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 410

HLSTOKV (JF INDIA.

[Book III

A D. 1735

Labour- doDnais' reforms at the Isle of France.

cessful voyages, from Pondicheriy to Bengal, and to Mocha in tlie Rod Sea. In the latter locality he ein})loyed his influence in reconciling a serious difference which liad arisen between the Arabs and the Portufnjese. His conduct in this matter was gratefully remembered by the viceroy at Goa, who, on a viiiit which Labourdonnais paid to that capital, made iiim such tempting offers that he was induced to enter the service of Portugal. The object intended at the time was an expedition to Mopibas, on the east coast of Africa ; but tliis having been abandoned, he did not find the scope for his talents whicii he had anticipated, and returned to France m 1 733. The following year he obtained the important appointment of governor of the Mauritius, or the Isle of France, and the Isle of Bourbon, situated in the Indian Ocean to the east of Mada- gascar. These isles had early become known to the Portuguese, and were at a later period frequented by the Dutch, who gave one of them its name of Mauritius in honour of Prince Maurice of Nassau ; but their importance as inter- mediate stations for ships sailing to the Eiist had been first discerned by the French, who had regularly colonized them, and placed them under a distinct governor.

When Labourdonnais arrived at his government in 1735 he foim^d eveiy- thing in confusion. The two islands had separate councils, which, claiming equal jurisdiction, were constantly disputing as to the extent of their powers ; abuses of every kind prevailed, and the capabilities of the soil remained almost totally undeveloped. The new governor at once saw the greatness and difficulty of the task which lay before him, and immediately commenced it with characteristic energy. Ere long the face of matters was completely changed. The kinds of cultivation best adapted for each island were rapidly extended ; new towns and villages arose, harbours capable not only of supplpng the wants of commerce, but of furnishing a rendezvous for ships of war, were constructed and fortified; and, government no longer hampered by the selfish aims and unseemly quarrels of those who administered it, became regular and efiective. In carrying on this work of refoim Labourdonnais often encountered an opposition which obliged him to stretch his powers to the utmost, and pei'haps occasionally to exceed them. Those who had profited by abuses were natm-aUy hostile to the removal of them, while many from mere natm-al indolence were indisposed to great and sudden changes, even when they could not deny them to be improvements. A spirit of hostility was thus engendered, and continued to manifest itself by murmur, complaint, and misrepresentation. These, though probably loudest in the islands, were not so effective there as in France, where, the facts being imperfectly known, were easily distorted. The consequence His aim mis- was, that wliile Labourdonnais was labom-ing -with the utmost zeal and dism- in France, tcrcstedness for the public good, he was generally stigmatized among his coim- trjrmen as little better than a selfish and capricious tp'ant. He appears not to have been aware of the amount of prejudice which had been raised against


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 Chap. II.] LABOURDONNAIS' EXPEDITION TO THE EAST, 4.11

him till 1740, when, having visited Europe in consequence of the death of his ad. i74'2.

wife, he had ample proof of the bitterness and unscrupulousness with which he

was pursued by his enemies.

Labourdonnais took immediate steps to set himself right with the ministry, Laixmr-

the directors of the company, and the public at large, and succeeded so well that project f<,r

not only was his resignation refused, but new and important powers were com- pre„dr ""^'

mitted to him. In the intei'views which lie had with Cardinal Fleury and the "«<^«"''«'"y-

other members of the Fi'ench cabinet, he did not rest satisfied with exculpating

himself from absurd charges, but gave a full exj:osition of his views as to the

course of i)olicy which ought to be pursued in the East. Assuming that France

and Great Britain were about to be at open war, he endeavoured to show that

the maintenance of peace between the two Ea.st India Companies was impolitic

if not impossible, and that no time should be lust in providing a fleet, which,

cruising in the Indian Ocean, might be ready the moment war was declared to

establish a complete supremacy. So satisfied was he of the valuable prizes

which might be made by preying on the Engli.sh company, that he offered to

form a private association, which would fit out a number of armed vessels at its

own expense, and be contented with the profits which might be realized by

privateering.

The French government refused to sanction the private scheme, but resolved His expedi- tion to the to effect the same object by means of an expedition consisting of vessels belong- E;uit.

ing partly to the navy and partly to the East India Company. The command was given to Laboiuxlonnais, who set sail 5th April, IT+l, for the Isle of France. His fleet was neither so numerous nor so well equipped as he had anticipated, but he was full of resom'ces in himself, and po.ssessed such a knowledge of naval and military affiiirs jis enabled him to repair the defects of the ships and give the necessary training to the crews and soldiers. His object was to be ready as soon as the declaration of war should reach him to strike the meditated blow. In the meantime he hastened to Pondicherry, which was said to be threatened by the Mahrattiis; and on learning that the danger had blown ptist, proceeded to the Malabar coast, wliere Mahd was once more indebted to him for deliverance from a formidable attack of the natives. On again arriving at the Isle of France, in 17-42, he met with a bitter disappointment. The directors of the French East India Company had been somewhat cavalierly treated by the govern- ment, who had made all their arrangements with Labourdonnais ^vithout giving them any proper share in their deliberations. Their consent to his expedition being therefore rather forced than voluntary, they were more disposed to frustrate than to forward it. Accordingly, still dreaming of a possible neutrality between the companies, they easily fomid a jtretext for is,suing peremptory orders for the return of their vessels to France. Labourdonnais did not venture to disobey, and thus saw himself deprived of the main part of his fleet at the very time when the period for action was to all ai)pearance about to airive. His fir.st

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 412 HISTORY OF IXI>I., [Book III

AD. 174(3. feeling was again to tendei- liis resignati<;n ; but a conununication from the French minister approving of his past conduct, and pointing to higher promo- tion, induced him to remain at his post, and make new efforts to assemble a force which might yet enable him to execute his original project. He was tlius emjiloyed when the war was openly declared. Arrival of Tlic British government, well aware of what was intended by France, had

Ji liritiali.

scuiadrou. not Omitted to make the necessary preparations. A British .squadron, com- manded by Commodore Barnet, and consisting of two .ships of sixty, one of fifty, and a frigate of twenty guns, appeared opportunely in the eastern seas At fii'st it cruised in two divisions, in the Straits of Sunda and of Malacca, and made several valuable French prizes. One of the vessels taken wa.s immediately rendei'ed available by being converted into a forty-gun .ship, bearing the name of the Medivays Prize. The squadron having left the .straits, anived on the Coromandel coast for the first time in July, 1745. At this time the French had no fleet on the coast, and Pondicherry with its fortifications in an unfinished state had a gamson of only 486 Europeans. It promised to be an easy captme, but was saved by the dexterity of Dupleix, who, aware that force would not avail him, had recourse to diplomacy. Pondicherr}-, though really independent, belonged nominally to the nabobship of Arcot. This fact was turned to good account by the French governor, who, by flattering the pride of the nabol), and claiming his protection, induced him to intimate to the governor and council of Madras, that any attempt by land on the French settlements in Arcot would be treated as an act of hostility against himself It was represented to him in i"eply, that the commander of the squadron, holding his commission directly from the King of Great Britain, was independent of the Company ; but he could not. or would not understand the distinction, and only answered, that if his intima- tion was disregarded he would hold the Company responsible for the conse- quences. The time had not yet arrived for treating such menaces v/ith defiance ; and therefore, on an assm'ance from the nabob that he would deal impartially between the companies, and issue a similar prohibition to the French, in the event of any meditated attack on the English settlements. Commodore Barnet, at the earnest entreaty of the government of Madras, abandoned all idea of land operations, and, after making a few additional prizes in the Bay of Bengal, retired for shelter during the monsoon to the island of Mergui on the eastern sliore. In the beginning of 174G the squadron returned to the Coromandel coast, and was reinforced from England by two ships of fifty and a fi-igate of twenty guns. This, however, did not make much addition to its absolute strength, as one of the sixty-gun ships having become mifit for action was sent home, and along with it the original frigate.

Relative The English squadron, confined by the agi'eement which had been made with

strength ^^ ^, , ,. f,

tiie British the nabob to operations at sea, was unable to effect anythmg of consequence, sauadrons. ^'^^ ^^.s Continuing a cruise i-ewarded only by a few i)altry prizes, when intelli-


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 CHAP. II.J NAVAL ENGAGEMENT. 415

fence arrived that Labourdonnais had at Ui.st efiected his object and sailed for a.d. 1740.

India with a fleet which miglit be expected to put Briti.sh prowess to the test. At this critical moment Commodore Barnet died at Fort St. David, and was succeeded by Captain Peyton, who was his second in command, and very im- j)erfectly supplied his place. The squadi'ons fii'st came in sight of each other on the 25th of June, when the Enjvlish were cruisin": on the Coromandel coast neai- Negai)atam. The French fleet consisted of nine ships, the largest of which, moimting seventy guns, of which sixty were eighteen-pounders, carried Labour- donnais' flag. The rest of the ships were of much .^mailer size and Hghter metal, and carried as follows: — one, thirty-six; three, thirty-four; one, thirty; two, twenty-eight; and one, twenty-six guns; almost all twelve and eight ])0unders. The.se .ships, however, were much larger than the number of their guns indicates, as Labourdonnais, after exerting himself to the utmost under very unfavourable circumstances, had been unable to give them their full comple- ment. On the other hand they carried more than the u.sual complement of men, having on board 3300. Of these 700 were Africans or Lascai-s, and about 300 unfit for duty from sickne.ss. The Engli.sh had not above half the number of men ; but, unlike the majority of the French, they were well di.sci[>lined ; they had also fewer guns, but more than made up for the deficiency by superior

weiglit.

All things considered, tlie English squadron had thus decidedly the advan- Knoouuter

.. ....... between tli'

tage. So conscious, mdeed, was Labourdonnais of his inferiority in real naval .siiuaUrons strength, that his great object was to come as speedily as possible to close ((uarters, and turn his superiority in the number of men to account by having recourse to boarding. In this object lie wjvs battled b}- the Engli.sh, whose vessels, ])esides sailinjx and manucievrin<T better than his, had the advantao-e of the wind, and succeeded in frustrating all the efforts of Labourdonnais to deprive them of it. From the long time spent by the one party in making and the other in coun- teracting these efforts, the fight did not commence till four in the afternoon. Owing to the distance maintained, it was almost entirely confined to the cjinnon, and lasted till nightfall without any decisive results. When the combatants separated, it was apparently with the intention of renewing the engagement on the following day, but Peyton, after obtaining the sanction of a council of war, deemed it prudent to sheer off", and vii-tualiv acknowledijinfj a defeat, Avithout having actually sustained it, ma<le the best of his way to Trincomalee in Ceylon. The only reason a.ssigned was the leaky con<lition of the sixty- gun ship.

Labourdonnais, who was waitinor to resume the fio;ht, was astoui.shed, when f.^biess

, _ 1 /^ between

the mornmg dawned, to find that he had already gained the victor}-. He could uupieLx an.i not pursue, as the wind was against him ; and, in fact, though he speaks with ,',^iT^ regret of the enemy having e.scaped him, was not at all disi)leased with their departure, inasmuch as his loss had been more severe than theirs, ami both the


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 •^'•* HISTORY OF IXfJlA. [Book HI.

AD 1710. state ofhi.s .ships and want of provisions must have compelled him speedily i/j retire. Thanking his good fortune, he steered directly for Pondicherry. Imme- diately on his arrival, his reception by the governor convinced him that he had little to expect from his co-operation. L>upleix, vv^hose vanity and ambition were still greater than his talents, could not conceal his jealousy of Labourdonnais. He saw in him the person who, in the event of anything befalling himself, was destined to be his successor, and he was mortified to find that an expedition, destined to act within the limits of what he conceived to be his exclusive juris- diction, had been placed beyond his control, the only instructions given him being to assist it with his advice and second it with his efforts. The feelings which rankled in his mind, scarcely disguised at the first, were soon openly- manifested, and led eventually to a course of proceedings which ruined both Labourdonnais and Dupleix, sacrificed the French interests in India, and saved those of Great Britain from impending destruction, ^we back* After a short and unsatisfactory consultation, in which the only point settle<l

wartiiiessof was, that Labourdonuais' first endeavour must be to clear the coast of tlie

tlie British ~r t -i -, -,

naval com -Cingiish squadron, he set sail with that view, and had the satisfaction to leani that the danger apprehended from it was groundless. Judging by what the English commander ought to have done, he naturally expected that he w^ould soon reappear, and even though too cautious or cowardly to risk a general action, would keep hovering on the coast, so as to keep up a constant alarm, and make it most hazardous, if not impossible, for the French to disembark their troops for the purpose of making an attempt upon Madras. This was dsibly the great object now in contemplation, and to prevent the execution of it the commander of the British fleet ought to have devoted his utmost efibrts. After spending a month at Trincomalee he did make his appearance, but it was only to repeat his former procedure, and save himself by flight, because he had dis- covered or imagined, that while his force remained the same, that of the enemy had been augmented by additional guns procured at Pondicherry. tow"" °f*^* Convinced that he had nothing to fear from the English squadron, Laboui'- Madias. donnais returned to PondicheiTy, and began to prepare in earnest for the siege of Madras. It was a prize worth fighting for, and to all appeai'ance might be gained without much sti'uggle. Within the territory belonging to it, and form- ing a tract which stretched about five miles along the coast and one mile inland, a population of 250,000 had been gathered, but nearly the whole of it consisted of natives, by whom it was known that no resistance would be offered. Madras itself consisted of three divisions. Farthest north was an immense assemblage of huts, huddled together without any order, and occupied entu'ely by the lowest classes of natives ; immediately adjoining this suburb, on the south, was what was called the Black Town, containing many good houses, which belonged to Indian and Armenian merchants, and surrotmded by a wall of so little height and strength as to be almost useless for defence ; south of this la)-

»


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 CuAP. II.] MADRAS BESIEGED AND TAKEN. 41 o

tlie town proper, or Fort St. George. It formed a parallelogram about 400 yards long from north to south, and 100 yards broad. It was inclosed by a slender wall, and defended by foui' bastions and batteries of defective construction.

A.D. ITJr,.

aSE^--

FoBT St. George, Madras, 1754 — From a print l)y Van Ryiie, Royal Librarj', British Museum.

T^iere were no outworks. Within tiie inclosure were an Enoli.sh and a Roman Catholic church, the factory and buildings connected with it, and about fifty good house-s, occupied by English, or other Europeans under then- protection. Their whole number did not exceed 300. Of these 200 were the soldiers of the garrison. Few of the common men and only two or three of the officers had ever seen service.

As the danger which threatened the settlement must have been foreseen, it is Ma<haa be

. . . . siegeil anil

impo.ssible to exculpate the authorities from the charge of gross negligence in taken not providing better against it. If they trusted to the promise of the nabob to interfere for their protection, as he had for that of the French, they were soon made aware of the folly of leaning on such a broken reed. Their application to him was disregarded, either because Dupleix had previously gained his ear, or they were too parsimonious to make a liberal use of the only means which could have rendered it effectual ; and Labourdomiais, after completing his preparations without interruption, cast anchor on the l+th of September, about four leagues south of Madras, with nine ships and two bomb- vessels. On board were 2900 European marinere and soldiers, 400 Africans, 400 Indian natives, and all the artillery and stores nece&sary for tlie siege. The soldiei-s being immediately landed began to advance along the shore, while the fleet proceeded to take up its station as near Madras as it could safely approach.

The foi-t alone being capable of any resistance, Labom'donnais naturally The f..rt directed his attack against it, and having erected a battery of nine mortars, on an open space to the west, at the distance of 500 j-ards, connnenced the bombard- ment. Defence was never seriously contemplated ; but innuediate siuTender was delayed in the hope that the English squadron might make its appearance. Its ap[)roach was at one time actually rumoun^d, and spread such consternation


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 U HISTORY OF T)TA. [Book III

A.D. i74(i. among the French, that they were preparing to flecamp. Unhappily for tlje besieged it proved a false alarm, and Labourdonnais, only urged by it U) more strenuous exertions, not only opened another battery to the south, but began to cannonade from the sea. An assault had now become imminent, and in order to avert its horrors, a flag of truce was sent from the town. The deputies wlio accompanied it proposed a ransom, but Labourdonnais at once declared, that though he was not unwilling to entertain such a proposal, it could only be after the capture was completed by a surrender. Ultimately, after he had given liis word of honour that the ransom would be moderate, his terms were accejited, and he entered the town in triumph. Tliough the siege lasted and tlie bombard- ment continued with interruptions from the ] 8th to the 2oth of September, so bloodless was it that not one Frenchman was killed, and only five Englishmen. Terms of gy the terms of capitulation the whole of the merchandise and the moveable

oiiiiitiUation.

property passed at once to the captors, and all the English became prisoners of war. The important point of the ransom remained to be settled, but the honourable and liberal spirit which characterized Labourdonnais' proceedings made it impossible to doubt that it woidd be fairly, amicaVjly, and generously arranged. Suddenly it was whispered that a serious difficulty had arisen. Dupleix, on the ground that Madras was locally within his government of India, claimed a right to dispose of it. So confident was he of possessing this right, or at least so determined was he to insist upon it, that on receiving a letter from the Nabob of Arcot, who had now, when too late, endeavoured to interdict the French from laying siege to Madras, he had pacified him by pro- mising that the town when taken would be delivered into his hands. Fi'oni the subsequent proceedings of Dupleix it is plain that he never meant to have ful- filled this promise. It furnished him, however, with a plausible pretext for sending a letter to Labourdonnais, in wdiich he desired him not to consent to any terms of ransom, and intimated for the first time that he Considered him- self entitled to speak authoritatively on the subject. Dupleix Before this letter arrived, the capitulation, including the ransom as one of

interferes.

its essential conditions, had taken place. As a completed act, Labourdonnais could not honourably recede. Nor did he wish it ; for, so far from acquiescing in the alleged right of Dupleix to dictate the terms of the capitulation, lie regarded it as an arrogant assumption, at total variance with theu* respective commissions. Instead of deviating from the course originally chalked out, he proceeded to fijc the amount of the ransom. Dupleix now listened only to his passion, and even endeavoured to gain his object by attempting to seize the person of Labourdonnais, and tampering with the soldiers under his command. At Pondicherry, also, he entered on a course of intrigue, and endeavovu-ed to gain a kind of sanction to his proceedings, by inducing the French inhabitants to petition and protest against the ransom as most injurious to French interests. Labourdonnais remained luimoved, and intimated his detei'mination not to quit


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 Chap. II.] Tllfi RANSOM OF MADRAS. -^17

AD. 17-10.

Madras until every stipulation to which he had consented should be honourably performed. Violence having thus proved unavailing, Dupleix saw the necessity of changing his tactics, and while weaving new pretexts for delaying the actual restoration of Madras to the English, solemnly bound himself to ciirry it into effect as soon as certain preliminary arrangements were comj)leted.

Dm-ing the heat of the quarrel between the two French governors, three Amount of ships of war, one of seventy-two, and two of forty guns, with 1366 men on stitti.a. board, arrived at Pondicherry. Added to the force which Labourdoimais al- ready possessed, they gave him such an ascendency as placed all the other English settlements in India at his mercy. To all appearance nothing could now save Bombay and Calcutta from sharing the fate of Madras. This petty (juarrel saved them. Labomxlonnals, detained by it, lost his opportunity. The very day after the ransom had been fixed, by regular treaty, at eleven hies of pagodas, nearly £44!0,000 sterling, the monsoon commenced with a furious hur- ricane, by which six ships of the French fleet lying in the Madras Roads were driven out to sea. One of them foundered; four of the others, including the seventy-gun ship, were completely dismasted, and otherwise seriously injured. In fact, the Frencli marine force in the East was so completely crippled as to be afterwards incapable of achieving anything of consequence.

Labourdonnais, trusting to the promise of Dupleix faithfully to perform all LabounUm- the conditions of the capitulation, finally quitted Madras, committing the charge india. of it to a member of the council of Pondicherry. On arriving at this place, he left as many soldiers and sailors as, with those previously there, amounted to 3000 Europeans. His whole fleet now consisted of only seven ships, four of them in good and three in wretched condition. He sailed on the 20th of October, intending to proceed for Acheen with the whole ; but, when at sea, clianged his intention with regard to the three, on finding that even if capable of reaching that port they would be unserviceable, and steered with them directly for the Mauritius. He had (quitted that island at the head of a powerful armament, with which he was confident of achieving glorious results. How mortifying must have been the contrast presented by his return ! His misfor- tunes, however, were not yet ended. During his absence he had been superseded in his government, and nothing remained for him but to return to Europe shorn of all his honours. The voyage was singularly unfortunate. After passing the Cape of Good Hope, he narrowly escaped cjipture by British cruisers ; and, having been obliged to part company with the other sliips of the fleet, arrived in the West Indies. Here, as war was not yet declared between France and Holland, he took passage in a Dutch vessel which touched at Falmouth. The officials there, probably acting on information which had been given them, recognized him, and he was carried to London as a prisoner of war. The reception given him was equally lionourable to himself and to those to whom he owed it. All classes vied in testifying respect and showing kindnes.s, and when he expressed Vol. I. 63


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 418

jns'l'OlJV OF INDIA.

[liOOK III.

A.D. 174ti.

Fute of La- boui'doiinaiB.

a wi.sli to return to France, he found, even among the directors of the Com- pany on wliom hi,s skill and prowess had inflicted such heavy losses, a generous individual ready to become security for him to the whole amount of IiIb fortune. The very idea of security, however, was scouted, and his jiai-ole was at once declared sufficient. The short period during which Labourdonnais was le.ss the prisoner than the guest of England was the last during which fortune may be said to have smiled upon him The moment he reached his native shore, her persecutions again commenced. He had performed services which entitled him to the highest honom's his country could bestow. Instead of reward, only a dungeon awaited him, and he was immured in the Bastile on the 2d of March, 1748. Here he was left to pine away twenty-six months before he was per- mitted to communicate with the council, and though most of the charges made against him carried their refutation along with them, and the few which had any plausibility were proved to be gi-oundless, three years elapsed before his acquittal was pronounced. What could it now avail him? The judicial murder had already been committed; and, after a short struggle with disease and poverty, death came to his relief The inju.stice of which he had been the victim was afterwards formally though very inadequately recognized, by a peasion to his widow, the grant bearing on the face of it that he had died "without receiving any reward for so many services, or any compensation for so many persecutions."

CHAPTER HI.

Proceedings of the French at Madras — An attempt of the nabob upon it repulsed — The terms of capitu- lation shamefully violated — Unsuccessful attempts of the French upon Fort St. David — Proceedings of the English fleet under Admiral Boscavcen — Siege of Pondicheiry — The peace of Aix-la-ChapeUe.

The Nahob of Arcot lays claim to Madras.

It the time of Labourdonnais' departm-e, Dupleix stood pledged to the restoration of Madras in January, 1747. Meanwhile his duplicity had involved him in a serious difficulty. When only anticipating the capture of the town, he had neutralized the threatened opposition of Anwar-u-din, Nabob of Arcot, by pro- mising to make him a present of it. This promise served its purpose at the time, and he had thought no more of it ; but the nabob was not to be thus duped, and on finding that it was not to be vokmtarily surrendered to him, sent his son, Maphuze Khan, at the head of an ai-my of 10,000 men, to take it by force. Dupleix was, or from policy pretended to be afraid, and proposed nego- tiation. The effect only was to confirm Maphuze Khan in the belief that his arms were irresistible. Without listening to the two deputies who had been sent to


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 Chap. II r.] THE NABOB OF AECOT ATTACKS xMADRAS. 419

treat with him, he imprisoned them, and proceeded to take up his position near a.d. i746. the spot where Labourdonnais had erected his batteries. His subse(pient opera- tions displayed considerable skill. A shallow stream which ran along- the west side of the town, and reached the sea about 700 yards below, was so dammed up at its mouth by a mound of sand as to form a kind of wet ditch. To get rid of this obstruction, he employed a great number of men to make an outlet for the water by cutting through the mound ; and at the same time sent a strong party three miles to the north to take possession of the only s})ring from which the inhabitants were supplied with good water. Thus threatened, Du})leix opened his fire from the walls on the 21st of October. He had no idea, however, of sub- TheNaimi.

1.1.. n. ,, « ij»ii- 1 of Arcot re-

mitting to the indignity of a siege, and therefore, on the following day, sent out pui8e<i fwm

a body of 400 men to act on the offensive. They had with them two field-pieces, ' *' ™*' which they had concealed, and with which, when the enemy advanced with an appearance of resolution, they opened a most destructive fire. The Moguls, who had never seen artillery so served before, were confounded, especially at the rapidity of the discharges, turned then- backs, and fled with the utmost precipi- tation. The French had not lost a single man, and remained masters of the whole tents and baggage. Maphuze Khan seemed disposed, after collecting his scattered troops, to make a stand in the neighbourhood, but on leaji'iiing that the French expected a reinforcement from Pondicheny, hastened off to St. Tliom^, situated on the coast, about four miles to the south. In this town — which, known to the natives as Mailapur, owes its European name to a tradition of being the place where the apostle St. Thomas suffered martyrdom, and had attained great splendour under the Portuguese, though it had again sunk into comparative insignificance — Maphuze Khan occupied a position which, had he known to profit by it, would have cut off the communication between Pondi- cheny and Madras. This was obviously his intention, but he managed so ill as only to place himself between two fires, the reinforcement from the former advancing to attack him in front, while a detachment of 400 men from the latter attacked his rear. The detachment airived so late that this part of the i)lau fjiiled. The reinforcement, however, persisted in their original intention, and after forcing a pjissage across a stream, on the north side of which the enemy were advantageoasly posted, drove them back at the point of the bayonet, and ft)llowing close upon their heels into the town, where both resistance and retreat were impossible, made fearful slaughter. Conspicuous among the fugitives, who escaped to the plain to the westward, was ^Maphuze Khan, mounted on an elepliant, on which the great standard was displayed. These encounters with the native troops establislied a new era in Indian warfare. The infinite superiority of European discipline was no longer doubtful ; and from the valour displayed by some of the natives who had been exercised in it, and fought on xatives may the French side, the important fact was discovered that a native anny might be cffiden*

formed, and so trained as to become the most effectual instrument of European

soldiers.


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domination. The first great exemplification of this fact, if not the discovery of it, is unquestionably due to Dupleix.

While gaining these laurels, the governor of Pondicherry was meditating an act of gross iniquity. The law of nations, as well as solemn pledges given to Labourdonnais, bound him to restore Madras in return for a ransom which had been stipulated, and the amount of which had been fixed by regular agree- ment. In utter disregard of these obligations, he summoned a meeting of the inhabitants on the 30th of October, and there, while the garrison was drawn up in arms, caused a manifesto to be read, acquainting the English with the injustice which he had resolved to perpetrate, and of which they were forthwith to be made the victims. This infamous document annulled the treaty of ransom, confiscated all the property of the English, and offered them personally only the alternative of remaining on parole as prisoners of war till exchanged, or of being arrested and sent to Pondicherry. Several of them, to escape this disgraceful treatment, disguised themselves and found their way to Fort St. David; but the English governor and a number of the principal inhabitants were actually carried under escort to Pondicherry, and ostentatiously paraded before 50,000 spectators. In a similar spirit the threatened confiscation was executed with the utmost rigour, and many private families were utterly ruined.

Fort St. David, the most important English settlement on the Coromandel coast after Madras, became, on the capture of the latter, the seat of the presi- dency. The fort, situated 100 miles south of Madras, and fourteen south of Pondicherry, was small but strong, and formed the nucleus of a consider- able territory, including within it the important town of Cuddalore. This town, which lies about a mile south of the fort, at the mouth of the Pennar, was surrounded on three sides by a wall flanked with bastions, and, though nearly open to the sea, was separated from it by a narrow belt of sand thrown up by the waves, and skirted on the north and east by a shallow stream. The object of Dupleix being to banish the English entirely from the coast, his task seemed only half finished while Fort St. David remained in their posses- sion. No time, therefore, was lost in fitting out an expedition against it. The command was intended for a Swiss of the name of Paradis, who was recalled for the purpose from Madras, where he had acted as governor under Dupleix, and been the willing instrument of his infamous proceedings. He left Madras in the beginning of December, with 300 Europeans, and had proceeded south about twenty miles, encumbered with ill-gotten booty, when Maphuze Khan, who was burning to revenge his disgrace, suddenly made his appearance at the head of 3000 horse and 2000 foot. Great as was the disproportion of numbers, Paradis kept the enemy at bay, and arrived at the Dutch settlement of Sadras, ten miles south of the place, where he was attacked with the loss of only twelve men, who were taken prisoners and paraded by Maphuze Khan as


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 ClIAI'. ill.

THE FltENCH EEPULSEI) FROM CUUDALUKE.

421

AD. 1746.

^■Si:

proof of his having obtained a victory. A reinforcement sent fiom PonJi- cherry enabled tlie whole to arrive there without fui'ther interruption.

The force destined to act against Fort St. David consisted of 1700 men, Attcmi.ton mostly Europeans, with six field- pieces and as many mortars. Before it set out the officers refused to serve under Paradis, and compelled him by a kind of mutiny to resign the command to M. Bury, to whom it was considered to belong by right of seniority. At daybreak on the 9th of December, the Pennar, which falls into the sea about a mile and a half north of the fort, was reached and immediately cro.ssed, with no show of opposition except from a few native soldiers, who fired under cover from the surrounding thickets. A gi'eater re- sistance had been anticipated, as it was understood that the nabob had entered into close leasfue with the English, and promised a large supply of troops. Assuming that he had not fulfilled, and in all probability was not disposed to fulfil his promise, the French resolved to leave the fort behind, and make a sudden dash at the town of Cuddalore. There seemed little risk, as the garrison of the fort mustered no more than 200 Europeans, and 100 topasses, or natives of Portuguese descent; and the whole force without it, for the defence of the territory, consisted of about 2000 peon^, or native soldiers, not disciplined according to the

example which the French had already set, and so imperfectly armed that scarcely 900 of them had muskets.

A few of these peons had been stationed in a garden situated about a quarter Fremh of a mile from the place where the French had forded the river. It belonged to a summer residence of the governor of the fort, and was inclosed by a brick wall, which, together with the house and the com-t of buildings attached to it, might have furnished the means of a vigorous defence. The peons, how- ever, were not capable of making it, and were no sooner attacked than they abandoned the post. The French troops, having now no apprehension of danger, began to refresh themselves from the fatigues of their march, and were sleeping, or cooking, or straggling about without their arms, when a sudden cry arose that an enemy was approaching from the westward. It proved to be a body of (iOOO horse and SOOO foot belonging to the nabob, and led by his two sons, Maphuze Khan and Mahomed Ali. So great was the consternation of the French, that instead of attempting to profit by their position, they rushed out and made directly for the river, which, owing to the want of skill and courage on the part of their assailants, they crossed without sustaining any serious loss except that of their baggage. The garrison of the fort perceiving their flight

"-^s-.;

Peons of Mysorf,

From Vincount Valenlla's TruvcU In India.

repiilsed.


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 422 HTSTOTtY OF TNr)[A. [Book III.

A.D. 1717. sallied out, iuul, joining the nabob's troops, continued the pursuit for six miles. The enemy, l)rought to bay, faced about and offered battle; but it was not thouglit prudent to attack them, and they were pennitted to return unmolested to Pondicherry. Second Dupleix, grievously disappointed at the failure of his attempt, determined

ciuMiiioie. to renew it in a different form, and secretly despatched 500 men in Vjoats, with instructions to proceed to Cuddalore, and take it by surprise, by entering the river, and landing on the east side, where it had no defences. He had under- rated the difficulties. While the boats were passing through the surf, many of the soldiers could only save their lives by throwing aside their arms ; and even after they had reached the river, were so overwhelmed by a hard gale from the south, that they thought themselves fortunate in being able to secure their own safety by putting back to sea. Again disappointed, Dupleix turned his arms in a different direction, and commenced a war of devastation within the nabob's territories adjoining Madras. Mere passion may have suggested this apparently wanton procedure, though subsequent events seem to prove that there was deep design in it. His knowledge of the native character made him perfectly aware that the nabob would dissolve his alliance with the British the moment he was convinced that it was not his intei"est to maintain it. This was the conviction to which Dupleix was now labouring to bring him. He had little difficulty in succeeding. After a short negotiation, the nabob consented to throw his weight into the French scale, recalled liis army from Fort St. David, and sent Maphuze Khan to Pondicherry, where a most pompous reception was given to him, and the new alliance was formally proclaimed. Retirement It now Seemed as if the situation of the British on the Coromandel coast was

of the

Frencii. dcspcratc. They had been abandoned by their only ally, and after looking in vain for assistance from home, had almost ceased to hope for it. Ever since the capture of Madras the only relief which had reached them was by a vessel from Ceylon, which, on the 19th of February, 171; 7, brought a supply of £60,000 in silver for the exhausted treasm-y, and twenty recruits for the garrison of Fort St. David. This relief, paltry though it was, could not have come more oppor- tunely, for on the 2d of March the French were again seen approaching. They were the same troops as before, but the former failure had so far humbled the officers that they had been prevailed on to receive Paradis as their commander. On reaching the banks of the Pennar, they were somewhat surprised to find that the passage was to be contested. The garrison, as if a new spirit had been infused into it, had marched boldly out, and stood posted on the opposite bank, with three field- pieces and a troop of horse, composed chiefly of volunteers. A cannonade commenced, and was kept up with some spirit till the evening, when the French effected a passage at a point out of cannon-shot, and the garrison deemed it prudent to retire. By a singular coincidence the garden was again occupied, only to be precipitately abandoned. A number of ships were descried


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 Chap. III.]

MAJOU LAWRENCE.

423

approaching the roads. Tiie French only waited to satisfy themselves that they a.d. i748. were English and hastened off for Pondicherry.

It proved to be the long looked for British squadron. It had remained Amvai of

T->iiiiii T 11 II'" British

inactive m Bengal, but had at length ventm'ed out, under the command oi siiuaarou. Admiral Griffin, who had arrived from England with two ships, one of sixty and the other of forty guns. There was no enemy to encounter it ; and partly by troops brought with it from Bengal, and jiartly by subsequent reinforcements from England and Bombay, Fort St. David was garrisoned so strongly as to be beyond the reach of danger. The aspect of affiiirs had now completely changed, and it was the turn of M. Du})leix to feel alarm. It soon appeared, however, that there was not much cause for it. Admiral Griffin seemed satisfied with his acknowledged supremacy at sea without attempting to derive any benefit from it ; and the whole season for action passed away with no more important result than the destruction of a fifty-gun ship which had belonged to Labourdonnais' squadi'on, and was lying in the roads of Madras. On the approach of the October monsoon an attempt was made to remain on the coast, but it Wiis found impossible, and all the ships were ultimately obliged to take shelter at Trincomalee.

In the beginning of 1748 the squad- ron returned to Fort St. David, and at the same time Major Lawrence, a British officer of distinguished merit, arrived to take the command of all the Company's forces in India. For some months nothin<r of moment occun-ed. In consequence of a rumour that Dupleix was about to renew his designs on Cuddalore, Major Lawrence formed a camp between the garden already mentioned and the banks of the ^'»J°'- 1^«- Pennar. Here he had remained for some time, when the alarming discovery mlmk^-in"- was made, that thougli not yet disposed to risk a new campaign, the French iuat.'" governor had, with characteristic cunning and duplicity, been endeavouring to prepare for it by tampering with the fidelity of the native troops in British pay. The commander of a body of 400 sepoys sent from the English settlement at Tellicherry had promised to desert with them to the French in the fii-st enfrat^e- ment that should happen ; and within the fort itself, an Indian, who had ticted as interpreter and agent to the English governor of Madras, was ascertained to have long can-ied on a treaciierous con-espondence with the enemy, by communicating with Madame Dupleix in the Malabar tongue. The interpreter and an accomplice suffered death, and the commander of the Tellicherry sepoys, together with ten of their other officei-s, were banished to St. Helena.

Major-general Stkini;i;u Lawrence. — From an

enKrnvini; by Houston, »fttr Sir J. RrynolUi.


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 •i24

Il[ST(JJiV OF INDIA.

[Book TIT.

A.D. 171S

Arrival of a French squadron.

New attempt on Cudda- lore re- pulsed.

Arrival of a powerful BritiBh axmameut.

A more honourable warfure than that to which Dupleix had thus stooped was now anticipated. A Frencli squadron of" seven large shij)S and two smaller vessels, which had sailed from the Mauritius in the end of April, were seen on the 10th of June sailing in the direction of Fort St. David. The English fleet in the roads consisted of three ships of sixty, three of fifty, three of forty, and one of twenty guns, and could scarcely have failed, if the enemy had been brought to action, to gain a victory. Unfortunately the aflmiral and several of his officers were on shore, and so much time elapsed before the ships put to sea, that the opportunity was lost. The French commander, aware of his inferiority, had never intended to fight, and had only assumed the appearance of it, the better to disguise his main object, which was to land 400 soldiers and £200,000 in silver at Pondicherry. Having succeeded in this, he at once quitted the coast, and left Admiral Griffin, after a vain attempt to discover him, to reap the fruits of what he called his bad fortune, but many designated by a harsher name. The latter was the view taken by a court-martial in England, and he was suspended from the service.

The English fleet, while engaged in its fruitless search of the hostile squadron, had arrived at Madras. From the state of wind, some days must neces- sarily elapse before it could return to Fort St. David ; and so bent was Dupleix on effecting the capture in which he had been so often baffled, that he deter- mined to avail himself of the interval in making another attack on Cuddalore. The force employed consisted of 800 Europeans and 1000 sepoys, who, by pur- suing a circuitous route from Pondicherry, airived in the morning of the 7th of June at the hills of Bandapolam. Cuddalore was only three miles distant, and the plan was to halt till the night; and then come upon it by surprise. Major Lawrence, made aware of what was intended, determined to meet strata- gem by stratagem, and caused all the cannon to be brought from Cuddalore into the fort. His object was to make the French believe that he had taken this step because he thought the place untenable, and meant to abandon it without a struggle. The stratagem succeeded ; and the French, advancing under the fidl belief that they were about to make an easy conquest, had actually applied their scaling-ladders to the walls, when a fire of musketry from all the ramparts, and four or five pieces of cannon loaded with gi'ape-shot, opened upon them. The caimon, openly removed by day, had been secretly replaced at nightfall, and the garrison had at the same time been reinforced. Of these facts the French were of course ignorant, and hence their consternation was extreme. The panic seized officers as well as men, and the whole rushed off in headlong flight.

The Indian struggle had hitherto attracted comparatively little notice in England ; but at last both the government and the Company had awakened to a full sense of its importance, and resolved to make adequate preparations. A fleet consisting of seven shii)s of the nav}^ with a bomb-ship and tender, and


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eleven ships of the Company, carrying military stores and 1400 regular troops, sailed from England in November, under the command of Admiral Boscawen. At the Cape of Good Hope it was joined by six ships of the Dutch East India Company, having 400 soldiers on board, and after a considerable detention by contrary winds, proceeded for the Mauritius, which was seen on the 23d of June. It was expected that both this island and that of Bourbon would Ml easy con- quests, but the difficulties proved greater than had been anticipated ; and after a series of attempts rendered futile by gross blunders, it was resolved by a council of war that, as the capture, even if practicable, was only a secondary object, the armament ought to proceed forthwith to the Coromandel coast, which was its ]n-imary destination. It arrived at Fort St. David on the 29th of July, and being joined by the squadron of Admiral Griffin, whose sei'vices had entitled him to nothing better than a court- martial, constituted the most powerful naval force which had ever been brought to the East Indies by any European nation. It consisted of thirty ships, thirteen of them ships of the line, and none of them of less than 500 tons burden.

The English at Fort St. David were elated above measure, and felt full of confidence that they were not only about to recover Madras but to avenge all the injustice they had suffered, by the capture of Pondicheny. They might well have this confidence, for they were scarcely less poweiful by land than by sea, mustering in all, for service on shore, 3720 Europeans, 300 topasses, and about 2000 imperfectly disciplined sepoys. To these was to be added such a force as might be sent by the Nabob of Ai'cot, who, suspecting that fortune was again to change sides, had csist in his lot with the British. To strike at once at the centre of the French power and influence, Pondicheny was made the very fiist object of attack. The heavy cannon and cumbrous stores were transported in the ships, which anchored two miles south of the town, while the army continued its course along the shore.

The town of Pondicheny, situated eighty-six miles S.S.W. of Madras, occupied a gentle declivity at the south-east extremity of a long flat hill, and stretched, at the distance of about seventy yards from the shore, rather more than a mile from north to south, and nearly three-quarters of a mile inland. It was at this time one of the best built cities in India, and, when viewed from the sea, presented at once a pleasing and commanding appearance. For the latter it was indebted to several conspicuous public edifices, and more especially to a citadel, which, though of small dimensions, was of considerable strength. It stood within the town, and, along with it, was inclosed on the three sides toward the land by a ditch, and a wall and rampart flanked with bastions. The eastern side, facing the sea, was defended by several batteries, which were capable of mounting 100 cannons, and completely commanded the roadstead. At the distance of a mile from the walls, a large hedge of aloes and other thorny plants, intermingled with cocoa-nut and other palms, commenced on the


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 42G HISTOilY OF INDIA. [Book III.

AD. 1748. north at the sea-shore, and was carried round, for above five miles, in a regular curve, by the west and south, till it reached in the latter direction the river of Ariancoopan. This hedge, impenetrable to cavalry, and not easily to be paased even by infantry, fonned, with the river, which fell into the sea a mile and a half below, a complete line of defence. So carefully had this object been attended to, that at each of the openings made in the hedge for the four road« which led from the town to the surrounding country, there was a redouhtt mounted with cannon, and near the point where the hedge joined the river a small fort bearing the same name had been erected.

Owing to the time which had been lost on the outward voyage, partly by contrary winds and partly by the injudicious attempt on the Mauritius, the season was far advanced when tlie besiegers commenced operations. Every day, therefore, was of the utmost consequence, and not an hour ought to have been spent, except upon some object which would contribute essentially to a suc-

Deiay bef,)ie ccssful rcsult. Unfortunatcly a very different principle of action was adopted,

Fort Ariau- -in t ^

coopau. and the troops, instead of proceeding at once to Pondicherry, stopped short at the fort of Ariancoopan. From a very extraordinary neglect on the part of the authorities of Fort St. David, no means had been used, though the fleet had long been expected, to obtain such accurate information as would be needed when the siege should commence. Hence, when Ariancoopan was approached, no person could be found to give any accurate description of its works or its garrison. An engineer sent to reconnoitre, was afraid to go near enough to make the necessary observations, and represented it as a place of no strength, though covered by an entrenchment, while a deserter reported that it was defended only by 100 sepoys. This information was inaccurate, for the fort was a triangle, regularly fortified, and suiTOunded by a deep dry ditch, full of pitfalls, and the garrison consisted of 100 Em'opeans and 300 sepoys, under an active European officer. Admiral Boscawen, thus grossly misled, ordered an immediate assault. It was made with the greatest bravery, but with the most disastrous results. The storming party persisted, from mere shame, after they saw that success was impossible, and did not retire tiU 150 of theii" number were struck down by musketry and gTape-shot, and Major Goodere, the most experienced officer of the king's troops, was mortally wounded.

Timewasted. Tliis was an ominous commencement, but the next step taken was still more reprehensible. When it was seen that the fort possessed greater means of resist- ance than had been imagined, there was no necessity for remaining before it. A small detachment would have sufficed to watch it, and prevent any danger that could have arisen from its being left behind. All this was overlooked, and the siege of Pondicheny was postponed till this paltiy place could be forced to yield. The French were too skilful not to profit by the egi'egious blunder, and by holding the fort as long as possible, gained the incalculable advantage of stopping the entire progress of the besiegers dmmg eighteen days. Even at last


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 Chap. III.] SIEGE OF PONDICHEIIRY RAISED. 427

it was not so much taken as abandoned, in consequence of the accidental explo- ad. 1748. sion of a large qiantity of gunpowder.

The besieging army moved from Ariancoopan on the 2Gth of August, and siegaof Pm-

. . dicherry

proceeded, after forcing the redoubt which guarded the opening in the hedge coiiime.;c«.i. leading to the north-west, to prepare for commencing operations in that quarter, the engineers having selected it as the most eligible. To facilitate the commu- nication between the fleet and the camp, the ships were moved to the north of the town. In sieges, the first pandlel is usually made within 800 yards of the covered way, but so ignorant were the engineers of the commonest rules of tiieir profession, that when they opened ground on the 30th of August, it was at the distance of 1 500 yards. By slow and laborious steps, they kept creeping on till they reached the distance at which they ought to have begun, and then only made the astounding discovery that they had begun the siege from a wrong direction. Between their woi-ks and the town lay a morass, which, by bi>ui«1'^^i> of

besiegers.

means of a back water, had been flooded. What was now to be done ? Septem- ber was already far spent, and the rainy season would soon commence. To commence anew wtis impossible, and the only alternative which remained was to retire at once, or to persist in operations which held out little or no promise of success. The former part of the alternative was the wiser, but shame mingled with other considerations to prevent the adoption of it, and by great exertions, during which many lives were lost, two batteries of eighteen and twenty-four pounders, the one of eight and the other of four pieces of cannon, were constructed on the edge of the moniss ; these were followed by two bomb- batteries. The fire, which would have been crushing at a shorter distance, pro- duced little effect, and was, moreover, returned double by the besiegers. A kind of diversion was attempted by the ships, which began to batter the town, but cis those of two tiers conld not come nearer than 1000 yards, their fire never told. According to the French account, the only person killed was an old Mala- bar woman passing along the street.

The final result was now only too apparent. No impression had been made S'ege n^. on the defences, sickness prevailed in the camp, and the rainy season had com- menced. The ships ran the risk of being driven off" the coast, perha])S wrecked upon it ; and the country would in all probability become so flooded, that the removal of the cannon and heavy stores, though still practicable, would soon be impossible. To persist would therefore have been madnes.s, and the decision of a council of war was scarcely necessary to sanction the order which was issued to raise the siege. Five days were employed in the humiliating process, and on the th of October, the troops began their march back to Fort St. David. The mortality, by casualty or sickness, had been very great, particularly among the Europeans, of whom 1065 out of the original 3720, or verj- nearly a third of the whole, perished. The smvivors, at least those of them who were respon- sible for the operations, had not the satisfaction of thinking that they had done


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 428 HISTORY OF INDIA. [Book III.

AD. 1748. their duty; lor tlie whole siege, from first to last, exhibited nothing mi a

tissue of monstrous blunders.

Exuitationof Tlic French garrison, originally 1800 Europeans and 3000 sepoys, lost only 200 of the former and about fifty of the latter, and were therefore well entitled to sing their Te Deunis. Even Dupleix may be excused for the o.stentatioas vanity lie displayed in sending bombastic letters to all the native princes, including the Mogul himself, intimating how gloriously he had trium[>hefi There cannot be a doubt that, by the issue of this siege, the reputation of the French for military prowess rose in India far above that of any other European nation, and that many years and signal victories were required to restore to the British the reputation which they had lost.

The British, notwithstanding the di.sgrace and loss which had befallen them, were still more powerful than their rivals, and might therefore hope for an early opportunity of regaining their laurels. PondicheiTy was beyond their

Madras rcacli, but Madras remained to be recovered. That this would be the next

restored. • • i p rr» • i

object attempted, was m itself sufficiently probable. Though captured fau'ly by Labovuxlonnais, the retention of it was a gross fraud. Of this Dupleix him- self coiild not but be conscious, and hence it is easy to understand how unwilling he was, after incurring infamy in order to obtain the po.ssession of it, to incur the risk of having it again wrested from him. His anxiety to retain thus equalling the eagerness of the original possessors to recover, he exerted himself in strengthening its defences. At first, indeed, he acted as if he had resolved to raze it entirely to the gi'ound, and commenced the work of destruction by laying the black town in ashes. Very inconsistently with this proceeding, he shortly after began to make improvements on the white town, and had rendered it much more capable than before of standing a siege, when he had the mortification to learn that all his labour was in vain, as Madi-as was about to return unransomed and improved to its former possessors. Ho.sti- peacenf Aix- fities between Great Britain and France had been terminated by the peace of

la-Chapelle. ,. ■ t r-^^ ^^ i • 1 T 1 • ^ ^

Aix-la-Chapelle, and possession was to be restored as nearly as might be to the state in which it was at the commencement of the war. It would be diffi- cult, and is not necessary, to decide how far the interests of the two rival com- j)anies were beneficially or injuriously affected by the treaty of peace. In some respects both were gainers. The British recovered Madras ; the French escaped from the disasters which were evidently im2:)ending over them, in consequence of the maritime supremacy which their rivals had established. Warlike ten- Now that the sword had been sheathed, and there was neither necessity nor

dencies of /•!• ^it • i;iji

the Freiici. prctcxt for keeping up powerful and expensive armaments, the natural course

com^'r^es.'^ for all parties would have been to abandon all schemes of tenitorial aggi'andise-

ment, and confine themselves, in accordance Avith their original profession, to

the peaceful pm-suits of commerce. On the other hand, there were strong

temptations to deviate from this course. The Mogul empire was only the


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 Chap. IV.] THE CAIINATIC. 429

shadow of what it liad once been ; in all quarters chiefs who liad formerly been a.d. i-is. subordinate were aspiring to independence, and, to all appearance, a general scramble for territory was about to ensue. Under such circumstances, wh' should the two most powerful nations of Europe con.sent to have their hands tied up, and to remain inactive spectators of a struggle in which their interests, perhaps their very existence was involved? Why should they not become, if not principals, at least auxiliaries, and give — or, not to mince the matter — sell their skill and prowess to the party able and willing to pay for thi'ni mo.st liberally? Such thoughts had long been familiar to Dupleix, whose imagina- tion was warmed, and ambition inflamed, while he contemplated the possibility of associating his name with the establishment of a French Indian empire. The superiority of the forces which he could bring into the field could no longer be called in (question. With a mere handful of men he had already put armies to flight. Haughty chiefs, who formerly despised him, had crouchingly courted his alliance, and he had only to temper force with policy, in order to compel or persuade them to acknowledge him as their master. In the English Compan}' no individual had yet appeared in a position which permitted him to entertain, or pointed him out to othei*s as destined to realize similar views ; but there can be no doubt that, both at home and abroad, territorial aggrandisement in India was by many contemplated as practicable, and longed for as most desirable. The (juestion of aggrandisement being thus virtually decided in the aflSrmative, '""t***' '•»

tweeii the

both by France and England, the contest for Indian supremacy did not cease, rren. i. ana but only changed its form, in conseqiience of the peace ; and the troops of the in.ua l<,i, two nations, no longer permitted to turn their arms directly against each other, *""""' had recom-se to the expedient of doing it indirectly, by taking opposite sides in native quan-els. To show in what manner, to what extent, and with what results this was done, it will now be necessary to give some account of that por- tion of Southern Iniha where this species of armed neutralit}' between the British and French was first exhibited.

CHAPTKR lY.

Tlie Carnatic— Its political state— Traasactions inTanjore— Early career of Clive— Siege of Tricliinopoly.

S7X.'».'K]T:r!>;r.".;.'rr.-.;r.,-:.>.'.-^ -

^ TIE Carnatic, anciently called Canara, properly denotes the tract B..undarieK I of countiy where the Canara language is spoken, but has long l!!!il,^;i!«'!!j^'' J since lost its original application, and has two principal mean- ^''^^^""'^^ ings, one more extensive, and the otlier more limited ; the for- mer, including luider it nearly tlie whole of the south-eastern portion of the Indian peninsula, from the Kistna to Cape Comorin, and the

.


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 430 HISTORY OF INDIA. [Book III.

.v. 1732. latter adopting the .same northern limit, but not descending furtiier .%utli tiian the country immediately north of the Coleroon, and at the same time so con- fining it on the west as not to leave it an average breadth of more than seventy- five miles. In this latter sense the Carnatic is nearly identical with the teiri- tory which, under the Mogul empire, formed one of the principal provinces of the soubah or government of the Deccan, and was administered by the sou- bahdar's nabob or deputy, under the title of the Nabob of Arcot, the whole nabobship taking its name from Arcot, the capital. The country thus define<l consists of two portions, differing greatly in their physical features, and distin- T)ie Ghauts, guislied from each other by the names of Balaghaut and Payeenghaut, or tlie land above and the land beneath the mountain passes. The Balaghaut, covered by a portion of the Eastern Ghauts, is elevated, and forms a kind of table-land, not so much traversed by continuous ridges as broken up by Isolated hills an<i mountains, rising in precipitous masses, and not unfrequently separated from each other by deep ravines. The Payeenghaut, on the contrary, is a maritime flat, little elevated above sea level, and traversed by the beds of numerous streams, generally dry dming the hot, but filled to overflowing during the rainy season. Immediately south of the nabobship of Arcot, and separated from it by a boimdary not well defined, were the two rajahships or Hindoo states of Tri- chinopoly and Tanjore, which, though governed by their own princes, were so far dependent on the Nabob of Arcot, who levied tribute from them, not indeed in his own name, but as the deputy of the Mogul. The Nabob "phc nabobsliip of Arcot was held from 1710 to 1 732 by an able and popular

saaatiuia. chicf, of the name of Sadatulla, or, more properly, Saadut Oolla Khan. The office was not recognized as hereditary. It was held by commission from Delhi, but in the event of the Mogul not exercising, or dela;ying to exercise the right of nomination, a temporary appointment was made by the Soubahdar of the Deccan. Such was the regular mode of procedure when the Mogul empire was in vigour ; but in the state of decay into which it had fallen, the imperial commis- sion was regarded as only a form, and the right of appointment was tacitly, if not overtly contested between the soubahdar and the nabob, the one claiming it as his prerogative, and the other striving to render it hereditary in his family. Saadut Oolla having no issue, had adopted the two sons of his brother, and left a will by which he destined the nabobship to Doast Ali, the elder, and the subordinate government of Vellore to Boker Ali, the younger. By the same deed he conferred the office of dewan or prime minister on Gholam Hussein, the nephew of his favourite wife. Nizam-ul-Moolk, who, as has been already seen, regarded himself as independent sovereign of the Deccan, not having been consulted in these appointments, regarded them as encroachments on liis autho- rity, but, owing to other political entanglements at the time, was not in a posi- tion to give effect to his resentment.

Doast Ali, at the time of his succession, had two sons, of whom the elder,


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 Chap. IV.] POLITICAL STATE OF THE CARNATIC. 431

Sufder All, was arrived at man's estate, and several daughters, one of whom a.d. 1732. was married to Mm-teza Khan, or Mortiz Ali, his brother's son, and another to a distant relation of the name of Chunda Sahib, whose daughter by a former DoastAU. mamage was the wife of the above Gholam Hussein, Doast All's dewan. Chunda Sahib, thus son-in-law to the nabob and father-in-law to his minister, naturally ])0ssessed great influence at com-t. His ambition tempted, and his talents enabled him to make the most of it. Ere long, under a pretext of assisting his father-in-law in administering the office of dewan, he had managed to supplant him. Not satisfied with the civil power thus placed entirely in his hands, he aspired to military power also, and obtained it by ingratiating himself with the soldiers.

The Rajah of Trichinopoly had died, like Saadut Oolla, in 1732, and, like Ti.e R.ijai.

_ of Tricliiiio-

him, also without issue. He had destined the succession to his first wife, but it i)oiy. was claimed by a collateral male heir, who, by the support of the commander- in-chief, pushed the ranee, or queen, to the desperate step of soliciting the aid of the Nabob of Arcot. It was readily granted ; and an army entered the rajah- ship, ostensibly for the purpose of collecting the accustomed tribute, but with a secret understanding that it was to support the queen. It was commanded by Sufder Ali and Chunda Sahib, and gradually ap])roached the capital, where the (^ueen still held possession, but by a tenure so precarious, that the admission of a portion of the nabob's troops was deemed necessary to her safety. She was weU aware of the danger which she thus incurred, and took what she conceived to be an effectual secm-ity against it, by requiring Chunda Sahib, who con- ducted the negotiation, to take an oath on the Koran, that the admitted troops should be employed solely to re-establish her authority, and then be withdrawn. He took the oath, but having no intention to keep it, took it only on a brick wrapped up in the usual splendid covering of the Koran, and no sooner gained possession than he made the ranee prisoner, and hoisted the Mahometan flag. Measures had been so effectually taken, not only in the fortress of Trichinopoly, but at various other stations, that the whole country submitted without resistance to this abominable treachery.

Sufder Ali retm'ned home, leaving Chunda Sahib as governor. The office Treacher>- "of dewan of Ai'cot having thus become vacant, was conferred on Meer Assud, sauiu. Sufder All's preceptor, who, well aware of Chmida Sahibs ambitious character, quickly perceived the serious blmider which had been committed in making liim ruler of Trichinopoly. It was more than probable that he would be tempted to revolt, and then the tribute withheld would be the least part of the loss, as the independence of the nabobship itself would be endangered. These representations had their full effect on Sufder Ali, but were lost on his father, Doast Ali, who, besides being of an indolent temper, was disposed to judge Chunda Sahib more favom'ably, and refused to sjxnction an}' proceedings agaiiLst him. The fact, however, that such proceedings had been urged, was not lost on


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 432

HISTORY f)F INDIA.

[Book III.

A.D. 17:1J.

Mahrattas lironght into tlie (/'arnatic.

Their league with Sufder iUi, Nabob of Arcot.

Siege :iii(l oaptiire of Triciiino-

Clmnda Sahib, who immediately took measures lor his j>rotection, by putting Trichinopoly in a complete state of defence, and intrusting tried friends with his other most important stations.

Sufder Ali and Meer Assud, unable to obtain the nabob's concurrence; in their designs against Chunda Sahib, determined to pursue them without his knowledge, and entered into a negotiation with the Mahrattas. The plan was, that the Mahrattas, under the pretext of levying the chout which the nabob had withheld, should invade his territories, and then, when Cliunda Sahib came to his relief, as it was anticipated he would, suddenly unite their forces with Suf- der Ali, and make a dash at Trichinopoly. By this intricate and tortuous policy, they overshot the mark. Doast Ali, knowing nothing of underhand arrangements with the Mahrattas, saw only that his territories were attacked, and, with more spirit than might have been expected from his age and habits, took post with a handful of men in a pass which was supposed, though eiTone- ously, to be the only one through which the invaders could descend into the low country. He was here encountered, defeated, and slain. Sufder Ali, wdio had misgivings as to the course which the Mahrattas might pursue, retired, on hearing his father's fate, to Vellore, while Chunda Sahib, who had been advancing into Arcot with an auxiliary force, hastened back to secure his own interests at Trichinopoly.

The Mahrattas, aware of the advantage which they had gained, thought no more of their engagements with Sufder Ali, and, as a means of forcing him to any terms which they were pleased to dictate, commenced theii* usual system of plunder and devastation. Sufder, anxious above all things to be immediately confirmed in the succession which had opened to him by his father's death, com- plied with all their demands, and purchased their departure by agi-eeing to pay them, by instalments, 10,000,000 rupees, equivalent to £1,000,000 sterling. This was the only part of the treaty made public, but there was another article, kept secret for very obvious reasons, which handed over Chunda Sahib to their mercy, and left them free to appropriate as much of his territory as they could conquer at their own expense.

On the first news of the invasion of the Mahrattas, the late nabob, as well as Sufder Ali and Chunda Sahib, sent their families and treasure to Pondi- cherry, which they justly regarded as far stronger and every way more secure than any native fortress. Chunda Sahib, moreover, laid in a large store of grain at Trichinopoly, which, if it could not be starved out, promised to with- stand any effort which the Mahrattas could make to take it. The Mahrattas seemed to be of this opinion ; for immediately on their treaty with Sufder Ali, they turned their faces northwards, and commenced their journey, as if deter- mined to lose no time in i-egaining their homes. It was a mere stratagem. They had calculated that Chunda Sahib, as soon as convinced that they were really gone, would consider his stores of grain unnecessary, and turn them into


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 Chap. TV.] NIZAM-UL-MOOLK. 433

money. It wa.s so ; and though they had proceeded 250 miles north-west of a.d. 1743. Tricliinopoly, they made sure of their prize by hastening back, and completely blockading the fortress. Famine made defence impossible ; and after a siege of three months, it was compelled to surrender at discretion, on the 2Gth of March, 174-1. The Mahrattas left 14-,00 men, under Morari Row, to guard their con- quest, and carried off Chunda Sahib, whom they confined in a strong fort in the vicinity of Sattarah.

Sufder Ali, when reUeved from the alarm which Chunda Sahib had given, cimn.i.i saw him.self threatened by a still more formidable enemy. Nizam- ul-Moolk connection had returned to the Deccan, and had given him to understand that, as an indis- cherry. " " pensable condition to his being confirmed as nabob, he must pay up all the arrears of tribute which had accrued since the death of Saadut Oolln. His first step, on receiving this intimation, was to I'emove his family and treasures to Madras. He had formerly lodged them in Pondicherry, but circumstances had transpired to convince him that an understanding existed between Chunda Sahib and Dupleix, and that as his interest was decidedly opposite to that of the former, his true safety lay in courting an alliance with the only nation which seemed capable to counteract the designs of the latter.

Sufder Ali, after he had seciu'ed his treasures in Madras, endeavoured to Sufder au-s propitiate Nizam-ul-Moolk by pleading poverty. The Mahrattas had impover- withMadnw ished the country, both by pillage and the immense contribution which they had exacted; and his finances were in consequence so dejn-essed, that he had serious thoughts of retiring from the world altogether, and .spending the remain- der of his days at Mecca. It is not likely that Nizam-ul-Moolk would have allowed himself to be defeated of his purpose by such i)retences, but Sufder Ali was not destined to feel the eflfects of his resentment, for he perished .shortly after by the hands of an a.ssavssin. The crime was generally believed to have been instigated by Mortiz Ali, who immediately caused himself to be pro- claimed nabob ; but, imable to stand the storm of indignation which his atro- cious conduct raised, was obliged to sjive himself by flight. Mahomed Saaed, an infant son of Sul'der Ali, was immediately brought forward liy the army, and, contrary to expectation, was confirmed as his father's suece.ssor, by Nizam-ul- Moolk, who, at last, in IT+S, made out his promi.sed, or rather threatened visit to Arcot, by marching into it with an army of 80,000 horse and 200,000 foot. His presence wjis not mnecessary, for the countiy was rapidly verging towards Nizam-m- anarchy. Ji,very petty chief was affecting independence ; and on one day no riv.a in u.^ fewer than eighteen individuals, bearing the title of nabob, presented them- selves to do homage to Nizam-ul-Moolk, who gave vent to his surpri.se and indignation by declaring that he always imagined there was only one nabob in the Carnatic, and that he woidd whip anj" of his chobdars, or gold-stick.s-in- waiting, who announced an individual under that title.

As Nizam-ul-Moolk was bent on foundiiiix a new dvna.stv in the Deccan, he "Vol. I. 65

Deccan.


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 434 HISTORY OF INDIA. [Book IIL

A.D. 1744. probably judged it good policy to give an exemplification of the hereditary

principle in appointing to tlie nabobsliip, and was therefore easily induced to

Nizam-ui- ovcrlook anv irrefjularities in the nomination of Mahomed Saa^d. At the

Moolk'sar. .

ningemeuts .samc time, lie made little sacrifice, as he retained poasession of the person of the natic. infant nabob, and administered the government by one of his officei-s, Kiiojah Abdulla, as deputy. After this arrangement, he marched vvith his whole army to Trichinopoly to expel the Malirattas, and succeeded, by presents and pro- mises, without being obliged to strike a blow. Having thus settled matters to his satisfaction, he returned to Golconda. Kliojah Abdulla, who had accom- panied him, remained in command of the army till the spring of 1744, when he took formal leave, with the intention of resuming the government of Arcot. The very next day he was found dead in his bed, without 'isible marks, but certainly not without the suspicion of poison. Assuming that he was poisoned, public opinion agi-eed in fixing the crime on the person who profited most by it. Anw,ir u Tlus was Auwap-u-din, who immediately stepiied into the place which had

din, Nabob, ...

of Aroot. belonged to Khojah Abdulla, and lost no time in setting out for Arcot. The young nabob, however, still stood in his way. It is almost needless to say that it was not long, and that another assassination, to which Anwar-u-din and the infamous Mortiz Ali were believed to be the instigators, made the nabobship once more vacant. Anwar-u-din was forthwith confu-med in the office, no longer as deputy but as principal. He was, however, most impopular. The stain which was fixed on him as the supposed murderer or associate in the murder of Mahomed Saaed could not be wiped away by all his protestations; and the inhabitants of the nabobship could not be reconciled to one who, even if he could be supposed innocent of the murder, did in fact owe his government to the extinction of their favourite race of native princes.

HisvaciUat- It has already been seen how Anwar-u-din interfered in the hostilities

ing conduct.

between the British and the French, and passed from the one side to the other according as he imagined that his interest might be affected. Owing to his uncertain and vacillating conduct, Dupleix appears to have become satisfied that, as he could never be useful to him as an ally, the true policy would be to cripple him as an enemy, by giving him full employment at home. The most eflfectual means for this purpose were easily discovered. Chunda Sahib was still a prisoner with the Malirattas, but had so many powerful connections in Ai'cot, that could he obtain his Hberty, and be set up as a claimant for the nabobship, he would probably carry the national feeling along with him. In the event of his success, French interests might be greatly extended by express stipulations previously entered into for that purpose ; and even in the event of his failure, more oppor- tunities might occur of forming new and valuable connections with native powers. A scheme so much in accordance with the ambitious views which Dupleix had long entertained was not to be delayed, and he therefore began at once to give effect to it by employing some of the members of Cliunda Sahib's


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 Chap. IV.] CHUNDA SAHIB. 435

family, still resident in Pondicherry, as the medium of communication. Chunda ad. 1748.

Sahib, as might be expected, gladly embraced a })ropo3al which promised at the

very outset to give him his freedom. Tlie Mahrattas were equally inclined to chunda sa-

come to terms. So long as Sufder Ali lived they had a special interest in detain- somed i.y

ing their prisoner, because if they allowed him to escape, the instalments to which

they were entitled under their treaty would not be paid. Since his death the

case had altered; for Anwar-u-din, thinking perhaps that he could set the

Mahrattjis at defiance, positively refused to fultil the obligations midertaken by

his predecessor. The Mahrattas, therefore, had no longer any interest in

detaining Chunda Sahib, and readily struck the bargain by which Dupleix

agreed to pay a very heavy ransom for him. The sum is said to have been

7, rupees (£70,000).

Chunda Sahib, attended by his son Aabid Sahib, a few friends who had clung "jb proceed- ings on the to him in misfortune, and a small Mahratta force, left Sattarah in the beginning Kiatna.

of 1748, and proceeded south by slow steps, hoping to be able gradually to rally an army around him. On reaching tlie Kistna, the Rajahs of Chitteldroog and of Bednore, then at open war, applied to him for aid. He gave it to the former ; and on the 24tli of March a battle took place at Myaconda, in which he was defeated and taken prisoner, and his son was slain. He was carried in triumph to Bednore, but soon regained liis liberty, and saw his for- tunes suddenly assume a promising appearance at the moment when they seemed to have become desperate. On the very day when the battle of Myaconda was fought, Nizam-ul-Moolk died. Anwar-u-din thus lost his protector at the time when he stood most in need of him ; and Chunda Sahib obtained powerful assistance from a quarter to which he had never looked for it. It will be necessary, however, before entering on the series of events occasioned by the death of the Nizam-ul-Moolk, to attend to a transaction which occurred about the same time, and in which the English East India Company became committed to a course of policy at variance with that which they had previously professed to ])ursue.

Shortly after hostihties ceased between the British and French, a native Tiie com- prince of the name of Saujohee arrived at Fort St. David, and ai)plied for aid voivcdin to reinstate him on the throne of Tanjore. Seven years had elapsed since he of xanjore. had lost it, and yet, according to his own account, he wtxs not only the lawful heir, but so powerfully supported that he had only to aj)})ear at the head of a small force in order to insm-e success. His appliciition was certainly made at a favourable time. Peace luul been suddenly proclaimed, when the British, ashamed of their discomfiture at Pondicheny, were earnestly longing for an opportunity of regaining their laurels. A large body of troops was assembled and ready for action; but, according to till appearance, from the mere want of an enemy to fight with, they would be obliged to return to Europe without having performed a single achievement. It is not wonderful that under such


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 436

HISTORY OF INDIA.

[Book II J.

state of Taigore.

.D. 1749. circumstances the application of Saujohee was welcomed by many. The motives which influenced them, iiowever, were not such as the governor and council of the presidency could adopt, and their resolution to give a.ssistance was j^laced on very different grounds. Besides endeavom-ing to secure the Company against loss by binding Saujohee if successful to bear the whole expense of the war, they also stipulated for the cession of the fort of Devicotta, advantageously situated at the mouths of the Coleroon, and of the district attached to it. On such low grounds, and for such selfish objects the Company were made to appear for the first time in the very (questionable character of mere mercenaries, lending out their troops for hire, and sending them to spend their Ijlood in a native quarrel with which they had no concern.

The kingdom of Tanjore, in which this injudicious campaign was to be carried on, consisted of a tract extending from the Colei'oon soutliwards alon;; the coast about seventy, and inland about sixty miles. It had fallen into the hands of the Mahrattas in the time of Sevajee, and was approjoriated by his brother, Venkajee, who died after a reign of six years, leavuig tliree sons. It passed to all of them in succession in the order of their birth. But on the death of the last, as the}^ had all left children, a number of rival claimants appeared, and a civil war ensued, during which three irregular successions took place within seven years. The whole power of the government had been usm-ped by Seid, the commander of the fort of Tanjore, who set up puppet kings at pleasure. In this way Saujohee, after wearing the crown for several years, had been set aside to make way for Pertaub Sing, his illegitimate brother. It is obdous from this account that the actual possessor of the throne of Tanjore at the time when Saujohee made his application at Fort St. Dadd was an usurper; but this affords no justification of the conduct of the governor and councU, who had no right to embroil the Company in a war for mercenary objects, and who had, moreover, on several occasions not only recognized him as sovereign, but courted his alliance.

The force by which it was expected that Saujohee would recover the king- dom of Tanjore, consisted of 430 Europeans and 1000 sepoys, with fom" field- pieces and four small mortars. The troops, accompanied by Saujohee, and com- manded by Captain Cope, set out in the end of March, 1749 ; the battering cannon and provisions proceeded by sea in four ships, two of them of the line. Much time appears to have been lost, for it was the 1 3th of April before the army encamped on the banks of the Valaru, near its mouth at Portonovo, though the distance fi-om Fort St. David did not exceed twenty miles. Time, however, was not the most serious loss. The wroncj season had been chosen. The cliange of monsoon from north to soutli took place on the very evening of then* arrival, and was accompanied with a dreadful hm'ricane, which continued to rage till four o'clock next morning, and with such fury, that many of the draught bullocks and horees were killed, the tents of the camp were blown to rags, and all the military stores

Expedition to it under Captain Cope.


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 Chap. IV.] EXPEDITION AGAINST TANJOKM 437

were much damaged. At sea the ravages of the storm were still greater. The a.d. 1749.

Pembroke, a sixty-gun ship belonging to the expedition, was wrecked, only six of her crew escaping. It was in the same storm that the Namur, of seventy-fom- guns, on Avhich Admiral Boscawen's Hag was hoi.sted, and the finest ship of her size in the English navy, perished with 750 men.

After another delay, rendered necessary by a march to Poi-tonovo to repair Diiat.ny pn.-

ceeiliiigs.

tlie damage which had been sustained, Captain Cope reached the northern branch of the Coleroon. Here he encamped and entrenched, because he was afraid to advance till better informed of the kind of reception that might be anticipated. It soon appeared that Saujohee's representations were not to be confirmed. No persons of rank declared for him, and not a single scpiadron joined his standard, while Pertaib Sing's troops were seen moving up and down on the opposite bank as if to dispute the passage. Captain Cope tliought it imprudent to put them to the test, and remained where he was, till he was reinforced from Fort St. David with 100 Europeans and 500 sepoys. He now ventured to proceed, and discovered that he might safely have done it before, as scarcely any resistance was offered. Difticulties, however, soon multiplied upon him. The line of march was through a thick wood, which exposed them to a galling fire from parties of the enemy concealed in it, while the open plains were covered with large bodies of horse and foot moving on their flanks and rear. The position was really perilous, and seemed still more so because the English troops who had not before been brought face to face with an Indian army, natur- ally oven-ated the advantage which it derived from vast superiority of numbers. A general alarm was consequently felt, an alarm which might have grown to a fatal panic, had not the steadiness of the artillery kept the enemy at bay while a retreat to the river was effected. Here a council of war was deliberatintr whether to proceed or wait, when positive orders from Admiral Boscawen to advance on Devicotta at all events, left no alternative. Ha})pily, a line of road, leading through a comparatively open country along the banks of the river to the sea-coast, was accidentally discovered by some of the soldiers. Pur- suing it without much annoyance, the troops, after a march of ten miles, halted in the evening a mile east of the town.

The ships were anchored near the mouths of the river, not more than four Failure ..f miles from the camp, and yet so imperfectly were the means of intelligence pro- tion!"''*^ ' vided, that they were not aware of eacli other's presence. The excuse aftei-wards given was that the intervening ground was low and covered with trees. What was now to be done? The battering cannon was on board tlie ships, and the troops had only three days' provisions. A sudden assault could not succeed, a.s the walls were too high to be escaladed ; a proposjd to advance the field-pieces by night, and gain an entrance by battering in the gates, was rejected, ]ierhaps because it was too rational for Captain Cope to approve of it ; and the childi.sh resolution was adopted of trying to terrifj- the place into a sui-render b}-

■


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 •i3cS HISTORY OF INDIA. [Book III.

A.D. 1749. throwing shells into it. In two nights of this foolish work all the shells were

expended, and nothing now remained but retreat. It was accomplished with much more difficulty and loss than the advance; and the troops, after a long and harassing march, returned to Fort St. David, with nothing better to detail than misfortunes and blunders. New The presidency having imdertaken the cause of Saujohee, had still two, an<]

expedition.

only two, honourable courses before them. The one was to persevere in lii.s name; the other was to abandon the contest altogether. Declining both these courses, they devised a third, which, though it enabled them ultimately to gain their object, left a stain on their reputation. They made no scruple of abandoning Saujohee, but felt a stronger longing than ever for Devicotta. It was deter- mined, therefore, to wrest it from its rightful owners, at all events, whether by force or fear. A new expedition was accordingly fitted out, and with much more prudence than before. It was commanded by Major Lawrence, the officer of highest reputation in India, and escaped the fatigue and dangers of a land march, by proceeding at once to the scene of action by sea. Six ships, three of them of the line, carried the Europeans, 800 in number, with the artillery and baggage ; while 1500 sepoys accompanied them in large boats used by the natives for coastinor. Having aiTived and anchored in the mouth of the Coleroon. the troops and stores proceeded in boats up the arm leading to Devicotta, and were landed on the bank opposite to it. This position was chosen, both because the ground on the other side was marshy, and the Tanjore army lay encamped imder the walls. The siege of The fort, about a mile in circuit, formed an irregular hexagon, inclosed by a brick waU eighteen feet high, and flanked by square or circular towers. The attack was made on the eastern side by four twenty-four pounders, and in three days the breach was pronounced practicable. The great difficulty now was to cross the stream, which besides being dangerous from its rapidity, had wood}- banks, from which the enemy were prepared to defend the passage. It was ultimately effected by John Moor, a ship-carpenter, who not only contrived a raft capable of carrying 400 men, but swam the river during a very dark night with a rope, which was attached without being seen to the root of a large tree on the one side and to the raft on the other. By this contrivance the whole troops were transported, and soon succeeded in clearing the thickets. The enemy had not attempted to repair the breach, but learning from it the direction in which the final attempt would be made, endeavoured to counteract it by forming an entrenchment, which stretched from the banks of the river across this side of the fort. This entrenchment, though not finished when the troops crossed, pre- sented a serious obstacle to further progress, the more especially that in front of it there was a deep and miry rivulet. The attack, however, was resolved upon ; and Clive, who had finally quitted the civil for the military ser'ice, and attained the rank of lieutenant, voluiiteered to conduct it. His offer was accepted,


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 Chap. IV.] EARLY LIFE OF CLIVE. 439

and he advanced to the rivulet with a platoon of thirty-four Europeans and 700 ..d. 1740. sepoys. The Europeans and part of the sepoys having crossed without much diffi- culty, Clive hastened on to take the entrenchment in flank at that part where Narrow

,,■,.,,, escape of

it remained unfinished. The Europeans kept close by him, out the sepo}'s wlio cuve. had passed remained at the rivulet, waiting till their companions from the other side should join them. Clive and his handful of Europeans thus left their rear completely exposed. The enemy at once saw their advantage ; and a party of liorse, who had stood concealed on the south side between the projections of the towers, rushed out and were within a few yards of the platoon, before they saw their danger, or could face about to meet it. In an instant, twenty-six of the party were cut down ; only four escaped. Clive, resei-ved for greater things, was one of them. A horseman had lifted his sword to strike him, but he escaped the blow by stepping nimbly aside.

On this disaster, Major Lawi'ence lost no time in advancing with all the Capture of Europeans in a compact bod3^ The trench was easily carried, and the Tanjorines, after attempting in vain to repeat the manoeuvre which had proved so fatal to Clive's little band, began to save themselves by flight. No resistance was offered at the breach, and the fort when entered was found completely evacu- ated. The real object of the expedition being now accomplished, the presidency had no longer any taste for Tanjorine warfare, and only kept up a show of hos- tilities till they should be able to secure their new conquest by regular treaty. It was not necessary to wait long, for the king, though natui'ally indignant at liaving been involved in hostilities with a foreign power which he had done nothing to provoke, had no inclination to continue them. On propo.sing terms of accommodation he was surprised and delighted to learn that the claims of a rival to his cro"vn were not to be insisted on, and that if a pension of 4000 rupees was settled on Saujohee, for the sake of saving appearances, effectual steps would be taken to prevent him from giving any further trouble. In short, the presidency, instead of continuing to be his protectoi-s, would condescend to act as his jailers. In return for their generosity in thus sacrificing him, all they asked for themselves was Devicotta, together with as much of the adjoining teiritory as would yield an annual revenue of 9000 pagodas (about £350), and also the expenses of the war! This last stipulation, all things con- sidered, was utterly disgi-aceful to those who exacted it ; but the king was not in a condition to resist, for events had just taken })lace in Arcot which made him aware that he miglit soon be engaged in a deadly struggle with still more formidable enemiea

As Clive was fii-st brought prominently into notice during this Tanjore Eariy life of campaign, it will be proper in concluding it to prepare for the remarkable career on wiiich he was now about to enter, by giving some details of his earlier life.

Robert Clive, the eldest of a family of six sons and seven daughtei'S, was born on the 29th of Sei)tember, 17-"). at the mansion of a small estate called