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 even if she is the humblest of our slaves. What is there in the whole world that we would not do for you?’

The prince, moved to tears at these words, drew the ring, which was an emerald of the purest water, from under his pillow.

‘Ah, dear father and mother, let this be a proof that she whom I love is no peasant girl. The finger which that ring fits has never been thickened by hard work. But be her condition what it may, I will marry no other.’

The king and queen examined the tiny ring very closely, and agreed, with their son, that the wearer could be no mere farm girl. Then the king went out and ordered heralds and trumpeters to go through the town, summoning every maiden to the palace. And she whom the ring fitted would some day be queen.

First came all the princesses, then all the duchesses’ daughters, and so on, in proper order. But not one of them could slip the ring over the tip of her finger, to the great joy of the prince, whom excitement was fast curing. At last, when the high-born damsels had failed, the shopgirls and chambermaids took their turn; but with no better fortune.

‘Call in the scullions and shepherdesses,’ commanded the prince; but the sight of their fat, red fingers satisfied everybody.

‘There is not a woman left, your Highness,’ said the chamberlain; but the prince waved him aside.

‘Have you sent for “Donkey Skin,” who made me the cake?’ asked he, and the courtiers began to laugh, and replied that they would not have dared to introduce so dirty a creature into the palace.

‘Let some one go for her at once,’ ordered the king. ‘I commanded the presence of every maiden, high or low, and I meant it.’

The princess had heard the trumpets and the proclamations, and knew quite well that her ring was at the bottom of it all. She, too, had fallen in love with the

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viii objectionable practice; and for them I also urge the adoption of an improved system of training, which, while perfecting students in the practical knowledge of their art, shall also aim to imbue them with those amenities of literature and a cultivated taste, which give grace and dignity to social life, and should be the distinguishing characteristic of a profession like ours.

Nor should they be regarded as mere elegant superfluities, for although not entering into the formation of the skilful physician or the dexterous surgeon, they are almost necessary to complete the measure of our preparation for enlightened intercourse with the world, to exalt the aim of life above that low and sordid level which limits our aspirations to the pursuit of gain, and presents no object of nobler attainment, than a name for professional skill.

A long and friendly intercourse with a large body of my professional brethren engaged in general

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 and the Woodland Girl quickened to the brighten- ing with almost melodramatic delight, for all pre- vious conversational overtures from this neighbor had been about actors that she had never heard of, or operas that she could not even pronounce, and before the man's scrutinizing, puzzled amazement she had felt convicted not alone of mere rural ig- norance, but of freckles on her nose.

"What brought me to New York?" she re- peated with vehement new courage. "Do you really want to know ? It's quite a speech. What brought me to New York? Why, I wanted to see the heart of the city. I'm twenty years old, and I've never in all my life been away from home be fore. Always and always I've lived in a log bung- alow, in a wild garden, in a pine forest, on a green island, in a blue lake. My father is an invalid, you know, one of those people who are a little bit short of lungs but inordinately long of brains. And I know Anglo-Saxon and Chemistry and Hin- doo History and Sunrises and Sunsets and Moun- tains and Moose, and such things. But I wanted to know People. I wanted to know Romance. I wanted to see for myself all this 'heart of the city' that you hear so much about the great, blood-red, eager, gasping heart of the city. So I came down here last week to visit my uncle and aunt."

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 prince in the brief glimpse she had had of him, and trembled with fear lest someone else’s finger might be

as small as her own. When, therefore, the messenger from the palace rode up to the gate, she was nearly beside herself with delight. Hoping all the time for

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Rh practice, has convinced me of the all but universality of the sentiments I dared to promulgate in the theatre of the College of Surgeons; and I have reason to believe that an improved form of remuneration, and one more consonant with professional usage, if sanctioned by Parliament, would be generally acceptable to this large department of the profession of medicine. I quarrel not with the general practitioner, but I quarrel with the system, nor can I understand how any high- minded man, can fail to repudiate it. My object is to elevate the entire body in the professional scale, to a level commensurate with the value of its services.

The term “degenerate,” as applied to the profession of medicine, has been objected to. In justification of its employment, I would urge on the recollection of the reader, the condition of the profession at the latter end of the seventeenth century. At that time the physician monopolised the entire rank and name of the practitioner of medicine,—the surgeon was a mere operative, identified with a menial trade, and the apothecary, a drug


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 white shoulder just a fraction of an inch too far out of its jeweled strap. The Host, conversing every second with exaggerated blandness about the squirrels in Central Park, was striving frantically all the while with a desperately surreptitious, itchy gesture to signal to his mate. Worse than this, a, prominent Sociologist was audibly discussing the American penal system with a worried-looking lady whose brother was even then under indictment for some banking fraud. Some one, trying to kick the Sociologist's ankle bone, had snagged his own foot gashingly through the Woodland Girl's skirt ruffle, and the Woodland Girl, blush-blown yet with coun- try breezes, clear-eyed as a trout pool, sweet- breathed as balsam, was staring panic-stricken around the table, trying to locate the particular man's face that could possibly connect boot-wise with such a horridly profane accident. The sud- den, grotesque alertness of her expression attracted the laggard interest of the young Journalist at her left.

"What brought you to New York? "the Jour- nalist asked abruptly. "You re the last victim in from the country, so you must give an account of yourself. Come fess up! What brought you to New York?"

The Journalist s smile was at least as conscien- tious as the smile of daylight down a city airshaft,

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 seem to include the wife and baby genius and family life are n't exactly guaranteed to develop very successfully together and right there on the dock at the very last sailing moment the little chap had to choose between a small, wailing family and a great big, clapping New York just tem- porarily, you understand, a mere matter of im- mediate expediency ; and families are supposed to keep indefinitely, you know, and keep sweet, too, while everybody knows that New York can go sour in a single night, even in the coldest weather. And just as the youngster was trying to decide, wavering first one way and then the other, and calling on high every moment to the God of all the Russias, the old steamer whistle began to blow, and they rustled him on board, and his wife and the kid pegged back alone to the province where the girl's father lived, and they got snarled up on the way with a band of Cossack soldiers, and the little chap has n't got any one now even as far off as Russia to hamper his musical career. So he's playing jig-tunes to people like us that are trying to forget our own troubles, such as how much we owe our tailors or our milliners. But sometimes they say he screams in the night, and twice he has fainted in the midst of a concert.

"No heart in the city ? No Romance ? Why, my dear child, this whole city fairly teems with

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x vendor, having, like the surgeon, no claims to medical knowledge, quoad the treatment of disease, as may be inferred from the following lines from Dryden:—

 * “Physicians from the tree have found the bark,
 * They laboring for relief of human kind,
 * With sharpened sight some remedies may find,
 * The apothecary-train are wholly blind.”

13th Epistle.

While Pope, in a letter to his friend Allen, says, “Physicians” (that is, medical men) “are among the most agreeable companions, the best friends, and the most learned men I know.” Am I not justified in assuming, then, that, taking our profession as a whole, the entire body is degenerate from its former eminence?

It may be also objected that I have travelled out of my subject, by addressing myself to that of the profession of the law. My purpose was not to depreciate the law, but to contrast with it, the more useful, and, as I conceive, the higher calling of the profession of medicine. The profession of the law appeared to me a fair and legitimate subject of comparison with our own, and I


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 Romance. The automobiles throb with it. The great, roaring elevated trains go hustling full of it. There's Romance-Romance-Romance from dawn to dark, and from dark to dawn again. The sweetness of the day-blooming sunshine, the mad ness of the night-blooming electric lights, the crowds, the colors, the music, the perfume why, the city is Romance-mad! If you stop anywhere for even half an instant to get your breath, Ro mance will run right over you. It's whizzing past you in the air. It's whizzing past you in the street. It's whizzing past you in the sensuous, ornate the aters, in the jaded department stores, in the calm, gray churches. Romance ? Love ?

"The only trouble about New York Romance lies just in the fact that it is so whizzingly prema- ture. You've simply got to grab Love the minute before you've made up your mind because the minute after you've made up your mind, it won't be there. Grab it or lose it. Grab it or lose it. That s the whole Heart-Motto of New York. Sinner or Saint RUSH RUSH RUSH like Hell!"

"Grab-it or lose it. Grab it, or l-o-s-e it." Like the impish raillery of a tortured devil, the vio- lin s passionate, wheedling tremolo seemed to catch up the phrase, and mouth it and mock it, and tear it and tease it, and kiss it and curse it-and

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Rh took advantage of it in order to show that an artificial pursuit, which has proved destructive to the happiness as well as to the property of thousands, is less entitled than our own, to the esteem and sympathy of the world.

In the latter pages, the reader may recognise in more than one passage quoted under his name, the sentiments, and probably even the language of that elegant writer.


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 SMASH it at last into a great, screeching crescendo that rent your eardrums like the crash of steel rails.

With strangely parched lips, the Woodland Girl stretched out her small brown hand to the fragile, flower-stemmed glass, and tasted for the first time in her life the sweety-sad, molten-gold magic of champagne. "Why, what is it? "she asked, with the wonder still wet on her lips. "Why, what is it?"

The Journalist raised his own glass with staler fingers, and stared for a second through narrow- ing eyes into the shimmering vintage. "What is it? "he repeated softly. "This particular brand? The Italians call it 'Lacryma; Christi.'! So even in our furies and our follies, in our cafes and ca rousals, in our love and all our laughter we drink you see the Tears of Christ. He reached out suddenly and covered the Girl s half- drained glass with a quivering hand. "Excuse me," he stammered. "Maybe our thirst is partly of the soul ; but 'Lacryma Christi' was never meant for little girls like you. Go back to your woods!"

Scuttle as it might, the precipitate, naked passion in his voice did not quite have time to cover itself with word-clothes. A little gasping breath es- caped. And though the Girl s young life was as

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 shiningly empty as an unfinished house, her brain- cells were packed like an attic with all the inherent experiences of her mother's mother's mother, and she flinched instinctively with a great lurch of her heart.

"Oh, let s talk about something dressy," she begged. "Let s talk about Central Park. Let s talk about the shops. Let s talk about the sub way. "Her startled face broke desperately into a smile. "Oh, don't you think the subway is per- fectly dreadful, "she insisted. "There s so much underbrush in it ! "Even as she spoke, her shoul- ders hunched up the merest trifle, and her head pushed forward, after the manner of people who walk much in the deep woods. The perplexity in her eyes spread instantly to her hands. Among the confusing array of knives and forks and spoons at her plate, her fingers began to snarl nervously like a city man's feet through a tangle of black berry vines.

With a good-natured shrug of his shoulders, the Journalist turned to his more sophisticated neigh- bor, and left her quite piteously alone once more. An enamored-looking man and woman at her right were talking transmigration of souls, but whenever she tried to annex herself to their conversation they trailed their voices away from her in a sacred, aloof sort of whisper. Across the table the people

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vi It was the boast of one of the most eminent of our country-men, that physicians were among the best friends and companions of his life.

While 1 would gladly see the social services of my profession at, the command of your Lordship, I trust that a long period of years may elapse before our professional services may be personally required by you: and that you may be permitted to enjoy in health and happiness the paper and gratitude, which a long, and no less brilliant, career of statesmanship has won for you, is the fervent wish of your admiring countryman, and grateful servant,

FREDERIC C. SKEY.

 * GROSVENOR STREET,
 * February, 1850.


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82 and Bene-berak, and Gath-rimmon, 46. And Me-jarkon, and Rakkon, with the border before Japho. 47. And the coast of the children of Dan went out too little for them; therefore the children of Dan went up to fight against Leshem, and took it, and smote it with the edge of the sword, and possessed it, and dwelt therein, and called Leshem, Dan, after the name of Dan their father. 48. This is the inheritance of the tribe of the children of Dan according to their families, these cities with their villages.

Dan, though commander of one of the four squadrons of the camp of Israel, in the wilderness, that which brought up the rear, yet was last provided for in Canaan, and his lot fell in the southern part of Canaan, between Judah on the east, and the land of the Philistines on the west; Ephraim on the north, and Simeon on the south. Providence ordered this numerous and powerful tribe into a post of danger, as best able to deal with those vexatious neighbours the Philistines, and so it was found in Samson. Here is,

1. An account of what fell to this tribe by lot: Zorah, and Eshtaol, and the camp of Dan thereabouts, we read of in the story of Samson. And near there was the valley of Eshcol, whence the spies brought the famous bunch of grapes. Japho, or Joppa, was in this lot.

2. An account of what they got by their own industry and valour, which is mentioned here, v. 47. but related at large, Judg. 18. 7, &c.

49. When they had made an end of dividing the land for inheritance by their coasts, the children of Israel gave an inheritance to Joshua the son of Nun among them: 50. According to the word of the, they gave him the city which he asked, even Timnath-serah in mount Ephraim: and he built the city, and dwelt therein. 51. These are the inheritances which Eleazar the priest, and Joshua the son of Nun, and the heads of the fathers of the tribes of the children of Israel, divided for an inheritance by lot in Shiloh before the, at the door of the tabernacle of the congregation. So they made an end of dividing the country.

Before this account of the dividing of the land is solemnly closed up, in the last verse, which intimates that the thing was done to the satisfaction of all, here is an account of the particular inheritance assigned to Joshua.

1. He was last served, though the eldest and greatest man of all Israel, and who, having commanded in the conquest of Canaan, might have demanded the first settlement in it for himself and his family. But he would make it appear that in all he did, he sought the good of his country, and not any private interest of his own. He was content to be unfixed till he saw them all placed; and herein is a great example to all in public places, to prefer the common welfare before their particular satisfaction. Let the public first be served.

2. He had his lot according unto the word of the Lord; it is probable, when God by Moses told Caleb what inheritance he should have, Josh. 14. 9. he gave the like promise to Joshua, which he had an eye to in making his election, which made his portion doubly pleasant, that he had it, not as the rest, by common providence, but by special promise.

3. He chose it in mount Ephraim, which belonged to his own tribe, with which he thereby put himself in common, when he might by prerogative have chosen his inheritance in some other tribe, as suppose that of Judah, and thereby have distinguished himself from them. Let no man's preferment or honour make him ashamed of his family or country, or estrange him from it. The tabernacle was set up in the lot of Ephraim, and Joshua would forecast not to be far from that.

4. The children of Israel are said to give it him, v. 49. which bespeaks his humility, that he would not take it to himself without the people's consent and approbation, as if he would thereby own himself, though major singulis—greater than any one, yet minor universis—less than the whole assemblage, and would hold even the estate of his family, under God, by the grant of the people.

5. It was a city that must be built before it was fit to be dwelt in: while others dwelt in houses which they builded not, Joshua must build for himself, that he might be a pattern of industry and contentment with mean things, such buildings as he could hastily run up, without curiosity or magnificence. Our Lord Jesus thus came and dwelt among us, not in pomp but poverty, providing rest for us, yet himself not having where to lay his head. Even Christ pleased not himself.

CHAP. XX. This short chapter is concerning the cities of refuge, which we often read of in the writings of Moses, but this is the last time that we find mention of them, for now that matter was thoroughly settled. Here is, I. The law God gave concerning them, v. 1..6. II. The people's designation of the particular cities for that use, v. 7..9. And this remedial law was a figure of good things to come.

HE also spake unto Joshua, saying, 2. Speak to the children of Israel, saying, Appoint out for you cities of refuge, whereof I spake unto you by the hand of Moses: 3. That the slayer that killeth any person unawares and unwittingly may flee thither: and they shall be your refuge from the avenger of blood. 4. And when he that doth flee unto one of those cities shall stand at the entering of the gate of the city, and shall declare his cause in the ears of the elders of that city, they shall take him into the city unto them, and give him a place, that he may dwell among them. 5. And if the avenger of blood pursue after him, then they shall not deliver the slayer up into his hand; because he smote his neighbour unwittingly, and hated him not beforetime. 6. And he shall dwell in that city, until he stand before the congregation for judgment, and until the death of the high priest that shall be in those days: then shall the slayer return, and come unto his own city, and unto his own house, unto the city from whence he fled.

Many things were by the law of Moses ordered to be done when they came to Canaan, and this


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 it belongs!" she said. "We re going to begin all over again. Play that I am your wife! "she de- manded tremulously.

Drew winced like raw flesh. "You are my wife," he cried. "You are! You are! You are!"

With all the strength that was left to her she groped out and drew his face down to her lips.

"Oh, I've invented a lots better game than that," she whispered. "If we re going to play any game at all let's play that I love you!"

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In requesting your permission to dedicate to you the following oration, I cannot but feel sensible how imperfectly I have done justice to the memory of that great man, in honour of whom it was delivered, and how unworthy it is of the high patronage of your Lordship’s name.

Amidst the multiplicity of important subjects that engage your Lordship’s attention, may I venture to hope that you will not exclude that of the profession of medicine, satisfied that no one can prove a more efficient physician than your Lordship in ministering to its diseases, and in raising its professors to a rank commensurate with their successful devotion to the cause both of science, and humanity.


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 such a summons, she had dressed herself with great care, putting on the garment of moonlight, whose skirt was scattered over with emeralds. But when they began calling to her to come down, she hastily covered herself with her donkey-skin and announced she was ready to present herself before his Highness. She was taken straight into the hall, where the prince was awaiting her, but at the sight of the donkey-skin his heart sank. Had he been mistaken after all?

‘Are you the girl,’ he said, turning his eyes away as he spoke, ‘are you the girl who has a room in the furthest corner of the inner court of the farmhouse?’

‘Yes, my lord, I am,’ answered she.

‘Hold out your hand then,’ continued the prince, feeling that he must keep his word, whatever the cost, and, to the astonishment of every one present, a little hand, white and delicate, came from beneath the black and dirty skin. The ring slipped on with the utmost ease, and, as it did so, the skin fell to the ground, disclosing a figure of such beauty that the prince, weak as he was, fell on his knees before her, while the king and queen joined their prayers to his. Indeed, their welcome was so warm, and their caresses so bewildering, that the princess hardly knew how to find words to reply, when the ceiling of the hall opened, and the fairy godmother appeared, seated in a car made entirely of white lilac. In a few words she explained the history of the princess, and how she came to be there, and, without losing a moment, preparations of the most magnificent kind were made for the wedding.

The kings of every country in the earth were invited, including, of course, the princess’s adopted father (who by this time had married a widow), and not one refused.

But what a strange assembly it was! Each monarch travelled in the way he thought most impressive; and some came borne in litters, others had carriages of every shape and kind, while the rest were mounted on ele-

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 phants, tigers, and even upon eagles. So splendid a wedding had never been seen before; and when it was over the king announced that it was to be followed by a coronation, for he and the queen were tired of reigning, and the young couple must take their place. The rejoicings lasted for three whole months, then the new sovereigns settled down to govern their kingdom, and made themselves so much beloved by their subjects, that when they died, a hundred years later, each man mourned them as his own father and mother.

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20 THE HUNTERIAN ORATION. the mortification spread or the patient die. He advises tying the large vessels after amputation, if it can be accomplished. Woodall asserts that for the twenty-four years during which he had been surgeon to St. Bartholomew’s, he had not lost a single patient from hemorrhage after amputation; and further, that for the fifty years in which he had practised surgery, he never once witnessed in England or elsewhere the cruel practice of burning the living stump.

, sergeant-surgeon to Charles II., appears to have been a pains-taking and candid man, well reputed in England, and unambitious of a higher reputation; possessing withal a right loyal confidence in the supremacy of the king’s touch in scrofula, a royal prerogative which had been exercised from Clovis and Edward the Confessor downwards.

His character, as the reputed father of English surgery, has been overrated. His attention was principally directed to the treatment of wounds, ulcers, and tumours. He was deeply tinctured with the superstitions and barbarities of the bygone times, a staunch friend to the cautery and red-hot knife, and the liniment prepared of live puppies steeped in boiling oil!

During the long protracted reign of Louis XIV., distinguished in the French annals for the elegancies that embellish peace, the splendour that emblazons victory, and the spiritual fascination, ‘l’art de se faire briller,’ of polished society, our noble art languished

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30 England has been rapid and glorious beyond all precedent; that the successful cultivation of surgical pathology, and the skilful practice of operations founded upon a more correct anatomy and a sounder physiology, have pre-eminently distinguished the Hunterian school. In saying this without reservation, I am not unmindful of the proper and acknowledged merits of the schools of France, Germany, and Italy; of Desault, of Richter, and of Scarpa; nor of our claims to class the latter, as well as the founders of the American school of surgery, among the disciples of Hunter.

In a bare enumeration of the practical subjects which have been, as it were, recast, it would be impossible to omit the mention of the several forms and modes of inflammation, including tumors and morbid growths; wounds and fractures of all descriptions; the pathology of the vascular and nervous systems, of hernia, of the eye, the joints, the excretory and sexual organs, their special diseases, and the treatment of all respectively. Last, but not least, let me add, the better understanding of the relations and reciprocal influences of the nervous and vascular systems, of which the dué equipoise constitutes health, and the derangements, more or less reciprocal, symptomatize, if they do not constitute, disease.

Can it be questioned that these grand additions to our scientific and practical knowledge,—with confi-

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40 where it hindered generation; he dissuades section and cauteries in a hernia, and altogether disapproves of the trepan; more he says are cured without it.” In the latter, as a round statement, many moderns will be disposed to join him. His objection to section in hernia is founded on the circumstance of its involving castration, which was the practice even in the time of Paré, the inguinal hernia being the species always referred to. The femoral hernia is a comparatively modern discovery. (Verheyen, 1710.) His method of curing hernia was by burning the skin intercepted between two hooks with a red-hot knife, and afterwards destroying the soft parts, even to the bone, with the actual cautery, the testis being protected! But like Guido he preferred the caustic to either the knife or actual cautery.

The Arabian priests practising surgery considered operations filthy and abominable for the relief of parts on which it was sinful to look. Their successors, the Arabistes, also priests, were infected with the same prudery, under the cloak, real or assumed, of religion. The ustion of the sac and its contents, and the removal of the testis in hernia, display more strikingly and fearfully than any other example which could be cited the active hostility which ignorance of anatomy opposed to the progress of surgery.

Note D.—The origin of the Quatre Maitres is very obscure. They appear to have associated for a charitable purpose, possibly under some religious vow; their superiority in their art gave them the name of masters. They wrote a treatise containing the results of their experience, of which Guy de Chauliac speaks as a work worthy to rank with that of Hippocrates, and from which he drew his knowledge of medicine. Of this work the last remnant was discovered more than two centuries ago in a useless state in the library of the College of Navarre. Many romantic anecdotes are recorded of the Quatre Maitres. Their house in Paris was an asylum for the sick; they always received their patients masked, refused to visit any, and de-

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42 Anatomy. Certain it is that they have been the exemplars of the finest anatomical tables since published, and have never been exceeded in picturesque strength, freedom, or accuracy. Cuvier says, “''On a dit que les planches de Vesale avoient été dessinées par le Titien. Si cette assertion est inexacte, ces planches sont du moins Pouvrage de Vun des éléves le plus distingué de Titien.” (Cours de ? Histoire des Sciences Naturelles, p- 2.—page 21, 8vo.) Blumenbach, in his Introductio in Hist. Medicine Literar.'' speaks of the reference of Vesalius’s figures to Titian as ‘a very probable conjecture.’ But Vasari ascribes these drawings in express terms to Johannes a Calcar, who was a scholar of Titian, and whose name is affixed to the portrait of Vesalius in the collection of the London College of Physicians.

Both Leonardo da Vinci and Titian were contemporaries of Vesalius; with the latter he was intimate. Sir Anthony Carlisle informs me, that by the late Mr. Barry the academician, and his friend Monsieur Baretti, the Italian author, the heads in Vesalius’s Anatomy were regarded as. taken from drawings by Titian. It is a curious fact that the only acknowledgement which Vesalius expresses is general complaint and abuse of his artists; nay, he even says, writhing under the annoyance which they caused him, that he thought himself more unfortunate than the subjects he had procured for dissection.

Note H.—"M. Miel tomba autre jour dans la chambre du Roi; il se fit une contusion. Felix le saigna, et lu coupa Vartére: il fallut lui faire a Vinstant la grande opération. Monsieur de Grignon, qu’en dites vous? je ne sais lequel je plains le plus, ou de celui qui [a soufferte, ou d’un premier chirurgien du Roi qui pique un artére.” (Madame de Sevigné a sa Fille, 1689.)

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Rh clined all remuneration. It is probable that the mystery attached to them added much to their fame, and that they engaged in the attendance of the sick either to expiate crime, or to gain a high place in a world of recompense.

We can faintly conceive the veneration paid in an age of superstition to men whose lives were devoted without fee or reward to the diffusion of health, “de plaisir des autres plaisirs,” among their fellow-mortals.

Note E.—See “Recherches critiques et historiques sur Porigine, sur les divers états, et sur les progrés de la Chirurgie en France” (Paris, 1744); also a neat historical and argumentative statement of the whole subject in Dr. John Thomson’s introduction to his valuable Lectures on Inflammation. (Edinburgh, 1813.)

Note F.—“At length St. Louis, thinking the surgeons deserving of more respect than merely to be considered as the scholars and underlings of the physicians, formed them into a college, or confrérie, about the year 1268, in honour of St. Cosme and St. Damien; and in the church consecrated to these saints, the surgeons for several centuries after were obliged to attend the first Monday of every month, after Divine service, to dress the wounded and lame poor gratis.

“In this manner arose the two classes of surgeons in Italy and France, which have in a greater or less degree existed ever since in most countries of Europe: those who had had a regular education in the school of medicine, and occasionally practised as physicians, and those who without any academical education were originally employed as the servants of the priests, being in fact barbers.” See Observations in Defence of a Bill by Mr. Chevalier: London, 1797.

Note G.—I have taken some pains to ascertain if there was any foundation for the tradition which has associated the name of Titian with the magnificent plates which adorn Vesalius’s

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THE HUNTERIAN ORATION. history of "the earth, and of the waters under the earth.”

Our minds sink prostrate before conceptions of such awful grandeur and sublimity as the lapse of thousands of centuries, the disappearance and succession, not of individuals only, but of families,—not of tribes, but of nations! But mind, like matter, is imperishable,—its capacities and powers infinitely various, and, for aught we know, infinitely perfectible. We are raised and fitted to the conception of the boundless extent of the mental faculties, as of time and space, by our unceasing observation of the increase of what remains to be known beyond the increase of knowledge. Since it has pleased the great Author of Nature to ordain that man’s powers should be exalted by the sense of extension, as his hopes are encouraged by the sense of progress—

is it irrational to believe that in the revolution of ages our hemisphere may again be visited and gladdened by Bacons and Newtons, Shakspeares and Miltons, Hunters and Cuviers, who are even now maturing in the womb of time, whilst their great prototypes repose in the sunshine of eternal beatitude?

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36 Our faculties are inadequate to the conception of ultimate perfection. We live and have our being in progress, and our imagination delights to contemplate "the valley of the shadow of death” as the avenue to higher capacities and purer sources of enjoyment.

"So sinks the day-star in the ocean bed, And yet anon repairs his drooping head, And tricks his beams, and with new-spangled ore Flames in the forehead of the morning sky.”

For the analysis and philosophical illustration of Hunter’s labours in comparative anatomy and physiology, it is most gratifying to me, as a member of Council of this College, to be enabled to refer you to the interesting lectures delivered annually in this Theatre by our accomplished and zealous Hunterian Professor, Mr. Owen.

But, Gentlemen, the proofs of Hunter’s ardent zeal and indefatigable industry in the several kingdoms of nature are open and obvious to all: they are treasured within these walls, and invite your examination. To the single-minded and sincere student of nature they speak the animating exhortation, "Go thou, and do likewise!” for they were accumulated by a spirit as singly devoted to truth, and as free from the taint of a less ingenuous motive to exertion, as is

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Rh compatible with the condition of humanity; and they are consecrated by the homage, which is the instinctive tribute of every liberal mind to one exalted above his species in wisdom, virtue, or talent.

" Quidquid ex Agricolé amavimus, quidquid mirati sumus, manet ; mansurumque est in animis hominum, in aeternitate temporum, fama rerum. .”

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Page:The Works of H G Wells Volume 11.pdf/39

 a slave of it, he changes the breed of beast and grain. Clever things to do, but still petty things. You say that in some manner he is to come up at last to this He is too foolish and too weak. His achievements only illuminate his limitations. Look at his little brain boxed up from growth in a skull of bone! Look at his bag of a body full of rags and rudiments, a haggis of diseases! His life is decay Does he grow? I do not see it. Has he made any perceptible step forward in quality in the last ten thousand years? He quarrels endlessly and aimlessly with himself In a little while his planet will cool and freeze."

"In the end he will rule over the stars," said the voice that was above Satan. "My spirit is in him."

Satan shaded his face with his hand from the effulgence about him. He said no more for a time, but sat watching mankind as a boy might sit on the bank of a stream and watch the fry of minnows in the clear water of a shallow.

"Nay," he said at last, "but it is incredible. It is impossible. I have disturbed and afflicted him long enough. I have driven him as far as he can be driven. But now I am moved to pity. Let us end this dispute. It has been interesting, but now— Is it not enough? It grows cruel. He has reached his limit. Let us give him a little peace now, Lord, a little season of sunshine and plenty, and then some painless universal pestilence and so let him die."

"He is immortal and he does but begin."

"He is mortal and near his end. At times no doubt he has a certain air that seems to promise under-


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 standing and mastery in his world; it is but an air; give me the power to afflict and subdue him but a little, and after a few squeaks of faith and hope he will whine and collapse like any other beast. He will behave like any kindred creature with a smaller brain and a larger jaw; he too is doomed to suffer to no purpose, to struggle by instinct merely to live, to endure for a season and then to pass Give me but the power and you shall see his courage snap like a rotten string."

"You may do all that you will to him, only you must not slay him. For my spirit is in him."

"That he will cast out of his own accord—when I have ruined his hopes, mocked his sacrifices, blackened his skies and filled his veins with torture But it is too easy to do. Let me just slay him now and end his story. Then let us begin another, a different one, and something more amusing. Let us, for example, put brains—and this Soul of yours—into the ants or the bees or the beavers! Or take up the octopus, already a very tactful and intelligent creature!"

"No; but do as you have said, Satan. For you also are my instrument. Try Man to the uttermost. See if he is indeed no more than a little stir amidst the slime, a fuss in the mud that signifies nothing"

The Satan, his face hidden in shadow, seemed not to hear this, but remained still and intent upon the world of men.


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162 of the age. The encroachment of these castes on the outskirts of learning is a spontaneous movement in native society, the effect of a strong foreign rule unshackled by native usages and prejudices, and protecting all in the enjoyment of equal rights.

It has been mentioned in former reports that there are four stages in a course of vernacular instruction; but there is this difference between Bengali and Hindi schools, that whereas in the second and third stages of the former the palm-leaf and plantain-leaf are generally used, in the same stages of the latter a wooden-board and brazen plate are employed as the materials on which lessons in writing and accounts are given. Two modes are adopted of writing on the brazen plate,—first, by dissolving chalk in water to a consistence that permits the scholar to rub it on the plate where it dries and receives the impression of a hard pin or reed-pen; and second, by writing on the plate with chalk-ink. The former is the mode chiefly employed in writing on the board, and mud is sometimes substituted for moistened chalk. The following statement exhibits the distribution of the total number of scholars into the four stages of instruction:—

It thus appears that nearly the whole number of scholars is employed in the second and fourth stages, the former embracing the commencement, and the latter the completion, of instruction in accounts.

Limited as is the utmost scope of vernacular instruction, there are several gradations in the attainments of the teachers and in the instructions which they bestow. Thus in 4 Hindi schools commercial accounts only, in 14 Bengali schools agricultural accounts only, and in 10 Bengali schools both commercial and agricultural accounts are taught. In 3 schools of which one is Hindi and two are Bengali, written works chiefly in the vernacular language are taught in addition to commercial accounts; and in 36 Bengali schools those works are taught in addition both to commercial and agricultural accounts.

In the only Hindi school in which vernacular works are used, those works are the Dan Lila and Dadhi Lila, both describing the boyish amusements of Krishna, the former his boating pleasures on the Jumna in the neighbourhood of Brindavan, and the latter the tricks he played the milkmen of that place with his youthful companions. In only one Bengali school the Guru Bandana was found in use, a doggerel composition containing an expression of the respect and devotion due from the scholar to his teacher. The


text: Index:The Hunterian Oration 1839.djvu

title: Index:The Hunterian Oration 1839.djvu


text: The Phenomena and Diosemeia of Aratus/On the Celestial Sphere


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East European Quarterly, Vol. XV, No. 1

During the nineteenth century one of central Europe’s more important, though lesser-known, political partnerships was that of František Palacký (1798–1876) and Karel Havlíček (1821–56). As the leading Czech liberals of their time, they contributed singularly to the formation of Austro-Slavism, the first modern Czech political program. In accord with that doctrine, they led the Czech struggle for the preservation and federalization of the Habsburg Monarchy and against the establishment of a Great German state. They also warned, with remarkable foresight, against the extension of Russian power into central Europe. Yet only a few scholars have examined their relationship in detail.

Judgments made in the last century by both admirers and adversaries of the two men have confused subsequent inquiries into their relationship. The Radical Democrat J.V. Frič, for example, saw little difference between them. Havlíček was strictly a junior partner of Palacky, and both were spokesmen for a middle class that was blind to social change. Jakub Malý, an early historian of the Czech renascence, considered their relationship ambiguous. He accorded Palacký an important place in Czech politics, but categorized Havlíček as one whose attacks on his opponents hurt rather than enhanced the Czech political cause. Later writers, such as Karel Tůma and T.G. Masaryk, wrote more positively. Tůma exonerated Havlíček from most of Maly’s charges, while Masaryk explained how the two could develop contrasting political styles and tactics and still maintain their ideological unity. But these later analyses, in the two or three decades before World War I, were themselves controversial. Masaryk’s supported a new, quasi-religious interpretation of the Czech national awakening which many historians considered untenable. Tůma’s served the occasionally spurious purposes of the Young Czech Party as it vied in the 1880’s for leadership of the Czech people.

Judged strictly by their backgrounds. Palacký and Havlíček would seem to be unlikely political collaborators. They were reared in small, homogeneous Czech towns, remote from the Austrian Empire’s multinational cities. They received good educations, as well as strict religious upbringings (Palacký, Lutheran; Havlíček, Catholic). And they converted


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 to the cause of Czech nationalism after having, as adolescents, suddenly and dramatically rediscovered their Czech heritage. But Palacký was twenty-three years older. He belonged to a generation of Czech leaders who began their careers before the nation had fully clarified its goals or even begun to think politically. These circumstances forced them not merely to espouse, but to contribute actively to the development of a culture that was still in its fledgling stage. Thus, while it was a striking personal achievement, Palacký’s History of the Czech People (Dějiny národu českého) had the unique and salutary effect of stimulating an entire nation to rediscover its past. Knowledge of history in turn acquainted Palacký with the intricacies of constitutional law. This enabled him in the early 1840s to become an influential adviser to the Bohemian Estates, particularly on their legal relationship to the Crown. By 1848, he had been a leader of his people for some years.

Havlíček, by contrast, was relatively unknown before the mid-century revolutions. A one-time seminarian, he had been expelled for excessive interest in things Slavic and had traveled to Russia (1843–44) to confirm his Russophile outlook. A seventeen-month residence in Moscow, however, dispelled his pro-Russian sympathies. Returning to Prague in 1845, he worked as a literary critic and spoke out intermittently against the Tsarist autocracy. But it was only as a journalist in the immediate “pre-March” period that he achieved broad notoriety. By nature contentious, Havlíček engaged in numerous literary and political disputes during his public career. In time he also acquired anti-clerical and anti-aristocratic biases which led him on occasion to identify with the masses. None of these characteristics was present in the more reserved, statesman-like Palacký.

The two men first met in late 1845, through their mutual friend Pavel Josef Šafařík. It was a propitious meeting. Havlíček was seeking the editorship of a newspaper, following his polemics with Josef Kajetan Tyl over the use of patriotism in Czech literature; and it was on Palacký’s recommendation that Havlíček became, in January, 1846, the editor of Pražské noviny (Prague News). During the next two years the two men cooperated by opposing the Slovak “linguistic separatists,” led by Ľudovít Štúr. Finally, in 1848, what had been an occasional collaboration became a solid partnership based on the program of Austro-Slavism.

The significance of Austro-Slavism as a link between Palacký and Havlíček is that it demonstrates their agreement on a complex and, at the time, controversial point of ideology: that the Czechs had no political future outside Austria. Each man, reflecting largely personal experiences, wrote a classic analysis of the Austro-Slav creed. Havlíček’s appeared


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 first, early in 1846, in a series of articles titled “Slav and Czech” (Slovan a Čech). The continued existence of the Austrian Empire, he argued, was indispensable to the protection of Slav rights in central Europe. The Russians, long admired by many Czech intellectuals as potential liberators of central European Slavs, were an expansion-minded people who thought of other Slavs “in no brotherly fashion, but dishonestly and egotistically.” As such, there could never be an all-Slav unity, not even through a common literary language. Western and South Slavs, on the other hand, could and had to cooperate for their mutual benefit. Czechs and Croats especially, but Slovaks and Slovenes too, shared a common past within Austria and, more important, a readily definable community of present interests. Under the circumstances, none posed a danger to any of the others. The sole condition of Slav support of the Habsburgs was the decentralization and federalization of the Monarchy. That accomplished, a rejuvenated Austrian state of equal nationalities would grow in power, making even more secure the future of the Austro-Slav peoples.

Two years later, in his celebrated letter to Frankfurt (April, 1848), Palacký reiterated Austria’s need to exist. A universal Tsarist empire, he said, threatened all of the smaller peoples of central Europe. And only the Habsburg Monarchy could thwart Russian expansionism. Consequently, he could not participate in the work of an assembly which sought Austria’s destruction in order to create a liberal German state. The message was the same as Havlíček’s, but Palacký’s approach differed from that of his younger colleague. The latter had written two years before the fall of Metternich, when censorship precluded overt discussion of politics or engagement in political activities. His remarks had been primarily and necessarily philosophical. And personal. They stemmed from an experience of life in Russia which few Czechs, including Palacký, had had prior to 1848. This gave Havlíček’s analysis, including his condemnation of the Slavophiles and Kollár’s literary Pan-Slavism, a unique ring of authority, but one limited to its pre-revolutionary time.”

Palacký’s letter, on the other hand, was a document of revolutionary urgency. Written after Metternich’s fall and addressing concrete political issues, it was more of a plan of action, despite its apparent preoccupation with “principles.” It also lacked the strident Russophobia of Havlíček’s articles, for Palacký actually wished the Russians well, after warning against Tsarist imperialism. Most important of all, Palacký showed himself a man of vision by placing events in Austria within the necessary and broader context of revolutions that were affecting other parts of Europe.

But if the two men differed on points of Austro-Slavism, they shared a comprehensive liberalism that bolstered their political compatibility. This


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 liberalism was two-fold: it derived from the Enlightenment, and from a perception of problems peculiar to Austria and the Czechs. In 1848 the Enlightenment tradition led all central European liberals to oppose absolutism as contrary to Natural Law. Accordingly, they stressed the need for a constitution to limit the authority of the ruling dynasty. Reason became the preeminent guide to truth and, if applied properly, would guarantee human progress. Owing, though, to Austria’s slow industrial growth (compared to western Europe’s) and to her ethnic diversity, central European liberalism developed at least two features not found in its west European counterpart. It was not strongly laissez-faire in its approach to economics. And, among non-Germans at least, it sought guarantees of “nationality” as necessary complements to political freedoms, whether corporate or for the individual citizen.

Both Palacký and Havlicek blended freely the liberals’ demand for political liberty with the narrower requirements of nationality. For Palacký, the key agent in all of history was the nation.” More than the individual, it nurtured the great ideas that gave purpose to life. In the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, one such idea had been religious liberty, the primacy of conscience over ecclesiastical authority. And the Czechs had been the first to proclaim it, a century before [[AuLuther, in the Hussite movement. In the seventeenth century, the Czechs had waged a fierce, though unsuccessful, struggle for the preservation of their autonomy against the inroads of feudal Habsburg power. And in the nineteenth, together with other nationalities, they opposed the centralizing and Germanizing reforms initiated by Joseph II.

In each chronological period, Palacký detected elements of a Slav-German conflict which, he believed, gave Czech history a distinctive quality. The nation did not achieve its end unopposed. Rather, it engaged in a dialectic, faintly Hegelian to some scholars, where Germanic ideals confronted its own and where success was matched by frequent failures. The process was a painful one, but it alone measured a nation’s progress, just as it alone made progress possible.

Palacký saw the great nineteenth century contest as one between governments seeking to centralize power and nationalities striving to preserve their individuality. Political centralization was but a modern, secular counterpart to the pre-Reformation ideal of religious universality. And it was stronger than its antithesis, for it enjoyed the advantages of science and technology. Nationalities, by contrast, had limited resources and had been roused only recently to a sense of their worth, by Herder and other Romantics. Though they might strive for independence or for unification with kinsmen in other states, nationalities had


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HE acquaintance of the Christian world with the kingdom and people of Siam dates from the beginning of the sixteenth century, and is due to the adventurous and enterprising spirit of the Portuguese. It is difficult for us, in these days when Portugal occupies a position so inconsiderable, and plays a part so insignificant, among the peoples of the earth, to realize what great achievements were wrought in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries by the peaceful victories of the early navigators and discoverers from that country, or by the military conquests which not seldom followed in the track of their explorations. It was while Alphonso d'Albaquerque was occupied with a military expedition in Malacca, the he seized the occasion to open diplomatic intercourse with Siam. A lieutenant under his command, who was fitted for the service by an experience of captivity during which he had acquired the Malay language, was selected for the mission. He was well received by the king, and came


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 eventually to accept federalization as a compromise. The alternative was subjugation to the dictates of their governments.

Havlíček, too, considered independence for the Czechs unthinkable and federalization the sole positive alternative: “At the present time,” he wrote, “when immense empires have risen in Europe, total independence for us Czechs would be a naked misfortune. We would always be weak, dependent on others, But in conjunction with the other Slavs of Austria, we can utilize as a distinct Czech kingdom every kind of autonomy and still enjoy the advantages  of a powerful state.“

Indeed autonomy, guaranteed constitutionally, could alleviate the Czechs’ concern for their national integrity. And to Havlíček the unhindered development of nationality, particularly through an improved official status for the Czech language, was the greatest of all privileges. “To what end has English liberty benefited the Irish? Wherever your language, your nationality, has no [specific] rights, you are oppressed in even the freest countries. Freedom of speech and press, to be sure, are the bases of many other freedoms. But where your language is barred from public offices and schools, a greater freedom is taken from you than through the police and censorship.”

This did not mean that federal governments would have no important jurisdiction. Nor did it license unrestrained opposition to authority. As Chalupný points out, Havlíček regarded total, unabated opposition to the State as unnatural. Government had a proper function that was regulatory. (Palacký spoke of a “strictly juridical state”–stát pouze právní.) It was that agency which, through the application and enforcement of laws, had at all times to balance collective and individual rights, to curb “libertinism” without destroying that “independence natural to the human spirit.” This led Havlíček and Palacký alike to reject the negativism of west European liberals who, in distrusting most forms of government, sought maximum restrictions on governmental powers. At the same time, neither man subscribed to the “étatiste” school of liberalism. The latter, born in Jacobin France and with adherents as far east as Russia, considered the State not merely the chief guarantor but the ultimate source of liberty. Under certain circumstances the State might actively prescribe forms of liberty rejected by an unenlightened citizenry. To Palacký and Havlíček, such an idea was inadmissible. Individual and national rights per force relected popular will and had first to be secured through a fixed rule of law. Only then could the State govern as an auxiliary power.

When revolution broke out in Prague on March 11, 1848, neither Palacký nor Havlíček became immediately involved. Like other liberals,


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 they distrusted the Czech and German radicals who dominated the first meetings at the St. Wenceslaus Baths and who, as members of the secret Repeal Club, had sought to link the end of absolutism to an early resolution of social issues. On March 12, one day before the fall of Metternich, the radicals formed the Svatováclavský výbor (St. Wenceslaus Committee) to coordinate their challenge to the Crown. And shortly thereafter they dispatched a petition to the emperor, calling among others for equality of the Czech and German nationalities, freedom of the press and religion, guarantees against arbitrary arrest, and a restoration of the legislative and administrative autonomy of the Bohemian kingdom. Liberals meanwhile publicized the need for a constitution and agitated for a broadening of the committee’s membership.

It remained for Palacký’s letter to signal, and partly cause, a major shift in the Bohemian revolution. At the middle of March, Czech and German liberals were united in their opposition to absolutism, but momentarily outmaneuvered by the radicals. By the end of the month they had gained control of the Svatováclavský výbor and reduced the radicals to a minority faction, only to divide along nationality lines. Palacký did not alone precipitate the split by writing to Frankfurt. But in focusing attention on hitherto unexamined aspects of the Anschluss question, he underscored its complexity and thereby forced Bohemian German liberals to clarify their own positions.

Poet Alfred Meissner was the first to attack Palacký’s stand. He denied that Austria could survive the revolution if transformed into a federation of equal nationalities. The “law of nature” was driving Germans to unite, in a Bund reconstituted along liberal, national lines. And that precluded the continuation of an Austria with traditional territorial and multi-national components, Palacký’s opposition to the political reorganization of central Europe was philosophically unsound. Further, it was an attempt to frustrate the inevitable.

Journalist Anton Springer spoke more to the issue of Russia. He agreed that Tsarist imperialism threatened central Europe, but saw it as a danger to Germans and Czechs alike. Would not a new Germany, more than a moribund Austria, deter Russian expansion? Certainly a united Germany would be economically more viable and politically and militarily stronger than a divided one. And it would guarantee Czechs nationality rights equal to those of the Germans, despite the former’s inferior numbers.

The fundamental historical rebuttal came from economics professor Franz Makowiczka. He rejected entirely Palacký’s argument that


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Author talk:Robert Waring Darwin

Works
Five years after this item was created and no works listed. Did he write anything ? -- Beardo (talk) 14:22, 7 December 2023 (UTC)

title: Author talk:Robert Waring Darwin


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 Bohemia’s tie to the German Bund was purely dynastic and voluntary, and that it implied no obligation on the part of Czechs to participate in Frankfurt’s deliberations. “Bohemia is indissolubly linked to Germany,” he countered. “Her connection with Germany is as old as her history.” As far back as the fourteenth century, kings such as Charles IV already considered themselves more German than Czech; and by the beginning of the eighteenth century, under Joseph I, Bohemia was declared an inseparable part of the imperial lands. Voluntary association did not exist, and if it ever had, the distinction had become obscured by the time the Holy Roman Empire was transformed into the Bund, following the Napoleonic wars.

Havlíček led the defense of Palacký, strengthening his own claim to leadership among Czech liberals. Writing in Národní noviny (National News), he admitted that Austria had been shaken by the revolution. Yet she might survive, he observed, because Slav support of her was constant, even if liberal German was not. What confused the situation was the growing attraction of Frankfurt for certain Austrian government ministers. Unlike middle class German intellectuals, they did not regard Austria’s demise as inevitable. To the contrary, they shared Metternich’s dream of Austrian domination of all central European German states, and they realized that the goal would be frustrated if they ignored Frankfurt and its labors subsequently proved fruitful.

These Austrian designs on the German Confederation, and even Italy, fostered, according to Havlíček, a serious misunderstanding of Austria’s destiny. Two hundred years earlier the Habsburgs had ignored Wallenstein’s warning that excessive preoccupation with the Protestant threat was jeopardizing Austria’s ability to defend Europe’s south-eastern flank. The result was a second, nearly disastrous Turkish siege of Vienna (1683). Now in the nineteenth century, Austria was again acting against her true interests and mission–to serve as an “association of diverse peoples with equal dignity.” “O irony of fate! The Czechs are more Austrian than the Austrians themselves! We in Prague, we in Zagreb, have cared better and more persistently for your welfare [than have you, the Austrian government] Wallenstein fell, sacrificed to the Jesuits. But what did not happen two hundred years ago [Austria’s disengagement from the Bund] can still be realized today.”

Throughout the spring and summer of 1848, Havlíček expanded his support of Palacký. By late April the Frankfurt controversy had split the bi-national Svatováclavský výbor into rival Czech and German organizations. Palacký became chief policymaker, Havlíček journalistic


text:
The Twa Dogs

 * "The Twa Dogs, a Tale", in The Beauties of Burn's Poems (1819), a chapbook printed in Falkirk
 * "The Twa Dogs", in The Poetical Works of Robert Burns (1887), edited by Alexander Smith

title: The Twa Dogs


text:
Translation:Shulchan Aruch/Yoreh Deah/81

All that comes out of impurity is impure (and things that come out of living things are permitted).

Section A:

The milk of a unclean or injured animal, as well as its fat, veins, and leg veins, are prohibited like its meat. Some permit the leg veins (Rambam, Hilchot Ma'achalot Assurot 4:20). However, the leg veins of a person are permitted according to all opinions.

Section B:

Cheeses that are made from the milk of an unclean animal and are found to be injured --

If it is an injury that could have only occurred now (according to some, if it occurred now and is the main injury), like a hole being made in the brain or similar cases -- they are permitted, as we say that it occurred now and is the cause of the injury.

But if it is known that it was previously injured -- like if an organ was removed from it or it was castrated before the slaughter, which is known to have happened three days before -- all the cheeses made from its milk are prohibited.

Note: However, in the case of castration, only what is done within three days is prohibited. But what was made from its milk before that is permitted. However, cheese or other injured meat that comes from the womb is always prohibited (Aruch HaShulchan).

If the milk of an unclean animal is mixed with the milk of other animals -- it follows the sixty ratio. Note: If there are 60 animals in the herd and we do not know for certain if the milk from the injured animal is more than the milk from the other animals, we assume that there are sixty and it is permitted (Sefer HaTerumot and Shut Reshab 190:17).

If it is injured by sira'ka, the cheeses made from its milk are not prohibited because there is a doubt of doubt. Note: However, some prohibit even milk within three days (Reshab and Ran). And this is the practice if there is no significant loss.

Section C:

Yali d'Chimorta (meaning similar to an egg of a male which is removed from the womb) -- they are permitted.

Section D:

A fetus that has an injury that occurs in it is permitted.

Section E:

The milk of pure animals and fish, as well as their fat and milk, is permitted. And the same is true for human milk. Some, however, prohibit this (Rabbi Eliezer).

Section F:

If an animal nursed from an injured animal, the milk that is found in its stomach is permitted. And similarly, if an injured animal nursed from a kosher animal, the same is permitted because the milk collects in the stomach.

Note: And this is the common practice. However, we do not worry that perhaps the animal nursed from the injured animal or from a tahor animal, and everything is permitted as long as we do not know for certain if it nursed from them (Mordechai 85). And some prohibit initially to allow an injured animal to nurse from a kosher animal, even in a severe case, as it appears to be eating injured animals (Mordechai and Shut Meiri). And this is the common practice, but after the fact, if it was mixed with others, everything is permitted (ibid).

Section G:

The milk of a woman is permitted; however, this is only if she intentionally fed it to a vessel (or to her hand) (Beit Yosef). But if an adult is nursed from a woman's breast, it is like a nursing infant who drinks the milk of a crawling reptile (even if she fed it into its mouth), and they would administer a punishment of rebellion (interpreted in the words of the Sages).

And an infant can nurse until the end of four years if it does not stop breastfeeding. But if it stops -- after leaving it for three days, from time to time, for each twenty-four months -- they should not return to it. And this is only if it stopped from its natural desires. But if it only stopped because it cannot breastfeed and stopped -- they can return to it. And if there is danger, they can return even after several days. And within twenty-four months, even if it stopped from its natural desires for one month or more -- it is permitted to return and breastfeed until the end of the twenty-four months. Note: See Even HaEzer, Siman 13 if the menstrual cycle runs according to the count.

Egyptian milk is like Israeli milk; nevertheless, a child should not nurse from an Egyptian if possible to find Israeli milk since the milk of idolatrous women makes the heart foolish and gives birth to an evil nature (Rabbeinu Nissim, Peirush Misofrim). And also, the nursing mother should not eat prohibited foods (Glosses of Asheri). And similarly, the infant itself -- all of this harms it in its old age.

Section H:

Honey from bees is permitted. Even though the bodies of the bees are mixed with it, and when the honey is separated from them, they are heated

שכל היוצא מן הטמא טמא (ודברים היוצאים מן החי והם מותרים) ובו תשעה סעיפים: א • ב • ג • ד • ה • ו • ז • ח • ט

סעיף א
חלב בהמה וחיה טמאה או טריפה, וצירה, ומי רגליה -- אסורים כבשרה. ויש מי שמתיר במי רגליה (רמב"ם פ"ד ד"כ). אבל מי רגלים דאדם לדברי הכל מותרים.

סעיף ב
גבינות שנעשו מחלב בהמה ונמצא טריפה --

 * אם הוא טרפות שאפשר שלא אירע לה אלא עתה ( ס"א שאירע לה עתה ועיקר ) כגון ניקב קרום של מוח וכיוצא בו -- מותרת, דאמרינן השתא הוא דנטרפה.
 * אבל אם ידוע שקודם שחלבה נטרפה -- כגון יתרת אבר שנטרפת בו או הוגלד פי המכה שבידוע ששלשה ימים קודם השחיטה היה -- כל הגבינות שנעשו מחלבה אסורות.

הגה: מיהו בהוגלד פי המכה אין לאסור רק הנעשה ממנה תוך ג' ימים. אבל מה שנעשה מחלבה קודם לזה שרי (סמ"ק והגהוח מיימוני ומהרא"י בהגהת ש"ד ואו"ה כלל מ"ט ואגור) אבל ביתרת או שאר טריפות הבא מן הבטן מה שנעשה ממנה מעולם אסור (או"ה שם)

ואם היתה בעדר עם בהמות אחרות ונתערב חלבה עם חלב האחרות -- הולכים בו אחר שיעור ששים. הגה: ואם יש ס' בהמות בעדר ולא ידעינן בודאי שחלב מן הטריפה היא יותר מחלב אחת האחרות -- אמרינן מסתמא דאיכא ששים ומותר (סברת עצמו). ודוקא בשנתערב החלב. אבל אם נתערבו הגבינות אינן בטילות דהוי חתיכה הראויה להתכבד ואפילו באלף לא בטיל (תה"ד ובארוך כלל מ"ט ותשו' רשב"א סי' תקי"ז)

ואם נטרפה ע"י סירכא אין אוסרים הגבינות שנעשו מחלבה משום דהוי ספק ספיקא.    הגה: ויש אוסרין אפילו בסירכא מה שנחלב תוך שלשה ימים (רשב"א ור"ן). וכן יש לנהוג אם אין הפסד מרובה.

סעיף ג
יאלי דיחמורתא ( פי' כעין ביצי זכר שיחמורת משלכת מרחמה ) -- מותרים.

סעיף ד
שליא שהחמור נוצר בו מותר דפירשא בעלמא הוא.

סעיף ה
מי רגלי בהמה וחיה הטהורים ,וחלב ומי חלב שלהן -- מותר. וה"ה למימי חלב שלהן. ויש מי שאוסר בזה ( הר' אליעזר ).

סעיף ו
כשרה שינקה מן הטריפה חלב הנמצא בקיבתה -- מותר. וכ"ש טריפה שינקה מן הכשירה. משום דחלב המכונס בקיבה פירשא בעלמא הוא. ויש אוסרים בחלב צלול הנמצא בקיבת כשרה שינקה מהטריפה.

 * הגה: והכי נהוג. ומיהו אין חוששין שמא ינקה מן הטריפה או מן הטמאה והכל מותר כל זמן שלא ידענו בודאי שינקה מהם (מרדכי פכ"ה). ויש אוסרים לכתחילה להעמיד בקיבת טריפה שינקה מן הכשירה אפילו בקרוש משום מראית העין דנראה כאוכלין טריפות (הגהת מהרא"י וש"ד והגהת מיימוני). וכן נוהגין לכתחילה אבל בדיעבד או שנתערבה באחרות הכל מותר (שם).

סעיף ז
חלב אשה מותר; והוא שפירש כגון שחלבתו לתוך כלי (או לתוך היד) (ב"י). אבל גדול היונק משדי אשה כיונק שרץ (אפילו חולבת לתוך פיו) (ב"י) והיו מכין אותו מכת מרדות ( פי' על שמרד בדברי סופרים ).

ותינוק יונק עד סוף ד' שנים לבריא וה' לחולה אם לא פירש. אבל אם פירש -- שגמלוהו שלשה ימים מעת לעת אחר כ"ד חדש -- לא יחזירוהו. והוא שפירש מתוך בוריו, אבל אם לא פירש אלא מתוך חולי שאינו יכול לינק ופירש -- יכולים להחזירו. ואם יש סכנה מחזירים אפילו אחר כמה ימים. ובתוך כ"ד חדש אפי' פירש מתוך בוריו חדש או יותר -- מותר לחזור ולינק עד סוף כ"ד חדש.    הגה: ועיין באבן העזר סימן י"ג אם חדש העיבור עולה למנין.

 * חלב מצרית כחלב ישראלית ומ"מ לא יניקו תינוק מן המצרית אם אפשר בישראלית דחלב עובדת כוכבים מטמטם הלב ומוליד לו טבע רע (ר"נ פא"מ בשם הרשב"א). וכן לא תאכל המינקת אפילו ישראלית דברים האסורים (הגהות אשי"רי). וכן התינוק בעצמו -- כי כל זה מזיק לו בזקנותו.

סעיף ח
דבש דבורים מותר. ואף על פי שגופי הדבורים מעורבים בו וכשמפרישים הדבש מהם מחממין ומרתיחין אותן עמהן -- מותר משום דהוי נותן טעם לפגם.

סעיף ט
דבש צרעין וגיזין ( פי' מיני דבורים וצרעין הם ) מותר. ויש מי שאוסר ( רא"ש ורמב"ן ). הגה: ואין אנו צריכין לחוש לו כי אינו מצוי בינינו כלל (הגהות ש"ד וכן מ"כ ב"י על שמו).

 * }


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 spokesman, of the Czech-dominated Národní výbor (National Committee). In May, Palacký helped to organize the Prague Slav Congress, to counteract Great German nationalism and Magyar separatism and to reaffirm Slav loyalty to the Monarchy. Convinced of the correctness of the policies that underlay the move, Havlíček endorsed the congress and publicized it enthusiastically in the press. In mid-June, the Whitsuntide uprising forced an end to the congress, and both men condemned the revolt. Armed insurrections invariably provoked military reaction, they believed, and were antithetical to stable, productive change. For that reason, too, they condemned the October student rebellion in Vienna and efforts by the anarchist Bakunin to topple all legally established European governments.

Nevertheless, the two men gradually developed some differences, and in some areas the differences were more than incidental. Palacký, for example, had a sophisticated appreciation of almost all aspects of governmental reform. As the greatest Czech constitutional thinker of the nineteenth century, he recognized in 1848 the difficulties of drafting a constitution that would provide Austria the decentralization of authority demanded by revolutionaries and, at the same time, be acceptable to the Crown. In three constitutional drafts, he struggled to reconcile contradictions between the principles of “historic state-rights” (Staatsrecht) and “nationality,” the most frequently mentioned criterial for determining the nature and scope of federalization. As we know, he never resolved the problem. But his failure resulted more from factors beyond his control than from any lack of insight or from a lack of trust in him by authorities who appointed him to the imperial constitution-drafting committee.

Havlíček, in his constitutional thinking, more closely resembled the average Austrian citizen. Sometimes interested, sometimes not, he was often confused. Already in March, 1848, he had warned that “constitution” was an evasive word, variously interpreted, and easily misunderstood. Yet in commenting on constitutional issues, he favored first Staatsrecht, then “nationality,” and sometimes both simultaneously, as the basis of Czech autonomy. When finally in December, 1849, he endorsed Palacký’s scheme for an Empire of eight autonomous ethnic units, he did so to revive an already dead revolution, rather than from a conviction that the plan was the best possible one.

Other differences were due to contrasts in personality or to occasional disagreements over tactics. Palacký’s temperament enabled him to get on well with most persons. Among his friends he counted Slavs and non-Slavs, bourgeois, aristocrats, and ecclesiastics. His zealous


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Translation:Shulchan Aruch/Yoreh Deah/80

The Law of Pure Animals

There are six sections in this topic:

Section A:

Milk from a pure animal is permitted, but its blood is prohibited and requires covering.

The Sages gave signs that are heard regarding their horns:

If they are split (meaning many splits are coming out of them), then it is definitely a pure animal. If they are not split, then there must be three signs on them - they should be twisted, turned, and indented (meaning: 'twisted' - made of peeled circles like onions. 'turned' - round and not flat. 'Indented' - has grooves around them that are close to each other). And this is when its snout is buried in them.

And if one of these three signs is missing, then its milk is prohibited.

Section B:

In what case is this prohibition relevant? In a species that is not recognizable. But the seven species of animals mentioned in the Torah, if one of them is recognizable even if it does not have horns - its milk is permitted, and its blood requires covering.

Section C:

A wild ox is a species of animal.

Section D:

The deer, even if it has only one horn, is a wild animal.

Section E:

If you are uncertain if it is a species of animal or a species of beast - its milk is prohibited, and one should not receive lashes on account of it, and its blood requires covering.

Section F:

A hybrid animal that comes from a pure animal and a wild animal is called a "chayav." Its milk is prohibited, and one should not receive lashes on account of it, and its blood requires covering.

דין חיה טהורה ובו ששה סעיפים: א • ב • ג • ד • ה • ו

סעיף א
חיה טהורה -- חלבה מותר, ודמה אסור, וטעון כיסוי.

וחכמים נתנו סימנים מפי השמועה בקרנותיה:

 * אם הם מפוצלות ( פירוש שהרבה פיצולין יוצאין מהם ) -- ודאי חיה טהורה היא.
 * ואם אינם מפוצלות צריך שיהיו בהם שלשה סימנים -- כרוכות והדורות וחרוקות ( פירוש: 'כרוכות' - עשויות גלדים כבצלים. 'הדורות' - עגולות ולא רחבות. 'חרוקות' - שיש בהם חריצים סביבם תכופים ומובלעים זה בזה ). והוא דמיבלעו חירקיהו.

ואם חסר אחד מאלו השלשה סימנים -- חלבה אסור.

סעיף ב
במה דברים אמורים? במין שאינו מכירו. אבל ז' מיני חיה האמורים בתורה אם היה מכיר אחד מהם אפילו לא מצא לו קרנים -- חלבו מותר ודמו טעון כיסוי.

סעיף ג
שור הבר מין בהמה הוא.

סעיף ד
הקרש אף על פי שאין לו אלא קרן אחד הרי הוא חיה.

סעיף ה
כל שיסתפק לך אם הוא מין חיה או מין בהמה -- חלבו אסור ואין לוקין עליו, ומכסין את דמו.

סעיף ו
כלאים הבא מבהמה טהורה עם חיה טהורה הוא הנקרא "כוי". חלבו אסור ואין לוקין עליו ומכסין את דמו.
 * }


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Rh The princess, on this, told her entire history to the mermaid, who assured her how sorry she felt for her, but begged her not to lose courage; adding, as she took her

leave: ‘Perhaps, some day, you may find a way out of your difficulties.’

The princess was delighted with this visit and with the hopes the mermaid held out. It was something to meet some one fresh to talk to.

‘We will make acquaintance with several of these

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text: The Grey Fairy Book/Donkey Skin

title: The Grey Fairy Book/Donkey Skin


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text: The Poetical Works of Robert Burns/The Ordination


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 hand, is Burns as he may have appeared to a contemporary clergyman, whom we shall conceive to have been a kind and indulgent but orderly and orthodox person, anxious to be pleased, but too often hurt and disappointed by the behaviour of his red-hot protégé, and solacing himself with the explanation that the poet was "the most inconsistent of men." If you are so sensibly pained by the misconduct of your subject, and so paternally delighted with his virtues, you will always be an excellent gentleman, but a somewhat questionable biographer. Indeed, we can only be sorry and surprised that Principal Shairp should have chosen a theme so uncongenial. When we find a man writing on Burns, who likes neither Holy Willie, nor the Beggars, nor the Ordination, nothing is adequate to the situation but the old cry of Géronte: "Que diable allait-il faire dans cette galère?" And every merit we find in the book, which is sober and candid in a degree unusual with biographies of Burns, only leads us to regret more heartily that good work should be so greatly thrown away.

It is far from my intention to tell over again a story that has been so often told; but there are certainly some points in the character of Burns that will bear to be brought out, and some chapters in his life that demand a brief rehearsal. The


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 unity of the man's nature, for all its richness, has fallen somewhat out of sight in the pressure of new information and the apologetical ceremony of biographers. Mr. Carlyle made an inimitable bust of the poet's head of gold; may I not be forgiven if my business should have more to do with the feet, which were of clay?

Any view of Burns would be misleading which passed over in silence the influences of his home and his father. That father, William Burnes, after having been for many years a gardener, took a farm, married, and, like an emigrant in a new country, built himself a house with his own hands. Poverty of the most distressing sort, with sometimes the near prospect of a gaol, embittered the remainder of his life. Chill, backward, and austere with strangers, grave and imperious in his family, he was yet a man of very unusual parts and of an affectionate nature. On his way through life he had remarked much upon other men, with more result in theory than practice; and he had reflected upon many subjects as he delved the garden. His great delight was in solid conversation; he would leave his work to talk with the schoolmaster Murdoch; and Robert, when he came home late


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 at night, not only turned aside rebuke but kept his father two hours beside the fire by the charm of his merry and vigorous talk. Nothing is more characteristic of the class in general, and William Burnes in particular, than the pains he took to get proper schooling for his boys, and, when that was no longer possible, the sense and resolution with which he set himself to supply the deficiency by his own influence. For many years he was their chief companion; he spoke with them seriously on all subjects as if they had been grown men; at night, when work was over, he taught them arithmetic; he borrowed books for them on history, science, and theology; and he felt it his duty to supplement this last—the trait is laughably Scottish—by a dialogue of his own composition, where his own private shade of orthodoxy was exactly represented. He would go to his daughter as she stayed afield herding cattle, to teach her the names of grasses and wild flowers, or to sit by her side when it thundered. Distance to strangers, deep family tenderness, love of knowledge, a narrow, precise, and formal reading of theology—everything we learn of him hangs well together, and builds up a popular Scotch type. If I mention the name of Andrew Fairservice, it is only as I might couple for an instant Dugald Dalgetty with old Marshal Loudon, to help out


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 the reader's comprehension by a popular but unworthy instance of a class. Such was the influence of this good and wise man that his household became a school to itself, and neighbours who came into the farm at meal-time would find the whole family, father, brothers, and sisters, helping themselves with one hand, and holding a book in the other. We are surprised at the prose style of Robert; that of Gilbert need surprise us no less; even William writes a remarkable letter for a young man of such slender opportunities. One anecdote marks the taste of the family. Murdoch brought Titus Andronicus, and, with such dominie elocution as we may suppose, began to read it aloud before this rustic audience; but when he had reached the passage where Tamora insults Lavinia, with one voice and "in an agony of distress" they refused to hear it to an end. In such a father and with such a home, Robert had already the making of an excellent education; and what Murdoch added, although it may not have been much in amount, was in character the very essence of a literary training. Schools and colleges, for one great man whom they complete, perhaps unmake a dozen; the strong spirit can do well upon more scanty fare.

Robert steps before us, almost from the first, in his complete character—a proud, headstrong,


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 impetuous lad, greedy of pleasure, greedy of notice; in his own phrase "panting after distinction," and in his brother's "cherishing a particular jealousy of people who were richer or of more consequence than himself:" with all this, he was emphatically of the artist nature. Already he made a conspicuous figure in Tarbolton church, with the only tied hair in the parish, "and his plaid, which was of a particular colour, wrapped in a particular manner round his shoulders." Ten years later, when a married man, the father of a family, a farmer, and an officer of Excise, we shall find him out fishing in masquerade, with fox-skin cap, belted great-coat, and great Highland broadsword. He liked dressing up, in fact, for its own sake. This is the spirit which leads to the extravagant array of Latin Quarter students, and the proverbial velveteen of the English landscape-painter; and, though the pleasure derived is in itself merely personal, it shows a man who is, to say the least of it, not pained by general attention and remark. His father wrote the family name Burnes; Robert early adopted the orthography Burness from his cousin in the Mearns; and in his twenty-eighth year changed it once more to Burns. It is plain that the last transformation was not made without some qualm; for in addressing his cousin he adheres, in at least one more letter, to spelling


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 number two. And this, again, shows a man preoccupied about the manner of his appearance even down to the name, and little willing to follow custom. Again, he was proud, and justly proud, of his powers in conversation. To no other man's have we the same conclusive testimony from different sources and from every rank of life. It is almost a commonplace that the best of his works was what he said in talk. Robertson the historian "scarcely ever met any man whose conversation displayed greater vigour;" the Duchess of Gordon declared that he "carried her off her feet;" and, when he came late to an inn, the servants would get out of bed to hear him talk. But, in these early days at least, he was determined to shine by any means. He made himself feared in the village for his tongue. He would crush weaker men to their faces, or even perhaps—for the statement of Sillar is not absolute—say cutting things of his acquaintances behind their back. At the church door, between sermons, he would parade his religious views amid hisses. These details stamp the man. He had no genteel timidities in the conduct of his life. He loved to force his personality upon the world. He would please himself, and shine. Had he lived in the Paris of 1830, and joined his lot with the Romantics, we can conceive him writing Jehan for Jean,


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Author:Arthur Zimmermann

Works

 * Zimmermann Telegram - decoded and translated
 * coded text

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 the lips full, and finely cut. In speaking, he shows his teeth very much, and they are white and even; but I observed that even in his smile - and he smiles frequently - there is something of a scornful expression in his mouth that is evidently natural, and not, as many suppose, affected. This particularly struck me. His chin is large and well shaped, and finishes well the oval of his face. He is extremely thin, indeed so much so that his figure has almost a boyish air; his face is peculiarly pale, but not the paleness of ill-health, as its character is that of fairness - the fairness of a dark-haired person; and his hair (which is getting rapidly gray) is of a very dark brown, and curls naturally; he uses a good deal of oil in it, which makes it look still darker. His countenance is full of expression, and changes with the subject of conversation; it gains on the beholder the more it is seen, and leaves an agreeable impression. I should say that melancholy was its prevailing character; as I observed that, when any observation elicited a smile - and they were many, as the conversation was gay and playful - it appeared to linger but for a moment on his lip, which instantly resumed its former expression of seriousness. His whole appearance is remarkably gentleman-like, and he owes nothing of this to his toilet, as his coat appears to have


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Translation:Shulchan Aruch/Yoreh Deah/83

Laws of Fish and Salted Fish

There are ten sections in this chapter: A • B • C • D • E • F • G • H • I • J

Section A: Fish with scales and fins are explicitly mentioned in the Torah as pure. A scale is the part that can be easily peeled off, and the fins are the fixed coverings. Note: This applies only to fish that can be peeled by hand or with a utensil. If it is impossible to peel the fish with the skin, it is not considered a fin (Mishnah Torah, chapter 1, halacha 1).

Even if a fish has only one scale and one fin, it is permissible. Even if it currently does not have scales and fins but will grow them later, or if it had scales and fins while in the water and they immediately disappeared when it became dry, it is permissible (Rambam, Mishnah Torah, chapter 1, halacha 1). Note: Some say that it is only permissible if the fin is located underneath its jaw, tail, or scale (Tur and Rash Scum, according to Be'er Yitzchak and Rash, in the name of Ramban). It is better to be strict in this regard.

Section B: There are types of fish with very thin and imperceivable fins. If they were wrapped in a cloth or placed in a container filled with water and fins were found on them, they are permissible.

Section C: Any fish with fins also has scales, but there are some that have scales but not fins. Therefore:

- If a piece of fish is found with scales, it is not necessary to search for fins. - If fins are found on a fish, one should not eat it until it is determined that it has scales.

Section D: If pieces of fish are found and one of them has fins:

- If the pieces fit together, all of them are permissible; the presence of one fish is sufficient. - If they do not fit together, only the pieces with fins are permissible, and the rest are forbidden, even if all of them are salted together. Note: If a fish is found with a wide head and back, it is certainly permissible to eat it because it had fins. But if the fish is intact and fins are not visible, one should not rely on the head and back.

Section E: Translation: The prohibition of mixing impure fish with pure fish is only Rabbinical in nature. Therefore, it is permissible to purchase salted pure fish from a non-Jew, even if they are placed together with impure fish in the same vessel, as long as they were not salted together.

Note: There are some who prohibit purchasing fish if they are placed in the same container with impure fish. It is customary not to purchase them even if they only see that the salted impure fish are mixed on the table where they are being sold (Tur, Yoreh De'ah 194 and Shach, Yoreh De'ah 20 and Hagahot Sh"t 4 and 7 and Aruch, Klal 13 and Mordechai in the name of Tosafot Rabbi Yisrael).

Except for in the case of salted herring and pickled herring, which are permitted in any case because they are definitely not salted with the impure fish due to the fact that it is not typical to salt them together (Mordechai).

Note: Even regarding other types of fish, one should not impose strictness and verify if there are impure fish among them. And if one sees that the impure fish are soaked in water with the pure fish, even concerning salted herring, it should be prohibited (Hagahot Sh"t in the name of Maharai and Rabbi Yerucham). But there is no concern that they became soaked as long as one does not see it (Shach).

And all of this is ideally, but retroactively, if they were already purchased, it is permissible in any case because the prohibition of mixing fish is Rabbinical, and we say perhaps they were not salted together initially and we do not have concerns about swallowing them from each other (Aruch).

And this specifically applies when there is no animal fat on them, but if there is animal fat, it is forbidden by Torah law, and there is a doubt for strictness (Aruch).

And in cases where the salted fish are dry, it is permissible in any case since the impure fish are also dry (Maharai in Beit Yosef). However, it is customary to be strict about this as well, if they are placed together (Maharai).

Paragraph 6: A non-Jew who brings a barrel filled with fish from the sea, if glass vessels are present (meaning the Rishonim explain that it is kosher fish), and one is swimming in it, it is permitted, as this is an indication that it is pure fish. But if not, it is prohibited.

And these matters apply in the case of a closed barrel. But if it is open, it is not permitted with less than two glass vessels, but if one is afraid that he might find glass vessels in the barrel, even with one it is not permitted.

And some say that if there were many barrels and all of them were open, and one glass vessel is swimming in one of them (meaning kosher fish), all of them are permitted. If they were closed, and he opened one of them and found a glass vessel in it, it is permitted, and if he then opened another one and found a glass vessel in it, they are all permitted.

And some say that with regards to the matter of being permitted through a glass vessel, these matters apply when there is no fish or pieces in it that contain thorns. But if they are all present, it is prohibited.

Paragraph 7: Fishing nets should only be bought from an expert unless the Jewish person or non-Jew selling them says, "I salt them and remove them from pure fish." But if he says, "They are pure," he is not believed unless he is a person who is known for being reliable.

Paragraph 8: Fish eggs,

If both of their heads are rounded or sharp, they are impure (the same applies to their inner parts).

If one head is rounded and the other is sharp, he should ask the Jewish person selling them if he says to him, "I salt them and remove them from pure fish," he may eat them. But if he says, "They are pure," he is not believed unless he is a person who is known for being reliable.

And now the custom has spread to buy fish eggs indiscriminately, whether they are whole or soft, even from a non-Jew, as long as they are red. But the black ones are not eaten at all.

Paragraph 9: A pure fish found in the intestines of an impure fish, whether it was found through the passage of digestion or through the mouth, whether it came out externally, it is pure.

Paragraph 10: An impure fish found in the intestines of a pure fish is prohibited.

דין סימני דגים ודגים מלוחים ובו עשרה סעיפים: א • ב • ג • ד • ה • ו • ז • ח • ט • י

סעיף א
סימני דגים מפורשים בתורה כל שיש לו סנפיר וקשקשת טהור. וסנפיר הוא ששט בו, וקשקשת הן הקליפות הקבועות בו. הגה: ודוקא שהם נקלפים ביד או בכלי אבל אם אי אפשר לקלפן מעור הדג לא מקרי קשקשת (המ"מ פ"א דמ"א).

ואפילו אין לו אלא סנפיר אחד וקשקשת אחד -- מותר. ואפילו אין לו עתה ועתיד לגדלם לאחר זמן או שהיה לו בעודו במים והשירן מיד בעלותו ליבשה -- מותר. (רמב"ם ספ"א מהמ"א ורי"ף ור"ן וה"ה). הגה: וי"א דאין להתיר בקשקשת אחת רק כשהיא עומדת תחת לחייו או זנבו או סנפירו (הטור והרא"ש לדעת ב"י ור"ן וה"ה בשם רמב"ן). וטוב להחמיר.

סעיף ב
יש מיני דגים שקשקשיהם דקים מאד ואינם ניכרים, ואם כרכוהו בבגד או נתנו אותו בכלי מלא מים ונמצאו קשקשים מותר.

סעיף ג
כל שיש לו קשקשת יש לו סנפיר, ויש שיש לו סנפיר ואין לו קשקשת. לפיכך

 * מצא חתיכת דג שיש לו קשקשת -- אין צריך לחזור אחר סנפיר.
 * מצא לו סנפיר -- לא יאכלנו עד שידע שיש לו קשקשת.

סעיף ד
מצא חתיכות דגים ויש באחת מהן קשקשת --

 * אם החתיכות מתאימות -- כולן מותרות; חזקה מדג אחד באו.
 * ואם אינן מתאימות -- את שנמצאו בהן קשקשים מותרות והשאר אסורות, אפילו כולן מלוחות ביחד.

 * הגה: ואם נמצא שם דג שיש לו ראש רחב ושדרה מותר לאכלו דודאי היה לו קשקשים. אבל אם הדג שלם ואין אנו רואים בו קשקשים אין לסמוך אראש ושדרה.

סעיף ה
ציר דגים טמאים אינו אלא מדרבנן. לפיכך מותר לקנות מהעובד כוכבים דגים מלוחים טהורים אע"פ שמונחים עם הטמאים בכלי אחד שמא לא נמלחו יחד.

 * הגה: ויש אוסרים אם מונחין עם הטמאים בחבית אחת. וכן נוהגין שלא לקנותן אפילו אם רואים רק שמונחים עם הטמאים המלוחים בערבוב על השלחן שמוכרין אותם שם ( ת"ה סי' קע"ד והגהות ש"ד וש"ד סימן כ' וא"ז וארוך כלל י"ג ומרדכי בשם תוספות הר"ר ישראל ).
 * מלבד בהערינ"ג ומרקדי"ש דמתירין בכל ענין דודאי אין נמלחים עם הטמאים משום דאין דרך למלחן עמהם (מרדכי).
 * הגה: ואפי' בשאר דגים אין להחמיר לפשפש ולבדוק אם יש ביניהם דגים טמאים. ואם רואה שהדגים הטמאים שרוים במים עם הטהורים אפי' בהערינ"ג יש לאסרו (הגהות ש"ד בשם מהרא"י ור' ירוחם) אבל אין חוששין שמא נשרו כל זמן שאין רואים (שם).
 * וכל זה לכתחלה אבל בדיעבד שכבר קנאן יש להתיר בכל ענין משום דציר דגים דרבנן ואמרינן שמא בתחלה לא נמלחו יחד ואין חוששין אח"כ לבליעחן זה מזה (ארוך).
 * ודוקא דלית בהו שמנונית וסתם דגים מלוחים לית בהו שמנונית. אבל אם אית בהו שמנונית -- אסור מדאורייתא וספיקא לחומרא (שם).
 * והיכא דהדגים מלוחים יבשים -- מותר בכל ענין מאחר דהטמאים ג"כ יבשים (מהרא"י בת"ה). ונהגו להחמיר גם בזה לכתחלה אם מונחים ביניהם (שם):

סעיף ו
עובד כוכבים שהביא חבית מלאה מציר דגים אם כולכית ( פי' הערוך דג טמא וכן פירש"י ואחרים פירשו שהוא דג טהור ) אחת שוטטת בו -- מותר, שזה סימן שהוא מדגים טהורים. ואם לאו אסור.

 * והני מילי דסגי בכולכית אחת -- בחבית סתומה. אבל אם היתה פתוחה -- אינה ניתרת בפחות משתים, אבל באחת חיישינן שמא מעלמא אתא.
 * ויש מי שאומר שאם היו חביות רבות וכולן פתוחות, וכולכית דהיינו דג טהור משוטט באחת מהן -- כולן מותרות. היו סתומות, פתח אחת מהן ומצא בה כולכית -- היא מותרת, שניה ומצא בה כולכית -- כולן מותרות.
 * ויש מי שאומר דהא דשריא ע"י כולכית הני מילי כשאין בה דג או חתיכה שאין בהם קשקשים אבל אם יש בהם הכל אסור.

סעיף ז
קרבי דגים אינם נקחים אלא מהמומחה אא"כ אומר לו הישראלי (או עובד כוכבים) (ר"ן וכן משמע מרשב"א) המוכרם "אני מלחתים והוצאתים מדג טהור". אבל אם אמר לו "טהורים הם" -- אינו נאמן אא"כ היה אדם שהוחזק בכשרות:

סעיף ח
ביצי דגים,

 * אם היו שני ראשיהם כדים ( פי' עגולים ועבים ככדים ) או חדים -- טמאים (וה"ה בקרביים נמי דינא הכי) (טור).
 * אחד כד ואחד חד -- שואל לישראל המוכר אם א"ל "אני מלחתים והוצאתים מדג טהור" -- אוכל על פיו. ואם א"ל "טהורים הם" -- אינו נאמן אא"כ היה אדם שהוחזק בכשרות.

ועכשיו פשט המנהג לקנות ביצי דגים בסתם בין שלימים בין נמוחים ואפילו מן העובד כוכבים ובלבד שיהיו אדומים אבל השחורים אין אוכלין אותם כלל:

סעיף ט
דג טהור שנמצא במעי דג טמא -- בין שנמצא דרך בית הרעי, בין נמצא דרך בית הבליעה, בין שיצא לחוץ -- טהור:

סעיף י
דג טמא שנמצא במעי דג טהור -- אסור ( לשון רמב"ם פ"א מהמ"א דין ה' ):

 * }