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Author:Christian August Vulpius

Works

 * Bibliothek des romantisch-Wunderbaren ('Library of the Romantic and Wonderful') (1805)
 * "Die Erdgeister" ('The Earth-Spirits')
 * "The Dwarfs" translated by William John Thoms (1832)
 * "The Elves" translated by William John Thoms (1834)
 * "Ritter Tannhäußer und der treue Eckart" ('Sir Tannhäusser and the Loyal Eckart')
 * "Sir Tannhauser" translated by William John Thoms (1834)

title: Author:Christian August Vulpius


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 to stay at home organized a village soviet, secured arms and began to rule their particular city or village. Private property was declared abolished, and those who formerly had worked so that they might maintain themselves and their families had to maintain now a whole flock of idle commissaries and their guard. The commissaries issued decrees as to what each man should pay, and the guardsmen went around to collect with loaded rifles and a string of bombs around their belt. They went from house to house, handed the “bourgeois” the order to pay, searched the quarters, turned everything upside down, and when they collected the money, arranged drinking bouts in the offices of the local Soviets, bouts which ended in disgraceful orgies. If anyone dared to protest, he was shot. Just to look with hatred or contempt on a Red Guardsman was sufficient ground to take him to jail as a counter-revolutionist.

Freedom of speech was abolished, newspapers suppressed, every liberty done away with, even the freedom of thought. The old warcry of liberty, equality, and fraternity has received much abuse, but never such shameless perversion as at the hands of the Russian Bolsheviki.

Now that the war is over, secret documents are beginning to appear that shed much light on things only suspected or whispered, while the fighting went on. On December 14th the press bureau of the new German Austrian Republic published ten documents taken from the secret archives of the War Ministry in Vienna; a number of these papers have a special interest for the Czechoslovaks, for they describe the attitude of the Czech people in the early days of the war.

On November 26th, 1914, Archduke Frederic, commander-in-chief of the Austro-Hungarian Army, addressed a note to the Austrian premier, Count Stuergkh, with reference to treasonable sentiments and acts in Bohemia, Moravia and Silesia. This document is of sufficient interest to be given in literal translation:

“From numerous reports of military commanders, from anonymous complaints and confidential communications I have received the impression that the military and patriotic feelings of several classes of Czech population of Bohemia and Moravia in these difficult times are not what one would desire and that Russophile currents make themselves felt here. A memorandum addressed by me to the minister of the interior on November 1st with reference to this matter under No. 9082 has not yet been answered. I am convinced that these conditions may be traced partly to the slow ordinary procedure before criminal courts in cases charging high treason or crimes against the military power of the state; it would be different, if the state administration would see to it that the state police supervising societies, meetings and the press, public corporations, as well as supervision of mails, would do their duty zealously. In the matter of criminal trials I am addressing a petition to His Majesty that he would place the courts of Bohemia, Moravia and Silesia under the General Army Command and that he would most graciously order the introduction of field courtmartial procedure. I feel compelled to request your excellency most strongly that you would give your special attention to the above described conditions which already have an effect on our military power and may be of the very greatest importance; you are requested to call forth all the powers of the state to put a stop to the above described treasonable efforts. In any case it is necessary to extend special provisions, decreed on account of the war, to Bohemia and to that part of Moravia and Silesia which is not in the war zone. This refers to the ministerial decree of July 31st, relating to the possession of weapons, ammunition and explosives. The principal thing however, is to carry out the existing orders energetically and purposefully for the suppression of the above described evils. Persons who make themselves in any way suspicious or spread secretly discouraging reports in public places should be placed under observation or interned. The right of house search should be exercised against all who are suspected of hostility to the state with thoroughness and without any regard to political influence or to the sentiments of a particular locality. Letters in my opinion are not censored with sufficient strictness. (In this connection it may be mentioned that in 1916 and 1917 Czechoslovak soldiers in Russia received postal cards from relatives in Bohemia addressed directly to A. B. 3rd Czechoslovak Regiment, War zone, Russia. These cards frequently read: We know what you are doing and God be with you. And next to the censor’s stamp the Austrian censor who was a Czech himself added: God bless you, and signed his name). It would also be desirable to issue a general order that only open letters may be turned in at the postoffice and forwarded. The activity of all societies, even when no political tendency may be shown in it, should be suspended or greatly circumscribed in all cases where it does not serve strictly patriotic purposes. No meetings should be allowed except for the same purpose. A more intensive exercise of the press police I hold absolutely necessary. The power to stop the publishing or distribution of printed matter should be used most widely. All newspapers with tendencies hostile to the state should be completely supressedsuppressed [sic] and the re-appearance

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 the picture, concealed himself at the inn, painted his face with chalk, wrapped himself in a sheet, and went at midnight into the room of the young Livonian, who seemed to wait for my return, to inquire, as I suppose, some particulars about the two notes I had given him the preceding day, and was not a little frightened when he saw the ghost of his deceased mother entering his room. The phantom walked through his apartment, looked at the watch which was on the table, to signify that it wanted rest, sighed, gave him a menacing look, and left him thrilled with horror and amazement."

"The day following I ordered my myrmidons to watch every step of the Livonian, and was informed that he was gone into a tea garden, after he had changed the two notes."

"I hastened after him without delay, and found him sitting in a lonely bower; he did not see me, though I was standing close by


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 him, being bewildered in gloomy meditations, and talking to himself. Suddenly he exclaimed, "No, it was a dream!" It was no dream, replied I instantly. He looked up, siezed with terror and surprise. I promised to unfold, at ten o'clock at night, all the mysterious accidents which had happened to him at T, and, having appointed him to meet me at the city gate, which was within a small distance from our inn, disappeared suddenly."

"My spies continued to watch all his motions during the remainder of the day, and one of them carried every thing that he had lost to the landlord of the Inn where we lodged, that he might be the more eager to meet me and to satisfy his curiosity, which had the desired effect."

"He kept the appointment very punctual, but I made him wait above an hour. Just when he was on the point of going home I came walking towards him with hasty steps,


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 52 assistance diverted to the Partisans and under constant attack by Tito's forces, the position of the Chetniks began to deteriorate. Though they still held Serbia and some of the Adriatic coastal regions, their strength waned with battle losses and desertions.

No doubt existed as to the loyalty of Mihailovitch himself to the royal Yugoslav Government-in-Exile. However, there is ample evidence that a number of his subordinates made armistice arrangements with the occupation forces and even assisted them on occasion. Certain the Germans and their allies would eventually be forced to withdraw from the Balkans, Mihailovitch regarded the Partisans, under the aegis of Moscow, as the greater of the two threats to the restoration of the former government.

'''III. Greece'''

With its more homogeneous population and a central government, however weak and collaborationist, Greece did not pose the occupation problem that Yugoslavia did during this period. The average German had considerable respect for the culture of ancient Hellas, and was better disposed toward the Greek population than toward the various Yugoslav peoples, whom he regarded as offshoots of the Russians and Slavic barbarians. Too, the economic situation in Greece, unable to raise enough food to sustain even its own population and reduced to abject poverty by the complete loss of its world-wide foreign trade of prewar years, did much to keep the Greeks under the control of the occupation forces and the puppet regime.

Major operations undertaken by the Germans during the period were the clearing of the Edessa–Florina road, west of Salonika, accomplished in conjunction with Bulgarian forces moved west for the purpose, and PANTHER, the elimination of guerrilla bands in the Metsovan Pass, Yannina–Arta, and Mount Olympus areas. (Map 4.) In the Edessa-Florina operation, the guerrilla forces melted away into the mountains, and neither side sustained casualties comparable to those suffered in the fighting in Yugoslavia. In Operation PANTHER, the guerrillas lost 1,400 men, 3 field pieces, and a considererableconsiderable [sic] stock of small arms.

As of the end of the year, Army Group E had attached to it the XXII Mountain and LXVIII Corps, the former responsible for western Greece and the Peloponnesus and the latter for eastern Greece. In addition, Fortress Crete, raised to corps status and no longer under the theater headquarters, was directly responsible to the army group commander. A total of 6 divisions, 1 of them Bulgarian, formed the combat nucleus of the army group. In the event of major Allied landings, the 2 divisions from the Bulgarian corps in Thrace would also come under the control of Army Group E.


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 and conducted him to a lonely public-house within a small distance from the town, which was the usual haunt of the recruiting officers and their associates."

"Having conducted him into a pleasure-house in the garden, built over a cellar, to which a trap door led from the room where we then were. I asked him what he desired to know? and seeing him hesitate to fix on a question, I inquired if he should not like to know his benefactor, who had interested himself so much for him? He consented to it, and, having drawn a circle round the trap-door, which could be let down from below, I placed him to the centre of it. Some of my associates, who were concealed in the cellar, imitated the roaring of thunder, during my conjurations, opened the trap door and caused him to sink down into the cellar: He who already had acted the ghost of his mother appeared again in his former disguise; some blew powder of calophony through the


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 windows of the pleasure-house, and every thing succeeded as well as I could wish."

"The poor young man was stunned with wonder and surprise, and, seeing the ghost of his mother as he was sinking down into the cellar, lost all power of recollection. He was instantly carried into a coach, one serjeant of the recruiting officer seated himself by his side, and another mounted the box, driving on with all possible speed, but being a very indifferent coachman, the vehicle was suddenly overturned and one of the unhappy young man's legs was broken."

"When the serjeants saw it they disengaged the horses from the coach and rode away. This was indeed a great disaster, but still it turned out very fortunate for the young man, for a neighbouring nobleman, who saw him in his deplorable situation as he passed the road, took him to his castle, sent for proper assistance, and took so much care of the


text: German Antiguerrilla Operations in the Balkans (1941-1944)/Chapter 9


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 of the suppressed newspapers under another name should not be permitted. The dissolution of municipal and country councils and the substitution of state commissioners is in many cases a desirable measure, increase in the number of gendarmes is highly desirable ”

On the same day the supreme army command addressed a report to the emperor in which the same subject is taken up, the intention being to compel action by premier Stuergkh.

On December 5th, 1914, the army command renewed its representations to Emperor Francis Joseph over conditions in Bohemia. After references to previously reported disloyal sentiments the document says:

“Reports received since as to the conduct of troops recruited from the above named provinces and the reports over the progress of pan-Slav and anti-military agitations make it unfortunately clear that means heretofore suggested will no longer suffice. The defeat of the 21st Landwehr Division of Prague during the first offensive in Serbia, during which a surprisingly great number of men were captured by the enemy, is partly to be explained by the lack of patriotticpatriotic [sic] feeling on the part of the men For the garrison of Cracow we originally selected the 95th Landsturm Brigade of Prague and then the 4th and 11th Landsturm Territorial Brigade of Prague and Jičín. The conduct of the first named unit during the operations of the army group of General von Kummer and the behaviour of the other formations in the fortress compelled the chief army command to send them away, especially in view of the report of the commander of the fortress that he was doubtful about successful defense with such troops. The 95th Brigade is at best available only for service in the interior. Clear lack of morale accounts also for the poor showing of the 6th Landsturm Territorial Brigade during the crossing at Semendria, where this brigade during its first contact with the enemy lost great numbers of unwounded prisoners in spite of slight Serbian opposition. Events that occurred near Jaroslav in the early hours of October 29th seem to indicate that several companies of the 36th Infantry Regiment of Mladá Boleslav and the 30th Regiment of Králové Hradec surrendered to the enemy without any real fighting; and this suspicion is strengthened by the fact that several days later Russian reports spoke of expressions hostile to the monarchy and to the war on the part of 1500 Czech soldiers who had been recently captured by the Russians. Otherwise the 9th Army Corps gave little reason for complaints until recently. Through the introduction of strong detachments of newly raised soldiers whose sentiments could not be sufficiently influenced during their brief military training it seems that the spirit of the troops suffered so much that great numbers of men ran away to the enemy at every opportunity; the corps commander is of the opinion that the only remedy is to infuse into his command large numbers of German or Magyar soldiers. In nearly all the army corps which draw their men from Czech districts events happened which indicate that the men cannot be relied upon

Even though as yet there are no well founded reports of evil intentions on the part of individuals or units, nevertheless the occurrence of so many regrettable incidents in troops composed of Czechs points to a common reason and makes it clear that their present bad conduct is due to the propaganda hostile to the state which for years had ben carried on under the eyes of the authorities We must figure today with the presence of sentiments friendly to Russia in many circles of the Czech people  The continued existence of conditions above described, especially in the Kingdom of Bohemia, endangers the successful outcome of the war and the continued existence of the monarchy  Filled with serious worry over the future development of operations on both battlefronts in case the army is further exposed to the inner political difficulties, I pray Your Majesty that in the interest of sound conditions in Bohemia you will eliminate the present ill fitted administration and would appoint a high general for governor of the Kingdom giving him special powers

May your majesty be graciously pleased to see to it that strong steps be immediately taken regardless of position and influence, that compromised officials of all grades be firmly deposed, that clergymen hostile to the state be turned over to criminal courts, that men who spread reports and editors who do not remember their duty be dealt with by military law, that corporations which misuse their autonomy lose it, that all political societies without exception be broken up and all secret meetings prevented, and that the population be warned of the reasons for these strict measures.”

When Italy declared war on Austria, the Austrian Army command, or rather Archduke Frederick, addressed the emperor once more on May 21, 1915, urging the necessity for a more severe regime in Bohemia:

“While it was difficult during the past months of the war to handle effectively treasonable movements in the Kingdom of Bohemia, now one must be prepared for most serious events due to the growing difficulty of the situation. Privations and exceptional measures are likely to stir up the unpatriotic population, already excited by conscienceless demagogues, to most dangerous deeds, especially as the state authorities have manifested all along regrettable weakness and the few troops remaining in the country are in no way sufficient to deprive an insurrection of all chances of success. In order that the military operations should not be further endangered by events in the interior whereby the fight of the monarchy for existence would be most unfavorably affected, it is imperative to initiate a most


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I. General

The Italians had been eliminated from a major role on the military scene, except for individuals and small units fighting on either side, and the Balkan occupation by the beginning of 1944 had become a heavy burden to the Germans. The Wehrmacht was bleeding to death in Russia, and the invasion of France was but a few months away; United States, British, and other Allied forces were firmly established in Italy. The Bulgarians, formerly reliable allies and assigned a responsible part in the occupation, were growing acutely concerned with the possibility of Turkey's entering the war on the Allied side; a Turkish attack through Thrace had become a nightmare to the Bulgarian leaders.

The lesser satellite and puppet forces, including the Ustascha and national army of Croatia, the Serbian State Guard and Volunteer Corps, and various Yugoslav, Greek, and Albanian security and auxiliary units, had begun to desert in increasing numbers to the Partisans and ELAS, and a few to the Chetniks and EDES. The Russian Guard Corps, as well as such Russian-German formations as the 1st Cossack Division, which had arrived in Yugoslavia in late 1943, remained loyal to the Germans. However, the dilution of the Guard Corps with former prisoners of war and the excesses of the Cossack Division against the civilian population reacted to the disadvantage of the Germans. The former prisoners, brought up in the Soviet mold, were completely alien to the older Russians, and the Guard Corps lost some of its Czarist flavor. The 1st Cossack Division, which included Kuban, Terek, Don, and Siberian Cossacks who had seen hard service against Soviet guerrillas, left a trail of burned villages and terror-stricken peasants in its wake.

The German units, however, despite this weakened support, still presented a formidable military force to the irregulars, and, could march into and occupy any part of Greece, Albania, and Yugoslavia at any time, an argument often given to justify their treatment of captured guerrillas as illegal combatants. Moreover, strong and seasoned reserves were available in the 1st Mountain Division, as well as several others less well known, to be rushed to the scene of any protracted rising. (Map 4.) 53


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 young man, that he, after a few months, was able to return to his native country, where he safely arrived without having met with any farther sinister accident."

"The recruiting officer, vexed at the miscarrying of our design, now dropped all connexion with me, and I abandoned myself entirely to a life of rapine and plunder."

"You will now expect me to unfold your adventure at the ruinous Castle, on the skirts of the Black Forest, but I hope you will spare me the disagreeable task of enlarging on the particulars, since you have a clue, by the assistance of which you will easily extricate yourself from the maze of mystery and wonder in which you have been bewildered."

"As to the strange apparitions in the subterraneous vaults, they have likewise been effected by the assistance of the robbers. Some of them were concealed in the vaults joining to the principal cellar, and the burying vault,


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Two large-scale operations in mid-1944, one conducted in northern Greece and southern Albania, the other in northern Greece, may be considered as typical of Balkan antiguerrilla warfare. The terrain over which the operations were conducted was ideal for irregulars, with high and rugged mountains paralleling the roads vital to the extended supply lines of the occupation forces. The tactics used in both operations, surrounding the enemy forces and then narrowing and closing the circle, were the most effective means devised by the Germans for fighting guerrillas. Lastly, the guerrillas were fighting over terrain they knew well, an advantage balanced by the superior fire power of the Germans.

GEMSBOCK took place between 6 and 14 June, with the 1st Mountain and 297th Infantry Divisions, and the Division Group (Provisional Division) Steyrer, composed of a number of security battalions, participating. (Map 7.) The 1st Mountain Division, as the strongest and most experienced, held the widest front, extending from Gramsh in the north, through Korea, to Vasilikon in the south. The 297th Infantry Division, in turn, held the line from a point west of Gramsh to Valona. On the south, Division Group Steyrer held the front from a point west of Vasilikon to the sea at Sarande. The XXII Mountain Corps, directing the operation, had its command post at Vasilikon and the mission of destroying an estimated 9,000 ELAS and other communist irregulars in the rough square within the line Korca—Valona–Sarande–Vasilikon. The final assembly areas, to be occupied just before the attack, were situated as far as possible from the communist headquarters at Corovda, in order to prevent outlying guerrilla groups from escaping.

Despite detailed planning, the first phase of the operation was a risk in that each man had to cover a front of over 100 yards. It was of the utmost importance, therefore, that enemy intentions to effect a breakout be determined as soon as possible; this disadvantage would decrease as the circle was compressed.

A shortage of fuel delayed the 297th Infantry Division in its movement to assembly areas, allowing the guerrillas time to collect their scattered units and devise a plan of defense. With the operation finally under way, heavy fighting developed on the front of the 1st 70


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 blowing the artificial flashes of lightning through the chinks in the wall, and others being concealed in the hidden recesses of the subterraneous fabric, produced the thunder by means of large kettle drums. The lid of the coffin was opened by a cord, which the darkness concealed from your sight; the female figure was the son of a neighbouring publican, closely connected with our gang, who already had acted the ghost several times, when curious travellers had visited the castle: The light shooting from the coffin was effected by a dark lanthorn, which previously had been placed to it: The bluish glimmering you saw in the other vault, came from a lanthorn composed of blue glass, and placed on the staircase of the cellar."

"The second ghost was one of the robbers; his fractured disfigured head was made of an hollowed pumpkin. Our sudden retreat we effected through the iron doors, and the ruinous side building opposite the cellar door."


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GERMAN ANTIGUERRILLA OPERATIONS IN THE BALKANS (1941–1944) some service in the capacity of security troops, but could not be depended upon not to attack small German detachments whenever the opportunity presented itself.

By late September Soviet forces were fighting north of Belgrade, in an encircling move to capture the city. The Second Panzer Army lacked the forces to implement German plans for an overpowering counterattack, and withdrew its weakened units into western Croatia. On the 27th of the month, Marshal von Weichs directed the impressment of all residents of Belgrade in the building of fortifications. However, threatened with encirclement, the command post of Army Group F had to be displaced to the north and west.

Belgrade fell to the Russians and the I Partisan Corps on 20 October. (Chart 4.) In the south, the rear guard of the German forces was approaching the Greek-Yugoslav frontier, leaving Greece in the hands of ELAS, EDES, and the British. Still in good order, the units of Army Groups E and F made their way to the northwest, keeping open secondary rail and road lines to evacuate the last of their forces from Macedonia, Albania, and Montenegro. Thousands of Chetniks, Serb auxiliaries, Croatian soldiers, and individuals who had assisted the occupation forces in one way or another joined the columns of withdrawing German troops.

The guerrilla movement at this point can be considered at an end. The resistance forces, with the assistance of the Allies and aided by the worsening German strategic situation, had finally been able to emerge as an organized force, be recognized as such by the Germans, and contribute materially to the liberation of their respective countries. In turn, these resistance forces had speeded the breaking of German power by tying down well over one-half million German troops and preventing their commitment on other fronts. In Yugoslavia, Tito was to become de-facto chief of state and crush his Chetnik opponents; in Albania, civil war was to ensue until Enver Hoxha and his communist faction could seize control of the country. With the military operations shifting to the north and west, the hinterlands of Albania and Yugoslavia and a large part of Greece became the scene of even more savage fighting as the communists made their ruthless bid for power.


text: German Antiguerrilla Operations in the Balkans (1941-1944)/Chapter 10


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 Like You know Who That is his model She said to herself: "Curse him I hope he likes it You'd think the only thing he thinks about is the beastly duck he's wolfing down." And then aloud: "They used to say: 'He saved others; himself he could not save

The ex-sergeant-major looked at her gravely:

"Ma'am," he said, we couldn't say exactly that of the captain For I fancy it was said of our Redeemer But we 'ave said that if ever there was a poor bloke the captain could 'elp, 'elp 'im 'e would Yet the unit was always getting 'ellish strafe from headquarters

Suddenly Sylvia began to laugh As she began to laugh she had remembered The alabaster image in the nun's chapel at Birkenhead the vision of which had just presented itself to her, had been the recumbent tomb of an honourable Mrs Tremayne-Warlock She was said to have sinned in her youth And her husband had never forgiven her That was what the nuns said She said aloud:

"A sign Then to herself: "Blessed Mary You've given it me in the neck Yet you could not name a father for your child, and I can name two I'm going mad Both I and he are going to go mad

She thought of dashing an enormous patch of red upon either cheek. Then she thought it would be rather melodramatic

She made in the smoking-room, whilst she was waiting for both Tietjens and Cowley to come back from the telephone, another pact This time with


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 strict and vigorous attack upon the treasonable sentiment in Bohemia. Let his majesty accept this as the firm persuasion of the supreme army command that radical movements will be made impossible only by the appointment of a military governor.”

The next document referring to the situation in Bohemia is dated September 25th, 1915, and is again addressed by the supreme army command to the emperor. It deals with the dissatisfaction throughout Austria; only references to the Bohemian troubles are here translated:

“The treasonable and anti-militaristic propaganda that has been carried on in Bohemia for decades without opposition resulted in spite of far-reaching preventive measures in complete failure of the old troops before the enemy Reports of the still proceeding agitation in Bohemia and Moravia hostile to the state, the objectionable behavior of the 7th Landwehr Regiment of Pilsen, the 8th of Prague and the 29th of Budweis in the recent fighting in Galicia and Volhynia  led to the conviction that the present efforts of the government even with the help of war measures have for the most part resulted in failure.”

The documents cited give the point of view of the Austrian Army authorities; what they lack is details. Some of these details are supplied in recent statements made by the men who carried on the subterranean war of the Czech people against Austria. The principal Prague daily the “Národní Listy”, the organ of premier Kramář, says on December 1st:

“Everything was betrayed—movements of troops, transports of ammunition, strategical plans, economic position, the feeling at court, letters of the ministers, secret military orders, instructions of the governor, orders for arms, over heard telephone conversations, stock exchange conditions, even whole pages from the notebooks of Austrian ministers. And these things were sent in cipher across the frontier, sometimes even in the original, in the wires of umbrellas, in the bindings of books, in the handle of a walking stick, inside of buttons, or written in invisible ink on silk underwear of opera singers, or in the pistons of machines. Against the Austrian beast everything was permissible Treason grew and prevailed everywhere. Czech physicians began to undertake appendicitis operations on a wholesale scale, Czech soldiers grew sick and could not get well, hospitals were overflowing and the cliniques were jammed with cases of soldiers whose sickness could not be diagnosed: on the streets of Prague there were groups of “crippled” soldiers with one or two stocks whom the military surgeons could not cure; industrial establishments demanded the return of soldiers as indispensable workmen, whether they were needed or not. When the Autrian state proceeded to collect metals, it found in Bohemia less than anywhere else War loans were not subscribed, and when a man was compelled to buy bonds, he tried to resell them as soon as possible.”

Another account of the secret warfare of the Czechs was rendered by a former deputy and university professor Dr. Drtina in a speech delivered November 29:

“When Masaryk returned in August 1914 from Geneva, he watched the events and mobilized his people. Then he went to Rotterdam where he conceived his plans. In Berlin he “informed” State Secretary Zimmermann. After returning to Prague he was at a gathering in the flat of Dr. Boudek and already drew on the map the boundaries of the future Czechoslovak state with the well-known corridor to the sea. He made known documents and dispatches of the most confidential nature. Here arose the Czech Maffia. It managed to intercept the correspondence between Prince Thun (then governor of Bohemia) and Count Stuergkh, also between the minister of the interior Baron Heinold and Archduke Frederick the Bloody. The Maffia was extremely well informed about the acts of the cabinet, as well as about the directions of the police. Good Czech patriots took over exclusively all these tasks. In Vienna the poet Machar took part in this. Nobody had an idea what a dangerous work our people there had. One of these always carried a revolver on his person, in case he should be discovered. It reads like a novel to think of the diligence of the Austrian minister in Switzerland who had Masaryk watched and sent lenghty reports of it, all of of which fell into the hands of the Maffia Masaryk was called Hradecký or Hospodský, Scheiner was known as Soukal, Šamal as Strkal, Dr. Kramář as Holz, Rašín as Sin ”

Perhaps later on some of the men who took an important and dangerous part in this secret war on Austria from within will tell their story. It will be surely of great interest.

Independetly of the movement that originated among Uhro-Rusin immigrants in America for the incorporation of their native land in the Czechoslovak Republic the same motives called out a similar movement in the Rusin districts of Hungary. When the delegates of the American Rusins, Julius G. Gardos and Gregory I Zsatkovich, arrived in Paris, bearing the results of the plebiscite, they met there a leader of their people from Hungary, former deputy Beskyd. According to a cable received in Pittsburgh they are workkingworking [sic] in complete harmony and submitted a formal petition to the peace conference, asking for a union of their people with the Czechoslovaks. They feel certain that their petition will be granted. The Czechoslovaks follow with much interest their efforts and will be pleased to welcome their Rusin kinsmen as fellow-citizens of the Czechoslovak Republic.


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 Father Consett in heaven! She was fairly sure that Father Consett—and quite possibly other of the heavenly powers—wanted Christopher not to be worried, so that he could get on with the war—or because he was a good sort of dullish man such as the heavenly authorities are apt to like Something like that

She was by that time fairly calm again. You cannot keep up fits of emotion by the hour: at any rate, with her, the fits of emotion were periodical and unexpected, though her colder passion remained always the same Thus, when Christopher had come into Lady Sachse's that afternoon, she had been perfectly calm. He had mooned through a number of officers, both French and English, in a great octagonal, bluish salon where Lady Sachse gave her teas, and had come to her side with just a nod—the merest inflexion of the head! Perowne had melted away somewhere behind the disagreeable duchess. The general, very splendid and white-headed and scarlet-tipped and gilt, had also borne down upon her at that At the sight of Perowne with her he had been sniffing and snorting whilst he talked to the young nobleman—a dark fellow in blue with a new belt who seemed just a shade too theatrical, he being chauffeur to a marshal of France and first cousin and nearest relative, except for parents and grandparents, of the prospective bride

The general had told her that he was running the show pretty strong on purpose because he thought it might do something to cement the Entente Cordiale. But it did not seem to be doing it. The French—officers, soldiers and women—kept pretty well all on the one side of the room—the English on the other. The


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 French were as a rule more gloomy than men and women are expected to be. A marquis of sorts—she understood that these were all Bonapartist nobility—having been introduced to her had distinguished himself no more than by saying that, for his part, he thought the duchess was right, and by saying that to Perowne who, knowing no French, had choked exactly as if his tongue had suddenly got too big for his mouth

She had not heard what the duchess—a very disagreeable duchess who sat on a sofa and appeared savagely careworn—had been saying, so that she had inclined herself, in the courtly manner that at school she had been taught to reserve for the French legitimist nobility, but that she thought she might expend upon a rather state function even for the Bonapartists, and had replied that without the least doubt the duchess had the right of the matter The marquis had given her from dark eyes one long glance, and she had returned it with a long cold glance that certainly told him she was meat for his masters. It extinguished him

Tietjens had staged his meeting with herself remarkably well. It was the sort of lymphatic thing he could do, so that, for the fifth of a minute, she wondered if he had any feelings or emotions at all. But she knew that he had The general, at any rate, bearing down upon them with satisfaction, had remarked:

"Ah, I see you've seen each other before to-day I thought perhaps you wouldn't have found time before, Tietjens Your draft must be a great nuisance

Tietjens said without expression:


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 "Yes, we have seen each other before I made time to call at Sylvia's hotel, sir."

It was at Tietjens" terrifying expressionlessness, at that completely being up to a situation, that the first wave of emotion had come over her For, till that very moment, she had been merely sardonically making the constatation that there was not a single presentable man in the room There was not even one that you could call a gentleman for you cannot size up the French ever!  But, suddenly, she was despairing!  How, she said to herself, could she ever move, put emotion into, this lump! It was like trying to move an immense mattress filled with feathers. You pulled at one end, but the whole mass sagged down and remained immobile until you seemed to have no strength at all Until virtue went out from you

It was as if he had the evil eye; or some special protector. He was so appallingly competent, so appallingly always in the centre of his own picture:

The general said, rather joyfully:

"Then you can spare a minute, Tietjens, to talk to the duchess! About coal! For goodness' sake, man, save the situation! I'm worn out

Sylvia bit the inside of her lower lip—she never bit her lip itself!—to keep herself from exclaiming aloud. It was just exactly what should not happen to Tietjens at that juncture She heard the general explaining to her in his courtly manner, that the duchess was holding up the whole ceremony because of the price of coal. The general loved her desperately. Her, Sylvia! In quite a proper manner for an elderly general But he would go to no small extremes in her interests! So would his sister!


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 dow into the hut. The next moment the door was thrust open, and the heavy breathing of a man became audible.

It happened that at first Highamson saw neither of us, so that the first intimation that he had of our presence was November's "Hello!"

Down crashed the lantern, and its bearer started back with a quick hoarse gasp.

"Who's there?" he cried, "who—"

"Them as is sent by Hal Lyon."

Never have I seen words produce so tremendous an effect.

Highamson gave a bellow of fury, and the next instant he and November were struggling together.

I sprang to my companion's aid, and even then it was no easy task for the two of us to master the powerful old man. As we held him down I caught my first sight of his ash-grey face. His mouth grinned open, and there was a terrible intention in his staring eyes. But all changed as he recognized his visitor.

"November! November Joe!" cried he.

"Get up!" And as Highamson rose to his feet, "Whatever for did you do it?" asked

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6


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text: Wallenstein/The Death of Wallenstein/A3S08


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1911] he is unmanageable even on three legs. Oates, Bowers, and Anton gather round the beast and lash up one foreleg, then with his head held on both sides Oates gathers back the traces; quick as lightning the little beast flashes round with heels flying aloft. This goes on till some degree of exhaustion gives the men a better chance. But, as I have mentioned, during the last two days the period has been so prolonged that Oates has had to hasten matters by tying a short line to the other foreleg and throwing the beast when he lashes out. Even when on his knees he continues to struggle, and one of those nimble hind legs may fly out at any time. Once in the sledge and started on three legs all is well and the fourth leg can be released. At least, all has been well until to-day, when quite a comedy was enacted. He was going along quietly with Oates when a dog frightened him: he flung up his head, twitched the rope out of Oates' hands and dashed away. It was not a question of blind fright, as immediately after gaining freedom he set about most systematically to get rid of his load. At first he gave sudden twists, and in this manner succeeded in dislodging two bales of hay; then he caught sight of other sledges and dashed for them. They could scarcely get out of his way in time; the fell intention was evident all through, to dash his load against some other pony and sledge and so free himself of it. He ran for Bowers two or three times with this design, then made for Keohane, never going off far and dashing inward with teeth bared and heels flying all over the place. By this time people were gathering round, and first one and then another succeeded in clambering on to the sledge


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 referred to above, with "Dear Madam;" but she had addressed it to "Currer Bell, Esq." At every ring the eyes of the party turned towards the door. Some stranger (a gentleman, I think) came in; for an instant they fancied he was Currer Bell, and indeed an Esq.; he stayed some time—went away. Another ring; "Miss Brontë' was announced; and in came a young-looking lady, almost child-like in stature, "in a deep mourning dress, neat as a Quaker's, with her beautiful hair smooth and brown, her fine eyes blazing with meaning, and her sensible face indicating a habit of self-control." She came,—hesitated one moment at finding four or five people assembled,—then went straight to Miss Martineau with intuitive recognition, and, with the freemasonry of good feeling and gentle breeding, she soon became as one of the family seated round the tea-table; and, before she left, she told them, in a simple, touching manner, of her sorrow and isolation, and a foundation was laid for her intimacy with Miss Martineau.

After some discussion on the subject, and a stipulation that she should not be specially introduced to any one, some gentlemen were invited by Mr. Smith to meet her at dinner the evening before she left town. Her natural place would have been at the bottom of the table by her host; and the places of those who were to be her neighbours were arranged accordingly; but, on entering the dining-room, she quickly passed up so as to sit next to the lady of the house, anxious to shelter herself near some one of her own sex. This slight action arose out of the same womanly seeking after


text:
Author:Johann Heinrich Jung

Works

 * Henrich Stillings Jünglings-Jahre (1778)
 * Heinrich Stilling translated by Samuel Jackson (1835)
 * Theobald oder die Schwärmer (1784–1785)
 * Theobald, or The Fanatic translated by Samuel Schaeffer (1846)
 * Theorie der Geister-Kunde (1808)
 * Theory of Pneumatology translated by Samuel Jackson (1834)

Collected translations

 * Interesting Tales translated by Samuel Jackson (1837)

As folksong collector

 * "Zu Kindelsberg auf dem hohen Schloß" ('At Kindelsberg at the high castle'), collected from Kraft in Bergisches Land
 * "At Kindelsberg, on the castle high" translated anonymously (1821)
 * "The Knight on the Black Horse" (1834)
 * "Near Kindelsberg castle’s lofty towers" translated by Samuel Jackson (1835)

title: Author:Johann Heinrich Jung


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 protection on every occasion, when there was no moral duty involved in asserting her independence, that made her about this time write as follows: "Mrs. watches me very narrowly when surrounded by strangers. She never takes her eye from me. I like the surveillance; it seems to keep guard over me."

Respecting this particular dinner-party she thus wrote to the Brussels schoolfellow of former days, whose friendship had been renewed during her present visit to London:—

"The evening after I left you passed better than I expected. Thanks to my substantial lunch and cheering cup of coffee, I was able to wait the eight o'clock dinner with complete resignation, and to endure its length quite courageously, nor was I too much exhausted to converse; and of this I was glad, for otherwise I know my kind host and hostess would have been much disappointed. There were only seven gentlemen at dinner besides Mr. Smith, but of these five were critics—men more dreaded in the world of letters than you can conceive. I did not know how much their presence and conversation had excited me till they were gone, and the reaction commenced. When I had retired for the night, I wished to sleep—the effort to do so was vain. I could not close my eyes. Night passed; morning came, and I rose without having known a moment's slumber. So utterly worn out was I when I got to Derby, that I was again obliged to stay there all night."


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 1em

"Here I am at Haworth once more. I feel as if I had come out of an exciting whirl. Not that the hurry and stimulus would have seemed much to one accustomed to society and change, but to me they were very marked. My strength and spirits too often proved quite insufficient to the demand on their exertions. I used to bear up as long as I possibly could, for, when I flagged, I could see Mr. Smith became disturbed; he always thought that something had been said or done to annoy me—which never once happened, for I met with perfect good breeding even from antagonists—men who had done their best or worst to write me down. I explained to him, over and over again, that my occasional silence was only failure of the power to talk, never of the will

"Thackeray is a Titan of mind. His presence and powers impress one deeply in an intellectual sense; I do not see him or know him as a man. All the others are subordinate. I have esteem for some, and, I trust, courtesy for all. I do not, of course, know what they thought of me, but I believe most of them expected me to come out in a more marked, eccentric, striking light. I believe they desired more to admire and more to blame. I felt sufficiently at my ease with all but Thackeray; with him I was fearfully stupid."

She returned to her quiet home, and her noiseless daily duties. Her father had quite enough of the spirit of hero-worship in him to make him take a vivid plea-


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 sure in the accounts of what she had heard and whom she had seen. It was on the occasion of one of her visits to London that he had desired her to obtain a sight of Prince Albert's armoury, if possible. I am not aware whether she managed to do this; but she went to one or two of the great national armouries in order that she might describe the stern steel harness and glittering swords to her father, whose imagination was forcibly struck by the idea of such things; and often afterwards, when his spirits flagged and the languor of old age for a time got the better of his indomitable nature, she would again strike on the measure wild, and speak about the armies of strange weapons she had seen in London, till he resumed his interest in the old subject, and was his own keen, warlike, intelligent self again.


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life at Haworth was so unvaried that the postman's call was the event of her day. Yet she dreaded the great temptation of centring all her thoughts upon this one time, and losing her interest in the smaller hopes and employments of the remaining hours. Thus she conscientiously denied herself the pleasure of writing letters too frequently, because the answers (when she received them) took the flavour out of the rest of her life; or the disappointment, when the replies did not arrive, lessened her energy for her home duties.

The winter of this year in the north was hard and cold; it affected Miss Brontë's health less than usual, however, probably because the change and the medical advice she had taken in London had done her good; probably, also, because her friend had come to pay her a visit, and enforced that attention to bodily symptoms which Miss Brontë was too apt to neglect, from a fear of becoming nervous herself about her own state, and thus infecting her father. But she could scarcely help feeling much depressed in spirits as the anniversary of her sister Emily's death came round; all the recollections connected with it were painful, yet there were no outward events to call off her attention, and prevent them from pressing hard upon her. At this time, as at many


text: Wallenstein/The Death of Wallenstein/A3S09


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 In an humor I was of late,
 * as many good fellowes bee

that thinke of no matter of state,
 * but thé keepe merry Companye:

that best might please my mind,
 * soe I walket vp & downe the towne,

but company none cold I ffind
 * till I came to the signe of the crowne.

mine ostes was sicke of the mumpes,
 * her mayd was ffisle att ease,

mine host lay drunke in his dumpes;
 * "they all had but one disease,"

sayes old simon the King, sayes old Simon the King,


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 others, I find her alluding in her letters to the solace which she found in the books sent her from Cornhill.

"What, I sometimes ask, could I do without them? I have recourse to them as to friends; they shorten and cheer many an hour that would be too long and too desolate otherwise; even when my tired sight will not permit me to continue reading, it is pleasant to see them on the shelf, or on the table. I am still very rich, for my stock is far from exhausted. Some other friends have sent me books lately. The perusal of Harriet Martineau's 'Eastern Life' has afforded me great pleasure; and I have found a deep and interesting subject of study in Newman's work on the "Soul." Have you read this work? It is daring,—it may be mistaken,—but it is pure and elevated. Froude's 'Nemesis of Faith' I did not like; I thought it morbid; yet in its pages, too, are found sprinklings of truth."

By this time, "Airedale, Wharfedale, Calderdale, and Ribblesdale" all knew the place of residence of Currer Bell. She compared herself to the ostrich hiding its head in the sand; and says that she still buries hers in the heath of Haworth moors; but "the concealment is but self-delusion."

Indeed it was. Far and wide in the West Riding had spread the intelligence that Currer Bell was no other than a daughter of the venerable clergyman of Haworth; the village itself caught up the excitement.

"Mr., having finished 'Jane Eyre,' is now crying


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 out for the 'other book;' he is to have it next week Mr. R has finished 'Shirley;' he is delighted with it. John 's wife seriously thought him gone wrong in the head, as she heard him giving vent to roars of laughter as he sat alone, clapping and stamping on the floor. He would read all the scenes about the curates aloud to papa." "Martha came in yesterday, puffing and blowing, and much excited. 'I've heard sich news!' she began. 'What about?' 'Please, ma'am, you've been and written two books—the grandest books that ever was seen. My father has heard it at Halifax, and Mr. G T and Mr. G and Mr. M at Bradford; and they are going to have a meeting at the Mechanics' Institute, and to settle about ordering them.' 'Hold your tongue, Martha, and be off.' I fell into a cold sweat. 'Jane Eyre' will be read by J B, by Mrs. T, and B. Heaven help, keep, and deliver me!" "The Haworth people have been making great fools of themselves about 'Shirley;' they have taken it in an enthusiastic light. When they got the volumes at the Mechanics' Institute, all the members wanted them. They cast lots for the whole three, and whoever got a volume was only allowed to keep it two days, and was to be fined a shilling per diem for longer detention. It would be mere nonsense and vanity to tell you what they say."

The tone of these extracts is thoroughly consonant with the spirit of Yorkshire and Lancashire people, who try as long as they can to conceal their emotions of


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 pleasure under a bantering exterior, almost as if making fun of themselves. Miss Brontë was extremely touched in the secret places of her warm heart by the way in which those who had known her from her childhood were proud and glad of her success. All round about the news had spread; strangers came "from beyond Bromley" to see her, as she went quietly and unconsciously into church; and the sexton "gained many a half-crown" for pointing her out.

But there were drawbacks to this hearty and kindly appreciation which was so much more valuable than fame. The January number of the "Edinburgh Review" had contained the article on "Shirley," of which her correspondent, Mr. Lewes, was the writer. I have said that Miss Brontë was especially anxious to be criticised as a writer, without relation to her sex as a woman. Whether right or wrong, her feeling was strong on this point. Now in this review of "Shirley," the headings of the first two pages ran thus: "Mental Equality of the Sexes?" "Female Literature," and through the whole article the fact of the author's sex is never forgotten.

A few days after the review appeared, Mr. Lewes received the following note,—rather in the style of Anne Countess of Pembroke, Dorset, and Montgomery.

"I can be on my guard against my enemies, but God deliver me from my friends!

2em


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 In some explanatory notes on her letters to him, with which Mr. Lewes has favoured me, he says:—

"Seeing that she was unreasonable because angry, I wrote to remonstrate with her on quarrelling with the severity or frankness of a review, which certainly was dictated by real admiration and real friendship; even under its objections the friend's voice could be heard."

The following letter is her reply:—

1em

"My dear Sir,—I will tell you why I was so hurt by that review in the 'Edinburgh'; not because its criticism was keen or its blame sometimes severe; not because its praise was stinted (for, indeed, I think you give me quite as much praise as I deserve), but because after I had said earnestly that I wished critics would judge me as an author, not as a woman, you so roughly—I even thought so cruelly—handled the question of sex. I dare say you meant no harm, and perhaps you will not now be able to understand why I was so grieved at what you will probably deem such a trifle; but grieved I was, and indignant too.

"There was a passage or two which you did quite wrong to write.

"However, I will not bear malice against you for it; I know what your nature is: it is not a bad or unkind one, though you would often jar terribly on some feelings


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Page:Journal of the Optical Society of America, volume 30, number 12.pdf/27

 described by Mr. Munsell when he said (9) in 1911, “‘The solid having been built up by equal and decimal steps of sensation ...” or the psychophysical system which he implies in other places. To this end we shall compare the color specifications computed from the 1919 and 1926 measurements both with the psychophysical system and with the psychological system represented by the most adequate data that are available.

Relation between Munsell value and apparent reflectance

The value scale was the first of the three “color dimensions” to be developed by Mr. Munsell; and because he found early in his studies the relation between reflectance and value (8), he developed the Munsell daylight photometer on which value was  thereafter always measured in making up the Munsell Atlas papers. He selected the cat’s-eye form of shutter because it meant that a psychologically photometer scale. The amount of light (the photometric scale) of the Munsell photometer varies in proportion to the square of the diagonal of the diaphragm opening and, since Munsell Atlas papers were all measured on this photometer, it is to be expected that $$V^2$$ will equal point $$Y=1.0$$, $$V^2=100.0$$ is well representative of $$k(100 Y)$$ where $$V$$ is Munsell value, $$Y$$ is the the data as a whole. The fact that this line luminous apparent reflectance relative to MgO (hereafter termed simply the reflectance), and $$k$$ is a constant close to unity. This was demonstrated in the 1919 report (2) and is also pointed out by Tyler and Hardy (11).

To test this relation further we have plotted in : A straight line with value of $$k=1$$; the straight line given in Bureau of Standards Technologic Paper No. 167 as representative of the relation derived from the nine neutral samples therein described; the average values of $$Y$$ for Munsell values 3/, 5/, and 7/, as derived from Bureau of Standards Technologic Paper No. 167 in accordance with  of the present paper (1919 data); the average values of $$Y $$ for the respective Munsell values from 2/ to 8/, for both diffuse-normal and 45°-normal conditions, 10 values of Y entering into each of the average values of Y for each of the two illuminating-viewing conditions, these data taken from Tables  and  (1926 data); and the extreme individual values of Y for the respective Munsell values, taken from Tables,  or.

From we may draw several conclusions: The relation $$V^2=k(100 Y)$$ is followed approximately by both the 1919 and 1926 data, although particular samples show large deviations. Both the 1919 and 1926 data indicate that $$Y$$ has a small positive value (0.005 to 0.01) when the Munsell value is zero; black, in the Munsell Atlas, therefore corresponds to a luminous apparent reflectance of 0.5 to 1.0 percent. While the straight line representing the neutral samples of the 1919 data falls under the line $$k=1$$, a majority of the points representing the chromatic samples of the 1926 data fall above this line, satisfactory scale could be read directly on the and it is obvious that a straight line passing through the point $$Y=0.007$$, $$V^2=0.0$$ and the $$V^2=100$$ passes through the point $$Y=1.0$$, $$V^2=100$$ indicates that white, in the Munsell Atlas, is represented by fresh magnesium oxide. There are slight indications that individual values of $$Y$$ for any given Munsell value may be high or low as a group. The data for $$V=6$$ are the most definite in this respect. The data also show that the colors of certain hues are uniformly different from others in Munsell value.

Relation between Munsell hue and dominant wave-length

If the samples representing the Munsell color system conform to the simple psychophysical definition of hue by disk mixture, the points representing all samples of the same Munsell hue designation and its complementary will plot on the Maxwell triangle along a straight line passing through the neutral point (11). To test


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 with whose recoil and quiver you could not possibly sympathise. I imagine you are both enthusiastic and implacable, as you are at once sagacious and careless; you know much and discover much, but you are in such a hurry to tell it all you never give yourself time to think how your reckless eloquence may affect others; and, what is more, if you knew how it did affect them, you would not much care.

"However, I shake hands with you: you have excellent points; you can be generous. I still feel angry, and think I do well to be angry; but it is the anger one experiences for rough play rather than for foul play.—I am yours, with a certain respect, and more chagrin, 2em

As Mr. Lewes says, "the tone of this letter is cavalier." But I thank him for having allowed me to publish what is so characteristic of one phase of Miss Brontë's mind. Her health, too, was suffering at this time. "I don't know what heaviness of spirit has beset me of late," (she writes, in pathetic words, wrung out of the sadness of her heart,) "made my faculties dull, made rest weariness, and occupation burdensome. Now and then, the silence of the house, the solitude of the room, has pressed on me with a weight I found it difficult to bear, and recollection has not failed to be as alert, poignant, obtrusive, as other feelings were languid. I attribute this state of things partly to the weather. Quicksilver invariably falls low in storms and high winds, and I have ere this been warned of approaching disturbance in the


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 atmosphere by a sense of bodily weakness, and deep, heavy mental sadness, such as some would call presentiment,—presentiment indeed it is, but not at all supernatural I cannot help feeling something of the excitement of expectation till the post hour comes, and when, day after day, it brings nothing, I get low. This is a stupid, disgraceful, unmeaning state of things. I feel bitterly vexed at my own dependence and folly; but it is so bad for the mind to be quite alone, and to have none with whom to talk over little crosses and disappointments, and to laugh them away. If I could write, I dare say I should be better, but I cannot write a line. However (by God's help), I will contend against this folly.

"I had rather a foolish letter the other day from . Some things in it nettled me, especially an unnecessarily earnest assurance that, in spite of all I had done in the writing line, I still retained a place in her esteem. My answer took strong and high ground at once. I said I had been troubled by no doubts on the subject; that I neither did her nor myself the injustice to suppose there was anything in what I had written to incur the just forfeiture of esteem

"A few days since, a little incident happened which curiously touched me. Papa put into my hands a little packet of letters and papers,—telling me that they were mamma's, and that I might read them. I did read them, in a frame of mind I cannot describe. The papers were yellow with time, all having been written before I was born: it was strange now to peruse, for the first time,


text: Constitution of the United Arab Emirates/Part 1


text: Constitution of the United Arab Emirates/Part 2


text: Constitution of the United Arab Emirates/Part 3


text: Constitution of the United Arab Emirates/Part 6


text: Constitution of the United Arab Emirates/Part 7


text: Constitution of the United Arab Emirates/Part 8


text: Constitution of the United Arab Emirates/Part 9


text: Constitution of the United Arab Emirates/Part 10


text: Constitution of the United Arab Emirates/Amendments


text: Constitution of the United Arab Emirates/Part 5


text: Constitution of the United Arab Emirates/Part 4


text: Constitution of the United Arab Emirates/Part 4-1


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 The women’s imprisonment worked like a charm upon the labourers on the mines near Newcastle who downed their tools and entered the city in succeeding batches. As soon as I received the news, I left Phoenix for Newcastle.

These labourers have no houses of their own. The mine-owners erect houses for them, set up lights upon their roads, and supply them with water, with the result that the labourers are reduced to a state of utter dependence. And as Tulsidas put it, a dependent cannot hope for happiness even in a dream.

The strikers brought quite a host of complaints to me. Some said the mine-owners had stopped their lights or their water, while others stated that they had thrown away the strikers’ household chattels from their quarters. Saiyad Ibrahim, a Pathan, showed his back to me and said, “Look here, how severely they have thrashed me. I have let the rascals go for your sake, as such are your orders. I am a Pathan, and Pathans never take but give a beating.”

“Well done, brother,” I replied. “I look upon such conduct alone as pure bravery. We will win through people of your type.”

I thus congratulated him, but thought to myself that the strike could not continue if many received the same treatment as the Pathan did. Leaving the question of flogging aside, there was not much room for complaint if the collieries cut off the lights, the water supply and other amenities enjoyed by the strikers. But whether or not complaint was justified, the strikers could not hold on in the circumstances, and I must find a way out of the difficulty, or else it was very much to be preferred that they should own themselves to be defeated and return to

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text: Constitution of the United Arab Emirates/Part 4-2


text: Constitution of the United Arab Emirates/Part 4-3


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 work at once rather than that they should resume work after a period of weary waiting. But defeatist counsel was not in my line. I therefore suggested that the only possible course was for the labourers to leave their masters’ quarters, to fare forth in fact like pilgrims.

The labourers were not to be counted by tens but by hundreds. And their number might easily swell into thousands. How was I to house and feed this ever growing multitude? I would not appeal to India for monetary help. The river of gold which later on flowed from the motherland had not yet started on its course. Indian traders were mortally afraid and not at all ready to help me publicly, as they had trading relations with the coal-owners and other Europeans. Whenever I went to Newcastle, I used to stop with them. But this time, as I would place them in an awkward position, I resolved to put up at another place.

As I have already stated, the Transvaal sisters were most of them Tamilians. They had taken up their quarters in Newcastle with Mr D. Lazarus, a middle-class Christian Tamilian, who owned a small plot of land and a house consisting of two or three rooms. I also decided to put up with this family, who received me with open arms. The poor have no fears. My host belonged to a family of indentured labourers, and hence he is or his relations would be liable to pay the £3 tax. No wonder he and his people would be familiar with the woes of indentured labourers and would therefore deeply sympathize with them. It has never been easy for friends to harbour me under their roof, but to receive me now was tantamount to inviting financial ruin upon one’s head or perhaps even to facing imprisonment. Very few well-to-do traders would like to place themselves in a like predicament. I realized their limitations as well as my own, and therefore remained at a respectable distance from them. Poor Lazarus would sacrifice some wages if it came to that. He would be willingly cast into prison, but how could he tolerate the wrongs heaped upon indentured labourers still poorer than himself? Lazarus saw that the Transvaal sisters who

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text: Constitution of the United Arab Emirates/Part 4-4


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 had been his guests went to the indentured labourers’ succour and suffered imprisonment in the act of doing so. He realized that he owed a debt of duty to the labourers too and therefore gave me shelter at his place. He not only sheltered me but he devoted his all to the cause. My stopping there converted his house into a caravanserai. All sorts and conditions of men would come and go and the premises at all times would present the appearance of an ocean of heads. The kitchen fire would know no rest day and night. Mrs Lazarus would drudge like a slave all day long, and yet her face as well as her husband’s would always be lit up with a smile as with perpetual sunshine.

But Lazarus could not feed hundreds of labourers. I suggested to the labourers, that they should take it that their strike was to last for all time and leave the quarters provided by their masters. They must sell such of their goods as could find a purchaser. The rest they must leave in their quarters. The coal-owners would not touch their belongings, but if with a view to wreak further revenge upon them they threw them away on the streets, the labourers must take that risk as well. When they came to me, they should bring nothing with them except their wearing apparel and blankets. I promised to live and have my meals with them so long as the strike lasted and so long as they were outside jail. They could sustain their strike and win a victory if and only if they came out on these conditions. Those who could not summon courage enough to take this line of action should return to work. None should despise or harass those who thus resumed their work. None of the labourers demurred to my conditions. From the very day that I made this announcement, there was a continuous stream of pilgrims who ‘retired from the household life to the houseless one’ along with their wives and children with bundles of clothes upon their heads.

I had no means of housing them; the sky was the only roof over their heads. Luckily for us the weather was favourable, there being neither rain nor cold. I was

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 confident that the trader class would not fail to feed us. The traders of Newcastle supplied cooking pots and bags of rice and dal. Other places also showered rice, dal, vegetables, condiments and other things upon us. The contributions exceeded my expectations. Not all were ready to go to jail, but all felt for the cause, and all were willing to bring their quota to the movement to the best of their ability. Those who could not give anything served as volunteer workers. Well-known and intelligent volunteers were required to look after these obscure and uneducated men, and they were forthcoming. They rendered priceless help, and many of them were also arrested. Thus every one did what he could, and smoothed our path.

There was a huge concourse of men, which was continuously receiving accessions. It was a dangerous if not an impossible task to keep them in one place and look after them while they had no employment. They were generally ignorant of the laws of sanitation. Some of them had been to jail for criminal offences such as murder, theft or adultery. But I did not consider myself fit to sit in judgment over the morality of the strikers. It would have been silly for me to attempt at distinguishing between the goats and the sheep. My business was only to conduct the strike, which could not be mixed up with any other reforming activity. I was indeed bound to see that the rules of morality were observed in the camp, but it was not for me to inquire into the antecedents of each striker. There were bound to be crimes if such a heterogeneous multitude was pinned down to one place without any work to do. The wonder was that the few days that we stopped here like that passed without any incident. All were quiet as if they had thoroughly grasped the gravity of the situation.

I thought out a solution of my problem. I must take this ‘army’ to the Transvaal and see them safely deposited in jail like the Phoenix party. The army should be divided into small batches, each of which should cross the border separately. But I dropped this last idea as soon as

S.A.-19

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 it was formed as it would have taken too long a time in its execution, and the successive imprisonment of small batches would not produce the normal effect of a mass movement.

The strength of the ‘army’ was about five thousand. I had not the money to pay the railway fare for such a large number of persons, and therefore they could not all be taken by rail. And if they were taken by rail, I would be without the means of putting their morale to the test. The Transvaal border is 36 miles from Newcastle. The border villages of Natal and the Transvaal are Charlestown and Volksrust respectively. I finally decided to march on foot. I consulted the labourers who had their wives and children with them and some of whom therefore hesitated to agree to my proposal. I had no alternative except to harden my heart, and declared that those who wished were free to return to the mines. But none of them would avail themselves of this liberty. We decided that those who were disabled in their limbs should be sent by rail, and all able-bodied persons announced their readiness to go to Charlestown on foot. The march was to be accomplished in two days. In the end every one was glad that the move was made. The labourers realized that it would be some relief to poor Lazarus and his family. The Europeans in Newcastle anticipated an outbreak of plague, and were anxious to take all manner of steps in order to prevent it. By making a move we restored to them their peace of mind and also saved ourselves from the irksome measures to which they would have subjected us.

While preparations for the march were on foot, I received an invitation to meet the coal-owners and I went to Durban. This conference and the events subsequent thereto will be considered in the next chapter.

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 At their invitation I saw the mine-owners in Durban. I observed that they were somewhat impressed by the strike, but I did not expect anything big to come out of the conference. The humility of a Satyagrahi however knows no bounds. He does not let slip a single opportunity for settlement, and he does not mind if any one therefore looks upon him as timid. The man who has faith in him and the strength which flows from faith, does not care if he is looked down upon by others. He relies solely upon his internal strength. He is therefore courteous to all, and thus cultivates and enlists world opinion in favour of his own cause.

I therefore welcomed the coal-owners’ invitation and when I met them, I saw that the atmosphere was surcharged with the heat and passion of the moment. Instead of hearing me explain the situation, their representative proceeded to cross-examine me. I gave him suitable answers.

‘It is in your hands to bring the strike to an end,’ I said.

‘We are not officials,’ was the reply.

‘You can do a deal though you are not officials,’ I said. ‘You can fight the labourers’ battle for them. If you ask the Government to take off the £3 tax, I do not think they will refuse to repeal it. You can also educate European opinion on the question.’

‘But what has the £3 tax to do with the strike? If the labourers have any grievance against the coal-owners you approach them for redress in due form.’

‘I do not see that the labourers have any other weapon except a strike in their hands. The £3 tax too has been imposed in the interest of the mine-owners who want

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Author:Adi Bitar

Works

 * Constitution of the United Arab Emirates (2015)

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 the labourers to work for them but do not wish that they should work as free men. If therefore the labourers strike work in order to secure a repeal of the £3 tax, I do not see that it involves any impropriety or injustice to the mine-owners.’

‘You will not then advise the labourers to return to work?’

‘I am sorry I can’t.’

‘Do you know what will be the consequences?’

‘I know, I have a full sense of my responsibility.’

‘Yes, indeed. You have nothing to lose. But will you compensate the misguided labourers for the damage you will cause them?’

‘The labourers have gone on strike after due deliberation, and with a full consciousness of the losses which would accrue to them. I cannot conceive a greater loss to a man than the loss of his self-respect, and it is a matter of deep satisfaction to me that the labourers have realized this fundamental principle.’

And so on. I cannot now remember the whole of the conversation. I have put down in brief the points which I do remember. I saw that the mine-owners understood the weakness of their case, for they had already put themselves in communication with the Government.

During my journey to Durban and back I saw that the strike and the peaceful behaviour of the strikers had produced an excellent impression upon the railway guards and others. I travelled in third class as usual, but even there the guard and other officers would surround me, make diligent inquiries and wish me success. They would provide me with various minor facilities. I scrupulously maintained the spotless purity of my relations with them. I did not hold out any inducement to them for a single amenity. I was delighted if they were courteous of their own free will, but no attempt was made to purchase courtesy. These officers were astonished to find that poor, illiterate and ignorant labourers made such a splendid display of firmness. Firmness and courage are qualities

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 which are bound to leave their impress even upon the adversary.

I returned to Newcastle. Labourers were still pouring in from all directions. I clearly explained the whole situation to the ‘army.’ I said they were still free to return to work if they wished. I told them about the threats held out by the coal-owners, and pictured before them the risks of the future. I pointed out that no one could tell them when the struggle would end. I described to the men the hardships of jail, and yet they would not flinch. They fearlessly replied, that they would never be downhearted so long as I was fighting by their side, and they asked me not to be anxious about them as they were inured to hardships.

It was now only left for us to march. The labourers were informed one evening that they were to commence the march early next morning (October 28, 1913), and the rules to be observed on the march were read to them. It was no joke to control a multitude of five or six thousand men. I had no idea of the exact number, nor did I know their names or places of residence. I was merely content with as many of them as chose to remain. I could not afford to give anything on the road beyond a daily ration of one pound and a half of bread and an ounce of sugar to each ‘soldier.’ I planned to get something more from the Indian traders on the way. But if I failed they must rest content with bread and sugar. My experience of the Boer War and the Zulu ‘rebellion’ stood me in good stead on the present occasion. None of the ‘invaders’ was to keep with him any more clothes than necessary. None was to touch any one’s property on the way. They were to bear it patiently if any official or non-official European met them and abused or even flogged them. They were to allow themselves to be arrested if the police offered to arrest them. The march must continue even if I was arrested. All these points were explained to the men and I also announced the names of those who should successively lead the ‘army’ in my place.

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 The men understood the instructions issued to them, and our caravan safely reached Charlestown where the traders rendered us great help. They gave us the use of their houses, and permitted us to make our cooking arrangements on the grounds of the mosque. The ration supplied on the march would be exhausted when camp was reached and therefore we were in need of cooking pots, which were cheerfully supplied by the traders. We had with us a plentiful store of rice etc. to which also the traders contributed their share.

Charlestown was a small village with a population of hardly 1,000 souls, and could never accommodate the several thousands of pilgrims. Only women and children were lodged in houses. All the rest camped in the open.

There are many sweet and some bitter reminiscences of our stay in Charlestown. The pleasant memories are connected with the sanitary department and the District Health Officer, Dr Briscoe, who was rather alarmed at the phenomenal increase in the population, but who, instead of adopting any stringent measures, met me, made some suggestions and offered to help me. Europeans are careful and we are careless about three things, the purity of the water supply, and keeping roads and sanitary conveniences clean. Dr Briscoe asked me to see that no water was thrown on the roads and to prevent our men from dirtying the place or throwing away refuse promiscuously. He further suggested that the men should be confined to the area he assigned to us and that I should hold myself responsible for keeping that area clean. I thankfully accepted his suggestions and was then at perfect ease.

It was very difficult to have our people observe these rules. But the pilgrims and co-workers lightened my task. It has been my constant experience that much can be done if the servant actually serves and does not dictate to the people. If the servant puts in body-labour himself, others will follow in his wake. And such was my experience on the present occasion. My co-workers and I never hesitated to do sweeping, scavenging and similar work, with the result that others also took it up enthusiastically. In the

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 absence of such sensible procedure it is no good issuing orders to others. All would assume leadership and dictate to others and there would be nothing done in the end. But where the leader himself becomes a servant, there are no rival claimants for leadership.

Of co-workers Kallenbach was already in Charlestown. And so was Miss Schlesin, whose industry, accuracy and honesty were beyond all praise. Of the Indians I now remember the late Shri P. K. Naidoo and Shri Albert Christopher. There were others besides who worked hard and rendered valuable help.

The ration consisted of rice and dal. We had a large stock of vegetable, which could not be cooked separately for want of time and cooking pots and was therefore mixed with dal. The kitchen was active all the twenty-four hours, as hungry men would arrive at any time of the day or night. No labourers were to stop at Newcastle. All knew what way to go and therefore they would make for Charlestown directly they left the mines.

As I think of the patience and endurance of the men, I am overpowered by a sense of the greatness of God. I was the leader among the cooks. Sometimes there was too much water in the dal, at other times it was insufficiently cooked. The vegetable and even the rice was sometimes ill cooked. I have not seen many people in the world who would cheerfully gulp down such food. On the other hand, I have observed in the South African jails that even those who pass as well-educated men lose their temper if they are given food somewhat less than sufficient or ill-cooked, or even if they get it a little late.

Serving the food was if possible even more difficult than cooking it, and was in my sole charge. I shouldered the responsibility for the food being well or ill-cooked. Even so it rested with me to satisfy all present by cutting down the individual ration when there was too little food and more than the expected number of diners. I can never forget the angry look which the sisters gave me for a moment when I gave them too little food and which was at once transformed into a smile as they understood the

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 thanklessness of my self-chosen task. ‘I am helpless,’ I would say. ‘The quantity cooked is small, and as I have to feed many, I must divide it equally between them.’ Upon this they would grasp the situation and go away smiling, saying that they were content.

Thus far I have dealt with the pleasant memories. As for the unpleasant, I found that when the men had a little leisure, they occupied it with internal squabbles. What was worse, there were cases of adultery. There was terrible overcrowding and men and women had to be kept together. Animal passion knows no shame. As soon as the cases occurred, I arrived on the scene. The guilty parties were abashed and they were segregated. But who can say how many such cases occurred which never came to my knowledge? It is no use dwelling any further upon this topic, which I have brought in in order to show that everything was not in perfect order and that even when some one did go wrong there was no exhibition of insolence. On many similar occasions I have seen how well-behaved people become in a good atmosphere even when they are originally semi-barbarous and not over-observant of the dictates of morality, and it is more essential and profitable to realize this truth.

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Arkansas Writers' Project, Inc. v. Ragland

Arkansas imposes a tax on receipts from sales of tangible personal property, but exempts numerous items, including newspapers and "religious, professional, trade, and sports journals and/or publications printed and published within this State" (magazine exemption). Appellant publishes in Arkansas a general interest magazine that includes articles on a variety of subjects, including religion and sports. In 1984, relying on Minneapolis Star & Tribune Co. v. Minnesota Comm'r of Revenue, 460 U.S. 575, appellant sought a refund of sales tax it had paid since 1982, asserting that the magazine exemption must be construed to include its magazine, and that subjecting its magazine to the sales tax, while sales of newspapers and other magazines were exempt, violated the First and Fourteenth Amendments. After appellee denied the refund claim, appellant sought review in State Chancery Court, stating an additional claim under 42 U.S.C. §§ 1983 and 1988 for injunctive relief and attorney's fees. That court granted appellant summary judgment, construing the magazine exemption to include appellant because its magazine was published and printed in Arkansas. The Arkansas Supreme Court reversed, holding that the magazine exemption applies only to religious, professional, trade, or sports periodicals. The court rejected the claim that the exemption granted to other publications discriminated against appellant, ruling that success on this claim would avail appellant nothing since it would still be subject to tax even if the exemption fell. The court also refused to find that appellant's First and Fourteenth Amendment rights had been violated, ruling that the sales tax was a permissible "ordinary form of taxation" to which publishers are not immune. Accordingly, the court did not consider appellant's attorney's fees claim.

Held:

1. Appellant has standing to challenge the Arkansas sales tax scheme. Appellee's argument that appellant has not asserted an injury that this Court can redress since appellant concededly publishes neither a newspaper nor a religious, professional, trade, or sports journal is unpersuasive, since it would effectively insulate underinclusive statutes from constitutional challenge. Appellant has alleged a sufficient personal stake in this litigation's outcome, in that the State Supreme Court's holding stands as a total bar to appellant's relief, and its constitutional attack [p222] holds the only promise of escape from the burden imposed upon it by the challenged statute. P. 227.

2. The Arkansas sales tax scheme that taxes general interest magazines, but exempts newspapers and religious, professional, trade, and sports journals, violates the First Amendment's freedom of the press guarantee. Pp. 227–234.

(a) Even though there is no evidence of an improper censorial motive, the Arkansas tax burdens rights protected by the First Amendment by discriminating against a small group of magazines, including appellant's, which are the only magazines that pay the tax. Such selective taxation is one of the types of discrimination identified in Minneapolis Star. Indeed, its use here is even more disturbing than in that case because the Arkansas statute requires official scrutiny of publications' content as the basis for imposing a tax. This is incompatible with the First Amendment, whose requirements are not avoided merely because the statute does not burden the expression of particular views expressed by specific magazines, and exempts other members of the media that might publish discussions of the various subjects contained in appellant's magazine. Pp. 227–231.

(b) Appellee has not satisfied its heavy burden of showing that its discriminatory tax scheme is necessary to serve a compelling state interest and is narrowly drawn to achieve that end. The State's general interest in raising revenue does not justify selective imposition of the sales tax on some magazines and not others, based solely on their content, since revenues could be raised simply by taxing businesses generally. Furthermore, appellee's assertion that the magazine exemption serves the state interest of encouraging "fledgling" publishers is not persuasive, since the exemption is not narrowly tailored to achieve that end. To the contrary, the exemption is both overinclusive and underinclusive in that it exempts the enumerated types of magazines regardless of whether they are "fledgling" or are lucrative and well established, while making general interest magazines and struggling specialty magazines on other subjects ineligible for favorable tax treatment. Moreover, although the asserted state need to "foster communication" might support a blanket exemption of the press from the sales tax, it cannot justify selective taxation of certain publishers. Pp. 231–232.

3. Since the state courts have not yet indicated whether they will exercise jurisdiction over appellant's claims under §§ 1983 and 1988, this Court remands to give them an opportunity to do so. P. 233–234.

287 Ark. 155, 697 S.W.2d 94 and 698 S.W.2d 802, reversed and remanded.

[p223], J., delivered the opinion of the Court, in which , and , JJ., joined, and in Parts I, II, III-B, IV, and V of which , J., joined. , J., filed an opinion concurring in part and concurring in the judgment, post, p. 234. , J., filed a dissenting opinion; in which, C.J., joined, post, p. 235.

Anne Owings Wilson argued the cause and filed briefs for appellant.

John Steven Clark argued the cause for appellee. With him on the brief were R. B. Friedlander and Joseph V. Svoboda.


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 We have now arrived at the beginning of November 1913. But before we proceed, it will be well to take note of two events. Bai Fatma Mehtab of Durban could no longer be at peace when the Tamilian sisters received sentences of imprisonment in Newcastle. She therefore left for Volksrust to court arrest along with her mother Hanifabai and seven years old son. Mother and daughter were arrested but the Government declined to arrest the boy. Fatma Bai was called upon to give her finger impressions at the charge office but she fearlessly refused to submit to the indignity. Eventually she and her mother were sent to prison for three months (October 13, 1913).

The labourers’ strike was in full swing at this time. Men as well as women were on the move between themining district and Charlestown. Of these, there were two women with their little ones one of whom died of exposure on the march. The other fell from the arms of its mother while she was crossing a spruit and was drowned. But the brave mothers refused to be dejected and continued their march. One of them said, ‘We must not pine for the dead who will not come back to us for all our sorrow. It is the living for whom we must work.’ I have often among the poor come across such instances of quiet heroism, sterling faith and saving knowledge.

The men and women in Charlestown held to their difficult post of duty in such a stoical spirit. For it was no mission of peace that took us to that border village. If any one wanted peace, he had to search for it within. Outwardly the words ‘there is no peace here’ were placarded everywhere, as it were. But it is in the midst of such storm that a devotee like Mirabai takes the cup of poison to her lips with cheerful equanimity, that

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text: Category:United States Supreme Court decisions in Volume 481