contend against it. state of Bussy, in answer to an earnest application from Surajah Dowlah, had

Northern determined to lead a force into Bengal by way of Orissa, and with that view had marched north to the sea-port town of Ganjam, where he was deterred from proceeding farther by intelligence of the capture of Chandemagore. In retracing his steps he was bent on retaliating the injuiy which French commerce had thus sustained, and led his troops against Yizagapatam, and the other factories which the English Company possessed within the limits of the Circars. They were devoid of any means of effectual resistance, and were all captm'ed

■I


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 Chap. XI J

THE NORTHERN CIRCARS.

Gl

Peer Misjid and Hill nkak the Dolphins, Vizagapatam.

From the Mdckcnzie Dra»'ings. £u»t India Uou^e.

I

towards the end of 1757. Tlie loss to the Company was serious, for in addition to the goods and other property pillaged from them, they were forcibly excluded from a profitable branch of trade, those of the factories situated on arms of the Godavery having been accustomed annually to provide

700 bales of excel- 'WSfc- i

lent cloths at a cheap rate for the home market. The re- covery of the facto- ries wrested from them was of course earnestly desired by the Company; and a rajah of the name of Anunderauz, whose territory lay in the

provinces of Rajahmundry and Cicacole, doubtless aware of this desire, offered them his assistance. Deeply offended at some arrangements which Bussy had made, he no sooner heard of his recall than he took up arms, and by a sudden dash made himself master of Vizagapatam. His ambition now was to expel the French from all the provinces which had been ceded to them. The attempt was too formidable to be undertaken by himself single-handed, and he therefore made overtures to the presidency of Madi-as, offering to reinstate them in Vizagapatam as the first pledge of his sincere desire for their alliance. When, in consequence of the threatening aspect of affairs in the Carnatic, his offers were declined, he made the same propo.sal to the presidency of Bengal. It was voted delusive and chimerical by all the members except Clive, to whom, independent of its other merits, it had the special recommendation of promising to do good service to his former emi)loyers at Madras. He must have regi'etted his inability to return the troops which had only been temporarily intrusted to him for the expedition to Bengal, but some compensation might now be given by creating a diversion in their favour. The French, seeing their ceded 'o- vinces in danger, would be obliged either to submit to the loss of them, or to succom* them by weakening themselves in the Carnatic. In either case a most important object would be gained. A delay of some months, however, was necessary. The proposal of Anunderauz was made in July, 1758, and no action could be taken upon it till the change of the monsoon in September or October. In the interval the question was naturally asked, — Wh}', if troops could be spared for an expedition to the Circai-s, should thev not be sent at once to Madras, when the certainty of an approaching siege would enable them to give

AD. 1758.

Anuni1erati7 seizes upon Vizajja putani.

Offers it to the Britisli.


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 (il'^ illSTOlJY OF INDIA. [Kook III.

A.D. 1758. the direct aid so urgently n!(iuired, instead of being employed merely to make a diversion? The question did not admit of a full, or at lea.st of an ingenuous answer ; and there is ground to suspect that the preference given to the Circars was dictated, not so much by a conviction of its being the best, as of its being the safest and most politic course. In the Circars the troops would still be sul> ject to the authority of the Bengal presidency, and might be recalled should any emergency render it neces.sary; whereas, if they were sent to Madras, th«; authorities there might imitate the example which Clive liimself haxl set, and easily find pretexts for refusing to allow them to return.

Forde's ex- On tlicse and similar prudential considerations, an expedition to the Circars

peilition to. • i i

the Circars. to act in conccrt with Anunderauz having been determined, the command of it was given to Colonel Forde. This officer, originally attached to Adlercron's regiment in the king's service, had quitted it on the invitation of the Bengal presidency to take the command of their army in the event of Clive's departure. It will be seen that the wisdom of this choice was fully justified by the event. The expedition, consisting of 500 Europeans, 2000 sepoys, and 100 lascars, with six brass six-pounders as field-pieces, six twenty-four pounders for battery, a howitzer, and an eight-inch mortar, left the river in the end of September, but owing to tempestuous weather did not reach Vizagapatam till the 20th of October. Anunderauz, who was encamped with his troops at the fort of Cossim- cotah, about twenty miles to the westward, had already fulfilled his promise by delivering up Vizagapatam to a servant of the Company, who had been sent from Calcutta for that piupose, but at the same time decUned to furnish any money. Forde's military chest had been supplied with rupees and gold mohurs to an aggregate amount of about £14,000. It was evident that this sum would be speedily exhausted, and some time was spent in adjusting the

Treaty with tcrms ou which tlic rajali's and Company's forces were to co-operate. At length

Anunderauz.

a regular treaty was drawn up, stipulating that all plunder should be equally divided — that the countries conquered should belong to the rajah, the sea-ports and towns at the mouths of rivers, with the revenues of the districts annexed to them, being, however, reserved to the Company — that no proposal for the alienation or restitution of the territory and towns acquired should be entertained without the consent of both parties — and that the rajah should furnish 50,000 rupees a month for the expenses of the army. Before this treaty was concluded, the united army moved so slowly that nearly a month was spent in advancing thirty miles beyond Cossimcotah. At length, however, the march was com- menced in earnest, and on the 3d of December Conflans, who had collected the French troops from all parts, was seen strongly posted about forty miles from Rajahmundry, on the highroad leading to it from Vizagapatam. His force consisted of 500 Europeans, with more cannon than they could use at once, and a large number of native troops, including 500 horse and 6000 sepoys. Forde's original force gained much in numbers but little in efiective strength from his


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 Chap. XI.] EXPEDITION TO THE NORTHERN CIRCARS. 13

junction with the rajaii, wliose wliole army consisted of 500 paltry horse and ad. 1759. 5000 foot, most of them armed with pikes and bows. In fact, the only things of value which he furnished were four field-pieces, managed by forty Europeans whom he had collected.

Forde, having advanced to within four miles of the French camp, endea- Foniedefeats

., , . 1 1 • 1^ 1 the French

voured to bring them to action by threatenmg to place himself in their rear,

and thus cut off their communication with Rajahmundry. At last, by a series of ]

manoeuvres, he succeeded in convincing Conflans that he was afraid of him, and was preparing to retreat. Nothing more was necessary to induce this incom- petent commander to forego all the advantages of his position. Suddenly forming his line, he advanced to the attack in much haste and little order. The native troops on either side were quickly routed, and the decision of the day was left almost entirely to the European.s. The confused manner in which Conflans had formed his line gave Forde a decided advantage. After a murderous fire which broke the French ranks, he drove them back in disorder, and before they had time to rally ordered a charge, which resulted in the capture of all their guns. After the flight had become general, a stand might still liave been made at the camp, but those within it only waited till an assault was

threatened, and then liasteiied off in the utmost confusion. Among the fugitives i

none was more conspicuous than Conflans, who rode with such speed that he measured the distance of forty miles before midnight, and sought refuge in Rajahmundry. Here he was joined by the wrecks of his army, but his fears still pursued him, and Forde, on arriving next day, found the place evacuated. In the fort a large quantity of ammunition and militaiy stores was found.

This victory was gained on the 9th of December, and, had Anunderauz been "'■•' further t

less tardy in his movements, might have been immediately followed by more

brilliant successes. He did not make his appearance till the IGth, and even '

then only employed himself in endeavouring to evade the payments to which he |

had bound himself by express stipulation. To meet his wishes the treaty was •

modified to the effect that all the money furnished by him should be considered I

as a loan, and that all the countries which might be conquered beyond the |

Godavery, with the exception of those belonging to the French, should be

equally divided between him and the British. In the altercations caused by ';

his shuffling conduct, more time was wasted than might have sufficed to accom- ij

plish all the objects of the expedition. The army could not be again put in 1

motion till the 28th of January, 1750. Its destination was Masulipatam. The

first town of impoi-tance on the road was Yalore, or more properl}' Ellore, the I

capital of a province of the same name, one of the four ceded to the French. j

The British reached it on the 0th of February; Anunderauz, who had been levying contributions on the right and left, did not make his appearance till the 18th, and after his arrival wove so many pretexts for delay that a new start could not be made before the 1st of March. Colonel Forde had now more cau.se than ever j