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Foundations for the Canadian Humanities and Social Sciences Commons: Exploring the Possibilities of Digital Research Communities

Abstract
This paper introduces the Canadian Humanities and Social Sciences (HSS) Commons, an open online space where Canadian HSS researchers and stakeholders can gather to share information and resources, make connections, and build community. Situated at the intersection of the fields of digital scholarship, open access, digital humanities, and social knowledge creation, the Canadian HSS Commons is being developed as part of a research program investigating how a not-for-profit, community-partnership research commons could benefit the HSS community in Canada. This paper considers an intellectual foundation for conceptualizing the commons, its potential benefits, and its role in the Canadian scholarly publishing ecosystem; it explores how the Canadian HSS Commons’ open, community-based platform complements existing research infrastructure serving the Canadian HSS research community.

In her book Generous Thinking, Kathleen Fitzpatrick calls for university communities—including faculty, staff, administrators, students, and other stakeholders—to “develop more responsive, more open, more positive relationships that reach across the borders of our campuses” (2019, 3). Implicit in Fitzpatrick’s call to action is the idea that campuses are bordered or fenced off from each other and from the communities they serve and belong to. Spatial and geographical metaphors such as Fitzpatrick’s are common in discussions of scholarly communication: we survey the scholarly landscape, for instance, imagine knowledge as fields and domains, and map critical debates in those intellectual spaces. Digital spaces are—problematically—often described as frontiers or a terra nullius using colonial metaphors of “exploring” and “discovering” (Gaertner 2017).

One of these metaphors with close ties to geographical space is that of the research commons: a shared knowledge resource that may comprise physical, digital, theoretical, and intellectual space (see Hess and Ostrom 2006, 3). The research commons has historical roots in the medieval English tradition of designating certain lands for common use, which became enclosed for private use over time. Political philosophers and critics have since struggled with the concept of a commons: historically, in terms of land, labour, and materials, and at other times in terms of public access to knowledge. Drawing on this intellectual and material history, this paper introduces the Canadian Humanities and Social Sciences (HSS) Commons, an open online space where Canadian HSS researchers and stakeholders can gather to share information and resources, make connections, and build community. Situated at the intersection of the fields of digital scholarship, open access, digital humanities, and social knowledge creation (see El Khatib et al. 2019), the Canadian HSS Commons is being developed as part of a research program investigating how a not-for-profit, community-run research commons could benefit the HSS community in Canada. This paper is the first on this topic to date, providing a foundation for conceptualizing the commons, its potential benefits, and its role in the Canadian scholarly publishing ecosystem. By situating the Canadian HSS Commons within the intellectual history of the commons and within the Canadian research ecosystem, this paper explores how this open, community-based platform complements existing research infrastructure serving the Canadian HSS research community. First, it introduces the Canadian HSS Commons and the community it is designed to serve. Next, it discusses its historical and intellectual context, discussing the transition from “grassy commons” (Boyle 2003, 41) to digital commons. After outlining types of digital knowledge commons and how they are being enclosed, it concludes by looking to the future of the Canadian HSS Commons within the digital research landscape.

The Canadian HSS Commons
The Canadian HSS Commons will complement existing research infrastructure in Canada by providing a bilingual, national-scale online research space in which researchers can share, access, re-purpose, and develop scholarly projects, publications, educational resources, data, and tools.

The development and implementation of the Canadian HSS Commons is a deeply collaborative project: it is an initiative of the Implementing New Knowledge Environments (INKE) Partnership, coordinated by the Canadian Social Knowledge Institute (C-SKI), which is based in the Electronic Textual Cultures Lab (ETCL). It is being developed in collaboration with CANARIE, Compute Canada, the Federation for the Humanities and Social Sciences, and the Modern Language Association (MLA). Also connected to the project through the INKE Partnership are the Canadian Research Knowledge Network (CRKN–RCDR), the Digital Humanities Summer Institute (DHSI), Edith Cowan University, Érudit, Iter: Gateway to the Renaissance, the Public Knowledge Project (PKP), and the University of Victoria (UVic) Libraries.

The HSS Commons’ primary user base will include those who are social media-active in the 90,000+ social sciences and humanities researcher community served by the Federation (Federation for the Humanities and Social Sciences 2017). In supporting researchers across these two disciplines, the Canadian HSS Commons reflects Canada’s existing institutional structures, including that of the Federation and of the Tri-Agency through the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council (SSHRC), and facilitates cross-disciplinary collaboration and communication. In order to engage effectively with the community served by the Federation, the Commons will engage its members as users, and the development team will collaborate with the Federation to offer training sessions on using the Commons at the Congress of the Humanities and Social Sciences, the largest interdisciplinary meeting of scholars in Canada (Federation for the Humanities and Social Sciences 2014). Just as Congress brings the Canadian research community together annually in a shared physical space, the Canadian HSS Commons offers a virtual space that facilitates connection and collaboration across the country and throughout the year.

Intellectual Roots: From the Grassy Commons to the Digital Commons
The idea of the digital research commons has analogic historical roots in the English medieval practice of designating land—usually privately owned land—as available for common use. These commons were openly accessible to local residents—commoners—who depended on these lands and the resources they provided for farming and grazing livestock, as well as for transportation and for community (Boyle 2003; Rosenman 2012). Beginning around 1750, these common lands began to be enclosed—fenced off—so that they and their resources were accessible to private landowners only, and by the 1840s, there were few commons left (Neeson 1996; Rosenman 2012). While historians disagree about the extent to which enclosure affected the economy overall, it undoubtedly consolidated wealth in the hands of landowners, advancing the complex forces of urbanization and industrial capitalism (Rosenman 2012). Moreover, enclosure altered a way of life that had persisted for centuries: families who had been stewards of the commons for generations were reduced to tenant farmers, whose labour enriched private landowners. Enclosure thus changed the relationship between people and their labour, the land, and the nation (Rosenman 2012). Enclosure was vehemently opposed, not only by the commoners who were directly affected by the fencing of the land, but also by those who viewed it as a violation of natural rights and an alarming instance of what we now call privatization.

Eighteenth-century agricultural history seems far removed from discussions of twenty-first century scholarly communication practices, but it provides a useful context for thinking through the affordances and challenges of the shared virtual spaces made possible by digital technologies. Although the commons is a useful analogy, as Charlotte Hess and Elinor Ostrom point out, early frameworks for studying commons were rooted in economics and based on two principles: exclusion, the ability to exclude some people from the commons, and subtractability, the principle that one person’s use of a commons resource reduces the amount available for other users (2006). These two principles create conditions of scarcity, leading to challenges such as users competing for access, taking more than their share of the resource, and free riding: using the resource without contributing to it (Hess and Ostrom 2006). Well-known models for these types of commons include the Tragedy of the Commons, which uses the metaphor of over-grazing to explain how self-interested behaviour can cause a commons to collapse, and the Prisoner’s Dilemma, which imagines resource use as a zero-sum game, both of which model problems of scarcity (Hess and Ostrom 2006). For the past few decades, though, frameworks for studying commons have acknowledged that, since knowledge is a different type of resource, one that grows additively and cumulatively, such scarcity-based models do not necessarily apply (Boyle 2003; Hess and Ostrom 2006).

The primary challenge facing knowledge commons in this digital age is not scarcity, but exclusion. As Hess and Ostrom note, scholarly interest in the notion of “the commons” accelerated in the mid-1990s when internet users began thinking of the new, virtual spaces they were encountering as part of a digital commons (2006). The internet itself is a knowledge commons on a global scale but, unlike many physical or resource-based commons, is distributed rather than centralized, since neither its infrastructure nor its users are rooted in a particular geographic space. Although the digital commons of the “world wide web” had—and still has—the potential to be a universal knowledge commons, openly accessible to all people, this ideal faces barriers related to technology and infrastructure: not everyone has access to a computer and the internet. It also faces barriers related to exclusion that control access to knowledge, including legal fences such as intellectual and copyright regulations and digital fences such as paywalls. James Boyle, one of the co-founders of Creative Commons, has argued that we are in the midst of “a second enclosure movement” in which what is at stake is “the intangible commons of the mind” (2003, 37). Boyle refers to the intellectual and imaginative space of the public domain, “the commons of facts and ideas” (2003, 39). Just as eighteenth-century private landowners fenced off land in order to control its resources, he argues, the public domain is being fenced off by increasingly restrictive intellectual property and copyright law. Whereas those laws are intended to grant creators control over creative expressions, Boyle argues that we are seeing the laws creep ever closer to privatizing not just the expression of a fact or idea, but the underlying facts and ideas themselves (2003). Boyle links this challenge of ever-encroaching intellectual property rights to rapid shifts in information technology, noting that whereas it used to be difficult to reproduce and share copyrighted material, now, “[i]n a networked society, copying is not only easy, it is a sine qua non of transmission, storage, caching, and, some would claim, even reading” (2003, 40). Although Boyle’s concerns focus on the realm of intellectual property, he notes that scholars have cause to be alarmed at the encroachment of property rights “into the data layer” (2003, 50). In this way, Boyle’s concerns align closely with those of open scholarship advocates, who often view scholarship as a common resource and a public good, and resist the privatization of knowledge. Although the goal of the open scholarship movement is, as SPARC puts it, “making Open the default for research and education” (SPARC n.d.), making knowledge open in a responsible way includes considering what information is not a common resource, such as an individual’s private information or cultural histories and stories.

The Evolving Landscape of the Knowledge Commons: Social and Institutional Contexts
As a platform for collecting, sharing, and creating HSS scholarship, the Canadian HSS Commons is an example of the type of knowledge commons that Hess and Ostrom discuss. As they note, the scale of the digital knowledge commons made possible by the world wide web changed how many users thought about knowledge, prompting us to understand it as a shared resource, and the world wide web as a digital commons space (Hess and Ostrom 2006). As Peter Burke argues, however, knowledge creation and dissemination has always been a social endeavour (2000; 2012). Over time, the landscape of the knowledge commons has transformed in response to technological innovations, cultural shifts, and intellectual movements. The emergence of printing technologies supported the spread of humanistic knowledge by making books, flyers, broadsheets, and other printed material less expensive and thus available to a much wider public than ever before. Before print, though, knowledge commons thrived in the form of oral storytelling, scribal transmission, and epistolary networks. Considering the social nature of these forms of knowledge commons helps make the social nature of the modern research commons more visible.

Although the printing press enabled knowledge to be circulated and shared widely in printed form, knowledge creation and dissemination was a collaborative and social endeavour long before the age of print (El Khatib et al. 2019). In the 6th and 7th centuries, for example, monastic communities such as the monastery at Lindisfarne produced religious texts that communicated knowledge through innovative illuminations as well as through scribally copied text (Drucker n.d.). As cultural exchange increased over the centuries, scribal manuscripts gained importance as vehicles for secular as well as sacred knowledge, and engaged wider communities, including the emerging institution of the university (Drucker n.d.). The “textual community” of a given Early Middle English text, Elizabeth Bryan argues, included not only its authors but also its “scribes, patrons, and various kinds of users, even users who cannot read the book but can only hold it” (1999, 3). Such texts, she argues, “create, and are created by, communities of readers” (Bryan 1999, 4). Focusing on the “relation between print and knowledge,” and pushing back against Elizabeth Eisenstein’s influential schema of print culture v. scribal culture (1980), Adrian Johns notes that community remained an essential factor in the generation and circulation of knowledge into the print culture of early modern England, since epistemological authority rested not in the fact of knowledge being communicated in printed form, but in the credibility of people who wrote, printed, and sold them (Johns 1998, 6). For these reasons, knowledge generation and dissemination within early modern print culture was an inherently social endeavour, and places like universities, courts, museums, booksellers’ shops, and coffeehouses were sites of social knowledge creation and circulation, “distinct social spaces generating different practices fertile of new knowledge” (Johns 1998, 41). Although the openness of these spaces varied—a court is not a commons in the same way a coffeehouse is—these local spaces were essential for creating and sharing knowledge that met the needs of that knowledge community (Johns 1998). Whether in a scribal monastic community or a nation united in imagination through the affordances of industrial print, as described by Benedict Anderson (2006), knowledge has been created and shared communally and socially for many centuries.

Knowledge is not only a social creation, Burke argues, but also one that is closely tied to its “institutional context” (2000, 32). Burke traces the history of Western institutions of knowledge as a cycle of social and intellectual groups—often, but not always formed in opposition to the conservatism of universities—being integrated and absorbed into those institutions. Some forms of institutions of knowledge include the Renaissance academies—social groups of humanists that sought to revive the classical forms of knowledge creation—as well as the numerous intellectual movements that emerged during the seventeenth-century scientific revolution, as classical and medieval traditions were pushed aside in favour of empirical ways of knowing (Burke 2000). In eighteenth-century Europe, the international intellectual community known as the Republic of Letters circulated knowledge through personal correspondence. As Paul Sivitz notes, the epistolary exchanges among “practitioners of science” comprised a networked dialogue of “‘open’ letters” intended to be shared among the scientific community and the wider community as well (2017, 130). This epistolary knowledge commons emerged from a community intent on advancing knowledge collaboratively for the benefit of all and, Sivitz argues, revolutionized scholarly communication through the development of what he calls the “scientific public sphere,” a knowledge community founded on this network of letters as well as in-person interactions (2017, 132). Burke refers to the “geography” of the Republic of Letters (2000, 57), and indeed, the word “republic” suggests a geographical and political space as well as a form of sociopolitical organization. In this sense, we can understand the Republic of Letters as an intellectual commons generated through its community’s social exchanges of knowledge. The eighteenth century Enlightenment, Burke notes, witnessed the emergence of “research” as an intellectual pursuit distinct from curiosity and the founding of numerous formal and informal knowledge organizations, from the Royal Society to academies to salons and coffeehouse communities, in addition to reading communities founded on the periodical press, all of which contributed to the formation of the Republic of Letters (2012). Although the relationship between universities and other knowledge groups cannot be reduced to a simple conflict between conservative institutions and innovative outsiders, Burke does identify a pattern in which radical intellectual groups become accepted and institutionalized over a few generations, which he calls “cycles of creativity and routinization” (2000, 49). As Burke puts it, the social history of knowledge is “a history of the interaction between outsiders and establishments, between amateurs and professionals, intellectual entrepreneurs and intellectual rentiers” (2000, 51). Burke’s notion of an “intellectual rentier” analogous with the landed gentry brings us back to the idea of a commons and the enclosure of knowledge. It must be remembered, too, that although these intellectual groups Burke describes are outsiders in relation to universities, membership was limited. The Republic of Letters was international, but women, the poor, and racial minorities were largely excluded from this community of knowledge. Burke’s history of knowledge is important for discussion of the current scholarly landscape since, as Hess and Ostrom point out, commons are not simply resources—they are resources shared by groups of people, and are therefore inherently social (2006). It is therefore vital to recognize the closely entwined histories of institutions and public communities of knowledge, and how they affected and influenced each other.

The commons model has been adapted for academic purposes in various ways over the past few decades in response to changes in the scholarly landscape, particularly the digital turn in research and teaching. Information commons emerged in the 1990s: physical spaces within institutional libraries that provide undergraduate students with access to technology, workspace, and librarians’ expertise (Dowson 2016). Out of these emerged learning commons, similar spaces focused on supporting undergraduates as they develop essential academic skills (Dowson 2016). Rebecca Dowson presents the Research Commons at Simon Fraser University as an example of another type of commons, there called Scholars’ Commons: a shared, collaborative, open physical space with technological and human resources designed primarily to meet the research and professionalization needs of graduate researchers, but serving faculty as well (2016). Dowson points out that, although Research Commons are not necessarily sites of digital scholarship, “the two concepts share a number of core values, including an ethos of openness, interdisciplinarity, collaboration, and focus on knowledge creation and new modes of production” (2016, 3). Digital Scholarship Commons (DSCs), sometimes called digital scholarship labs or centres, are another adaptation of the commons model explicitly focused on supporting digital scholarship and scholarly communication. DSCs take different forms at different institutions, but, generally speaking, are hubs for digital scholarship that facilitate and provide space for collaboration, access to tools and resources, and services for researchers. Most DSCs are located in institutional libraries, and are distinguished from research labs, makerspaces, and other similar sites in that they are open to the entire institutional community (Goldenberg-Hart 2016; Lewis et al. 2015). As Verletta Kern and Madeline Mundt discuss in their paper in this volume, these digital commons spaces help bridge the university and the broader community by supporting and facilitating open scholarship and open education (Kern and Mundt 2020).

The commons described above are physical spaces, but digital commons have become an important part of the scholarly landscape as well, particularly for open social scholarship. Digital knowledge commons—online spaces for sharing and accessing information—have become important resources for scholars and the broader community alike. One example is Wikipedia, an online space for sharing knowledge developed and maintained by a community of editors. Wikimedia Commons, also an initiative of the Wikimedia Foundation, is an online space for sharing media resources. Although the scholarly community was at first skeptical about the reliability of these community-created knowledge commons, Wikipedia is increasingly being embraced as part of the “knowledge ecosystem” and as a platform for open, social knowledge creation and dissemination (Vandendorpe 2015, 1). The Internet Archive is a different type of digital knowledge commons: an open, digital library holding a variety of media, including websites. Creative Commons is an example of a digital commons that is distributed rather than centralized: the resources of the commons are not found at a specific web address but are rather distributed across other online spaces. Drawing on the tradition of the grassy commons and the variations of the academic commons and digital knowledge commons described above, digital research commons reimagine the commons as an online social space where researchers can share their work and collaborate towards knowledge production. In this way, as John Willinsky suggests, the new digital research commons is a contemporary reimagining of the ideal of the universal library, embodied in the Library of Alexandria, the library at the Sankore Mosque, British Enlightenment-era legal deposit libraries and national libraries, and the public libraries that began to emerge in Europe and North America in the early nineteenth century (2006; Besser 2004; Harris 1999; Hamlyn 1946).

Peter Suber describes another form of knowledge commons closely related to the digital research commons: the open access (OA) commons, comprising the body of scholarly research that is available openly online. Like the other critics discussed here, Suber distinguishes the OA commons and knowledge commons more generally from resource-based commons and the models traditionally used to study them, emphasizing that the particularities of the scholarly journal publishing system—in which research content is royalty-free and effectively donated to publishers—involves different advantages and challenges. Suber emphasizes the challenge of stalemates, in which multiple stakeholders want to see OA enacted, but none wants to take the first step (2006). He offers several solutions to this problem, noting that “One solution to any tragic stalemate is an external force nudging all the stalled and stymied actors into action at the same time” (Suber 2006, 187), such as funding agencies or national policies. Other solutions involve making OA easy for authors, including by providing help from librarians, minimizing disincentives and maximizing incentives (Suber 2006). The Canadian HSS Commons works to alleviate some of these challenges by making OA easier, including providing built-in or integrated CC licencing as well as a community of support and practice.

Challenges, Enclosing the Digital Research Commons
Although, historically, the grassy commons has been largely unsuccessful in remaining common, the affordances of the digital promise a different outcome for digital research commons. In the 1990s, an idealized vision of cyberspace as a digital commons that would enable universal access emerged, driven by the “rallying cry” that “[i]nformation wants to be free” (Borgman 2007, 4). As Christine Borgman and others have noted, though, the same digital technologies that make open dissemination of information possible also have the ability to limit access to it (2007; Hess and Ostrom 2006; Kranich 2006). This ideal of the internet as a knowledge commons remains in tension with another vision of cyberspace as an untapped resource. In a discussion of Indigenous literature and digital humanities, and drawing on studies that approach new media from Indigenous perspectives, David Gaertner notes that “Since its inception, authors, scholars, and engineers have mobilized metaphors of colonialization and terra nullius to conceptualize cyberspace” (2017). Gaertner points to examples of book titles that use metaphors like “homesteading” and “nautical iconography” suggestive of exploration and discovery that reinforce the role of colonial and imperialist values in “founding metaphors” on which the idea of digital space is constructed (2017). Indeed, in the last few decades cyberspace has been colonized by commercial interests that, particularly since the emergence of user-created content and Web 2.0 technologies, have discovered a new and valuable resource in the form of digital data. This understanding of cyberspace as land to be colonized—a field to be fenced and resources to be taken—is foundational in the widespread debate within the scholarly community about the role of commercial research commons versus non-profit ones.

Currently, the two most widely used digital research commons are commercial platforms that attract a broad, interdisciplinary community: Academia and ResearchGate. Although Academia and ResearchGate enable users to share their work, they are primarily social networking platforms, similar to Twitter and Facebook in their features and business models. As the reach of these sites has grown, numerous members of the scholarly community have spoken out against them, perhaps most notably in a collection edited by Janneka Adema and Gary Hall entitled Really, We’re Helping to Build This … Business: The Academia.edu Files (2016). The primary issue relates to business models. By their nature, commercial models exist for the purpose of making a profit: the sharing of knowledge is secondary to gathering (and potentially selling) user data, selling paid services, and other profit-generating activities. Institutional repositories and nonprofit subject repositories, on the other hand, exist for the purpose of sharing and preserving knowledge, and through their institutional or community affiliation are engaged in a public service mission rather than a profit-seeking one (Fortney and Gonder 2015). Academia in particular raises concerns about how the platform monetizes scholarly impact. In 2016, a feature inviting users to submit materials to an editorial board for (paid) endorsement prompted calls for scholars to delete their accounts (Ruff 2016). The introduction later that year of Academia Premium, a fee-based service that provides users with analytics about their uploaded work, provoked Sarah Bond to publish an article in Forbes titled “Dear Scholars, Delete Your Account at Academia.edu” (2017). Bond refers to an earlier argument by Fitzpatrick that Academia’s .edu domain is potentially misleading—it was registered before the 2001 legislation that limited .edu addresses to educational institutions, and so seems to be institutionally affiliated but is not (2017; Fitzpatrick 2015). Moreover, this assumption leads some users to believe that these sites are equivalent to or, at least, a suitable substitute for open access institutional repositories or non-profit subject repositories (Adema and Hall 2016; Fortney and Gonder 2015). Katie Fortney and Justin Gonder note that these platforms do not offer the stability, long-term preservation, interoperability, or archiving features of institutionally affiliated repositories, and are liable to disappear—along with all the research shared on them—if they are not profitable (2015). Many publishers have policies related to self-archiving, many accessible through the aggregator site SHERPA/RoMEO. Commercial platforms are primarily networking sites, though, and tend not to pay adequate attention to copyright considerations; they facilitate—and even encourage—authors to post their already published work, potentially causing them to break intellectual property agreements with the articles’ original publishers (Tennant 2017). Adema and Hall note that, in addition, these platforms’ user terms of use leave users liable for copyright infringement and limit the ability to reuse this shared data (2016). Jon Tennant argues that this “dark sharing” benefits the sites by generating traffic and user data, but the sites deflect culpability for copyright violations—and any legal action that results—to users, citing 2,800 takedown notices that Elsevier issued to authors who had illegally posted their articles on Academia.edu (2017). Critics concur that, while commercial sites appear to promote open access, in reality they destabilize it by undermining intellectual property, profiting from users’ work, and monetizing citation and other scholarly communication practices without providing a stable or reliable archive of the shared research (Adema and Hall 2016; Fitzpatrick 2015; Tennant 2017). Community-led sites such as institutional and subject repositories, Humanities Commons, and the Canadian HSS Commons provide alternative platforms that encourage researchers to share their work while attending to legal and ethical issues.

In spite of the limitations and criticisms of commercial research commons, the sites remain massively popular. As of mid 2020, Academia boasted over 131 million users and ResearchGate over 17 million (Academia 2020; ResearchGate 2020). The sheer number of users on these sites indicates that openness and collaboration are important to the scholarly community. Indeed, in reference to Bond’s article, Tennant argues that Academia and ResearchGate are logical extensions of the existing commercial scholarly publishing system; they are simply continuing the decades-long practices of commercial publishers, except that they are also providing users with valuable statistics and networking opportunities (2017). As Nancy Kranich argues, though, commercial platforms can co-exist with collaborative, community-led knowledge commons just as various models of scholarly publishing coexist (2006). Because commercial platforms are already embedded within the scholarly communications ecosystem, new non-commercial alternatives need to be as well, and they also need to have sustainable financial models to be attractive for institutions and users (Kranich 2006). Finally, Kranich argues, they must offer a persuasive argument, a “new narrative” for adopting the new model instead of the deeply entrenched one (2006, 109). Taken together, these perspectives emphasize the need for a non-commercial, community-driven platform guided by openness and share-alike values.

Towards Solutions, Futures of the Digital Research Commons
The past several years have witnessed rapid developments in community-driven digital research commons. In 2013, the Modern Language Association (MLA) launched MLA Commons, a digital research commons that combines social networking features with CORE, a “library quality” repository built in collaboration with Columbia University Library (Bobley 2017). MLA Commons was initially open to members of the MLA only, but in 2016 it expanded into the Humanities Commons Network, in partnership with the Association for Jewish Studies (AJS); the Association for Slavic, Eastern European, and Euroasian Studies (ASEEES); and the College Art Association (CAA). Humanities Commons is a non-commercial, publicly funded digital research commons designed for the humanities community, but open to anyone with an interest in humanities research.

Humanities Commons (HC) has experienced steady growth over the last three years. At launch, HC had 6,000 members (migrated from MLA Commons), and as of December 2019 had just over 19,000 (Knappe 2019). In a panel talk in July 2020, Fitzpatrick—in her role as Project Director of Humanities Commons—put that number at over 22,500 (Fitzpatrick et al. 2020). In his analysis of HC members’ demographics, Eric Knappe notes that, although members come from about 6,000 institutions, nearly a third are affiliated with just 100 institutions; of these institutions, most are in the US, with a few in the UK and eight in Canada (2019). HC has also seen steady growth in its CORE repository. At launch, CORE had 500 deposits; as of the end of December 2019, it had just over 9,000 (Knappe 2019). Articles remain the most common type of item deposited (41.7%), followed by book chapters (12.2%), white papers (5.3%), conference papers (5.0%), and book reviews (4.2%) (Knappe 2019). In terms of subject interests, digital humanities is by far the most common interest, followed by religious studies, cultural studies, feminist humanities, archives, and education and pedagogy (Knappe 2019). Like the popularity of commercial research commons, the growth of HC indicates that it is responding well to the needs of the humanities research community. However, although HC is a much-needed alternative to commercial sites, the opportunity remains to build a digital research commons designed to meet the specific needs of Canadian researchers, reflecting the unique properties of the Canadian research environment and political, economic, linguistic, and cultural contexts in which we work. The Canadian HSS Commons is being developed in collaboration with the MLA to complement, rather than compete with, Humanities Commons, and serving the Federation’s community as HC served first the MLA’s community, and now the Humanities Commons Network’s community of users.

As discussed above, the Canadian HSS Commons is part of a national research infrastructure, and it is intended to complement and extend the resources available to the Canadian research community. Canadian researchers work within a specific legal framework defined by the Canadian Copyright Act and the Freedom of Information and Protection of Privacy Act (FIPPA), among others. This legal framework is complex and the subject of ongoing debate, including debates about the appropriate applications of fair dealing provisions in the context of digital learning and scholarship (Coombe et al. 2014). The Canadian HSS Commons’ terms of service require users to comply with the Canadian Copyright Act, FIPPA, and related policies of Commons’ host institution—the University of Victoria—as well as to protect the private and confidential information as required by Canadian privacy laws.

In addition to this legal framework, the Canadian research context includes national and provincial policies related to access. Depositing research publications, data, and other materials in the Commons’ repository, for example, is one way that researchers can comply with open access guidelines associated with Tri-Agency and other funding, particularly if they do not have access to an institutional repository. Institutional repositories also provide this infrastructure, but at the moment these repositories are siloed within their institutions. We are working with our library partners to explore the possibility that the Commons could function as a portal for all institutional repositories in Canada, providing one-stop access and greater discoverability to Canadian research.

ORCID integration is another way that the Commons can connect and integrate with existing research infrastructures. ORCID is a global, non-profit organization that provides persistent digital identifiers called ORCID iDs that researchers can use to identify themselves and their work. Because ORCID iDs disambiguate researchers with similar names and are persistent across numerous platforms, they are an essential component of Canada’s digital research infrastructure. ORCID-CA, the Canadian ORCID consortium, is embedded in Canada’s research ecosystem through its 37 institutional members across the country and a working group comprising members of 16 Canadian research institutions and organizations, including the INKE partners CARL–ABRC, CRKN–RCDR, CANARIE, Compute Canada, and PKP (ORCID-CA n.d.). ORCID-CA is working towards widespread adoption of ORCID iDs among Canadian researchers, institutions, publishers, and funding agencies, including the Tri-Agency (ORCID-CA n.d.). At this prototype stage, ORCID iDs are integrated into the Canadian HSS Commons as login credentials, and more robust integration is planned for future iterations in order to strengthen the Commons’ role as a hub in the Canadian research infrastructure ecosystem.

In terms of features and functionality, the Canadian HSS Commons follows and builds upon the model of HC, but with the Canadian context in mind. Like HC, the Commons will offer blogging capabilities and social networking features such as subject interest groups and interactions between members in both French and English, all accessible through a user’s dashboard.

In addition, it will include a project development environment that can integrate with Google Drive, Dropbox, or GitHub. This integration with widely used tools enables collaboration as well as communication, and will help prevent platform fatigue by allowing users to continue using tools they are familiar with. Research about best practices for developing DSCs indicates that fostering collaboration and community are key to the success of these spaces, and that researchers value space for working together and an environment that actively fosters collaboration even over access to facilities and technology (Bergstrom 2016; Goldenberg-Hart 2016; Hurrell 2017; Lewis et al. 2015). Extrapolating these findings from physical research commons to digital ones indicates that providing means for geographically dispersed colleagues to work together remotely—using tools that they may already be using—is an important addition to existing digital research commons models.

In addition to these communication and collaboration features, and following the model of HC CORE, the Canadian HSS Commons will include an open access repository. The repository has historically played an important role in knowledge creation and dissemination. Institutional repositories—archives maintained by an institution that allow affiliated authors to deposit their work, whether published or unpublished—are crucial elements of the scholarly communication infrastructure. Repositories not only enable green open access—in which a researcher makes their work open by contributing it in a repository or other open platform—but also highlight the importance of collaboration between academic libraries and the broader research community. Fitzpatrick notes, however, that as vital as these repositories are, their institutional focus may limit discoverability (2015). She offers arXiv, an open repository for STEM research, as an example of a disciplinary repository with a broad reach. Although arXiv is invaluable as an institutionally affiliated, open repository for scientific work, it is moderated and accepts articles only, excluding other formats such as presentations, reviews, or datasets (arXiv 2019). In his discussion of the significance of repositories for the open access movement, Willinsky points to PubMedCentral (PMC), an open repository of life sciences and biomedical research founded by the US National Institutes of Health in 2000 (2006). Like arXiv, PMC takes articles only, and author submissions are only accepted when based on funded research and as required by funder policy (National Center for Biotechnology 2019). The Canadian HSS Commons repository will accept text and multimedia files, and welcomes submissions in French, English, and all other languages in which the HSS community works.

Although academic networking sites such as Academia and ResearchGate allow researchers to share other kinds of work, including pedagogical materials and datasets, they do not have the same preservation mandate and capabilities as institutional or disciplinary repositories, which benefit from institutional infrastructures and librarian expertise while encouraging openness, interoperability, and reuse of the repository’s content and metadata (Fortney and Gonder 2015). Like CORE, the Canadian HSS Commons repository will assign digital object identifiers (DOIs) to all deposits upon upload and follow FAIR (Findable, Accessible, Interactive, Reusable) guidelines for data management. All materials and resources contributed to the Commons, including the repository, must have clearly defined rights and privileges related to licensing and reuse. The recommended license for contributed material is the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 3.0 Unported license (CC BY-NC-SA 3.0), which allows users to share and adapt resources as long as they give proper attribution, do not use it for commercial purposes, and apply the same license to any adaptations (Creative Commons n.d.).

Another need that the Canadian HSS Commons endeavours to meet is for infrastructure, tools, and expertise to support research data management (RDM). RDM is an emerging issue in scholarly communication, particularly in the humanities, where researchers are often not accustomed to thinking of their research as data (Booth and Posner 2020; Posner 2015; Schöch 2013). It is an emerging issue in national policy as well: in 2018 the Government of Canada released the Draft Tri-Agency Research Data Management Policy for Consultation, a policy that recognizes the importance of RDM and data stewardship to the advancement of research and of data as a significant research output (Innovation, Science and Economic Development Canada 2018). In 2019, with funding announced in the 2018 federal budget, a national organization was established—NDRIO (New Digital Research Infrastructure Organization)—to oversee digital research infrastructure in Canada, including, eventually, RDM. Through its collaboration tools and repository, the Canadian HSS Commons will support researchers in creating openly accessible research data.

The Canadian HSS Commons is built on HUBzero, an open source software platform designed to support scientific research, collaboration, data publication, community building, and resource sharing (HUBzero n.d.). Launched in 2002 to support nanoHUB, a resource for the computational nanotechnology research community, HUBzero is most often used in the sciences. HUBzero is well established and flexible in order to support diverse research communities with a variety of needs and preferences, and the Canadian HSS Commons will be the first “hub” with an explicit emphasis on the humanities and social sciences. At its core, the recommended platform for HUBzero consists of a Linux operating system with an Apache web server, a MySQL database, and PHP web scripting. In many ways, the HUBzero setup functions similarly to that of Humanities Commons, which is an iteration of CUNY’s Commons in a Box built on WordPress with a BuddyPress plugin powering its repository (Knappe 2017). In the Canadian HSS Commons, users can create and upload resources to the repository, which are organized by resource type, and user-provided descriptive metadata enables searching and browsing. Users can tag, rank, discuss, and annotate resources and share them on social media, and receive usage and citation statistics about their own contributions. Users can also share their work on blogs, wikis, and live web applications. Thanks to HUBzero’s functionalities, users can create groups for collaboration and projects for development, organize projects with calendars, and collaborate with Google Drive, Dropbox, and GitHub integration, as noted above.

The Canadian HSS Commons: A Space for Enacting Open Scholarship
As Willinsky notes, scholarly research is well aligned with the commons model because, like the grassy commons, knowledge is a public good, something that benefits everybody and that does not lose value as it is used (2006). A lighthouse, he notes, is a well-known example of a public good because it provides light for all ships seeking anchor, and its light is not diminished by each ship it guides (Willinsky 2006). Knowledge is unique, perhaps, as a public good whose value is not merely undiminished but augmented by use: the more scholarship is read and engaged with, the more our collective knowledge grows. Although Fitzpatrick does not discuss the research commons specifically in Generous Thinking (2019), the commons is one way to enact some of her ideas and, crucially, to practice scholarship with a more generous mindset. Just as the grassy commons enabled travellers to visit and communicate with people in other communities, digital research commons are spaces for building bridges and creating networks among disciplines, institutions, and individual researchers. As an idea, the commons resists the logic of privatization, and is instead founded upon values of sharing and collaboration. The digital research commons is a space for enacting open scholarship: for sharing knowledge and resources, building community, and finding collaborators within and beyond the scholarly community.

So far, work on the Canadian HSS Commons indicates that a not-for-profit, open access, durable, and Canada-specific option is possible for a digital research commons. Instead of a for-profit platform that does not feed data or resources back into the scholarly ecosystem, the HSS Commons will integrate with existing research infrastructure to become an important hub in Canada’s knowledge ecosystem. By providing efficient access to research materials, the Commons facilitates knowledge transfer benefits for academics, industry, government, and members of the general public alike. The affiliation with major Canadian and international research institutions and organizations through the INKE Partnership ensures the Canadian HSS Commons’ sustainability and responsiveness to the community. A prototype of the Canadian HSS Commons is currently in development and is in user testing mode, as the development team focuses on optimizing access, discoverability, information management, and community-building in collaboration with our partners. The research foundation behind this Commons project and the knowledge gained through the process of prototyping it will add to our knowledge and understanding of the research ecosystem in Canada and provide a foundation for other researchers, librarians, and administrators to develop innovative and efficient scholarly communication practices in Canada as well. By increasing connection among research specialists, and between specialists and partners, stakeholders, and the engaged public, this work will increase and enhance the ability of those in the HSS to understand and respond to complex individual, social, cultural, and economic issues, and for all to realize the benefits of HSS community’s work more readily. In brief, it will allow the HSS to better inform and enrich the lives of Canadians.


text: Talk:Foundations for the Canadian Humanities and Social Sciences Commons: Exploring the Possibilities of Digital Research Communities

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/


text:
Page:The Great Didactic of John Amos Comenius (1896).pdf/481

 omnium rerum et Axiomatum (supra 20 annos magnâ diligentiâ Congestatus) thesaurus. Burnt at Lissa.

99. 1656. Sapientia Bis et Ter Oculata, Aliud in alio acute videns, aliudque per aliud potenter demonstrans. Burnt at Lissa.

100. 1656. Lesnæ Excidium, Anno 1656 in Aprili factum, fide historica narratum.

101. 1657. Parvulis parvulus, Omnibus Omnia. Hoc est Vestibuli Lat. Linguæ Auctarium. Voces Latinas primitivas construi, cœptas, et in Sententiolas breves redactas, exhibens. Amsterdami, 1657.

102. 1657. J. A. Comenii pro Latinitate Januæ Linguarum suæ, illiusque praxeos Apologia. Amstelodami, 1657.

103. 1657. J. A. Comenii Opera Didactica Omnia, ab anno 1627 ad 1657 continuata. Amsterodami, Anno 1657.

104. 1658. Janua sive Introductorium in Biblia Sacra. Norimbergæ, 1658.

105. 1658. Novi Testamenti Epitome, Typorum Diversitate Res, Verba, Phrases, Atque Sententias Exhibens. Norimbergæ, 1658.

106. 1659. Disquisitiones de Caloris et Frigoris natura, in prodromum novæ editionis Physicæ ad lumen divinum restituendæ. Amstelodami, 1659.

107. 1659. Book of Chants for the Bohemian Church. Amsterdam, 1659. [C.]

108. 1659. Vindicatio Famæ et conscientiæ Johannis Comenii a Calumniis Nicolai Arnoldi. Lugduni Batavorum, 1659.

109. 1659. Historia Revelationum Christophori Kotteri, Christinæ Poniatoviæ, Nicolai Drabicii et quæ circa illas varie acciderunt, usque ad earundem Anno 1657 publicationem, et post publicationem. 1659.

110. 1659. Cartesius cum sua naturali Philosophia a Mechanicis eversus. Amsterodami, 1659.

111. 1660. The mournful cry of the Shepherds, terror-struck by God’s anger, to their perishing and scattered flocks. Amsterdam, 1660. [C.]

112. 1660. De bono Unitatis et ordinis disciplinæque et obedientiæ. Amst. 1660.

113. 1660. De Irenico Irenicorum. Hoc est: Conditionibus Pacis a Socini Secta reliquo Christiano Orbi oblatis, ad omnes Christianos facta Admonitio A. Johan. Amos Comenio. Amsterodami, Anno 1660.

114. 1661. Theologia Naturalis. A Raymundo de Sabunde ante duo secula conscriptus, nunc autem Latiniore stylo in compendium redactus. Amst. 1661.


text:
Author:Caroline Winter

Works

 * Foundations for the Canadian Humanities and Social Sciences Commons: Exploring the Possibilities of Digital Research Communities, with Tyler Fontenot, Luis Meneses, Alyssa Arbuckle, Ray Siemens, and the ETCL and INKE Research Groups (2020)

title: Author:Caroline Winter


text:
Author:Tyler Fontenot

Works

 * Foundations for the Canadian Humanities and Social Sciences Commons: Exploring the Possibilities of Digital Research Communities, with Caroline Winter, Luis Meneses, Alyssa Arbuckle, Ray Siemens, and the ETCL and INKE Research Groups (2020)

title: Author:Tyler Fontenot


text:
Page:Diary of a Pilgrimage (1891).pdf/72

 prayers; and, in them, it is good to sit awhile and have communion with her.

We strolled round, before we came out. Just by the entrance to the choir an official stopped me, and asked me if I wanted to go and see a lot of fal-lal things he had got on show—relics and bones, and old masters, and such-like Wardour-street rubbish.

I told him, "No"; and attempted to pass on, but he said:

"No, no! You don't pay, you don't go in there," and shut the gate.

He said this sentence in English; and the precision and fluency with which he delivered it rather suggested the idea that it was a phrase much in request, and one that he had had a good deal of practice in.

It is very prevalent throughout Germany, this custom of not allowing you to go in to see a thing unless you pay.


text:
Page:The Great Didactic of John Amos Comenius (1896).pdf/482

 115. 1661. Catechism for young Bohemians. Amst. 1661. [C.]

116. 1661. J. A. Comenio de Iterato Sociniano Irenico Iterata ad Christianos Admonitio. Amst. 1661.

117. 1661. Socinismi Speculum uno intuitu quidquid ibi creditur aut non creditur, exhibens. Amst. 1661.

118. 1662. Johan. Amos Comenii Admonitio Tertia. I. Ad D. Zwickerum ut impios suos adversus Christum et Christianam fidem impetus temperet; II. ad Christianos ut tandem evigilent. Amst. 1662.

119. 1662. Confession of the Beliefs, Teaching, and Religion of the Unity of the Bohemian Brethren. Amst. 1662. [C.]

120. 1662. De rerum humanarum Emendatione Consultationis Catholicæ Pars Secunda Panaugia. Ubi de accendenda Mentibus ante omnia Luce quadam universali, in qua omnes, Omnia, Omnino videri possint, consultatur.

121. 1662. The Moral Teaching of Cato the Wise, translated into Bohemian. Amst. 1662. [C.]

122. 1663. Renuntiatio Mundi. Amst. 1663.

123. 1663. Revelationum Divinarum, in usum Seculi nostri quibusdam nuper factarum, Epitome. 1663.

124. 1664–7. Lux e Tenebris. Tenebris, humanarum abominationum, Divinarumque plagarum. Lux, Divinarum Consolationum, glorioseque reflorescentis Ecclesiæ.

125. 1667. Petrus Serarius: Responsio ad Exercitationem Paradoxam Anonymi cujusdam Cartesianæ Sectæ Discipuli qua Philosophiam pro infallibili S. Literas interpretandi normâ Orbi Christiano obtrudit. Amst. 1667.

126. 1669. Unum Necessarium, Scire Quid Sibi sit Necessarium; in Vita et Morte, et post Mortem. Quod non Necessariis Mundi Fatigatus et ad Unum Necessarium Sese Recipiens, Senex J. A. Comenius, Anno ætatis suæ 77, Mundo expendendum offert. Amst. 1668.

127. 1669. De Zelo sine scientia et charitate, Admonitio Fraterna J. A. Comenii ad D. Samuelem Maresium: Pro minuendis odiis et ampliandis favoribus. Amst. 1669.


text:
Author:Luis Meneses

Works

 * Foundations for the Canadian Humanities and Social Sciences Commons: Exploring the Possibilities of Digital Research Communities, with Caroline Winter, Tyler Fontenot, Alyssa Arbuckle, Ray Siemens, and the ETCL and INKE Research Groups (2020)

title: Author:Luis Meneses


text:
Author:Alyssa Arbuckle

Works

 * Foundations for the Canadian Humanities and Social Sciences Commons: Exploring the Possibilities of Digital Research Communities, with Caroline Winter, Tyler Fontenot, Luis Meneses, Ray Siemens, and the ETCL and INKE Research Groups (2020)

title: Author:Alyssa Arbuckle


text:
Author:Ray Siemens

Works

 * Foundations for the Canadian Humanities and Social Sciences Commons: Exploring the Possibilities of Digital Research Communities, with Caroline Winter, Tyler Fontenot, Luis Meneses, Alyssa Arbuckle, and the ETCL and INKE Research Groups (2020)

title: Author:Ray Siemens


text:
Page:Diary of a Pilgrimage (1891).pdf/73

returned to the station just in time to secure comfortable seats, and at 5.10 steamed out upon our fifteen hours' run to Munich. From Bonn to Mayence the line keeps by the side of the Rhine nearly the whole of the way, and we had a splendid view of the river, with the old-world towns and villages that cluster round its bank, the misty mountains that make early twilight upon its swiftly rolling waves, the castled crags and precipices that rise up sheer and majestic from its margin, the wooded rocks that hang with threatening frown above its sombre depths, the ruined towers and turrets that cap each point along its shores, the pleasant isles that stud like gems its broad expanse of waters.

Few things in this world come up to expectation, especially those things of which one has been led to expect much, and about which one has heard a good deal. With this philosophy running in my head, I was prepared to find the Rhine a much over-rated river.


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Page:Diary of a Pilgrimage (1891).pdf/74

 I was pleasantly disappointed. The panorama which unfolded itself before our eyes, as we sped along through the quiet twilight that was deepening into starry night, was wonderfully beautiful, entrancing and expressive.

I do not intend to describe it to you. To do justice to the theme, I should have to be even a more brilliant and powerful writer than I am. To attempt the subject, without doing it justice, would be a waste of your time, sweet reader, and of mine—a still more important matter.

I confess that it was not my original intention to let you off so easily. I started with the idea of giving you a rapid but glowing and eloquent word-picture of the valley of the Rhine from Cologne to Mayence. For background, I thought I would sketch in the historical and legendary events connected with the district, and against this, for a foreground, I would draw, in vivid colours, the modern aspect of the scene, with remarks and observations thereon.

Here are my rough notes, made for the purpose:—

Mems. for Chapter on Rhine: "Constantine the Great used to come here—so did Agrippa. (N.B.—Try and find out something about Agrippa.) Cæsar had a good deal to do with the Rhine—also Nero's mother."

(To the reader.—The brevity of these memoranda renders their import, at times, confusing. For instance, this means that Cæsar and Nero's mother both had a good deal to do with the Rhine; not that Cæsar had a good deal to do with Nero's mother. I explain this because I should be sorry to convey any false impression concerning either the lady or Cæsar. Scandal is a thing abhorrent to my nature.)

Notes continued: "The Ubii did something on the right bank of the Rhine at an early period, and afterwards


text:
Page:Journal of the Straits Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society. (IA mobot31753002412044).pdf/171

{|
 * Baba. || Chinese. || Malay. || English.
 * Ng-chim || in-chim || || uncle's wife
 * Ng-kim || in-kim || || elder brother's wife
 * Ng-ko || ńg-ko || || elder brother
 * Ng-koa || ńg-koaⁿ || || father-in-law
 * Ng-korg || ńg-kong || || grandfather
 * Ng-ku || ńg-kū || || mother's brother
 * Ng-so || hiaⁿ-só || || brother's wife
 * Nio || niû (lady) || || mother-in-law
 * N-tia || ńg-tia || || father
 * N-tio || î-tiūⁿ || || aunt's husband
 * O-pau || io-pau || || man's purse
 * O-to || io-tó͘ || || child's binder
 * Pakau || phah-háu || || a game
 * Paksui || phah-sng || || think, consult
 * Pale || || bla || nourish children
 * Pangkeng || pâng-keng || || bedroom
 * Pechai || pe̍h-chhài || || white cabbage
 * Pekak || poeh-kak-hiuⁿ || || aniseed
 * Pegang || || pgang || hold
 * Pinjak || || pijak, injak || tread
 * Po'ho || po̍h-hô || || peppermint
 * Pongkis || pùn-ki || || basket with handles
 * Popi || pó-pì || || protect (of idols.)
 * Popia || po̍h-piáⁿ || || thin cakes
 * Po-poe || pó-pòe || || jewel
 * Puntau || pùn-táu || || dust pan
 * Put-hau || put-hàu || || unfilial
 * Rabek || || rabit || torn
 * Ruhsia || || rahsia || secret
 * Sam-kai || sam-kài || || three idols—heaven, earth, water
 * Sampan || sam-pán || || boat
 * Samseng || - || || ruffian
 * Saupi || sau-phî || || ironical scolding
 * Siau || siau || || to digest
 * Siaupi || sau-phî || || ironical scolding
 * Siet-siet || siet-siet || || deceptive
 * Singkek || sin-kheh || || new arrival
 * Sinse || sien-siⁿ || || teacher
 * Sio-hio || sio-hiuⁿ || || to burn incense
 * Smpoa || sng-poáⁿ || || abacus
 * Soja || chhiùⁿ-jiā || || to bow in worship
 * Sumpit || || spit || chopsticks
 * Susek || sù-sek || || a game
 * Tachi || toā-chí || || elder sister
 * Taching || || chaching || worm
 * Taiko || thài-ko || || leprosy
 * }
 * Popi || pó-pì || || protect (of idols.)
 * Popia || po̍h-piáⁿ || || thin cakes
 * Po-poe || pó-pòe || || jewel
 * Puntau || pùn-táu || || dust pan
 * Put-hau || put-hàu || || unfilial
 * Rabek || || rabit || torn
 * Ruhsia || || rahsia || secret
 * Sam-kai || sam-kài || || three idols—heaven, earth, water
 * Sampan || sam-pán || || boat
 * Samseng || - || || ruffian
 * Saupi || sau-phî || || ironical scolding
 * Siau || siau || || to digest
 * Siaupi || sau-phî || || ironical scolding
 * Siet-siet || siet-siet || || deceptive
 * Singkek || sin-kheh || || new arrival
 * Sinse || sien-siⁿ || || teacher
 * Sio-hio || sio-hiuⁿ || || to burn incense
 * Smpoa || sng-poáⁿ || || abacus
 * Soja || chhiùⁿ-jiā || || to bow in worship
 * Sumpit || || spit || chopsticks
 * Susek || sù-sek || || a game
 * Tachi || toā-chí || || elder sister
 * Taching || || chaching || worm
 * Taiko || thài-ko || || leprosy
 * }
 * Siaupi || sau-phî || || ironical scolding
 * Siet-siet || siet-siet || || deceptive
 * Singkek || sin-kheh || || new arrival
 * Sinse || sien-siⁿ || || teacher
 * Sio-hio || sio-hiuⁿ || || to burn incense
 * Smpoa || sng-poáⁿ || || abacus
 * Soja || chhiùⁿ-jiā || || to bow in worship
 * Sumpit || || spit || chopsticks
 * Susek || sù-sek || || a game
 * Tachi || toā-chí || || elder sister
 * Taching || || chaching || worm
 * Taiko || thài-ko || || leprosy
 * }
 * Sumpit || || spit || chopsticks
 * Susek || sù-sek || || a game
 * Tachi || toā-chí || || elder sister
 * Taching || || chaching || worm
 * Taiko || thài-ko || || leprosy
 * }
 * Taching || || chaching || worm
 * Taiko || thài-ko || || leprosy
 * }
 * Taiko || thài-ko || || leprosy
 * }


text: Journal of the Straits Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society/Volume 65/Baba Malay


text:
Page:Chekhov - The Witch and Other Stories.djvu/88

Rh "Where?"

"To Moscow Let us go, mamma."

The child began crying.

Rodion was utterly overcome; his face broke into profuse perspiration; he took out of his pocket little crooked cucumber, like a half-moon, covered with crumbs of rye bread, and began thrusting it into the little girl's hands.

"Come, come," he muttered, scowling severely; "take the little cucumber, eat it up You mustn't cry. Mamma will whip you She'll tell your father of you when you get home. Come, come"

They walked on, and he still followed behind them, wanting to say something friendly and persuasive to them. And seeing that they were both absorbed in their own thoughts and their own griefs, and not noticing him, he stopped and, shading his eyes from the sun, looked after them for a long time till they disappeared into their copse.

engineer seemed to grow irritable and petty, and in every trivial incident saw an act of robbery or outrage. His gate was kept bolted even by day, and at night two watchmen walked up and down the garden beating a board; and they gave up employing anyone from Obrutchanovo as a labourer. As illluck would have it someone (either a peasant or one of the workmen) took the new wheels off the cart and replaced them by old ones, then soon after-


text:
Page:Chekhov - The Witch and Other Stories.djvu/89

78 wards two bridles and a pair of pincers were carried off, and murmurs arose even in the village. People began to say that a search should be made at the Lytchkovs' and at Volodka's, and then the bridles and the pincers were found under the hedge in the engineer's garden; someone had thrown them down there.

It happened that the peasants were coming in a crowd out of the forest, and again they met the engineer on the road. He stopped, and without wishing them good-day he began, looking angrily first at one, then at another:

"I have begged you not to gather mushrooms in the park and near the yard, but to leave them for my wife and children, but your girls come before daybreak and there is not a mushroom left Whether one asks you or not it makes no difference. Entreaties, and friendliness, and persuasion I see are all useless."

He fixed his indignant eyes on Rodion and went on:

"My wife and I behaved to you as human beings, as to our equals, and you? But what's the use of talking! It will end by our looking down upon you. There is nothing left!"

And making an effort to restrain his anger, not to say too much, he turned and went on.

On getting home Rodion said his prayer, took off his boots, and sat down beside his wife.

"Yes " he began with a sigh. "We were walking along just now, and Mr. Kutcherov met us Yes He saw the girls at daybreak.


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Page:Chekhov - The Witch and Other Stories.djvu/93

82 ful and so grandly dressed, had come into the village and talked to them in such a friendly way. And it seemed as though all that had never been; it was like a dream or a fairy-tale.

They trudged along, tired out, and mused as they went In their village, they mused, the people were good, quiet, sensible, fearing God, and Elena Ivanovna, too, was quiet, kind, and gentle; it made one sad to look at her, but why had they not got on together? Why had they parted like enemies? How was it that some mist had shrouded from their eyes what mattered most, and had let them see nothing but damage done by cattle, bridles, pincers, and all those trivial things which now, as they remembered them, seemed so nonsensical? How was it that with the new owner they lived in peace, and yet had been on bad terms with the engineer?

And not knowing what answer to make to these questions they were all silent except Volodka, who muttered something.

"What is it?" Rodion asked.

"We lived without a bridge " said Volodka gloomily. "We lived without a bridge, and did not ask for one and we don't want it" No one answered him and they walked on in silence with drooping heads.


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Page:Horæ Sinicæ, Translations from the Popular Literature of the Chinese (horsinictran00morrrich, Morrison, 1812).djvu/58

48 a vast multitude saying, "I am greatly distressed because of the people of the age. I wish to enter and sit down in the posture of meditation." He immediately went to the side of the river Hi-lien, and under twoSo-so trees, on the right side, folding his legs, he instantly expired.

He again rose from his coffin in consequence of a law which he had not delivered. He then uttered a Ki respecting death:
 * "All actions are improper:
 * Hence is produced the law of destruction.
 * In life destruction is instant; men destroy themselves.
 * After death all is repose."

His disciples all immediately hastened, and took fragrant wood to burn him. After he was burned the coffin yet remained as before.

The multitude immediately arranged before Foe, praised him by the following Ki.


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Page:Chekhov - The Witch and Other Stories.djvu/92

Rh of rubble left from the building of it had long been overgrown with grass, the navvies were forgotten, and instead of the strains of the "Dubinushka" that they used to sing, the peasants heard almost every hour the sounds of a passing train.

The New Villa has long ago been sold; now it belongs to a government clerk who comes here from the town for the holidays with his family, drinks tea on the terrace, and then goes back to the town again. He wears a cockade on his cap; he talks and clears his throat as though he were a very important official, though he is only of the rank of a collegiate secretary, and when the peasants bow he makes no response.

In Obrutchanovo everyone has grown older; Kozov is dead. In Rodion's hut there are even more children. Volodka has grown a long red beard. They are still as poor as ever.

In the early spring the Obrutchanovo peasants were sawing wood near the station. And after work they were going home; they walked without haste one after the other. Broad saws curved over their shoulders; the sun was reflected in them. The nightingales were singing in the bushes on the bank, larks were trilling in the heavens. It was quiet at the New Villa; there was not a soul there, and only golden pigeons—golden because the sunlight was streaming upon them—were flying over the house. All of them—Rodion, the two Lytchkovs, and Volodka—thought of the white horses, the little ponies, the fireworks, the boat with the lanterns; they remembered how the engineer's wife, so beauti-


text:
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ADJURE thee, who shalt transcribe this book, by our Lord Jesus Christ, and by His glorious appearing, when He comes to judge the living and the dead, that thou compare what thou hast transcribed, and be careful to set it right according to this copy from which thou hast transcribed; also, that thou in like manner copy down this adjuration, and insert it in the transcript.

These opinions, Florinus, that I may speak in mild terms, are not of sound doctrine; these opinions are not consonant to the church, and involve their votaries in the utmost impiety; these opinions, even the heretics beyond the church's pale have never ventured to broach; these opinions, those presbyters who preceded us, and who were conversant with the apostles, did not hand down to thee. For, while I was yet a boy, I saw thee in Lower Asia with Polycarp, distinguishing thyself in the royal court, and endeavouring to gain his approbation. For I have a more vivid recollection of what occurred at that time than of recent events (inas-


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18 quite able to shake off the intoxicating sleep of youth and fatigue, was suddenly overwhelmed by a desire for the sake of which mail-bags, postal trains and all things in the world, are forgotten. He glanced at the door in a frightened way, as though he wanted to escape or hide himself, seized Raïssa round the waist, and was just bending over the lamp to put out the light, when he heard the tramp of boots in the outer room, and the driver appeared in the doorway. Savély peeped in over his shoulder. The postman dropped his hands quickly and stood still as though irresolute.

"It's all ready," said the driver. The postman stood still for a moment, resolutely threw up his head as though waking up completely, and followed. the driver out. Raïssa was left alone.

"Come, get in and show us the way!" she heard.

One bell sounded languidly, then another, and the jingling notes in a long delicate chain floated away from the hut.

When little by little they had died away, Raïssa got up and nervously paced to and fro. At first she was pale, then she flushed all over. Her face was contorted with hate, her breathing was tremulous, her eyes gleamed with wild, savage anger, and, pacing up and down as in a cage, she looked like a tigress menaced with red-hot iron. For a moment she stood still and looked at her abode. Almost half of the room was filled up by the bed, which stretched the length of the whole wall and consisted of a dirty feather-bed, coarse grey pillows, a quilt, and nameless rags of various sorts. The bed was


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4 for a Copernicus, Tycho Brahe, Galileo and Newton in almost scientific Apostolic succession. Geography and the human sciences came into a new heritage through the discovery of new lands, The new synthetic outlook upon life laid the germ-seeds for the science of man. "By discovering a new world, Christopher Columbus compelled European statesmen and philosophers to think of mankind in terms of a whole." If humanity has been continually advancing and if the present civilization is the culmination of long-operating forces, and reveals the dawn of a world-wide culture union in which all are to participate, 1492 is most important as having seen the laying down of the first stones in the foundation.

Now anthropology is the scientific survey of man by the interested party, man himself. This may fairly be taken as symptomatic of human groups being self-conscious culturally or physically. Thus, as the Hindu thinkers talk of "srishti "—creation, "sthiti"—stagnation and isolation, and "laya"—dissolution and decay, following each other in a cycle, we observe in the history of almost every culture a period of expansion following a period of isolation, characterised by accelerated dynamic group life. Thus Europe, breaking its isolation by the discovery of the New World, by circumnavigating the world and establishing contact with ancient seats of culture, became more self-conscious and self-confident. While the Middle Ages might have seen some maturation of the spiritual seed of Christianity in a fertile soil, it was the possession of an undreamed-of extent of territory that started modern Europe. While we can estimate the population of England as only about two and a quarter million in 1340, it had leaped to about six and a half million in 1600, and to more than seven and a half million in another century. This alone can throw light on some of the unknown forces that come to operate on a nation at the time of her greatest growth, the time of a sort of cultural mutation.


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Rh much as the experiences of childhood, keeping pace with the growth of the soul, become incorporated with it); so that I can even describe the place where the blessed Polycarp used to sit and discourse—his going out, too, and his coming in—his general mode of life and personal appearance, together with the discourses which he delivered to the people; also how he would speak of his familiar intercourse with John, and with the rest of those who had seen the Lord; and how he would call their words to remembrance. Whatsoever things he had heard from them respecting the Lord, both with regard to His miracles and His teaching, Polycarp having thus received [information] from the eye-witnesses of the Word of life, would recount them all in harmony with the Scriptures. These things, through God's mercy which was upon me, I then listened to attentively, and treasured them up not on paper, but in my heart; and I am continually, by God's grace, revolving these things accurately in my mind. And I can bear witness before God, that if that blessed and apostolical presbyter had heard any such thing, he would have cried out, and stopped his ears, exclaiming as he was wont to do: "O good God, for what times hast Thou reserved me, that I should endure these things?" And he would have fled from the very spot where, sitting or standing, he had heard such words. This fact, too, can be made clear, from his epistles which he despatched, whether to the neighbouring churches to confirm them, or to certain of the brethren, admonishing and exhorting them.

For the controversy is not merely as regards the day, but


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160 also as regards the form itself of the fast. For some consider themselves bound to fast one day, others two days, others still more, while others [do so during] forty: the diurnal and the nocturnal hours they measure out together as their [fasting] day. And this variety among the observers [of the fasts] had not its origin in our time, but long before in that of our predecessors, some of whom probably, being not very accurate in their observance of it, handed down to posterity the custom as it had, through simplicity or private fancy, been [introduced among them]. And yet nevertheless all these lived in peace one with another, and we also keep peace together. Thus, in fact, the difference [in observing] the fast establishes the harmony of [our common] faith. And the presbyters preceding Soter in the government of the church which thou dost now rule—I mean, Anicetus and Pius, Hyginus and Telesphorus, and Sixtus—did neither themselves observe it [after that fashion], nor permit those with them to do so. Notwithstanding this, those who did not keep [the feast in this way] were peacefully disposed towards those who came to them from other dioceses in which it was [so] observed, although such observance was [felt] in more decided contrariety [as presented] to those wdio did not fall in with it; and none were ever cast out [of the church] for this matter. On the contrary, those presbyters who preceded thee, and who did not observe [this custom], sent the Eucharist to those of other dioceses who did observe it. And when the blessed Polycarp was sojourning


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16 THE BURIED TORCH, by Coralie Stanton and Heath Hasten.

Daily Mail.—“ It is a capital example of story-telling in which sensation is blended with the study of a soul.”

Liverpool Post.—“. . . should certainly please a wide public.”

The Gentlewoman.—“. . . skilfully prepared.”

Irish Life.—“ ... A real, gripping, live story.”

THE GREATER DAWN, by Nora Kent.

Land and Water.—“ The publishers state that they feel it ‘will bring the author into the front rank of popular novelists.’ I am bound to say it probably will. . . Mrs. Florence L. Barclay ana Miss Ethel M. Dell have cause to tremble.”

Glasgow Evening News.—“ Miss Nora Kent promisingly enters the ranks of novelists ...”

MIRIAM AND THE PHILISTINES, by Alice Clayton Greene.

Westminster Gazette.—“Cleverly drawn.”

Pall Mall Gazette.—“ Excellently drawn.”

Daily Chronicle.—“Those of my readers who like a thoroughly good story of stage life will enjoy following Miriam’s adventures.”

SIDE ISSUES, by Jeffery E. Jeffery (author of “Servants of the Guns”), 6/- net.

Times.—“ The opinions of the book are well thought out and expressed very clearly.”

The Evening Standard.—“ Mr. Jeffery’s very notable book.”

The Star.—“ The stories. . . are very good indeed.”

The British Weekly.—“ A book well worth reading.”


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1. must now collect together the scattered observations that we have made on the proper teaching of the sciences, of the arts, of morality, and of piety. By proper teaching I mean teaching that combines ease, thoroughness, and rapidity.

2. Science, or the knowledge of nature, consists of an internal perception, and needs the same accessories as the external perception of the eye, namely, an object to observe, and light by which to observe it. If these be given, perception will follow. The eye of the inner perception is the mind or the understanding, the object is all that lies within or without our apprehension, while the light is the necessary attention. But, as in the case of external perception a definite procedure is necessary in order to apprehend things as they are, so with internal perception a certain method is necessary if things are to be presented to the mind in such a way that it can grasp them and assimilate them with ease.

3. The youth who wishes to penetrate the mysteries of the sciences must carefully observe four rules:

He must keep the eye of his mind pure.

He must see that the object be brought near to it.

He must pay attention.

(iv) He must proceed from one object to another in


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        LEONARD PARSONS LTD.


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 accordance with a suitable method. For thus he will apprehend everything surely and easily.

4. Over the amount of ability that we possess we have no control, for God has portioned out this mirror of the understanding, this inner eye, according to His will. But it lies in our power to prevent it from growing dusty or dim. By dust, I mean the idle, useless, and empty occupations of the mind. For our mind is in constant activity, like a continually running mill-stone, and is supplied by its servants, the external senses, with material from every side. But unless the chief inspector, the on, be continually on the watch, worthless material is supplied, such as chaff, straw, or sand, instead of corn or wheat. Thus it comes to pass that, as in the case of a mill, every corner is filled with dust. This inner mill, therefore, the mind (which is also a mirror) will be kept free from dust, if the young be kept away from worthless occupations and be skilfully trained to like worthy and useful things.

5. In order that the mirror may duly receive the images of the objects, it is necessary that these latter be solid and visible, and be also placed suitably before the eyes. Clouds and similar objects that possess little consistency make but a slight impression on a mirror, while objects that are not present make none at all. Those things, therefore, that are placed before the intelligence of the young, must be real things and not the shadows of things. I repeat, they must be things; and by the term I mean determinate, real, and useful things that can make an impression on the senses and on the imagination. But they can only make this impression when brought sufficiently near.

6. From this a golden rule for teachers may be derived. Everything should, as far as is possible, be placed before the senses. Everything visible should be brought before the organ of sight, everything audible before that of hearing. Odours should be placed before the sense of smell, and things that are tastable and tangible before the sense of taste and of touch respectively. If an object can make


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 an impression on several senses at once, it should be brought into contact with several, though with the limitations imposed in the seventh Principle of.

7. For this there are three cogent reasons. Firstly, the commencement of knowledge must always come from the senses (for the understanding possesses nothing that it has not first derived from the senses). Surely, then, the beginning of wisdom should consist, not in the mere learning the names of things, but in the actual perception of the things themselves! It is when the thing has been grasped by the senses that language should fulfil its function of explaining it still further.

8. Secondly, the truth and certainty of science depend more on the witness of the senses than on anything else. For things impress themselves directly on the senses, but on the understanding only mediately and through the senses. This is evident from the fact that belief is at once accorded to knowledge derived from the senses, while an appeal is always made to them from a priori reasoning and from the testimony of others. We do not trust a conclusion derived from reasoning unless it can be verified by a display of examples (the trustworthiness of which depends on sensuous perception). No one could have such confidence in the testimony of another person as to disbelieve the experience of his own senses. Science, then, increases in certainty in proportion as it depends on sensuous perception. It follows, therefore, that if we wish to implant a true and certain knowledge of things in our pupils, we must take especial care that everything be learned by means of actual observation and sensuous perception.

9. Thirdly, since the senses are the most trusty servants of the memory, this method of sensuous perception, if universally applied, will lead to the permanent retention of knowledge that has once been acquired. For instance, if I have once tasted sugar, seen a camel, heard a nightingale sing, or been in Rome, and have on each occasion attentively impressed the fact on my memory, the incidents will


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 any sum of annuity for a given term and rate of interest, we have only to multiply the corresponding tabular value by the sum or the annuity proposed; the product will be the amount or the value sought, according as the case may be.

16. Example 1. To what sum will L. 100 amount, when improved at compound interest during 20 years? the rate of interest being 4 ''per cent. per annum''.

By Table III., it appears, that L. 1 so improved, would, at the expiration of the term, amount to L. 2·191123, therefore L. 100 would amount to 100 times as much, that is, to L. 219·1123, or L. 219, 2s. 3d.

17. Ex. 2. What is the present value of L. 400, which is not to be received until the expiration of 14 years, when the rate of interest is 5 per cent.?

The present value of L. 1 to be received then, will be found by Table I. to be L. 0·505068: L. 400 to be received at the same time, will therefore be worth, in present money, 400 times as much, or L. 202·0272, that is, L. 202, 0s. 6½d.

18. Ex. 3. Required the present value of an annuity of L. 50 for 21 years, when the rate of interest is 5 per cent.

Table II. shows the value of an annuity of L. 1 for the same term to be L. 12·8212; the required value must therefore be 50 times as much, or L. 641·06, that is, L. 641, 1s, 2½d.

19. Ex. 4. What will an annuity of L. 10, 10s. or L. 10·5, for thirty years, amount to, when each payment is put out as it becomes due, and improved at compound interest until the end of the term? The rate of interest being 4 per cent.

The amount of an annuity of L. 1 so improved, would be L. 56·084938, as appears by Table IV., the amount required will therefore be 10·5 times this, or L. 588·89185, that is, L. 588, 17s. 10d.

20. When the interval between the time of the purchase of an annuity and the first payment thereof, exceeds that which is interposed between each two immediately successive payments; such annuity is said to be deferred for a time equal to that excess, and to be entered upon at the expiration of that time.

21. If two persons, A and B, purchase an annuity between them, which A is to enter upon immediately, and to enjoy during a certain part of the term, and B, or his heirs, or assigns, for the remainder of it; the present value of B’s interest will evidently be, the excess of the value of the annuity for the whole of the term from this time, above the value of the interest of A.

So that when the entrance on an annuity ts deferred for a certain term, its present value will be the excess of the value of the annuity for the term of delay and continuance together, above the value of an equal annuity for the term of delay only.

22. Example 1. Required the value of a perpetual annuity of L. 120, which is not to be entered upon until the expiration of 14 years from this time, reckoning interest at 3 per cent.

The perpetuity, with immediate possession, would be worth 33⅓ years’ purchase (8); and an annuity for the term of delay is worth 11·2961 (Table II.)

23. Ex. 2. Allowing interest at 5 per cent. what sum should be paid down now for the renewal of 14 years lapsed, in a lease for 21 years of an estate producing L. 300 per annum, clear of all deductions?

This is the price of an annuity for 14 years, to be entered upon 7 years hence; the term of delay, therefore, is 7 years, and that of the delay and continuance together 21 years.

By Table Il. it appears, that the present value of an annuity

24. Hitherto we have proceeded upon the supposition of the annuity being payable, and the interest convertible into principal, which shall reproduce interest, only once a-year.

But annuities are generally payable half-yearly, and sometimes quarterly; and the same circumstances that render it desirable for an annuitant to receive his annual sum in equal half-yearly or quarterly portions, also give occasion to the interest of money being paid in the same manner.

But whatever has been advanced above, concerning the present value or the amount of an annuity, when both that and the interest of money were only payable once a-year, will evidently be true when applied to half the annuity, and half the interest paid twice as often, on the supposition of half-yearly payments; or to a quarter of the annuity, and a quarter of the interest, paid four times as often, when the payments are made quarterly.

25. Half-yearly payments are, however, by far the most common, and these four tables will also enable us to answer the most useful questions concerning them.

For we have only to extract the present value, or the amount, from the table, against twice the number of years in the term, at half the annual rate of interest, and, in the case of an annuity, to multiply the number so extracted, by half the annuity proposed.

26. Ex. 1. To what sum will L. 100 amount in 20 years, when the interest at the rate of 4 ''per cent. per annum'', is convertible into principal half-yearly?

This being the amount in 40 half years at 2 per cent. interest for every half year, will be the same as the amount in 40 years at 2 ''per cent. per annum'', which, by Table III. will be found to be 220·804, or L. 220, 16s. 1d.; and is only L. 1, 13s. 10d. more than it would amount to if the interest were not convertible more than once a-year (16).


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book does not claim to be an authoritative statement of Guild Socialism in the sense that it would be accepted by all, or by a majority of, Guild Socialists. There is, I am glad to say, no such thing as a strict Guild orthodoxy; and for the most part it can only claim to be an expression of personal opinion. I think, however, that where the matters discussed in it have been the subject-matter of actual Conference decisions of the National Guilds League, the views here taken will be found to be substantially in agreement with those expressed by the League, in which the most important of its Conference decisions are contained.

I have to apologise, to some extent, for the compression of this book. I have found it very difficult to give, within the space afforded, anything like a comprehensive statement of the Guild position, and the account is in many respects incomplete. This is the case especially


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 remain fresh and permanent. We find, accordingly, that children can easily learn Scriptural and secular stories from pictures. Indeed, he who has once seen a rhinoceros (even in a picture) or been present at a certain occurrence, can picture the animal to himself and retain the event in his memory with greater ease than if they had been described to him six hundred times. Hence the saying of Plautus: “An eye-witness is worth more than ten ear-witnesses.” Horace also says: “What is entrusted to the fickle ears makes less impression on the mind than things which are actually presented to the eyes and which the spectator stores up for himself.”

In the same manner, whoever has once seen a dissection of the human body will understand and remember the relative position of its parts with far greater certainty than if he had read the most exhaustive treatises on anatomy, but had never actually seen a dissection performed. Hence the saying, “Seeing is believing.”

10. If the objects themselves cannot be procured, representations of them may be used. Copies or models may be constructed for teaching purposes, and the same principle may be adopted by botanists, geometricians, zoologists, and geographers, who should illustrate their descriptions by engravings of the objects described. The same thing should be done in books on physics and elsewhere. For example, the human body will be well explained by ocular demonstration if the following plan be adopted. A skeleton should be procured (either such an one as is usually kept in universities, or one made of wood), and on this framework should be placed the muscles, sinews, nerves, veins, arteries, as well as the intestines, the lungs, the heart, the diaphragm, and the liver. These should be made of leather and stuffed with wool, and should be of the right size and in the right place, while on each organ should be written its name and its function. If you take the student of medicine to this construction and explain each part to him separately, he will grasp all the details without any effort, and from that time forth will


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 understand the mechanism of his own body. For every branch of knowledge similar constructions (that is to say, images of things which cannot be procured in the original) should be made, and should be kept in the schools ready for use. It is true that expense and labour will be necessary to produce these models, but the result will amply reward the effort.

11. If any be uncertain if all things can be placed before the senses in this way, even things spiritual and things absent (things in heaven, or in hell, or beyond the sea), let him remember that all things have been harmoniously arranged by God in such a manner that the higher in the scale of existence can be represented by the lower, the absent by the present, and the invisible by the visible. This can be seen in the Macromicrocosmus of Robert Flutt, in which the origin of the winds, of rain, and of thunder is described in such a way that the reader can visualise it. Nor is there any doubt that even greater concreteness and ease of demonstration than is here displayed might be attained.

12. So much of the presentation of objects to the senses. We must now speak of the light, the absence of which renders the presentation of objects to the eyes useless. This light of the teaching art is attention, and by its means the learner can keep his mind from wandering and can take in everything that is put before him. It is impossible for any man to see an object in the dark, or if his eyes be closed, no matter how near to him it may be; and in the same way, if you talk to one who is not attending, or show him anything, you will make no impression on his senses. This we can observe in the case of those who, while lost in thought, do not notice what is going on before their eyes. He, therefore, who wishes to show anything to another at night must provide light, and must polish the object so that it shines; and in the same way a master, if he wish to illumine with knowledge a pupil shrouded in the darkness of ignorance, must first excite his attention, that he may drink in information with a greedy mind.