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 a spectator. He could look up and see the others flying, if he liked.

This pressure worked miracles. Intelligence is gas. If we compress it at the same time that we seal up all way of escape, it will make an outlet for itself.

That is what German genius did. It created a new motor, having nothing in common with the forbidden Diesel, and by means of this new engine has to-day surpassed its rivals.

Lina Hirsch, the virile woman journalist who keeps us here in touch with the evolution of Germany, writes in her last letter of the marvellous results of the high-pressure steam turbine, an engine which exceeds in efficiency and simplicity the prohibited motor. With this engine they can build a transatlantic aeroplane able to fly from Germany to the United States in one day, a distance that the Diesel (when still in German hands) covered – and it was considered a miracle – in two-and-a-half days.

From this simple example we see how ridiculous, how childish is the notion reactionaries entertain, imagining it to be possible to suffocate the human mind. They only obtain the opposite result: they double its efficiency and make it veritably omnipotent, thaumaturgic.

The miracles that Germany effects in all branches of industry have the same origin as the 24


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 of Henry Ford. The sole difference is that Ford applies the principle of mind compression in a manner that is perfectly conscientious and acceptable to his employees. They suffer it gladly, convinced that the resultant improvement in methods will benefit them all.

In Germany the pressure is not willingly borne because it is of enemy origin and was applied by force of arms. The results, however, are the same and, already evident, will one day stand out in such violent contrast that the victors of to-day will regret having used the Versailles treaty on Germany instead of turning it on themselves.

Ford says in his wonderful book that the application of this method gives rise to so much of the unexpected, so many new ideas, so much inventive effort, so much creating that no one can tell to what lengths the efficiency of his plant will yet attain. It is the same thing with Germany. To what far limits will the German mind extend if the Versailles treaty is not revised and if for another ten or twenty years that mind is kept in a permanent state of creative frenzy? 25

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 JULY 15.

All the party washing sheep.

JULY 16.

Same as above.

JULY 17.

Sunday.

JULY 18.

Shearing sheep.

JULY 19.

The same.

JULY 20.

Lewington working.

JULY 21.

Men all at work. "Mystery" arrived from DeGrey, W. & H. returned.

JULY 22.

Shearing lambs, making up wool.

JULY 23.

Started two drays to Bay, with wool & stores & 5 men. Made up store a/c for them Green gave up his flock, consisting of 520 sheep & lambs. The end of these so far.

JULY 24.

Sunday.


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 I was in a village lip the Calabar there were fourteen goats and five slaves killed in eight days by leopards, the genuine things, I am sure, in this case; but here, as down South, there was a strong objection to proceed against the leopard, and no action was being taken save making the goat-houses stronger. In Okÿon, when a leopard is killed, its body is treated with great respect and brought into the killer's village. Messages are then sent to the neighbouring villages, and they send representatives to the village and the gall-bladder is most carefully removed from the leopard and burnt coram publico, each person whipping their hands down their arms to disavow any guilt in the affair. This burning of the gall, however, is not ju-ju, it is done merely to destroy it, and to demonstrate to all men that it is destroyed, because it is believed to be a deadly poison, and if any is found in a man's possession the punishment is death, unless he is a great chief—a few of these are allowed to keep leopards' gall in their possession. John Bailey tells me that if a great chief commits a great crime and is adjudged by a conclave of his fellow chiefs to die, it is not considered right he should die in a common way, and he is given leopards' gall. A precisely similar idea regarding the poisonous quality of crocodiles' gall holds good down South.

The ju-ju parts of the leopard are the whiskers. You cannot get a skin from a native with them on, and gay, reckless young hunters wear them stuck in their hair and swagger tremendously while the elders shake their heads and keep a keen eye on their subsequent conduct.

I must say the African leopard is an audacious animal, although it is ungrateful of me to say a word against him, after the way he has let me off personally, and I will speak of his extreme beauty as compensation for my ingratitude. I really think, taken as a whole, he is the most lovely animal I have ever seen; only seeing him, in the one way you can gain a full idea of his beauty, namely in his native forest, is not an unmixed joy to a person, like myself, of a nervous disposition. I may remark that my nervousness regarding the big game of Africa is of a rather peculiar kind. I can confidently say I am not afraid of any wild animal—until I see


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 15, 1886. The same work was repeated in London on October 29 and November 6.

Dvořák came for the sixth time to London in 1890. He conducted his new Symphony in G Major at the concert of the London Philharmonic Orchestra, April 24. This work is known as the “London” Symphony, because it was published by the London firm Novello (Victor Album M-304). Dvořák conducted it personally at the Chicago World’s Fair, when he was invited by the Chicago Czechs to the “Bohemian Day,” August 12, 1893.

What a change! The composer who in the seventies found it quite difficult to pay 2 florins a month for the rent of a poor piano now won colossal triumphs everywhere. The greatest conductors such as Hans Richter and Hans Buelow in Germany, Anton Seidel in New York, Arthur Nikisch in Boston and Theodore Thomas in Chicago, performed his symphonic compositions, the famous Joachim String Quartet played his chamber music.

Dvořák was the first modern Czech symphonist. His nine symphonies (since 1863) exemplify his entire artistic evolution. The influence of Wagner, Liszt, Schubert, Beethoven and Smetana soon vanishes, Dvořák finds himself, and his own individuality is best expressed in the symphonies G Major (1889), D Minor (1885) and E Minor “From the New World” (1893). An equally imposing musical wealth is contained in Dvořák’s String Quartets (twelve Quartets, 1862-1895) which belong to the present world repertoire. The touching adagios and lentos of his symphonies and chamber music works with their tones of deep sentiment are wonderful. His prolific inspiration induced Dvořák to compose all kinds of musical works, and so he created many new forms in Czech music which Smetana avoided. This applies in the first place to so called absolute music, in so far as this word means music other than program music. Smetana, brought up in Liszt’s neoromatic ideas on music, saw his proper sphere of creative activities in opera and in symphonic poems, whereas he avoided to write so called absolute music. Even his string quartet “From my life” follows a definite program. But Dvořák, as an intuitive, direct musician who easily let himself be carried away by his ideas, saw his proper sphere of activities everywhere,


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CONTENTS.

POETRY.

Arthur, to—By Constance, = -

Album, Proem for a Meare PF 3. Fr Weis. bampel, Jr. me - es

Advent, the Seraph’s—By H. w. Husis; -

‘Affection, Wasted—By Emma Harley, - =~

Bath, the Noontide—By Henry J. Vernon, (Mustrated,) — ~ a ae Byron—By J. P. Wieshampel, Jr. - Bride, to A—By 8. D. Anderson, - — - Bound,” “Homeward—By Julians J. Norton, Babe, the Pictured—By Emily Herrmann, - Bouquet, to A—By H, W. Payson,- - —- Back, Come—By Mary Riggs, - Brother, Lines On A Dessased—By Louise Migs fer 3 ce: (ee).

Constance—By Mary K. Brown, Cathedral, Cologne—By Mra. E. K. Bowen, - Callers, the Three—By Mary Stowe, - - Country, Fredonia, My—By J. A. Turner, - Churoh, the Village—By Marie Roseau,-

Dreams, the World of—By T. Hempstead, - Days, By-Gone—By D. Ellen Goodman,- - Dream, Day—By H.W. Payson, - - -

Ferry, ane a sn H

Btone, - ° Flower, Ous—Dy Grane Neemea, asl cee “Forover”—By Mary Riggt,- - - - Farowell, A—By Ann 8. Stephens,- - -

God, Meeting With—By Emily Herrmann, - Grave, On A—By Mra. T. K. Hervey, - - Grave, My Sister's—By Clifton May, - -

Home, Return to an Ancient—By Harriet

Symmes, - - ‘3 ee eh ° Idol, the—By Grace Norman,- - - - Jane, the First Sweet Rose of —To By Says 8 4 ee

Leaf, the Liver—By Jane Gay, - - -

Lines—Addressed to an oo aw Frank Walters, - = -

Lament, the Little Girl's—By Dans ical,

Life—By 0.0. Whittlesey, - - - - Music, the Angel of—By T. H. Chivers, M. D., May, Toddling—By W.C. Bennet, - - Mother, My—By W. Wilson,- - - = - Mignonette—By Grace Norman, - ‘ Michigan, Lines to Lake—By 0. C. Torrey, -

Mourn, the Poor That—By Oscar H. Harpel, -

Bi iil AG Hae ieee: Night, the Pilgrim of By Henry J. Vernon, -

61

131 158 188

n 13 4a 170 190 190 201

42

6 110 223

2 221

70 156 170

150

176

207

108 125 a4

3 91 43 221 231

140 m1 26

Poor,” “The Sacred Patience of the—By Emma Howell, - - - -

Parody, A—By Effie Elwood,- -

Pansey, to A—By Edith Vero, -

Rest—By JaneGay, - - - - + Song, Oh! Sister Sing Our Father’s—By Hen- rietta G.Legge,- - - - -

Sorrow—By George H. Throop, - South, to the Queen of the—By Thowat Chivers, M.D. - = = - Store, Our Village—By Abby ‘Allin, Sunlight—By Flora Fairfield,- - = - September, to—By F. C., (/Uustrated,) - Ship, the Froren—By Horace B. Durant, Stanzas—By Juliet Walters, - - - Sunshine—By Maria Norris, - - — - Song—By W. Wilson, - - - - Stanzas—By Frank Walters, - - Stanzas—Affectionately Inscribed to D. “Ellen Goodman—By Sarah J. C. Whittlesey, -

siteubbig ete. bie ass 4

Trees, the Child Among the—By Mrs. M. D.

Morton, - - Sat ee ae ‘Teitight--Ry Gises Nermen, - mri de Oe To By Edith Vere, - = - Trent, Evening Service in the Cathedral at— ByHLF.C, -

‘Tree, the Christanas (IlUnetreted,) og

Wife, to My—By 8D. Anderson, - = =~

Years, Other—By J.B.Cone,- - - - Youth, the Departure of—By F.C, - =

FULL-PAGE ENGRA

The Noontide Bath. Fashions for July, colored. ‘The Shady Stream.

Pattern for Smoking Cap. The Rivals.

Fashions for August, colored. The Summer Evening.

The Circassian Beauty. Fashions for September, colored. ‘The First of September. Pattern for Embroidered Sachet. Coming from the Vintage. Fashions for October, colored. ‘The Rainy Evening, Portrait of Catharine Hayes. ‘The Happy Family.

The Omen.

Fashions for November. The Attack.

Crossing the Bridge. Fashions for December.

‘The Family Party.

J

2 ge asa

es �


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Anderson v. Liberty Lobby, Inc.

David J. Branson argued the cause for petitioners. With him on the briefs was David O. Bickart.

Mark Lane argued the cause for respondents. With him on the brief were Linda Huber and Fleming Lee.

title: Anderson v. Liberty Lobby, Inc.


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Talk:Transactions and Proceedings of the New Zealand Institute/Volume 33/Article 54

Is this Dr William Kington Fyffe? Obituary: https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/NZTIM19200426.2.68 New Zealand Times, Volume XLVI, Issue 10573, 26 April 1920, Page 6


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Rh of these are infinite. And that all things partake of motion by being moved by mind, and that similar bodies coalesce. And that celestial bodies were arranged by orbicular motion. That, therefore, what was thick and moist, and dark and cold, and all things heavy, came together into the centre, from the solidification of which earth derived support; but that the things opposite to these—namely, heat and brilliancy, and dryness and lightness—hurried impetuously into the farther portion of the atmosphere. And that the earth is in figure plane; and that it continues suspended aloft, by reason of its magnitude, and by reason of there being no vacuum, and by reason of the air, which was most powerful, bearing along the wafted earth. But that among moist substances on earth, was the sea, and the waters in it; and when these evaporated [from the sun], or had settled under, that the ocean was formed in this manner, as well as from the rivers that from time to time flow into it. And that the rivers also derive support from the rains and from the actual waters in the earth; for that this is hollow, and contains water in its caverns. And that the Nile is inundated in summer, by reason of the waters carried down into it from the snows in northern [latitudes]. And that the sun and moon and all the stars are fiery stones, that were rolled round by the rotation of the atmosphere. And that beneath the stars are sun and moon, and certain invisible bodies that are carried along with us; and that we have no perception of the heat of the stars, both on account of their being so far away, and on account of their distance from the earth; and further, they are not to the same degree hot as the sun, on account of their occupying a, colder situation. And that the moon, being lower than the sun, is nearer us.


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42 And that the sun surpasses the Peloponnesus in size. And that the moon has not light of its own, but from the sun. But that the revolution of the stars takes place under the earth. And that the moon is eclipsed when the earth is interposed, and occasionally also those [stars] that are underneath the moon. And that the sun [is eclipsed] when, at the beginning of the month, the moon is interposed. And that the solstices are caused by both sun and moon being repulsed by the air. And that the moon is often turned, by its not being able to make head against the cold. This person was the first to frame definitions regarding eclipses and illuminations. And he affirmed that the moon is earthy, and has in it plains and ravines. And that the milky way is a reflection of the light of the stars which do not derive their radiance from the sun; and that the stars, coursing [the firmament] as shooting sparks, arise out of the motion of the pole. And that winds are caused when the atmosphere is rarified by the sun, and by those burning orbs that advance under the pole, and are borne from [it]. And that thunder and lightning are caused by heat falling on the clouds. And that earthquakes are produced by the air above falling on that under the earth; for when this is moved, that the earth also, being wafted by it, is shaken. And that animals originally came into existence in moisture, and after this one from another; and that males are procreated when the seed secreted from the right parts adhered to the right parts of the womb, and that females are born when the contrary took place. This philosopher flourished in the first year of the. Olympiad, at which time they say that Plato also was born. They maintain that Anaxagoras was likewise prescient.


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 Albert with horses and cattle Connor with sheep

(Marginal Note: These were the working staff including the manager. W.S.H.)

JULY 29.

The same. Albert saw all the horses, but Dolly and Ney.

JULY 30.

McC and self gardening, carting, making aprons

JULY 31.

Sunday. Much rain.

AUG. 1.

McC and self carting rafters and battens for shed.

AUG. 2.

Trimming battens. Sheep count right.

AUG. 3.

McC and Self working at shed putting up tie beams &c All the horses brought in.

AUG. 4.

The same. Albert brought in a large kangaroo. 140 lbs.

AUG. 5.

The same. I went to Withnell's, at night, they having sent for me; as they were afraid their baby would die, up most of the night. The child being much better came home P.M.

AUG. 6.

(Blank)

AUG. 7.

Sunday.


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Rh

Archelaus was by birth an Athenian, and son of Apollodorus. This person, similarly with Anaxagoras, asserted the mixture of matter, and enunciated his first principles in the same manner. This philosopher, however, held that there is inherent immediately in mind a certain mixture; and that the originating principle of motion is the mutual separation of heat and cold, and that the heat is moved, and that the cold remains at rest. And that the water being dissolved, flows towards the centre, where the scorched air and earth are produced, of which the one is borne upwards and the other remains beneath. And that the earth is at rest, and that on this account it came into existence; and that it lies in the centre, being no part, so to speak, of the universe, delivered from the conflagration; and that from this, first in a state of ignition, is the nature of the stars, of which indeed the largest is the sun, and next to this the moon; and of the rest some less, but some greater. And he says that the heaven was inclined at an angle, and so that the sun diffused light over the earth, and made the atmosphere transparent, and the ground dry; for that at first it was a sea, inasmuch as it is lofty at the horizon and hollow in the middle. And he adduces, as an indication of the hollowness, that the sun does not rise and set to all at the same time, which ought to happen if the earth was even. And with regard to animals, he affirms that the earth, being originally fire in its lower part, where the heat and cold were intermingled, both the rest of animals made their appearance, numerous and dissimilar, all having the same food, being nourished from mud; and their existence w^as of short duration, but afterwards also generation from one another arose unto them; and men were separated from the rest [of the animal creation], and they appointed rulers, and laws, and arts, and cities, and the rest. And he asserts


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44 that mind is innate in all animals alike; for that each, according to the difference of their physical constitution, employed [mind], at one time slower, at another faster.

Natural philosophy, then, continued from Thales until Archelaus. Socrates was the hearer of this [latter philosopher]. There are, however, also very many others, introducing various opinions respecting both the divinity and the nature of the universe; and if we were disposed to adduce all the opinions of these, it would be necessary to compose a vast quantity of books. But, reminding the reader of those whom we especially ought—who are deserving of mention from their fame, and from being, so to speak, the leaders to those who have subsequently framed systems of philosophy, and from their supplying them with a starting-point towards such undertakings—let us hasten on our investigations towards what remains for consideration.

For Parmenides likewise supposes the universe to be one, both eternal and unbegotten, and of a spherical form. And neither did he escape the opinion of the great body [of speculators], affirming fire and earth to be the originating principles of the universe—the earth as matter, but the fire as cause, even an efficient one. He asserted that the world would be destroyed, but in what way he does not mention. The same [philosopher], however, affirmed the universe to be eternal, and not generated, and of spherical form and homogeneous, but not having a figure in itself, and immoveable and limited.


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Rh

But Leucippus, an associate of Zeno, did not maintain the same opinion, but affirms things to be infinite, and always in motion, and that generation and change exist continuously. And he affirms plenitude and vacuum to be elements. And he asserts that worlds are produced when many bodies are congregated and flow together from the surrounding space to a common point, so that by mutual contact they made substances of the same figure and similar in form come into connection; and when thus intertwined, there are transmutations into other bodies, and that created things wax and wane through necessity. But what the nature of necessity is, [Parmenides] did not define.

And Democritus was an acquaintance of Leucippus. Democritus, son of Damasippus, a native of Abdera, conferring with many gymnosophists among the Indians, and with priests in Egypt, and with astrologers and magi in Babylon, [propounded his system]. Now he makes statements similarly with Leucippus concerning elements, viz. plenitude and vacuum, denominating plenitude entity, and vacuum nonentity; and this he asserted, since existing things are continually moved in the vacuum. And he maintained worlds to be infinite, and varying in bulk; and that in some there is neither sun nor moon, while in others that they are larger than with us, and with others more numerous. And that intervals between worlds are unequal; and that in one quarter of space [worlds] are more numerous, and in another less so; and that some of them increase in bulk, but that others attain their full size, while others dwindle away; and that


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46 in one quarter they are coming into existence, whilst in another they are failing; and that they are destroyed by clashing one with another. And that some worlds are destitute of animals and plants, and every species of moisture. And that the earth of our world was created before that of the stars, and that the moon is underneath; next [to it] the sun; then the fixed stars. And that [neither] the planets nor these [fixed stars] possess an equal elevation. And that the world flourishes, until no longer it can receive anything from without. This [philosopher] turned all things into ridicule, as if all the concerns of humanity were deserving of laughter.

But Xenophanes, a native of Colophon, was son of Orthomenes. This man survived to the time of Cyrus. This [philosopher] first asserted that there is no possibility of comprehending anything, expressing himself thus:

And he affirms that nothing is generated or perishes, or is moved; and that the universe being one, is beyond change. But he says that the deity is eternal, and one and altogether homogeneous and limited, and of a spherical form, and endued with perception in all parts. And that the sun exists during each day from a conglomeration of small sparks, and that the earth is infinite, and is surrounded neither by an atmosphere nor by the heaven. And that there are infinite suns and moons, and that all things spring from earth. This man affirmed that the sea is salt, on account of the many mixtures that flow into it. Metrodorus, however, from the fact of its being filtered through earth, asserts that it is on account of this that it is made salt. And Xenophanes is of opinion that there had been a mixture of the earth with the sea, and that in process of time it was disengaged from the moisture,


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Rh alleging that he could produce such proofs as the following: that in the midst of earth, and in mountains, shells are discovered; and also in Syracuse he affirms was found in the quarries the print of a fish and of seals, and in Paros an image of a laurel in the bottom of a stone, and in Melita parts of all sorts of marine animals. And he says that these were generated when all things originally were embedded in mud, and that an impression of them was dried in the mud, but that all men had perished when the earth, being precipitated into the sea, was converted into mud; then, again, that it originated generation, and that this overthrow occurred to all worlds.

One Ecphantus, a native of Syracuse, affirmed that it is not possible to attain a true knowledge of things. He defines, however, as he thinks, primary bodies to be indivisible, and that there are three variations of these, viz. bulk, figure, capacity, from which are generated the objects of sense. But that there is a determinable multitude of these, and that this is infinite. And that bodies are moved neither by weight nor by impact, but by divine power, which he calls mind and soul; and that of this the world is a representation; wherefore also it has been made in the form of a sphere by divine power. And that the earth in the middle of the cosmical system is moved round its own centre towards the east.


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Congressional Research Service

7-5700

www.crs.gov

R42698

CRS Report for Congress

Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress

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48

Hippo, a native of Rhegium, asserted as originating principles, coldness, for instance water, and heat, for instance fire. And that fire, when produced by water, subdued the power of its generator, and formed the world. And the soul, he said, is sometimes brain, but sometimes water; for that also the seed is that which appears to us to arise out of moisture, from which, he says, the soul is produced.

So far, then, we think we have sufficiently adduced [the opinions of] these; wherefore, inasmuch as we have adequately gone in review through the tenets of physical speculators, it seems to remain that we now turn to Socrates and Plato, who gave especial preference to moral philosophy.

Socrates, then, was a hearer of Archelaus, the natural philosopher; and he, reverencing the rule, "Know thyself," and having assembled a large school, had Plato [there], who was far superior to all his pupils. [Socrates] himself left no writings after him. Plato, however, taking notes of all his [lectures on] wisdom, established a school, combining together natural, ethical, [and] logical [philosophy]. But the points Plato determined are these following.


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Plato [lays down] that there are three originating principles of the universe, [namely] God, and matter, and exemplar; God as the Maker and Regulator of this universe, and the Being who exercises providence over it; but matter, as that which underlies all [phenomena], which [matter] he styles both receptive and a nurse, out of the arrangement of which proceeded the four elements of which the world consists; [I mean] fire, air, earth, water, from which all the rest of what are denominated concrete substances, as well as animals and plants, have been formed. And that the exemplar, which he likewise calls ideas, is the intelligence of the Deity, to which, as to an image in the soul, the Deity attending, fabricated all things. God, he says, is both incorporeal and shapeless, and comprehensible by wise men solely; whereas matter is body potentially, but with potentiality not as yet passing into action, for being itself without form and without quality, by assuming forms and qualities, it became body. That matter, therefore, is an originating principle, and coeval with the Deity, and that in this respect the world is uncreated. For [Plato] affirms that [the world] was made out of it. And that [the attribute of] imperlshableness necessarily belongs to (literally "follows") that which is uncreated. So far forth, however, as body is supposed to be compounded out of both many qualities and ideas, so far forth it is both created and perishable. But some of the followers of Plato mingled both of these, employing some such example as the following: That as a waggon can always continue undestroyed, though undergoing partial repairs from time to time, so that even the parts each in turn perish, yet itself remains always complete; so after this manner the world also, although in parts it perishes, yet the things that


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50 are removed, being repaired, and equivalents for them being introduced, it remains eternal.

Some maintain that Plato asserts the Deity to be one, ingenerable and incorruptible, as he says in The Laws: "God, therefore, as the ancient account has it, possesses both the beginning, and end, and middle of all things." Thus he shows God to be one, on account of His having pervaded all things. Others, however, maintain that Plato affirms the existence of many gods indefinitely, when he uses these words: "God of gods, of whom I am both the Creator and Father." But others say that he speaks of a definite number of deities in the following passage: "Therefore the mighty Jupiter, wheeling his swift chariot in heaven;" and when he enumerates the offspring of the children of heaven and earth. But others assert that [Plato] constituted the gods as generable; and on account of their having been produced, that altogether they were subject to the necessity of corruption, but that on account of the will of God they are immortal, [maintaining this] in the passage already quoted, where, to the words, "God of gods, of whom I am Creator and Father," he adds, "indissoluble through the fiat of my will;" so that if [God] were disposed that these should be dissolved, they would easily be dissolved.

And he admits natures [such as those] of demons, and says that some of them are good, but others worthless. And some affirm that he states the soul to be uncreated and immortal, when he uses the following words, "Every soul is immortal, for that which is always moved is immortal;" and when he demonstrates that the soul is self-moved, and capable of originating motion. Others, however, [say that Plato asserted that the soul was] created, but rendered imperishable through the will of God. But some [will have it that he considered the soul] a composite [essence], and generable


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 determined to be present if he should perform another transaction of that kind.

I went to him, requesting him to give me notice if he should happen to make a new experiment, and to admit me as a spectator: He hesitated not to give me his word, but seemed very little inclined to perform his promise, being terrified by the last transaction and its fatal consequences; the whole town talked of it, and the widow was sued at law on account of the death of her daughter. Volkert was prohibited by his general from making any farther experiment of that kind. He had not mentioned to me that interdiction of his commanding officer, yet I perceived that my request gave him some uneasiness, which I took for mistrust when I afterwards came to know that circumstance.

A few months after my application to him, a new accident happened, which gave him an opportunity to exhibit an astonishing proof of his supernatural skill, and tempted him


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history of the first efforts made by us for the education of our Indian fellow-subjects may be told in a few words. The Mohammedan college at Calcutta was established 1781, and the Sanskrit college at Benares  1792. The


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 Church of God, now committed unto thee by the imposition of our hands,"

do you think that he receives no spiritual benefit? or that no spiritual benefit is thereby implied? if not, are not the words blasphemy? but if the Holy Ghost be thereby bestowed, if the ordained person "receive the Holy Ghost for the office of a priest in the Church of God," is not ordination to him a means of grace, and so, although not a sacrament, does it not "possess in a high degree the sacramental character?" and ought this subject to be treated of in merriment?

Again, a writer after having, in a very interesting paper, pointed out the notices of an extensive Christian ritual contained in Scripture itself, adduced two passages, "in further illustration of the subject" from Tertullian, 200, and St. Basil,  350, both of whom maintain the binding character of usages, which, though not in Scripture, had come down from the Apostles by a "continuous tradition." And who would not? Is not our argument against the modern Church of Rome, that she has introduced "a corrupt following of the Apostles," (Art. 25.) "fond things vainly invented" and grounded upon no "warranty of Scripture, but rather repugnant to the Word of God" (Art. 22.)? The ground taken by the Church of Rome is that all her present traditions are to be received, as of equal validity with the written word, because she holds them; our ground, that they are not to be so received, because they cannot be proved to be apostolic, and some are corrupt and vainly invented. Our controversy then with Rome is not an à priori question on the value of tradition in itself, or at an earlier period of the Church, or of such traditions, as, though not contained in Scripture, are primitive, universal, and apostolical, but it is one purely historical, that the Romanist traditions not being such, but, on the contrary, repugnant to Scripture, are not to be received. It has manifestly, then, nothing to do with the question between Rome and ourselves, what Tertullian and St. Basil held of traditions

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 which could be proved to be apostolical; nor does our accepting the traditions of the universal Church in their day, involve our accepting those of the particular Church of Rome, after so many centuries of corruption, in the present.

In your Romanist character it is natural to say,

But in your real character how will you excuse the fallacy which your assumed one palmed upon your readers? especially when the writer had accompanied his citations with the remark:

Do you really believe that Tertullian and St. Basil bear out the claims of modern Rome? If not, your assumed character was too hard for your honesty—if you do, I leave you to arrange the question with a really learned divine and Bishop of our day;

Bishop Kaye is here referring to the very passage of Tertullian, the quotation of which, together with that of St. Basil, calls forth your reprobation; and we cannot do better than refer you, and ultra-Protestants generally, to the masterly

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 manner in which he treats this whole subject, (Tertullian, p. 202–307. ed. 2.) and especially his refutation of Mr. Thirlwall, (p. 297. sqq. note.)

Or I may refer you to the learned Dr. Hammond, "Seasonable exhortations to all true sons of the Church of England, wherein is inserted a discourse of heresy in defence of our Church against the Romanist." (§3.)

I will cite one passage only, but the whole essay is well deserving of study.

In the subsequent chapters. Dr. Hammond illustrates from the rules of Vincentius Lirinensis, "where these qualifications may be found."

I will add one more writer, the great Hooker (and I may note that Whitaker, whom He, quotes, leans in some things over-much to Geneva, and so to ultra- Protestantism, and yet is here on the same side). Truly, if we are herein Papistical, we are so in goodly company, and no otherwise than our

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 whole Church and Hooker were by ultra-Protestants always so accounted.

Hooker then says (Eccl. Pol. i. 14.):

Again, one of these writers, among the dangers of altering the Liturgy, notices the tendency of change itself to produce the love of changing, the appetite growing with what it feeds on. With this view, he instances objections, which men of opposite characters might take to the commencement of the service; as, one might think, "the introductory sentences not evangelical enough;" another, "the form of absolution not strong enough." Now the very object of the Tract, and the character of the illustrations, showed the writer to be (as he indeed is), content with things as they stand. The jest, however, required that you should represent the contrary as the opinion of the writers of the Tracts, and the Pope feeling for them when they lament concerning the absolution (p. 12), "that it is a mere declaration, not an announcement of pardon to those who have confessed."

Yet granting that a writer had thought this "absolution" not strong enough, thb would not make out the writer a Papist, since the absolution in the Communion-service is, (as

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 is right,) stronger than this; and that in the Visitation for the Sick stronger still; so that a person might even wish for a much "stronger" form of absolution, and yet remain within the bounds of our Church. And so little strong did our form appear to the American Episcopalians, that in the Rubric before the absolution, they substituted the words, "A declaration concerning the Forgiveness of Sins," &c. Yet herein we fare better than usual; for you have equally treated (ibid.) as Papistical, words wherein another writer (Tracts, No. xvii. p. 4.) embodies our Church's language in the Visitation for the Sick. If a minister, you must, when called upon, use that same language; whether then it be Papistical or no, we may leave you to decide.

Again, another writer, now asleep in the Lord, gave an historical statement of the gradual compression of the Church services, and especially that which went on in the Romish Church, "long before the abolition of the Latin service." (Tract ix. p. 2.) This the Reformers carried on; it is not Papistical, surely, to say, "unadvisedly;" a person may regret that the Communion and Morning Service are conjoined, and think that, but for this, the Communion would probably have been administered more frequently, and yet not be a Papist. For this compression of services had begun in Papistical times, and the error of the Reformers (if it was one) was compliance with the "spirit of [a Papistical] age." This, however, would have afforded no room for pleasantry; and so the whole is represented as being, in our eyes, a departure from Rome, and an error of "our misguided Reformers."

One expression of this writer demanded a candid judgment: he said,

It is plain that what the writer herein lamented was the loss not of the Latin language as a medium qf prayer, but the loss of that feeling of unity, "with a view to which identity of

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 time, as well as language, had been maintained in different nations." He could not, and did not, object to the disuse of a "language not understanded by the people." (Art. xxiv.) Accordingly he added, "the identity of time had been abandoned, and the identity of language could not be preserved." This last sentence would have embarrassed the fiction, and so you have omitted it.

These instances may illustrate the almost certain risk of sacrifice of truth, entailed by such a fiction as that upon which you have ventured. I need not adduce more; for I have no thought of refuting your statements: this we will do, if ever you take upon yourself seriously to maintain them; at present I would only show you the danger of such trifling in holy things.

Before, however, you venture upon serious controversy, as the champion of ultra- Protestantism, I would recommend you to review your armour;—weapons which you have not proved, however they may make a show in this counterfeit and mockery, will not hold in real earnest. You belong, Sir, to a school which would substitute individual speculation for solid learning and the knowledge of antiquity, and which, consequently, has the reputation of at times reproducing as new, and so giving undue and injurious prominence to, what all divines were before well acquainted with; and at times, also, has fallen into strange unhistorical errors. Now, whether a certain doctrine be Papistical or no, is matter of history, not df speculation; and one not versed in history will be liable, perpetually, to confound the earlier truth, or unobjectionable custom, with the later corruption; especially if he has no very clear idea of Christian theology. Thus you attack—as implying transubstantiation—expressions which convey only the doctrine of the Eucharist, as held in the early Church and our own.

The same want of acquaintance with antiquity, probably led you to confound the early practice of commemorating God's departed servants at the holy communion, and praying for their increased bliss and fuller admission to the beatific vision, with

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 forcibly to disregard the earnest prohibition of his general.

A friend of mine happened to fall out with a foreign officer, who had been visiting his parents, the foreigner challenged my friend, who most readily consented to decide the quarrel by the sword. Business of the greatest consequence obliged the foreigner to depart in the night preceding the morning on which the duel was to be fought—he wrote a note to my friend, promising upon his honor to appear at the appointed place on the ninth day, and my brother officer consented to the delay.

I and a few more officers of our regiment paid a visit to my friend who had been challenged, two days before the duel was to be fought; we were in high spirits, played, eat and drank amid the cheerful laughter of merriment, not recollecting, that after three days our host, perhaps, might be no more: He himself appeared to have entirely forgotten


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 engaged a painter for 200l. to give the correct agricultural air to his country hall by ornamenting it with trophies of spades, rakes, and prongs. Pope saw that the zeal for retirement was not free from affectation, but he sat at the teacher's feet with profound belief in the value of the lessons which flowed from his lips.

The connexion was to bear remarkable fruit. Under the direction of Bolingbroke, Pope resolved to compose a great philosophical poem. "Does Pope talk to you," says Bolingbroke to Swift in 1731, "of the noble work which, at my instigation, he has begun in such a manner that he must be convinced by this time I judged better of his talents than he did?" And Bolingbroke proceeds to describe the Essay on Man, of which it seems that three (out of four) epistles were now finished. The first of these epistles appeared in 1733. Pope, being apparently nervous on his first appearance as a philosopher, withheld his name. The other parts followed in the course of 1733 and 1734, and the authorship was soon avowed. The Essay on Man is Pope's most ambitious performance, and the one by which he was best known beyond his own country. It has been frequently translated, it was imitated both in France and Germany, and provoked a controversy, not like others in Pope's history of the purely personal kind.

The Essay on Man professes to be a theodicy. Pope, with an echo of the Miltonic phrase, proposes to

He is thus attempting the greatest task to which poet or philosopher can devote himself—the exhibition of an organic and harmonious view of the universe. In a time when men's minds are dominated by a definite religious

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 creed, the poet may hope to achieve success in such an undertaking without departing from his legitimate method. His vision pierces to the world hidden from our senses, and realizes in the transitory present a scene in the slow development of a divine drama. To make us share his vision is to give his justification of Providence. When Milton told the story of the war in heaven and the fall of man, he gave implicitly his theory of the true relations of man to his Creator, but the abstract doctrine was clothed in the flesh and blood of a concrete mythology.

In Pope's day the traditional belief had lost its hold upon men's minds too completely to be used for imaginative purposes. The story of Adam and Eve would itself require to be justified or to be rationalized into thin allegory. Nothing was left possessed of any vitality but a bare skeleton of abstract theology, dependent upon argument instead of tradition, and which might use or might dispense with a Christian phraseology. Its deity was not a historical personage, but the name of a metaphysical conception. For a revelation was substituted a demonstration. To vindicate Providence meant no longer to stimulate imagination by pure and sublime rendering of accepted truths, but to solve certain philosophical problems, and especially the grand difficulty of reconciling the existence of evil with divine omnipotence and benevolence.

Pope might conceivably have written a really great poem on these terms, though deprived of the concrete imagery of a Dante or a Milton. If he had fairly grasped some definite conception of the universe, whether pantheistic or atheistic, optimist or pessimist, proclaiming a solution of the mystery, or declaring all solutions to be impossible, he might have given forcible expression to the

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 corresponding emotions. He might have uttered the melancholy resignation and the confident hope incited in different minds by a contemplation of the mysterious world. He might again conceivably have written an interesting work, though it would hardly have been a poem—if he had versified the arguments by which a coherent theory might be supported. Unluckily, he was quite unqualified for either undertaking, and, at the same time, he more or less aimed at both. Anything like sustained reasoning was beyond his reach. Pope felt and thought by shocks and electric flashes. He could only obtain a continuous effect when working clearly upon lines already provided for him, or simulate one by fitting together fragments struck out at intervals. The defect was aggravated or caused by the physical infirmities which put sustained intellectual labour out of the question. The laborious and patient meditation which brings a converging series of arguments to bear upon a single point, was to him as impossible as the power of devising an elaborate strategical combination to a dashing Prince Rupert. The reasonings in the Essay are confused, contradictory, and often childish. He was equally far from having assimilated any definite system of thought. Brought up as a Catholic, he had gradually swung into vague deistic belief. But he had never studied any philosophy or theology whatever, and he accepts in perfect unconsciousness fragments of the most heterogeneous systems.

Swift, in verses from which I have already quoted, describes his method of composition, which is characteristic of Pope's habits of work.

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It was strange enough that any poem should arise by such means; but it would have been miraculous if a poem so constructed had been at once a demonstration and an exposition of a harmonious philosophical system. The confession which he made to Warburton will be a sufficient indication of his qualifications as a student. He says (in 1739) that he never in his life read a line of Leibnitz, nor knew, till he found it in a confutation of his Essay, that there was such a term as pre-established harmony. That is almost as if a modern reconciler of faith and science were to say that he had never read a line of Mr. Darwin, or heard of such a phrase as the struggle for existence. It was to pronounce himself absolutely disqualified to speak as a philosopher.

How, then, could Pope obtain even an appearance of success? The problem should puzzle no one at the present day. Every smart essayist knows how to settle the most abstruse metaphysical puzzles after studies limited to the pages of a monthly magazine; and Pope was much in the state of mind of such extemporizing philosophers. He had dipped into the books which everybody read; Locke's Essay, and Shaftesbury's Characteristics, and Wollaston's Religion of Nature, and Clarke on the Attributes, and Archbishop King on the Origin of Evil, had probably amused his spare moments. They were all, we may suppose, in Bolingbroke's library; and if that passing shower commemorated in Pope's letter drove them back to the house, Bolingbroke might discourse from the page which happened to be open, and Pope would try to

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Author:Edmund Law

Works

 * An Enquiry into the Ideas of Space, Time, Immensity, and Eternity; as also the Self-Existence, Necessary Existence, and Unity of the Divine Nature (1734)
 * Considerations on the State of the World with regard to the Theory of Religion (1745)
 * Considerations on the Propriety of requiring Subscription to Articles of Faith (1774) (anon.)

As translator

 * An Essay on the Origin of Evil (1731), from De Origine Mali by William King

As editor

 * Thesaurus Linguæ Latinæ (1734), by Robert Estienne
 * The Works of John Locke (1777), in 4 vols.

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496


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Works

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Works about Estienne

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 Pope's allegiance to Bolingbroke was not weakened by this new alliance. He sought to bring the two together, when Bolingbroke again visited England in 1743. The only result was an angry explosion, as, indeed, might have been foreseen; for Bolingbroke was not likely to be well-disposed to the clever parson whose dexterous sleight-of-hand had transferred Pope to the orthodox camp; nor was it natural that Warburton, the most combative and insulting of controversialists, should talk on friendly terms to one of his natural antagonists—an antagonist, moreover, who was not likely to have bishoprics in his gift. The quarrel, as we shall see, broke out fiercely over Pope's grave.

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 at leisure. This promise drew from me the warmest thanks. I have resolved every night to record, as nearly as possible in his own words, what he has related during the day. If I should be engaged, I will at least make notes. This manuscript will doubtless afford you the greatest pleasure; but to me, who know him, and who hear it from his own lips, with what interest and sympathy shall I read it at some future day.

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 a view of nature, which may enlarge your faculties and understanding. You will hear of powers and occurrences, such as you have been accustomed to think impossible, but I do not doubt that my tale conveys in its series internal evidence of the truth of the events of which it is composed."

You may easily conceive that I was much gratified by the offered communication; yet I could not endure that he should renew his grief by a recital of his misfortunes. I felt the greatest eagerness to hear the promised narrative, partly from curiosity, and partly from a strong desire to ameliorate his fate, if it were in my power. I expressed these feelings in my answer.

"I thank you," he replied, "for your sympathy, but it is useless; my fate is nearly fulfilled. I wait for but one event, and then I shall repose in peace. I understand your feeling," continued he, perceiving that I wished to interrupt him; "but you are mistaken, my friend, if thus you will allow me to name you; nothing can alter my destiny. Listen to my history, and you will perceive how irrevocably it is determined."

He then told me that he would commence his narrative the next day, when I should be

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 where he found the greatest freedom for his turbulent temperament, that is in symphonies and in chamber music. Thus Dvořák became the greatest Czech symphony and chamber music composer. His achievement in this respect was enhanced by the fact that Dvořák had an inborn talent for instrumentation. He loved color effects, keen understanding of popular romance, reflected in folk and if you hear for instance Dvořák’s “Carneval Overture” (Victor Record 12159), you are fascinated by the lustre of his orchestration.

As a true son of late romanticism Dvořák showed a ballads and in the beauties of nature. These sources supplied Dvořák with material which enabled him to introduce new typical tones into Czech music. Foremost among these compositions rank Dvořák’s most beautiful opera “Rusalka” (The Water Nymph) which gives an excellent impression of the mysterious fairy-tale atmosphere of the woods, his symphonic poems “The Water Sprite”, “The Dove”, “The Golden Spinning-wheel” and “The Noon Witch” as well as his piano duets “From Šumava” (the name of the forests forming the southwest frontier of Bohemia) and some of his piano solo compositions “Poetic moods.”

In 1891, on his fiftieth birthday, the University of Cambridge in England conferred upon Dvořák the degree of Doctor of Music, the Czech University in Prague followed with the honorary title of Doctor of Philosophy, and the Austrian government with the elevation to the Austrian House of Peers.

The Old World was conquered,—shall the New World be next?

The American composer and conductor Dudley Buck who met Dvořák in London in September 1884 made the first suggestion that he cross to America. Dvořák was not willing to discuss the question at that time, so bound was he by his love for his native land. But the trips to England operated upon him. He became accustomed to go abroad. In March 1890 he went to Moscow and Petersburg in Russia, on his sixth visit to England he conducted his Symphony in G Major at the concert of the London Philharmonic Orchestra, then came the de-


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 gree at Cambridge University, June 16, 1891, where Dvořák instead of a dissertation conducted the London Symphony and the Stabat Mater, finally he went to Birmingham where he conducted his new work, “Requiem” for four solo voices, mixed chorus and orchestra on October 9, 1891.

In the spring of 1891 Mrs. Jeanette Thurber began her attempts to lure Dvořák to the United States. She offered him the position of the musical director of the National Conservatory of Music in New York with a three year contract and a salary of $15,000.00 per year. After long negotiations Dvořák accepted. He bid his homeland farewell in a series of concerts in leading towns of Bohemia and Moravia where he played with two friends his beautiful trio “Dumky” consisting of six movements of alternating melancholic and joyous moods, Dvořák played piano, prof. Ferd. Lachner violin and prof. Hanuš Wihan violoncello. Before this farewell tour he finished the composition of three great overtures for symphonic orchestra. He named them “Nature”, “Life” and “Love”, but later changed these titles as follows: “In Nature”, “Carneval” and “Othello”. The “Carneval” overture is very popular in this country and is often performed by American symphonic orchestras. He worked also during the last six weeks before departure for America on his cantata “The American Flag.” Mrs. Thurber sent him the poem of Joseph Rodman Drake written in 1815 and asked Dvořák to write a cantata for the celebration of the 400th anniversary of the discovery of America. Dvořák finished this composition in New York, but Mrs. Thurber did not use it, and only when Schirmer published it in 1895, “The American Flag” was performed at the concert of the New York Musical Society under the baton of Frank G. Dossert, May 4, 1895.

Dvořák with his wife and two of his six children left Bremen on Saturday, September 17, 1892. The steamer “Saale” reached her New York pier on Tuesday, September 27, 3 P.M.

Upon his arrival in New York Dvořák was enthusiastically welcomed. Newspapers and magazines printed long interviews and articles in which Dvořák was looked upon as the man who would help create a national


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 "—Did ever so grave a personage get into so vile a scrape?" quoth Death. Thou hast had a narrow escape, Tristram, said Eugenius, taking hold of my hand as I finish'd my story

But there is no living, Eugenius, replied I, at this rate; for as this son of a whore has found out my lodgings

—You call him rightly, said Eugenius,—for by sin, we are told, he enter'd the world—I care not which way he enter'd, quoth I, provided he be not in such a hurry to take me out with him—for I have forty volumes to write, and forty thousand things to say and do, which no body in the world will say and do for me, except thyself; and as thou


text:
Broken Necks/The Policewoman’s Daughter

I

It was not like Agatha to do this sort of thing. If you had told her mother that Agatha was waiting alone in a dismal parlor of a more or less sinister hotel for a man whom she had been forbidden to see at all, she, the mother, would have swooned. And Mrs. Orman was not a swooning woman. She was, on the contrary, one of those ladies who seem inhabited by the souls of the hippopotamus, the eagle, the blue-nosed mandril, and the Peruvian hummingbird. There was about her a spectacular equilibrium. Her exits and her entrances were all fraught with the circumstance of maneuvers. She gave forth an air of esthetic gloom, and before her most people felt an unreasonable, an overwhelming, a paralyzing chill, as before some itinerant altar place.

Any further words concerning Mrs. Orman must not be viewed as digressions, but as direct and illuminating reflections upon Agatha. Widowed at thirty, Mrs. Orman had concentrated upon Agatha. She had surrounded, embraced, engulfed her daughter. If Mrs. Orman was a Frankenstein, Agatha was a marionette in her image. Together they moved through a suspicious and unholy world, Agatha enveloped in the sanctity her parent exuded, the parent with a shrewd and terrifying eye fastened upon Life. There was nothing in the phenomena of this Life which could have startled her eye. If God Himself had appeared before Mrs. Orman in a pillar of fire while she was powdering her nose in the bathroom, she would not have swooned. She would have removed her shoes with a precise and religious gesture. She would have thought first of her fire insurance, secondly of the Life to Come, and thirdly of Agatha and the possible effect of the apparition upon her. But in this particular instance Mrs. Orman would have swooned, for, as has been intimated in a general way, she had personally superintended Agatha’s most intimate conduct for twenty years. The matter had been even more important than the personal superintending of Agatha’s mind. She had fitted her for life. She had purged her of sin. Her merest glance was a cathartic for devils. Since childhood she had impressed upon her that public reference to any parts of a young woman’s body except her heels, her nose, and the back of her head, was immoral. She had protected her from the sight and sound of men who swore, women who were about to have babies, statues which struggled to disprove the general notion that human beings ended at the ankles and recommenced at the neck, children who were persistently asking embarrassing questions, and all literary works which were not rebound once a year in art craft covers and offered for sale at department stores as suitable Christmas gifts.

She had done all these things and Agatha had grown up to be a credit to her mother. Other mothers, when they looked upon and listened to Agatha, would shake Mrs. Orman solemnly by the hand and murmur, "How did you do it?" They referred to that young lady’s delicately belligerent innocence, to her cloistral poise and her unsullied mind. They pointed out to Mrs. Orman that such attainments in an age when society was disporting itself in the guise of a hoochy-koochy-verein were nothing short of miracles.

She had done all these things, and from the time Agatha had passed eighteen she had redoubled her doing, her superintending.

With a firm though benevolent hand she had guided her daughter through that period which is usually such a nightmare to sensitive mothers, the period of the second, third, and fourth adolescences, when the female young begins to pose in front of mirrors, when it desires to marry a man with broad shoulders and a loud past, when it desires to be free, when it craves to hold hands, when it is full of subtle dreams.

In short, Mrs. Orman steered her child past all those intricate pitfalls which beset the unsullied at eighteen.

She had done these things efficiently, comprehensively, successfully, had Mrs. Orman, and yet, in the third month of her twentieth year Agatha waited in a back-street rendezvous for a prohibited admirer, and a singular calm was in her heart. And, such is the whimsical skein of the fates, at that particular moment Mrs. Orman was reclining in her inviolate home with a cold in her head and a sweet consciousness in her heart that Agatha was engaged in patriotic duties in a Red Cross shop.

II

Agatha had not yet removed her raincoat or her gloves. She was slightly out of breath. She had hurried because the sky looked as if it were going to rain, and now she was fully ten minutes early. She had found the place without difficulty. Fred had given her grave and explicit directions, and 3 o’clock was the hour he had set.

Agatha removed her raincoat. She removed her gloves. She sat down in a fat, bumpy chair and sighed. A little shiver trickled through her heart—just one little no-account shiver. It was followed by a glow which made her feel as if a warm pink light had been turned full upon her.

Under the influence of this glow Agatha felt herself thinking in the distance. That is, she experienced the sensation of one far removed from some turbulent phenomenon but who is yet a part of it. This double consciousness interested her. So also did the realization of her calm. She had looked forward to more violent emotions. She had expected to weep, to fall to her knees and pray, to think with great wrenching thoughts of her policewoman of a mother. Such disturbances would have been logical.

But instead of tumult, instead of those sinister lacerations which she had fearfully imagined, there was only calm. Little things about the sordid, unpleasant room focused themselves vividly for her. She noted with the temporary preoccupation of one who is emotionless the sepia print of a small lake with a boat leaning toward the horizon. It was in a decent brown frame. A red and green pin-cushion ball, which hung suspended by a dusty ribbon from a gilt gas-jet attracted her eyes.

She looked at her watch and found it was 3 o’clock.

She opened the back of the thing idly and looked upon a small photograph of her mother with an expression which might be called curious. The familiar features, the never-to-be-forgotten expression, conjured up for her a world upon which she looked as a stranger—a vivid, intimate and yet alien world.

Fred would arrive at any moment. She turned her eyes toward the window and saw that the sky had grown much darker and that the flurrying whisper of rain was in the air. It was as if a great bat had spread its crooked wings out over the streets. As the darkness increased, Agatha felt the depressing room settle back into a cozy intimacy. There was an eeriness in the gloom outside—as if it were the ghost of some unburied night walking the roof tops blind and unaware.

A languor came to Agatha and with it a faint giddiness. She stretched herself out in the chair. Soon to her ears drifted the first intermittent tattoo of the rain upon the window. Agatha thought of Fred. She was in love with him. Her thoughts of him for the past month had been, as they were now, like aimless summer clouds floating enchantingly through her brain. She would end by murmuring to herself, "Aggie, Aggie, I love you, I love you." This declaration addressed to herself was like water to parched lips. It confused her brain, it released exquisite little vespari tumults in her blood, and brought delicious little whirlpools into her heart.

She sat there and thought of Fred, her thoughts presenting themselves to her without sequence or volition. She kept thinking of how her mother had disapproved of Fred from the first. He played the violin. It was true that he came from an entirely presentable family, but in addition to playing the violin, he had black hair and slim fingers and once he had referred to Mischa Elman as being too passionate a performer to be an artist, and twice he had told anecdotes about an actress who had committed suicide, and three times Mrs. Orman had surprised him gazing upon Agatha in the unmistakable manner of a young man aware of more than the back of her head. Agatha acquired a clairvoyance in regard to her mother. She thought of the past in words which might well have been her mother’s words. She detached herself and looked upon Fred as her mother had and she found herself ruminating upon the fact that he was a man to be discouraged, removed.

The task was no new one for her mother. She had removed parlor ruffians of this type before. And her removal of Mr. Carr, the same being Fred, had been almost a masterpiece. By devious subtleties she had poisoned Agatha’s mind against him, revealing as she did, the basic indecency of his profession. She produced other young men whose red cheeks and firm business air contrasted almost maliciously with the lackadaisical unmanliness of the violinist. And at the psychological moment she had caused Fred to disappear from the pristine pastures in which her daughter browsed, a process requiring merely an instruction or two to the maid who answered the door and telephone bells.

III

With the rain now hammering persistently upon the windows, Agatha sat and thought of how curious it was that she should be waiting for this same Fred, curious though somehow natural. She did not seek to explain the matter to herself. She realized dimly that she had stepped out of one life into another, that she had passed through impregnable walls with the ease with which one walks out of a shadow. She pon- dered gently upon her own past. She marveled vaguely over the elation a man had given her by kiss- ing her and protesting he loved her. She felt a sort of unemotional dislike for her mother, and the sense of freedom, self-will, revolt became suddenly an in- toxicant which caused her to tremble.

It must have come from her father, this strength. Her father had died when she was a girl. The thought of him produced again the little no-account shiver. It was the probability of his spiritual existence which distressed her for the moment. What if he were in the room with her now? It was fifteen minutes past 3 o’clock. Agatha sat up abruptly in the manner of one who sees a ghost. Where was Fred? She pattered to the window and looked out on the rain and the long darkly shining street. In the distance a figure moved, but it was going the other way. She addressed herself suddenly with, "Aggie, Aggie, I love you," and a panic keener than usual suffused her. For no reason at all she walked to the door and opened it quietly. The hall leading to the office was dark and deserted. She felt lonely. She desired to weep. She began to think that calamities had overtaken Fred, that signs had fallen upon his lovely head, automobiles hurled him out of his path, street cars mangled him. She walked up and down and repeated aloud, as if talking to another person in the room, "I must be calm!"

Reseating herself in the chair near the window she launched her mind into a familiar reverie. She rehearsed the events of the recent past. She kept repeating that she was loved romantically; she juggled with memories. Now and then a lyric emotion seized upon her and caused her to murmur almost fiercely, "Aggie, Aggie, I love you."

Everything was vague. She reached after half-defined images, gave herself over to dim and lovely phantoms, and now and then relapsed into a tender interlude in which she pictured Fred kissing her hand with spiritual humbleness.

But gradually behind the reverie, as behind a curtain which might rise at any moment, a terrible premonition took form. It was 3:30. She should have to leave in an hour. Her mother expected her home from the Red Cross shop at 5. She peered into the rain-washed street, penetrating rain-swirled distances with her eyes. The premonition that Fred was not coming, that she was to be in some hideous way betrayed, deserted, chilled her now with its unmistakable presence. The confusion fled from her thought and left her staring bewildered, struggling desperately against another confusion which was invading her.

Things which she had looked upon as the furniture of an alien land, things of her past, began to pop, into terrible focus. The figure of her mother began to materialize before her. She beheld the familiar and dreadful face gazing at her out of the rain. And the voice of her mother began to echo in her, each tremendous inflection, each awful modulation. It was as the voice of God overtaking one who has turned his face toward Hell. With a horror-breeding distinctness it said to her, "Agatha, come home."

Agatha arose and swayed. The room had become abruptly a strange, intimidating place. Things unseen lurked in its corners.

With quick, nervous hands Agatha smoothed her hair. She had no conscious thought, only an increasingly persistent urge as though hands were seeking to hurl her about, to tear her away. She put her raincoat on and seized her gloves. She looked around for something else. "Fred, Fred," she kept murmuring in a frightened way. Standing poised for flight, Agatha turned and rushed to the window.

IV

She collapsed in the chair and wept, and as she wept she cast a furtive tear-blurred glance at her watch. It was 3:45. Her tears continued to flow. Behind them the name "Fred" still rapped at her brain, fainter and fainter. Hate and fury spent themselves slowly in sobs.

As the tears began to roll more gently from her eyes, she felt a vague purifying presence creeping into her. This presence whispered to her that she had been providentially saved. It informed her in a sweet, soothing manner that God had rescued her from the clutches of a perfidious wretch.

The process which went on in Agatha was not so simple and immediate as it would appear. There were relapses, dangerous intermissions, during which protests formed and conjectures, amiable ones, raised their shining heads. But it was a steady process, requiring in all twenty minutes and a great outlay of tears. During this process, out of the chaos that had possessed her at 3:45, a new calm gradually was forming, a calm sweet and lovely as the silence of a Sabbath morning.

Slowly Agatha surrendered herself to it. She began to feel benedictions dropping upon her. She thought of her father’s spirit, and raised her face bravely to the empty room and smiled.

The process achieved a sort of acceleration. It now proceeded to bring a peace into her heart, a beneficent, triumphant peace, and with this new calm came a tender adjustment as of one very tired and sinking back into a familiar embrace. It was the embrace of virtue, of the sense of innocence. "Mother, mother," she murmured, and the peace vanished and in its place came a great burning, a flame that caused her heart to writhe and wrenched little gasps from her lips. This was shame.

She wept again, violently, tumultuously, and murmured, "Mother, mother."

At each repetition of the magic word new flames reared their tongues in her soul. She gave herself over to this part of the process with a penitential fury, whipping her agonies with the deliberate remembrance of her sins.

Finally the process was complete. She arose trembling and put on her gloves. She felt the guidance of some great light in which her soul was bathing as in some wonderful prophylactic. She contemplated Fred coldly and with a vast hardness. She perceived his vileness. These were revelations, the final apocalypse given her by the process. She sank to her knees and raising her eyes she prayed. Her voice shook less and less as in answer to her words a joy came dancing into her being, the joy of a soul liberated. More than that—the joy of a darkness, a catastrophe averted. She stood up and without a glance at her watch, without a look out of the window, walked forth from the room. Her feet flew down the stairs in the acceleration of one running from horror-laden places.

V

She reached the street and the rain enveloped her in its long grey threads. "Agatha," she murmured to herself, "you are going home."

There was happiness in the thought, and thankfulness. She loved her mother. The love she had for her mother clothed her about as an armor. She walked on with the step of a crusader marching upon Holy Land.

She walked until she came to the car line and here she stopped. No car was in sight. As she stood in the downpour waiting, her thoughts traveled impatiently to her home. She longed for it with the nostalgia of one in an alien country. She had other emotions, firm, hard emotions. She understood her mother with an acute clarity of understanding. She understood why her mother fought against all the insidious manifestations of evil. Previously she had not understood the matter clearly. The force of her understanding caused her to bite her lip and gaze with a prodigious frown upon a lone tree which decorated the corner.

The dim outlines of the car appeared through the rain. Agatha watched them and wondered about something. In the midst of this new and altogether incomprehensible wondering Agatha opened her mouth and cried, "Oh!" with the tips of her fingers against her teeth. It was Tuesday!

The thought struck a blow at her brain. It actually made her reel. She stared with her mouth open at nothing in particular and then began to laugh. It was a quick, hysterical laughter. She was still laughing when the car, with a great noise and spurting of water from the tracks beneath, drew to a stop in front of her.

"Tuesday!" Agatha addressed the car. There was something in this word which was unbelievable. The conductor looked at her curiously, when she handed him her nickel. Agatha collapsed into a seat next a fat man. She felt a desire to tell him it was Tuesday. She felt an equally insane desire to announce the fact to the fourteen people in the car. Instead she chuckled to herself and murmured very low, "Aggie, Aggie, I love you, oh, I love you!"

The appointment had been for tomorrow.

title: Broken Necks/The Policewoman’s Daughter


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 seest he has got me by the throat (for Eugenius could scarce hear me speak across the table) and that I am no match for him in the open field, had I not better, whilst these few scatter'd spirits remain, and these two spider legs of mine holding one of them up to him) are able to support me—had I not better, Eugenius, fly for my life? 'tis my advice, my dear Tristram, said Eugenius—then by heaven! I will lead him a dance he little thinks of—for I will gallop, quoth I, without looking once behind me to the banks of the Garonne; and if I hear him clattering at my heels—I'll scamper away to mount Vesuvius—from thence to Joppa, and from Joppa to the world's end, where, if he follows me, I pray God he may break his neck


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 —He runs more risk there, said Eugenius, than thou.

Eugenius's wit and affection brought blood into the cheek from whence it had been some months banish'd—'twas a vile moment to bid adieu in; he led me to my chaise—Allons! said I; the post boy gave a crack with his whip—off I went like a cannon, and in half a dozen bounds got into Dover.


text: JSC News Release Log 1990/90-022

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National Aeronautics and Space Administration Lyndon B. Johnson Space Center Houston, Texas 77058 AC 713 483-5111

Rh Steve Nesbitt NASA Johnson Space Center (713) 483-5111

Release No. 90-043

A series of preflight briefings for Space Shuttle mission STS-41, the deployment of the Ulysses spacecraft, will be held Wednesday and Thursday at the Johnson Space Center in Houston and NASA Headquarters in Washington, D.C.

Lead Flight Director Milt Heflin will present an overview of the mission beginning at 9 a.m. Wednesday.

The astronaut crew of STS-41 will hold a press conference beginning at 10 a.m., Followed in the afternoon by round robin interviews. Media representatives wishing to participate in the interviews should notify the JSC Newsroom by Tuesday afternoon.

Thursday's briefings begin at noon with the Ulysses spacecraft and science objectives, followed by briefings on other payloads and mission objectives. All events originate in Houston except the Ulysses briefing which originates at HASA Headquarters. All times are Central Daylight Time.

All briefings will be carried on NASA Select Television. Two-way audio for Q&A will be available at other NASA manned flight centers including Kennedy Space Center in Florida and Marshall Space Flight Center in Alabama.

NASA Select programming is carried on RCA Satcom F2R, transponder 13, located at 72 degrees west longitude.

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National Aeronautics and Space Administration Lyndon B. Johnson Space Center Houston, Texas 77058 AC 713 483-5111

Rh Barbara Schwartz Release No. 90-044

McCandless Retires from NASA, Navy

Captain Bruce McCandless, II, a NASA astronaut sinee April 1966 and mission specialist on two Space Shuttle flights, retired from NASA and the Navy August 31.

During his first space flight, STS 41-B in February 1984, McCandless made the first, untethered, free flight of the Manned Maneuvering Unit (MMU} which he developed with Charles E. "Ed" Whitsett of the Automation and Robotics Division. Paraphrasing Neil Armstrong's historical comment on Apollo ll, McCandless said, “That may have been one small step For Neil, but it's a heck of a big leap for me,” just before leaving the orbiter's payload bay for his MMU flight.

His second flight, STS-31 in April 1990, deployed the Hubble Space Telescope.

McCandless was Capcom on Apollo 10 and 11 and a member of the astronaut support crew for the Apollo 14 mission. He was backup pilot for the first manned Skylab mission and was co-investigator with Whitsett on the M-509 astronaut maneuvering unit experiment which was flown in the Skylab Program. He has been responsible for crew inputs to the development of hardware and procedures for the Inertial Upper Stage (I1US), Space Telescope, the Solar Maximum Repair Mission, and the Space Station Program.

McCandless remained an active-duty Naval officer through his NASA career, He retired with more than 32 years of Naval service.

McCandless did not announce his plans for the future.

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Rh

In support of this study and in order to permit necessary political evaluations. concerning the military alternatives available, the JCS were asked to furnish their views on the following issues: (1) the overall military capabilities of the DRV and Chinese Communists with respect to logistical capacity, geographical areas of operation, time required to initiate operations, and capacity for concurrent reactions in different regions; (2) military actions against NVN, using air and naval power only, which the GVN might undertake alone or which the U. S. might undertake both with and without public acknowledgment; (3) NVN targets, attack of which would be most effective in inhibiting particular DRV military capabilities; (4) course of action likely to bring about cessation of DRV support for the conflicts in Laos and South Vietnam: (5) action most likely to deter communist attacks on various parts of Asia in the event of a large-scale communist reaction to attacks on NVN; (6) the extent to which the United States could counter such reactions, using only air and naval operations and different ordnance combinations; and (7) modifications needed in current contingency plans to provide for U.S. responses depending "primarily upon air activities rather than the intervention of substantial U.S. ground forces."

The work of the study group resulted in an interim report on 1 March 1964, just prior to Secretary McNamara's and CJCS Taylor's visit to South Vietnam. This they carried with them in the form of a summary analysis of the group's findings. During a brief stopover in Honolulu, these findings and the issues raised by the Secretary's memorandum to the JCS were discussed. Particular emphasis was given to the possible advantage to be derived from converting the current operations into an "overt Vietnamese program with participation by [the] U.S. as required to obtain adequate results."

C. Study Group Analysis of Proposed Actions

The study group had given considerable attention to over U.S. actions against North Vietnam. Its analysis was based on a concept of exploiting "North Vietnamese concern that their industrialization achievements might be wiped out or could be defended (if at all) only at the price of Chicom control" and of demonstrating "that their more powerful communist allies would not risk their own interests for the sake of North Vietnam." The actions it proposed were aimed at accomplishing five objectives: (1) induce North Vietnen to curtail its support of the Viet Cong in South Vietnam; (2) reduce the morale of the Viet Cong; (3) stiffen the Khanh government and discourage roves toward neutralism; (4) show the world that we will take strong measures to prevent the spread of communism; and (5) strengthen morale in Asia. However, the study group cautioned that "public justification of our actions and Its expressed rationale must be based primarily upon the fact of Northern support for and direction of the war in the South in violation of the independence of South Vietnam." It then outlined a series of public informational, domestic political, and international diplomatic steps desirable for establishing this justification.

In seeking to achieve the objective cited above, the study group suggested military actions with the best potential and raised some vital policy issues. In ascending order of the degree of national commitment, the study group believed, each would entail, the military actions vere as Rh


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 Pigot, Valentine, of 1552, B.A. 26 Jan., 1554-5, student of the Inner Temple 1558, bencher 1588; of Loughton, Bucks (s. Thomas, of Beachampton, Bucks); died 26 April, 1595. See Foster's Judges and Barristers.  Pigot, Walter, of Salop, arm. , matric. 27 Oct., 1592, aged 18; probably of Chetwynd (s. Thomas), sheriff Salop 1624; and father of Thomas and Walter 1623.  Pigott, Walter, 2s. Walter, of Chetwynd, Salop, gent. ., matric. 20 June, 1623, aged 18; B.A. 3 Feb., 1624-5; bar.-at-law, Middle Temple, 1635; brother of Thomas 1623. See Foster's Judges and Barristers.  Pigott, Walter, arm. , matric. 20 May, 1652; of Chetwynd; student of Gray's Inn 1654 (as 1s. Thomas, of Chetwynd, Salop, esq.); died 1669; father of Robert and Driden. See Foster's Gray's Inn Reg.  Pigotte, William; B.A. from. 13 Feb., 1566-7, B.C.L. 14 July, 1572.  []

Pigott, William, s. John, of London, gent. . matric. 14 Oct., 1694, aged 15.  Pike, Christopher, of ., gent., matric. 10 March, 1656-7, B.A. 9 Feb., 1657-8, M.A. 17 July, 1660.  Pike, Edward (Pyke), s. Nicholas, of Exeter, Devon, pleb. ., matric. 11 Dec., 1635, aged 21.

Pike, Hugh, of Somerset, pleb. , matric. 21 Nov., 1606, aged 18; B.A. 5 July, 1610, M.A. 8 June, 1613, rector of Wembworthy, Devon, 1624. See Foster's Index Eccl.

Pike, James (Pyke), s. William, of Easton, Wilts, pleb. , matric. 19 Oct., 1627, aged 18.
 []

Pike, Richard (Pyke), B.A. supd. 16 Oct., 1519, M.A. 12 June, 1521, rector of Corton Dinham, Somerset, 1527. See Foster's Index Eccl.

Pike, Richard (Pyke), of Cheshire, pleb. ., matric. 28 March, 1617, aged 16; B.A. 8 Feb., 1620-1; perhaps of St. Mary, Aldermanbury, clerk; licenced 18 May, 1636, to marry Margaret, daughter of Walter Bateman, gent., deceased. See Foster's Index Eccl.; & London Marriage Licences, ed. Foster.

Pike, Robert, s. Steph., of Crewkerne, Somerset, paup. , matric. 18 Feb., 1680-1, aged 19; B.A. 1684.

Pike, Thomas (Pyke), of Kent, pleb. , matric. 10 Nov., 1621, aged 18; B.A. 10 Feb., 1625-6; rector of Keston, Kent, 1627. See Foster's Index Eccl.

Pike, Thomas (Pyke), s. Richard, of Coventry, co. Warwick, pleb. , matric. 4 Nov., 1631, aged 20; B.A. 20 June, 1634; one of these names rector of Radcliffe, co. Lancaster, 1653, until, ejected 1662; died July, 1676. See Calamy, ii. 376; & Foster's Index Eccl.
 []

Pike, William (Pyke) B.A. — March, 1525-6; rector of Brockley, Somerset, 1528. See Foster's Index Ecclesiasticus.

Pike, William (Pyke) s. John, of Plymouth, Devon, gent. ., matric. 10 Sept., 1634, aged 16; B.A. 20 June, 1636, M.A. 16 May, 1639; rector of Stoke Climsland, Cornwall, 1644. See Foster's Index Eccl.

Pilcher, Thomas of Sussex, pleb. ., matric. entry under date 1575, aged 18; scholar 1575, fellow 1576, B.A. 28 May, 1576, M.A. 16 May, 1579.

Pildrem, John of Wilts, pleb. ., matric. entry 24 May, 1599, aged 12; one of these names rector of Winterslow, Wilts, 1577, another rector of Grateley, Hants, 1598. See Foster's Index Eccl.

Pile. See also.
 []

Pile, (Sir) Francis, s. Francis, of Compton Beauchamp, Wilts, bart. ., matric. 22 Nov., 1633, aged 16; 2nd bart., student of Middle Temple 1637; died about 1649. See Foster's Inns of Court Reg.

Pile, (Sir) Seymor, s. Francis, of Compton Beauchamp, Wilts, bart. ., matric. 22 Nov., 1633, aged 15; 3rd bart., student of Middle Temple 1635. See Foster's Inns of Court Reg.

Pile, Thomas, of Wilts, militis fil. ., matric. 3 June, 1608, aged 18; student of Lincoln's Inn 1612, as son of Sir Gabriel, of Collingbourne, Wilts, kt. See Foster's Inns of Court Reg.

Pile, William of Wilts, militis fil. ., matric. 3 June, 1608, aged 16; student of Lincoln's Inn 1612, as son of Sir Gabriel, of Collingbourne, Wilts, kt. See Foster's Inns of Court Reg.

Pilgrim, Joseph, s. Joh., of Barbados, arm. ., matric. 2 March, 1709-10, aged 16; bar.-at-law, Middle Temple, 1715. See Foster's Judges and Barristers.
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Pilgrom, Garret, bookseller, will at Oxford proved 7 Feb., 1537.

Pilkington, Abraham, of co. Durham, gent. , matric. 26 April, 1594, aged 19, B.A. supd. 15 Nov., 1598; rector of Rous Lench, co. Worcester, 1605; father of Edward 1628, and of Thomas 1623. See Foster's Index Ecclesiasticus.

Pilkington, Abraham, of Bucks, doctoris fil. ., matric. 1 June, 1621, aged 20; B.A. 8 June, 1621; son of Richard 1599.

Pilkington, Edward, s. Abraham, of Rouslench, co. Worcester, sacerd. ., matric. 20 June, 1628, aged 21; B.A. 6 Nov., 1628, M.A. 18 June, 1631; vicar of Ombersley, co. Worcester, 1644; brother of Thomas 1623. See Foster's Index Eccl.

Pilkynton, Francis, B.Mus. from. 11 July, 1595; died at Wolverhampton, aged 35. See Fasti, i. 269.
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Pilkington, James; B.A. from ., Cambridge, 1606-7; incorporated 14 July, 1607. See Foster's Graduati Cantab.

Pilkington, James, s. William, of Wigan, co. Lancaster; admitted sizar of ., Cambridge, 6 May, 1650, aged 14, B.A. 1653-4, M.A. 1657; incorporated 14 July, 1657, rector of Croston, co. Lancaster, 1662; licenced 5 Aug., 1669, to marry Lydia, daughter of Robert Manley, of Stanstead, Kent; father of William 1689. See Foster's Index Eccl.; London Marriage Licences, ed. Foster; & Mayor, 95.

Pilkyngton, John, admitted ., Cambridge, 26 June, 1583; B.A. from ., Cambridge, 1586-7, M.A. 1590-1; incorporated from. 28 Jan., 1593-4. See Fasti, i. 264n.; & Foster's Graduati Cantab.

Pilkington, John, s. Thomas, of Tysoe, co. Warwick, pleb. , matric. 8 April, 1636, aged 17; perhaps B.A. from 9 July, 1640.

Pilkington, John, s. Thomas, of Leicester (city), pleb. ., matric. 9 Dec., 1636, aged 18.

Pilkington, John, s. Hug., of Budaston, co. Lancaster, pleb. , matric. 16 Oct., 1695, aged 21.

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Pilkington, Richard, M.A. from ., Cambridge, 1593, supld. 30 Oct., 1599, for incorporation from ., Oxon; B.D. 27 June, 1600, D.D. 8 July, 1607, rector of Hambledon, Bucks, 1595, archdeacon of Leicester 1625, etc.; perhaps rector of Salkeld, Cumberland, 1597-9, and treasurer of Lichfield cathedral 1625-8, archdeacon of Leicester 1625; died Sept., 1631; buried in the chancel of his church; father of Abraham 1621. See Ath. ii. 513; Lansdowne MS. 984, f. 168; & Foster's Index Eccl.
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