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 to manage self-governmental institutions in all predominately Czech communes and districts.

From the turn of the century onward, Czechs increasingly remembered Palacký more for his view of history and sense of national mission than for a number of specific policies undertaken by the very conservative National Party. This intellectual and ideological, as opposed to pragmatic influence remained paramount at least until 1948, if not beyond, and even facilitated the enactment of such progressive measures as universal suffrage, civil rights, free public education, and social reform. This may in the long run have been Palacký’s most enduring contribution to Czech and Slovak politics. To a considerable degree, his view that the Czech nation had a civilizing mission that helped justify national self-preservation and growth and his belief that the Hussite era marked the high point in Czech historical development, were increasingly transformed and transmitted by T.G. Masaryk, whose idea of the Czech question and understanding of the past owed much to Palacký. To the extent that Masaryk and other progressives sought to separate the timeless in Palacký’s thought from what they discerned to be his conservatively-oriented and outmoded political program of the sixties, they emphasized again, as Palacký and other Czech Romantics had done, the importance of ideals in politics as guides to action and as standards against which the success or failure of any policy might be judged. Also, having had more time to observe Habsburg inability to reform an antiquated political system, they, much more than Palacký, criticized the Monarchy and questioned its ability to survive.

Masaryk, to be sure, took a much more present-minded view of the past than did Palacký and reinterpreted many of his views in light of social and political problems facing the Czechs at the turn of the century. Like Palacký, Masaryk was a Protestant and an intellectual who entered politics from a successful scholarly career. He, too, thought that political activity was an important means of social service that logically continued and necessarily complemented his teaching and scholarship. He furthermore approved Palacký’s having identified the achievements and ideals of Czech and Hussite Reformation leaders as the high point in Czech history and having contended that these ideals might appropriately guide nineteenth century Czech political and intellectual development. Moreover, Masaryk, likewise desiring to arouse the Czechs to a sense of purpose larger than self-preservation or national advancement, not only endorsed Palacký’s interpretation of the past but contended that Palacký and other leading awakeners had, by reviving and popularizing the great Hussite and Reformed traditions, further strengthened and justified such democratic


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34

For he insisted that the deed must be

Reported to the King and not concealed.

And this prevailed, and me, most luckless wight,

The lot condemned to win the prize. So here

I am, unwilling and unwelcome, I am sure,

For no man loves a bearer of bad news.

My lord, a voice within me long hath been

A-whispering, haply gods’ hands here are seen.

Stay!—ere you fill me full of wrath, and prove

A dotard by your talk, not merely old.

Prate not about the gods to me, and say

They have regard for this dead man. Did they

Prize him so high for faithful services

That they would seek to hide the corpse of him

Who came to burn their colonnaded shrines,

Their votive offerings, to devastate

Their land, and break to fragments all the laws?

Gods honor wicked men? Impossible!—

No! When my edict first was spread abroad,

I heard some mutterings from malcontents

That tossed their heads in secret, and refused

To bear the yoke in loyalty to me,

Intolerant of rule and restive. Now

I ’m thoroughly convinced the watchmen here

Were bribed by these and brought to do this deed.

For true it is, no evil ever grew

In current use among mankind, like money,

This sacks and ruins cities, this drives men

From home, makes nature fall into revolt,

And by its base corrupting influence

Trains erstwhile honest souls to set themselves

To dirty practices, plants in the hearts

Of men the seed of every wickedness

And teaches them to know all godless deeds.

But those who wrought this thing, seduced by gold,

Will all be caught, or soon or late, and find

That disobedience brings its punishment.

And now, as Zeus has still my reverence,

Mark this—upon my oath I say it—Find

The very man that made this grave and bring

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 (lidové) currents in Czech politics as free intellectual inquiry, universal suffrage, extended civil rights, and social reform.

Given Masaryk’s close identification with Palacký, the founders and leaders of the first Czechoslovak Republic generally emphasized the extent to which Palacký had resurrected a glorious past for the Czechs that, in turn, inspired confidence and offered guidance and consolation. Though Palacký advocated neither democracy in politics nor Czechoslovak independence, he could in word and deed be regarded as a progenitor of the First Republic. By emphasizing that history is primarily that of peoples and not of dynasties or states, he had begun the moral and intellectual emancipation of the Czechs from Habsburg domination. By working to establish and strengthen institutions of self-government in communes, districts, and provinces, he had helped initiate the gradual political liberation of his people from alien aristocratic and dynastic rule. By identifying the “contact and conflict” (stykání a tykání) between Czechs and Germans as the overriding theme of Czech history, he encouraged the Czechs to rid themselves of German cultural and political domination without abandoning those benefits that association with Germans might provide. By stressing the advantages of political and religious tolerance, he urged the Czechs to restrain national chauvinism and intolerance that could only be counterproductive. By insisting that historical scholarship be honest and based on fact, he had indirectly helped stimulate critical evaluation of politics and society. Finally, his advocacy of free, universal, and secular education and of every citizen’s responsibility for advancing individual and national welfare had helped promote informed and responsible citizenship.

Czechoslovak Marxist scholars have also recognized much in Palacký that is timeless or even positive in the Marxist sense of the word, especially his profound understanding of history and the continuity between past and present. Like earlier generations of politicians and scholars, most admire Palacký’s perserverance, hard work, and dedication to certain ideals, however mistaken some may appear in retrospect. But few contemporary Czechoslovak Marxist scholars can without reservation regard Palacký as a “progressive” historical figure. Deservedly criticized is his having become willy-nilly if not deliberately a spokesman for the interests of an upper middle class elite or having at times confused such interests with those of the nation as a whole. Equally, if not more problematic for Czechoslovak Marxist scholars is the paramount place of religious ideals or morality in Palacký’s political outlook and sense of Czech historical development. Masaryk’s politics and interpretation of Palacký remain


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 suspect on the same grounds. To some degree, Palacký’s prudent practical politics can be discounted as an unavoidable adjustment to difficult circumstances or as something appropriated by a nascent bourgeoisie for selfish ends. Because one cannot similarly explain away the fact that religious idealism constitutes the basis of Palacký’s political ideology, few Marxist scholars can consider his political influence to have been entirely positive.

During the past century, Palacký has profoundly influenced Czech politics in at least six respects:

(1) He not only first clearly defined Czech political aspirations but did so in historical and in international perspectives. Political questions appeared much less overwhelming if considered in these perspectives instead of as problems of a particular moment. If one could not take this broad view, Czech political aims would appear quite hopeless and Czech political history simply as a series of humiliating defeats. This sense of history and past achievement has also helped give Czechs the confidence to work toward desirable goals despite the likelihood of being repeatedly defeated.

(2) To some degree Palacký, by exhortation and by personal example, helped condition Czech acceptance of leadership by an intellectual elite. He had advocated elitism and paternalism in Czech politics at a time when both may have been necessary for guiding a politically inexperienced and untutored nation. This attitude, like his having opposed universal suffrage and a multi-party system, appeared increasingly anachronistic after 1876. Nonetheless, many middle-class Czechs continued to be enamored of leadership by an intellectual elite and somewhat prone to hero worship. This was evident during the First Czechoslovak Republic in popular admiration and even hero worship of the President-Liberator and several political party leaders, despite the establishment of representative republican institutions and political democracy by an intellectual elite. Such leadership ended abruptly with the Nazi occupation and did not reemerge during two decades of Communist rule after February, 1948, when mediocrity in high office went hand in hand with Stalinist dictatorship. To the degree that the Czechoslovak intelligentsia recovers its nerve and influence, it is likely to be somewhat attracted to the style of leadership established by Palacký and perpetuated to some extent by Masaryk.

(3) Much more enduring has been Palacký’s influence in helping demonstrate to Czechs and Slovaks how to work within established institutions and laws, however unsatisfactory, to advance individual and national interests. A case in point was Palacký’s encouraging Czechs to improve their lot in Austria-Hungary by taking over self-governmental institutions


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SOPHOCLES. Him here in person, here before my eyes,

Or death shall be too light a purishment,

But first, hung up alive, you shall disclose

The truth about this outrage, that next time

With better knowledge you may go

To get your lucre, and may learn that gold

Is not to be obtained from every source,

How much so e’er you love the touch of gold.

You'll learn that more are brought to woe and pain,

Than happiness by their ill-gotten gain.

I ’ve leave to speak? Or must I turn and go?

Do you not see your speech offends. me much?

Pierced in the heart, or only in the ear?

Why should you mark where my displeasure lies?

The doer pains your heart, and I your ears.

Pah! What a natural spendthrift of his tongue.

Perhaps, but I did not the deed you charge.

You did, I know, and sold yourself for gold.

To think so good a judge should judge amiss!

Deliver judgments on my judgment, glib

Of tongue,—but if the culprits in this deed

You do not soon produce, you ’ll soon affirm

That treacherous gains bring punishment to rogues.

May he be found!—None hopes it more than I.

But found or not—for chance will settle that—

One thing is sure: you ’ll never catch me here.

For I, e’en now escaped beyond all hope

And expectation, deeply thank the gods.

[Watchman exit R.

Wonders are manifold;

Nothing so wondrous as Man!

He it is that is bold

Mid the surges high to sail,

Blown by the stormy gale,

White crests of Ocean to span.


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 and, to a lesser extent, minor posts in the imperial bureaucracy. Circumstances and institutions have changed with time, but the principle so well illustrated by Palacký endures. For example, Czechs and Slovaks made a great success of parliamentary democracy during the twenty years’ truce, upholding those principles and institutions so dear to the British, French, and Americans who had supported Czechs and Slovaks in achieving national independence. Since 1948, Czechs and Slovaks have tried to advance their interests within the ideological and institutional constraints of a people’s republic. In a number of respects, the relationship of Palacký and the Old Czechs to Austria-Hungary is thus analogous to that of the KSČ leadership to the Soviet Union.

(4) Palacký helped give Czech politics of the later nineteenth and early twentieth century its characteristically patriotic and liberal foundations and encouraged, through his scholarly as well as polemical writings, a politics more often popular (lidová) than democratic (demokratická), at least in the sense of advocating policies designed to uplift and improve the lot of the common people while not allowing much popular participation in making and executing those policies.

(5) Palacký was among the first Czech politicians to take a courageous stand on principle at a decisive moment, as he did in 1848, in 1867, and 1871. He has not been the last to do so, as indicated by the actions of his fellow countrymen in the struggle for national independence after 1914, in opposing Nazism after 1939, and most recently in trying to establish “socialism with a human face.” One cannot argue, much less prove, that every Czech taking courageous action against heavy odds was inspired by Palacký. One can simply contend that Palacký by courage as well as by intellectual leadership and prudent conduct helped set the style for subsequent Czech and Slovak politics.

(6) Finally, Palacký’s influence as a prophet and intellectual leader endures primarily to the extent that he demonstrated to the Czechs that to conduct politics without ideals or a sense of history is to court disaster. Guidance of this sort would be especially necessary in Czech polítics, given the great discrepancies, past and present, between aims and achievements, between theory and practice, and between ideals and reality. One simply cannot make much sense of Czech politics in any generation—apparently a series of many compromises and defeats—without taking account of Czech tenacity of purpose and national identiy. This may, in part, explain why Palacký excercised greater posthumous influence in politics through his articulation of Czech political ideals than through any practical political programs that he endorsed or implemented. This is what


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Rh In comparison with the crimes of Columbus his follies cut a sorry figure. Yet the fool-hardy enterprise to whose failure he owes his fame is entitled to distinction. With sense enough to understand the earth's spheroid form (he thought it pear-shaped) but without knowledge of its size, he believed that he could reach India by sailing westward and died in the delusion that he had done so — a trifling miscalculation — a matter of eight or ten thousands of miles. If this continent had not happened to lie right across his way he and his merry men would all have gone fishing, with themselves for bait and the devil a hook among them. Firmness is persistence in the right; obstinacy is persistence in the wrong. With the light that he had, Columbus was so wildly, dismally and fantastically wrong that his refusal to turn back was nothing less than pig-headed unreason, and his crews would have been abundantly justified in deposing him. The wisdom of an act is not to be determined by the outcome, but by the performer's reasonable expectation of success. And after all, the expedition failed lamentably. It accomplished no part of its purpose, but by a happy chance it accomplished something better — for us. As to the


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48

While the Mahatma was thus stealthily undermining the president, he was also busy strengthening his own outworks. In December one of the doubting ones, the Mr. Keightley who had been making up his mind whether to believe his own eyes ever since June, 1890, received in India a letter from Mr. Judge fortifying him against the heterodox influences to which he would be exposed on Colonel Olcott’s return to that country.

Mr. Judge warned his “dear Bert” that Olcott would try to shake his faith in the genuineness of Mr. Judge’s Mahatma-missives; that he might even have the baseness to suggest that they were fabricated by Mr. Judge himself. On opening this letter, Mr. Keightley found a small slip of peculiar paper, which turned out (on a prosaic scrutiny) to be the sort of tissue which is used to separate the sheets of typewriting transfer paper. On this slip appeared in Mahatmic script the words:—

There was, however, no seal impression. The Mahatma had grown chary of using that seal. From the material of this missive we gather that the Mahatma is not so remote from typewriters as one would


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Rh expect in the Himalayas; from its diction we learn that, whatever the failings of his English, the august being has a racy command of Yankee.

I may remark here that when Mahatmas “precipitate” their own notepaper, as well as the writing upon it, it has always been the etiquette that the former should have an Indian look about it, however European the latter might be. Even tissue, as in this case, is considered more in keeping than commonplace stationery, with, perhaps, the watermark of some English firm upon it. But the “make” preferred, alike now and in the Blavatsky days, is a peculiar sort of hand-made rice-paper, which the Psychical Researchers had some difficulty in tracking to the maker’s. They were not assisted by Colonel Olcott. But now, the same mystic paper having turned up in the productions of Mr. Judge’s Mahatma (borrowed, perhaps, at the same time as the seal?) the Colonel resolves the mystery at once. Wishing to suggest that Mr. Judge got it ready-made from Madame Blavatsky, he mentions that Madame had gone about with a good supply of it, adding that it was originally bought in Cashmere. He had bought it himself at Jammos, in fact, as long ago as 1883, just as he had also been the purchaser of the brass seal; and just as he explains that the seal was got merely as a “playful present,” so he represents the original purpose of the Cashmere stationery as the humble one of “packing books—it being both cheap and strong.” From parcels post to astral note-paper is a distinct rise. But who first promoted it? Another side-light unintentionally thrown on the old Blavatsky days!

But to return to Mr. Judge’s Mahatma. His last attempt to bring Colonel Olcott to a better mind by persuasion was made that autumn. In October he had resorted to a bold device for overcoming scepticism, which he and Mahatma Koot Hoomi had patented in the early Blavatsky days—that of waylaying (astrally, of course) the post-bag of some disconnected and quite unconscious correspondent of the sceptic, and so introducing a message through an obviously untainted channel. For instance, Mr. Hume once “got a note from Koot Hoomi


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36 Earth, the unwearied, too,

Highest of gods, supreme,

Man wears away as through

All the years plowing the ground,

He follows round and round

The slowly furrowing team.

Light-minded tribes of birds

He snares in meshes fine,

Savage beasts in their herds

And the brood of the deepest sea,

Leads to captivity,

Man with his crafty mind.

Beasts from the mountain lair,

Roaming the hills, he takes;

Lays the yoke on their shaggy hair,

On the necks of horses proud;

Mountain-bulls bellowing loud

Yoked to the plow he breaks.

And speech has he taught him, and wind-swift thought,

And order and law for government;

And shelter from missiles of frost and sleet he hath wrought,

Resourceful in all—his resources are spent,

When he seeks to escape from Death; Man so wise

Vicissitudes numberless conquers at will,

And cures for baffling diseases he well can devise,

Save for Death—Death alone e’er bates his skill.

Inventive and skilful, with subtlety passing belief,

Moves he now to the good and now to the ill.

Upholding the justice of heaven he comes not to grief,

And the vows to the gods he hath sworn to fulfil;

For whoso upholds the laws of the land,

Incorruptible, sinless, an outcast never shall roam;

A city hath he, and proudly his city doth stand—

May the wicked ne’er share my city, my home!


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50 inside a letter received through the post from a person wholly unconnected with our occult pursuits, who was writing to him on some municipal business.” (“Occult World,” p. 21.) The letter happened to have a large and noticeable envelope, and long after, in the days of disillusion, Mr. Hume discovered that Madame’s servant Babula had carried off just such a letter from the postman for Madame, and then returned it to him with an apology for the mistake. (S. P. R. Report, p. 275.)

In October, then, Colonel Olcott, who was just returning to India, got a letter from a Mr. Abbott Clark, of Orange County, California, a gentleman who was under no sort of suspicion of having anything to do with Mahatmas. And in this, if you please, there had somehow found its way into the envelope a slip of paper bearing a message in the M script, with signature, but with seal too blurred to distinguish, in facsimile as follows:—


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Rh

So much is in the usual red pencil; the part represented by shading above is smudged, as is the red blotch which represents the


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 he may have anticipated. His historical and political writings appear largely to have been written with one thought in mind. Politics cannot be sensibly or successfully conducted without some sense of history and one’s place in the world or without some purpose larger than personal or national achievement. Masaryk expressed much the same opinion in contending that the realist in politics is often that person who acts in so far as possible in accordance with certain ideals and principles.

In part, Palacký appears to have emphasized the need for certain national and liberal ideals precisely because the Czechs as a small nation surrounded by large predatory neighbors had often to compromise and to struggle against heavy odds. Unless some ideals, some sense of purpose, and some sense of historical continuity were maintained, the inevitable politics of compromise might lead to a loss of will and purpose and possibly to spiritual, if not to physical annihilation. Not only have high aspirations and a strong sense of national identiy given courage to Czechs in trying times, but they have also served as the measure against which day-to-day personal and political conduct has to be judged, however ineffective or short of desirable that conduct may be.

The standard biography of Palacký is Vácslav Řezníček, František Palacký: jeho život, působení a význam, 3rd ed. (Prague, 1912). On Palacký’s youth and early intellectual development, see Karel Kálal, Palackého mladá léta (1798–1827) (Prague, 1925), and J. Hanuš, “Z mladších let Fr. Palackého,” Česká revue, I (1897–98), pp. 1025–37 and 1326–1345.

On Palacký’s intellectual achievements, relationship to the scholarship and thought of his times, and enduring intellectual influence, see Josef Fischer, Myšlenka a dílo Františka Palackého, 2 Vols, (Prague, 1926–27). An excellent critical study of Palacký’s historical writing and idea of history is Joseph Zacek, Palacký: The Historian as Scholar and Nationalist (The Hague, 1970). On Palacky in the context of the development of Czech writing of political history, see also Jaroslav Werstadt, “Politické dějepisectvi a jeho čeští představitele,” Československý časopis historický, XXVI (1920), pp. 1–93.

On Palacký’s contributions to Czech politics up to 1876, see Adolf Srb, “Politická činnost Františka Palackého,” in Josef Kalousek, Bohuš Rieger, et al., Památník na oslavu stých narozenin Františka Palackého (Prague, 1898), pp. 545–601. A good survey of Palacký’s understanding of “society, nation, and the state” that underlay his state-rights program is František Kutnar, “Palackého pojetí společnosti, národa a státu,” in František Kutnar, ed., Tři studle o FrantiskwFrantišku [sic] Palackem (Olomouc, 1949), pp. 7–42. A comprehensive collection of Czech political statements and programs during the period 1848–1860, in which those composed by Palacký and Rieger figure heavily, is Jan M. Černý, ed., Boj za právo: sborník aktů politických u věcech státu a národa českého od roku 1848 (Prague, 1893). On the establishment of


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52 seal, apparently by being rubbed with the finger. Across a margin of the paper is the following postscript, in the black carbon usually devoted to the seal impression:—

Rather cryptic, this missive; but the meaning seems to be this. The Mahatma has to explain to the suspicious Colonel several things: why the missives habitually come in letters from Mr. Judge; why, nevertheless, Mr. Judge knows nothing of them; why he, the Master, has used a bogus seal which bungles his own cryptograph; and, above all, why the impressions of that seal have been illegible ever since an exposure of it was threatened. He hints, accordingly, that he “uses” Mr. Judge to assist in some undefined psychic way in the precipitation process; but Judge’s part in this is unconscious—it must be “when he does not know.” Also, the thing precipitated “fades out often”—and plump on the word comes an illustration.

In saying that “Judge did not write Annie” (i.e., Mrs. Besant, for this spirit is a familiar one), the Master is misinformed, as we have seen. Mr. Judge had just “written Annie,” enclosing the Master’s own warning against Colonel Olcott. Lastly, the remark


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Rh about “facit per alium” (the Mahatma can use a tag of lawyers’ Latin on occasion) seems to mean that when Colonel Olcott had the “flap-doodle” seal made he was unconsciously prompted by the Master himself, who had now adopted it, overlooking the blunder in engraving. The prescience which foresaw that the “precipitation” would give out in just this letter is no less remarkable than that which provided for an unexpressed doubt by the assurance, “No, it is not pencil.”

But for Colonel Olcott the gem of this letter was none of these. It was the reference to the Panjab seal as the “Lahore brass.” All that Mr. Judge knew, as we have seen, was that the seal was made at a “certain city in the Panjab.” Mr. Judge’s Mahatma assumes that this city was the capital of the province. It was a likely guess—a good shot, if such a phrase may be used of the mental processes of a Tibetan sage—and one calculated to end the Colonel’s doubts—if correct. But that is just what it was not. The city at which the Colonel got the seal was quite another city; so the Mahatma, though he hints that he psychically presided over the purchase, does not even know where that purchase took place!

The result of this unlucky lapse of memory on the part of the Master was that the missive made bad worse. Despite the distance of California, where Mr. Clark’s envelope was posted, from New York, and the offices of Mr. William Q. Judge, the Colonel suspected Mr. Judge’s hand in it. He wrote to Mr. Clark, and discovered that Judge had spent two days in Orange County at the very date when the Master availed himself of Mr. Clark’s envelope. Thereupon the Colonel formed his own ideas as to how the Master had “used” his favourite chela on that occasion.

Can we wonder that the Master was incensed by this incorrigible scepticism—a spirit, as the Colonel himself had formerly taught, and as the event was to prove but too surely—fatal to Theosophy?

Persuasion failing, the Master resorted to threats!

In January, 1892, the Colonel received an amicable letter from Mr. Judge, reproaching him for not writing. On opening it, he found


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54 written along the margin of the first page the following laconic message in Mahatma script (signed, but again no seal: much reduced here):—

“Him” presumably means Judge. The bearing of the threat will be intelligible to readers of the last Chapter. Certain rumours from Avenue-road made it intelligible also to Colonel Olcott. The Master of Wisdom, the unapproachable sage of the Himalayas, He-Who-Must-Be-Obeyed by Mrs. Besant and the whole Theosophical Society, had thrown off the mask of benignity. Here he was plainly adopting, as a weapon against his own unlucky president, that impossible accusation which represents the lowest point of ethical squalor yet touched, in this story at any rate, by Theosophic “brotherhood”! This was miching Mallecho, thought the Colonel; it meant mischief with a vengeance. The voice was the voice of the Mahatma, but again the Colonel thought it the hand of Judge. So he wrote with some natural heat to ask that gentleman what he meant by his “base insinuation.”

Only to receive, however, the blandly innocent reply:—

After this the Colonel seems to have given the Mahatma up in despair, too. But the Mahatma, on his part, was busily pushing up a column to take the Colonel in the flank, and bring this story to a crisis.

Secure in the support of Mrs. Besant, he was to make the pusillanimous president resign his office, and to enthrone William Q. Judge in his place!


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 those kinds having the mildest flavor and handsomest appearance should be selected.

—This variety produces the handsomest, and at the same time the largest and mildest peppers that I have ever grown; one specimen this season being six inches long and over ten

inches in round circumference. When ripe the fruit is a beautiful, bright, ruby-red color, and the flavor is mild and pleasant, being much milder than in any other variety of red pepper.


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HERE have been so many queer yams in the newspapers about the sinking of the Nautilus that I, being skipper of the four-masted schooner Brant, which picked up Professor Charles Randolph, her only survivor, had better set down what really did happen down there in the Sargasso Sea.

The Nautilus was a steam yacht owned by Professor Amos Tyrrel, a wealthy English naturalist who had built a laboratory on the Cornish coast for the study of fish and seaweed. He and Randolph, who had been his assistant for twenty years, sailed in the Nautilus on the fifth of last February to do some research work in the Sargasso.

About this time the Brant was rounding the Horn out of Santiago, Chile, with a load of nitrates bound for Charleston, South Carolina. We struck a blow off the River Platte, and my old hooker lost her rudder. When things cleared up a bit we found oursslvesourselves [sic] pretty well out in the South Atlantic, but we rigged a jury rudder and headed northwest, figuring on dropping into some Cuban port to refit.

We struck the Sargasso about fifteen days later, and one fine morning we picked up this Professor Randolph, who was bobbing about in the open sea without the sign of a stick to keep him up. He was delirious when we brought him aboard, but after he came to his right senses he told me the queerest yarn I ever heard in my life—and I’ve heard some rather good ones in the forty years I’ve been following the sea. At first I put him down as crazy, but we’d no sooner got him aboard than hell began a-popping all around us right there on the Brant. When she finally got through, with two of her sticks missing and some of those hard-boiled birds in the fo’c’sl a-praying to the Almighty to save ’em from the devils of the deep, I made up my mind that maybe he wasn’t so crazy after all. Then I had Randolph write down his story in his own words. I turned the original over to the authorities, and I suppose the British Admiralty has it now, but I copied the whole thing, word for word, in the Brant’s log. The professor headed his story in big letters: STATEMENT OF DR. CHARLES WILLIAMS RANDOLPH CONCERNING THE SINKING OF THE NAUTILUS. And this is how it read: 17


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“People centered” principles have influenced the course of western culture over the last thirty years, often changing the bearings of education, business, public policy and international relief and development programs. These principles, larger humanist movements in the natural and social sciences and the emergence of post-modernism and chaos theory required organizations who were serious about adopting a “people first” orientation to change more than their tactics. It necessitated a paradigm shift. This newer paradigm maintained that big was not always better, centralized hierarchies were suspect, big outcomes may be born of small inputs and that a “more heads are better than one” philosophy would more readily sustain productive, durable change. Still, most of the changes inaugurated by a “people first” paradigm over the years were simple alterations to the style and fabric of old conventions. Resistance to the structural reform essential to sustain these changes was powerful. Few advances withstood erosion by the still intact traditional systems they were intended to transform. In international relief and development organizations, however, “people centered” practice became “participatory development” and great deal of persistent and determined effort went into fending off old dragons to ensure “participation” occurred in the design, implementation and evaluation of many programs.

The meaning of “participation” is often a rendition of the organizational culture defining it. Participation has been variously described as a means and an end, as essential within agencies as it is in the field and as an educational and empowering process necessary to correct power imbalances between rich and poor. It has been broadly conceived to embrace the idea that all “stakeholders” should take part in decision making and it has been more narrowly described as the extraction of local knowledge to design programs off site.

The result is an extraordinary mélange of context-specific, formal methodologies, matrices, pedagogies and ad hoc approaches to enhancing participation in humanitarian aid and development. They include: conscientization and praxis; rapid and participatory rural appraisal (RRA & PRA); appreciation–influence-control analysis (AIC); “open space” approaches; objectives-oriented project planning (ZOPP); vulnerability/capacity analysis and future search workshops.

Differences in definitions and methods aside, there is some common agreement concerning what constitutes authentic “participation”. Participation refers to involvement by local populations in the creation, content and conduct of a program or policy designed to change their lives. Participation requires


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 “Now I can’t even leave off writing to you.

“But a great deal of us is together, and we can but abide by it, and steer our courses to meet soon. John Thomas says good night to Lady Jane, a little droopingly, but with a hopeful heart.”


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 recognition and use of local capacities and avoids the imposition of priorities from the outside. It increases the odds that a program will be on target and its results will more likely be sustainable. Ultimately, participatory development is driven by a belief in the importance of entrusting citizens with the responsibility to shape their own future.

There is less than general agreement over whether participation is appropriate in all relief and development interventions and disagreement exists over whether such methods are relevant in all phases of programs, from conception to exit evaluation. Similarly, some organizations hedge over whether participation is a value that requires strong institutional commitment, if not outright reorganization. These are disagreements over whether surgical participation or more fundamental retooling of assistance organizations is needed to faithfully engage in participatory development. But there is consensus that it is not “participation” if contact with the local population is used to confirm the integrity of a preconceived idea. Likewise, it is not participation if the purpose is to engage an indigenous population to convince them of the wisdom of a program they took no part in informing.

Participation programming is not politically neutral. Participatory development promotes equity and accepts that the exercise of decision making power at the local level is as legitimate as it is at the national level. Like an important political technology of our time called democracy, it champions the sovereignty of people overthe sovereignty of a state. It is not just about meeting a people’s needs. It is about helping to create an environment where people can more effectively identify and address their own needs. It explicitly recognizes the significance of political and social context in an effort to determine the roots of an enduring problem and to avoid harming those who should benefit. To believe in and promote participatory development is to believe in the intrinsic importance of self-determination.

Some organizations tasked with political development, such as the United States Agency for International Development’s Office of Transition Initiatives (USAID/OTI), openly advocate participatory methods precisely because they promote self-determination and predispose a people toward more democratic behavior. As Rick Barton, OTI’s first director puts it, “if you are ever going to get to a system of the people, by the people, and for the people then you’d better engage the people as early as you can.” In Haiti and Kosovo, OTI implemented programs with that in mind, making the means and ends of the program to develop a participatory ethic within populations unused to being asked what they thought. And while concrete assistance was delivered to meet the real priorities these local citizens identified and implemented, OTI emphasized the “how” of the process as the schools, water systems and electrical upgrades it funded were completed. Admittedly, this is unusual. Most organizations remain extremely wary of what they fear is “political” aid. To an astonishing degree, most traditional professionals believe their programs are “politically-neutral”.

The truth is that humanitarian and development interventions, regardless of whether participatory methods are employed or not, are highly political. Local power relationships and the psychology of expectations are revised each time organizations determine their interlocutors and distribution


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we study the ancient societies we are delighted to recognise that on certain sides they resemble ours. This is what establishes a sort of sympathetic understanding between past centuries and our own; we are more closely attached to men like ourselves; we take more pleasure in their company, and we understand them better when we explain them by ourselves. But it is impossible for us not to observe how on many other sides we differ from them, and, though nothing may be more natural than these differences, we cannot refrain from surprise. Our surprise is especially great when it is a question of one of those usages, or institutions rather, which have entered so deeply into our life, that it does not seem to us as if we could get on without them. If it be shown to us that it was unknown to the ancients or that they only knew it imperfectly, we ask ourselves, unable to understand, how they managed to get on without it.

This is what we feel in the case of the press, for example. Who of us to-day could deny himself his newspaper? It has come to be a necessity almost as imperious as eating and drinking. It no longer suffices to receive it morning and evening; there are some at Paris which succeed each other from hour to hour, and there are people to be found who always buy that of the last moment, so as to be the better informed. Our curiosity has been excited by the very satisfactions it has had; it has grown insatiable. For our pleasure it must catch reports in their flight; we want to be told about everything and by every means. As scandal has become a habit, indiscretion has become a trade: we 197


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 the Czech political program of Bohemian state-rights, see Bruce Garver, The Young Czech Party 1874–1901 and the Emergence of a Multi-Party System (New Haven, 1978), Chapter 3, and Valentin Urfus, “Český státoprávní program na rozhránírozhraní [sic] let 1860–1861 a jeho ideové složky,” Právněhistorické Studie, VIII (1962), pp. 127–170, and “Český státoprávní program a české dělnické hnutí v období vzniku první dělnické strany v Čechach,” Právněhistorické Studie, IX (1963), pp. 97–111.

Palacký’s principal political essays and speeches may be found in the first volume of a three-volume work edited by Bohuš Rieger, Spisy drobné, Vol. I: Spisy a řeči z oboru politiky (Prague, 1898).

On the centenary celebration in 1898, see the reports in Národní listy, June 14, 15, and 22, 1898, and Naše doba, V (1897–98), pp. 926–927, and a general discussion of that celebration in the context of recent political crises by Garver, Young Czech Party, Chapter 9. The memorial volume of commemorative addresses and scholarly papers is the Kalousek and Rieger, et al., Památník. On the celebrations, see also V.J. Nováček, “K jubileu Františka Palackého,” Osvěta, XXVIII (1898), pp. 481–485. For police reports see Státní ústřední archiv (Prague), fond PM, 8/1/15/1295 and 3372 (1898). The French consul in Prague reported to Paris on the celebrations: see Archives diplomatiques, Autriche-Hongrie NS 12, dispatch dated June 23, 1898.

The commemorative volume issued on that occasion is Rudolf Uránek, Josef Pekař, František Žilka, et al., Památník Palackého 1926 (Prague, 1926).

On Palacký during the Vormärz, see letters to Pavel Josef Šafařík dated 26.XII.1832, 21.II.1833, 24.V.1837, 15.III.1839, and, afterward, 16.IV.1848, in Korespondence Pavla Josefa Šafaříka s Františkem Palackým (Prague, 1961). On Palacký’s view of his cultural and scholarly work of that time in the context of political expectations, see letters and diaries in the collection Františka Palackého korrespondence a zápisky, ed. V.J. Nováček, 3 Vols. (Prague, 1898–1911).

Testimony on this point comes from many sources, including T.G. Masaryk, Palackého idea národa českého (Prague, 1898; 4th edition, 1947).

On Palacký’s desire to further international cooperation and Slavic reciprocity, see part VIII of “Idea státu Rakouského,” Drobné spisy, I, pp. 261–267, and “Drobné řeči v Moskvě a Petrohradě (20. V. a 15. června 1867),” Drobné spisy, 1, pp. 285–288. See also Milan Prelog, Pout Slovanů do Moskvy roku 1867, trans. M. Paulová (Prague, 1931), pp. 48–49, 94–96, 102–103, 141–45.

Valentin Urfus, “Český státoprávní program na rozhránírozhraní [sic] let 1860–1861 a jeho ideové složky,” Právněhistorické Studie, VIII (1962), pp. 127–170. On the genesis and development of the state-rights program as defined by Palacký, see František Kameníček, František Palacký v ústavním výboru říšskeho sněmu rakouského (Prague, 1929).

The famous statement was “Byli jsme před Rakouskem, budeme i po něm,” (“We Slavs were here before Austria and shall be here after she is gone.”) Spisy drobné, I p. 266.

On the 1867 “pilgrimage” to Moscow and Palacký’s participation, see Milan Prelog, Pout Slovanů do Moskvy roku 1867 (Prague, 1931).

On communal, district, and provincial institutions of self-government and their political importance, see Garver, Young Czech Party, Chapter 4. On the formation of the National Party and various cultural and patriotic associations in the early sixties, see ibid., Chapter 3.


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 systems and as resources from salaries to food parcels and reconstruction materiel are delivered. With no awareness of social or political context it is never certain if an intervention is warranted at all. And when there is blind engagement, ignorance of context makes each choice a round of roulette, potentially explosive and liable to overrun the self-development potential of the target population while undermining the effectiveness of assistance delivery in the first place. At worst, we aid and abet the violence and become accomplices to adversity. Participatory methodologies, as part of political development programs or not, increase awareness of the social and political context and better the odds this will be avoided.

Improved common sense about the political footprint of an intervention aside, there are other advantages to employing participatory methodologies. Separate appraisals by The World Bank, the Canadian International Development Agency (CIDA), USAID and the International Relief/Development Project (IRDP) have examined participatory approaches and numerous case studies. Their findings are compelling and remarkably consistent. Each review independently concluded that while participatory methodologies may require greater up front investment in staff training and operations expenditures (up to 15%, on average, according to the World Bank study), throughout the life of programs overall costs average lower than in programs that do not rely on local capacities. Not surprisingly, each study concluded that participatory development programs are invariably more relevant and effective at addressing local needs. Moreover, the gains made during an intervention are more often sustained using participatory methods and chances are higher that the engagement of local women and youth in the intervention process will improve their status as well. In the end, the ability of local participation programs to leverage other national or foreign resources extends the overall reach of general assistance in most cases.

With such inherent advantages, why isn’t participation the sine qua non of development practice? Dominant biases in conventional humanitarianism and development affairs still favor immediate results and rarely question whether an intervention should be avoided on ethical grounds. The index of care for a people in crisis is measured in how many millions they receive in aid. Efficiency and effectiveness are still commonly defined in the abstract, as a comparison of what was delivered to how much it cost to get it there. How assistance is rendered, whether it reaches legitimate beneficiaries, what is its political and social impact and whether assistance contributes to stability or further misery are variables dropped from most assessment formulas and planning documents. Ironically, small, targeted participatory interventions that account for such measures are often criticized as being inefficient and irrelevant because large quantities of aid are not transferred. Some of the best efforts to calibrate levels of assistance to local absorptive capacities and to collaborate with disaster victims and local communities rebuilding their lives in a sustainable


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 fashion have been undermined by these larger, well meaning imperatives of conventional development. Which statement keeps your seat at the table in a high profile intervention? “Congressman, we’ve spent $3 million to augment local communities’ own coping mechanisms which are quite effective and ultimately sustainable…” or “In the past six months we’ve air dropped emergency food assistance and delivered hygiene and emergency shelter packages valued at $33 million.” All too often it’s the latter even if that approach contributes to the violation of human rights, an overall decline in the quality of life for victims and the decay of stability in a region.

Advocacy and bearing witness are also responsibilities of participatory professionals that are suspect in conventional development. Designing programs around the cares, concerns and coping mechanisms indigenous to the location of a cataclysm often entails raising the decibel level of local voices. This sometimes upsets the political equilibrium of a country or otherwise contributes to the discomfort of diplomats. This is hardly embraced by mainstream humanitarianism and development institutions. Nonetheless, to advocate, bear witness and give voice to local partners is the bone marrow of humanitarianism – or it used to be – and it is integral to encouraging and working on the behalf of residents who are bringing themselves back to life.

Overall, the two paradigms coexist, often uneasily, with participatory approaches playing the role of the impoverished little brother to conventional traditions. Participatory programs often cost more up front. Their results may seem too small and scattered and they may appear too miserly with their resources as intervention programs shore up existing capacities. They may even advocate a hasty exit, against national interests, if it is determined that assistance is not really needed or that aid can not be delivered without worsening the crisis. By conventional measures, this relegates participatory methodologies to the shelf where the cod liver oil sits. It may work but even a small dose tastes bad.

Consequently, under pressure from dominant conventional development institutions the use of participatory methods is not widespread. Much of what has been done in the name of participation has been tactical, tentative and often ancillary to the bread and butter work of most organizations. Many participatory forays take the shape of halfway measures that ride the fence between traditional imperatives and “experimental” approaches. It makes for a netherworld of misfit programs.

Case studies provide some rules of thumb for programs straddling the fence and for those more fully committing to the participatory paradigm.
 * For those straddling the fence, don’t. Engaging victims and communities in emergency response and development activities is to begin a process of awakening and healing. It sets in motion the expectation that quality of life improvements will be dependent on local initiative, advice and arrangements. Follow-through, continuous collaboration and consistent delivery with a coherent exit strategy are essential. To stall, mix command and participatory methods, unexpectedly disengage or interject “outside expert” decisions midstream may create profound distrust among local partners, frustration and confusion in already traumatized residents and quite possibly do more damage than if local involvement never featured in the program. Commit to participation, then follow though.


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SOPHOCLES.

Amazing sight! What is this I see?

I know her well—Antigone!

O, ill-starred child of ill-starred sire,

I cannot credit news so dire.

A prisoner? Oh, surely thou

Hast not been caught in folly? How

Couldst thou be guilty of this deed,

And fail the king’s command to heed?

The culprit ’s caught at last and here she is.

We found her burying him. But where’s the king?

Look where he opportune comes forth again.

My coming opportune? Why, what has chanced?

My lord, a man should never take an oath

He will or will not, for his first intent

Is falsified by after-thought. A vow

I could have taken that you would not find

Me in a hurry to come back, o’erwhelmed

By those dire threats of yours, but no delight

Can be compared in fulness with the joy

That unexpected doth outrun our hopes;

So I am here—though under solemn oath

Not to return—and bring with me this maid,

Who in the act of paying burial rites

Unto the dead was seized. This time no lots

Were cast; but this good bit of luck was mine

And not another’s. Now, Sir, here she is:

Take, try, and as you will, examine her.

But I should have full quittance of all blame.

Her? Taken prisoner? In what way and where?

Burying the dead. There’s nothing more to tell.

Is ’t true? D’ ye speak aright and mean it too?

I saw this maiden bury him whom you

Forbade—the corpse. Is that distinct and clear?

How was she seen, how taken in the act?


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198 insist on our newspaper serving us up daily some sensational piece of news, and when we fail to find the dainty, we pettishly shut it with the remark, 'Nothing in the paper to-day.'

And yet of this journalistic recreation, which we have made a necessity to us, it is certain that the ancients had scarce any idea. We do not know whether the Athenians ever knew anything like it. Among the Romans something still more surprising prevailed. They had newspapers, or at least what resembled our newspapers, and they were in a position to appreciate the services to be obtained from them; yet they did not divine the part they might assume, the place they would fill in politics, in literature, in the life of every one everywhere; they let them vegetate in obscurity for centuries, deriving from them hardly any profit. How shall we explain their failure to grasp what was to be one of the great forces—one of the tyrannies of our time, without appearing even to catch a glimpse of it?

We have here an historical problem of which we must seek the solution.

It is evident from the outset that if the ancients did not feel like ourselves the need of newspapers, it was because they had something else which took their place.

Among the means of publicity at their disposal there were none of which they made more use than placards; we use them still, but much less than they. When we traverse the ruins of a Roman town, we encounter them at every step. There are those made to last, and, with this intention, graven on brass, on marble, on stone. These are the enactments of authority, the laws of the Emperors, the decrees of the Senate and the decurions, or, even in private life, the contracts guaranteeing the right of possession, and the minutes of religious corporations desirous of recording the


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 *In many case studies, participatory development is most successful when implemented by agencies that made developing sustainable patterns of participation and self-help one of the primary goals of their field programs – at least as important as the delivery of aid itself. Likewise, the most successful programs were implemented by agencies which embraced participation internally, maintaining a climate approving of intellectual honesty and critical reporting. Agencies and programs that made participation an elementary value internally and in the field succeeded more often.
 * There is a steady temptation to interfere and distrust. Half measures and ersatz participation are often the result. Practitioners who have learned lessons the hard way warn against doing anything for people they can manage for themselves. Beginning a process of soliciting local input and building local capacity is likely to carry programs to the edges of the map, where the serpents are drawn. Best judgement should be used and scrupulously followed. Western educational culture emphasizes an intellectual, step by step, paint by numbers orientation foreign to this process and intuition-based cultures in general. Observe, partake, facilitate.
 * Organizations willing to front higher start-up costs to support a large field presence deployed more quickly and more often met program goals. These are not programs best run out of capitols or headquarters. They are decentralized and field driven. The greater costs associated with implementing participatory projects usually averaged out over the life of programs and participation-centric programs counted such operations expenses as project costs in the first place, given their process oriented goals. It is important to compare what is leveraged against operations expenses as well.
 * Throughout the case studies, small is beautiful. Successful participatory programs paid keen attention to absorptive capacity and in many cases resisted providing more resources even when donors made them available. The same went for monitoring political impact. Local relationships proved essential to understanding the complexities of political expression, the layers of formal and informal authority and the consequences of participatory programs and other assistance efforts in local communities and the region. In many instances, this made advocacy essential, putting participation facilitators and program managers at odds with their development colleagues’ programs which sometimes exacerbated the suffering of local residents. This role of advocate sometimes caused heated exchanges with local and national authorities as well as with embassies, but often it strengthened the facilitator’s bonds with local partners whose legitimate complaints were otherwise ignored.
 * One of the most compelling conclusions from over sixty case studies of humanitarian interventions is that there is little cause to avoid the use of participatory methods when there is no time. A persistent theme in humanitarianism is that participatory methods are not appropriate in rapid response disaster mitigation. This remains one of the most potent myths constraining the wider use of participatory methodologies. Correspondingly, from day one of non-participatory interventions, local capacities are overlooked, dependencies are often created and the potential for self-help atrophies. It is in such early, best-intentioned interventions that destructive patterns are established that too often worsen the enduring problems that confound residents and later development professionals. In many disaster response cases, the primary motivation is to save lives regardless of context or collateral impact and to be accountable only


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 : to the people providing the resources – donors and governments. Case studies support that, in the first place, there is rarely a need to be on the scene within hours of a disaster. And even fewer reasons exist for any such intervention to overlook local leadership and response efforts. In most cases, the most effective humanitarian interventions capitalized on existing resources, wisdom and methods already put to use by residents. In the rare instances where immediate response seemed warranted, a far better approach was to direct resources to indigenous organizations to better enable them to persevere. It is never too early to help people help themselves.

In a related paper, the variety of methods used in different types of interventions will be outlined for use in emergency, transition and development contexts. Such approaches may be categorized into participatory emergency methodologies (PEM), participatory transition methodologies (PTM) and participatory development methodologies (PDM). Once charted into contexts where the various approaches have been found most useful, methods could then be detailed along with successful organizational support arrangements and case studies, taking care to avoid duplicating similar efforts already completed. This task is beyond the scope of the current paper but will be described in a follow-on piece.

Paradigms sometimes peacefully transfer their preeminence to newer ones. Occasionally they defeat upstarts for a renaissance before they fade. Usually, when transition happens, it is anything but congenial. There is bickering in academic journals, textbooks fall out of favor, grant monies are redirected and the lecture circuit personalities change. A general camping up of adherents and “heretics” takes place. Obstinate practitioners are culled. Careers end. Professional identities are renegotiated. There is training, more training. In the end one view or the other must prevail, consolidate its gains and redefine the enterprise. It can take years. Copernican, Freudian, structural functionalist, impressionist and industrial revolutions required decades to both gain, then lose favor. Perhaps, if participatory professionalism does not become a footnote to conventional development, the transition from the dominant conventional paradigm toward a participatory ethic will be smooth, fast and more generous. The history of paradigm collisions suggests otherwise.

The good news is that the most creative and innovative work within a discipline occurs precisely at these times of transition and collision. But it is also a time that wild claims about the force and utility of a new way of doing business are made. Participatory methodologies are no panacea. They are not the linear descendants of industrial age production-oriented development understandings nor part of a larger accumulation of wisdom in the field. They, like all paradigms, are spontaneous reflections of their historical moment and will pass. However, competing paradigms, when they prevail, do so because they manage everything the old paradigm did and then some. And they do it better. Participatory development methodologies have this potential. Slowly, with the successful implementation and greater use of these methods, the participatory development approach will gain ground.

Conventionalism will be turned on its head when participation is no longer a curious addition to the development tool kit but a precondition for activities ranging from emergency relief and debt restructuring to technical assistance. Participation will then inform, contextualize and define the


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38 Here ’s how it tame about. When we arrived,

Upon all those dire threats of yours

Weighing most heavily, we swept away

The dust that covered still the corpse, and left

The dark form thus exposed. Then we sat down

To windward by a hill-top, that the smell

From the dead body might not reach us, man

Still urging man to vigilance with loud

And frequent interchange of threats, if one

Should shirk his duty. Thus it was, so long

As to the middle. of the sky the orb

Resplendent of the sun was climbing high

To scorch us. Suddenly a whirlwind rose,

That set the sky all in confusion, raised

A cloud of dust that filled the plain, and rent

The foliage of the wooded plain, until

The spacious sky was choked withal. With eyes

Tight shut we bore the god-sent plague. ’T was long

Before it passed. We looked, and lo! the maid

Was wailing there, the sharp cry of a bird

In bitterness, when it beholds the nest

All empty, and the nestlings gone. So she,

When she beheld the body bare, screamed loud,

Wailing, and on the doers of the deed

Dire curses imprecating. In her hands

She quickly brought some thirsty dust, held high

A shapely hammered jug of bronze, and poured

Libations three to crown the dead. Straightway

We dashed down on our quarry, closing in;

But she was naught dismayed, and when we charged

Her with the former acts and these as well,

She made no movement to deny the charge,—

Joy to my heart indeed, but sorrow, too,

For greater joy there ’s none can be than this,

To get one’s self well out of trouble, pain

No greater than to get a friend well in.

Nevertheless, the safety of my friend

I value not so highly as my own.


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 ultimate goal of these and other necessary institution-building activities and encourage accountability to the publics in intervention environments - not donors and governments. Therein is the fight and the challenge. If participatory development stands a chance of prevailing in this slow motion collision, we must implement programs that disempower ourselves.

Organizations implementing participatory programs must more fully commit in thought and action to decentralizing and giving their power to local partners. Current development institutions that host the conventional paradigm must restructure or dismantle themselves. New arrangements must assemble around participation as a core value in their organizational customs and behavior. The gains such creations as the OTI and the World Bank’s Participation Fund have made will need to be consolidated, they will need to recommit to internalizing participation and hold the line on their mandates as the collision creates more pressure for each to choose sides.

The most challenging frontier will be in rapid onset emergency interventions. This is where there is danger, from the first hours, for patterns of aid dependency to originate and it is where the relevance of participatory approaches is most questioned. In this area, as in the areas where participatory methods are more regularly put to use, practitioners will need to continue the creativity and innovation that has thus far defined the paradigm. In doing so, the merit of the approach will become evident and among the serpents and dragons on the edges of the parchment sea, the new continent will be drawn.

1 Karl Popper’s critique of Thomas Kuhn’s theory of knowledge aside, Kuhn’s use of “paradigms” and “paradigm shifts” provides a useful, easy framework to understand the struggle in international relief and development between an institution-centered, conventional worldview and a more recent “people centered” one. David C. Korten and Robert Chambers also use “paradigms” to describe this tension. Korten juxtaposes the “people-centered” paradigm to what Robert Chambers characterized as “conventional professionalism” and, to Chambers, conventional development professionals are inclined toward providing assistance to state institutions, prefer working within centers of power, favor modern over traditional technologies, quantitative analysis over subjective experience, market approaches over subsistence production and industry over agriculture. To the conventional practitioner, to “go local” is unprofessional. Both Chambers and Korten note that conventional professionalism has dominated development activity for the last forty years and is largely responsible for a depressing record of failure to relieve chronic poverty. When paradigms are referred to in this paper, traditional professionalism will be called the “conventional paradigm” or “conventional professionalism” while “people-centered” approaches will be referred to as the “participatory development” or “participatory methodologies” paradigm. See Kuhn’s, reprinted by University of Chicago Press, 1996; David Korten, ed., , Kumarian Press 1986; Robert Chambers, , Longman Group 1984; and Chamber’s “Us and Them: Finding a New Paradigm for Professionalism in Sustainable Development” in Diane Warburton, ed.,.

2 For a comparative review of these approaches see The World Bank Participation Sourcebook, World Bank Publications, 1996. Also find at http://www.worldbank.org/wbi/sourcebook/sbhome.htm

3 Thanks to John Fawcett for his incendiary reminders of the very real consequences of ignoring political and social context. He and Victor Tanner provide a disturbing analysis of the effects of this incognizance in Bosnia-Hercegovina in a recent case study of humanitarian assistance in the former Yugoslavia. Fawcett and Tanner have persuasively argued that donor agencies would do well to require a “political impact statement” of their implementers before a decision to engage is made. In Fawcett, John and Tanner, Victor, Review of Programs in the Former Yugoslavia, USAID: OFDA, April 2000.

4 Sometimes this means choosing to not intervene at all. As Rony Brauman describes it, humanitarian and development organizations often deliberately sideline political variables and are gripped by “the insouciance that permits agencies, in


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 their guise of selfless saviors, to remind governments and other authorities of their responsibilities without pondering their own”. See Rony Brauman’s Refugee Camps, Population Transfers, and NGOs in Moore, Jonathan, ed.,, New York, Rowman and Littlefield, 1998.

5 See Canadian International Development Agency (CIDA), Mainstreaming Participatory Development: Experiences and Lessons of the Interagency Group on Participation, CIDA, June 1997. Also Empowering People: A Guide to Participation, United Nations Development Program Civil Society Organizations & Participation Programs series (UNDP CSOPP), 1999; The United States Agency for International Development (USAID), Participation at USAID: Stories, Lessons and Challenges. USAID Participation Forum Summaries, 1999; and Anderson, Mary and Woodrow, Peter,, Boulder: Lynn Reinner Publishers, 1998.

6 What is interesting is that the labels “experimental” and “pioneering” and their ilk are terms that are most often used by observers from within the traditional paradigm in describing competing non-traditional approaches.

7 In addition to sources for case studies cited in endnote five, add Korten David, ed.,, West Hartford: Kumarian Press, 1986 and Burkey, Stan, , London: Zed Books, 1993.

Anderson, Mary,, Boulder: Lynne Rienner Publishers, 1999.

Anderson, Mary and Woodrow, Peter,, Boulder: Lynn Reinner Publishers, 1998

Beaulieu, Claude,, Ottawa: Canadian International Development Agency, 1997

Blackburn, James and Holland, Jeremy, eds.,, London: Immediate Technology Publications, 1998.

Burkey, Stan,, London: Zed Books, 1993.

Canadian International Development Agency (CIDA), Mainstreaming Participatory Development: Experiences and Lessons of the Interagency Group on Participation, CIDA, June 1997.

Chambers, Robert,, Brighton: Institute of Development Studies, 1992.

Chambers, Robert,, London: Longman Group, 1984

Chambers, Robert,, London: Intermediate Technology Publications, 1997.

Clayton, Andrew and Oakley, Peter and Pratt, Brian,, New York: UNDP, 1998. Also at http://www.undp.org/csopp/CSO/NewFiles/docemppeople.html


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 and William Morris. Ellis, London, 1870, 12mo.

Lilja (the Lily), an Icelandic religious poem of the 14th century, by, Ed., with met. trans., by E. M. Williams & Norgate, London, 1870, 12mo.

and .—The story of Grettir the Strong (Grettis Saga). Tr. from the Icelandic. Ellis, London, 1869, 8vo.

and .—Three Northern Love-stories and other tales. (Gunnlaug the Worm-tongue; Frithiof the bold; Viglund the fair; Hogni and Hedinn; Roi the fool; Thorstein Staff - smitten.) Ellis, London, 1875, 12mo.

. Life of the Archbp., Thos. A’ Beckett, in Icelandic. With trans., notes, and exhaustive glossary by E. M. Longman, London, 1875, 2 vols., 8vo.

Viking tales. See.

.—See Snorra Sturlusonar.

.—The Garland of Flowers; composed of Cupid and Psyche, from the Golden Ass of Apuleius, and of Odes, chiefly from the Norse tongue. New York, 1806, 12mo.

.—The Englishman and the Scandinavian; or, a comparison of Anglo-Saxon and Old Norse literature. Trübner, London, 1880, 8vo.

The Oxonian in Iceland, summer 1860. Hotten, London, 1867, 8vo.

The Saxon and the Norseman. Oxford, 1876, 8vo.

.—Nordurfari; or, rambles in Iceland. Longman, London, 1856, 8vo. (The Travellers’ Library, vol. iv.)

.—The story of Sigurd the Volsung, and the Fall of the Niblungs. 4th edition, 6s. Reeves & Turner, London, 1887, post 8vo. See also.

.—Chips from a German Workshop (vol. ii., pp. 189–196, The Norsemen in Iceland. pp. 219–238, Popular tales from the Norse). Longmans, London, 1867, 8vo.

—Handbook for Iceland. Murray, London, 1878, 12mo.

.—See

and .—Travels in Iceland. In 2nd vol. of “A collection of voyages and travels.” Phillips, London, 1805–9, 10 vols., 8vo.

.—Tr. from the Icelandic by and. Ed., etc., Jos. Anderson. Edmonston, Edinbro’, 1873, 8vo.

.—By fell and fjord; scenes and studies in Iceland. Blackwood, Edinbro’, 1882, 8vo.

Otte (Emily C.).—Denmark and Iceland. Sampson Low, London, 1881, 8vo.

.—A Summer in Iceland. Tr. Rev. M. R. Barnard. Chapman & Hall, London, 1868, 8vo.

title: Page:Völsunga Saga (1888).djvu/329


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SOPHOCLES. You—you, I say, that stand with drooping head,

Do you avow the deed, or do you disavow?

I did the deed, the charge do not deny.

You may retire and go where’er you list,

From heavy imputation quite exempt.

[The Watchman exit R.

But you,—speak not at length, yet briefly say,

You knew my edict had forbidden this?

I knew. How could I not? ’T was known to all.

And you cared not, but dared to break the law?

I did; for well I knew that he who made that

Proclamation was not Zeus—I knew

That Justice, dwelling with the gods below,

Such laws for men to keep had ne’er laid down;

Nor did I think your proclamation had

Such force that laws unwritten of the gods,

Unchanging, mortal man could overpass.

For not to-day, nor yesterday, they live,

But evermore, so long that no man knows

The time they ’ve been in force. ’T was not for me,

In fear of man, or king, to violate

These institutions and the penalty

Then due the gods to pay. That I must die

I knew full well (and, pray, why should I not?)

Your edict published or still unproclaimed.

The penalty you have in mind

Impose. I count it gain to die forthwith,

For whoso lives in misery worse than death,

As I, what else can death but profit be?

Tell me what blessings have I here alive

That I should fear to die. To me ’t is naught;

But if my mother’s son I had endured

To see a corpse unburied lie, that would

Indeed have caused me grave concern, whereas


text:
Page:Participatory Development as New Paradigm.pdf/9

 Feeney, Patricia,, Oxford: Oxfam Great Britain, 1998.

Freire, Paulo,, New York: Seabury Press, 1973.

Freire, Paulo,, New York: Seabury Press, 1970.

Helming, Stefan and Gobel, Michael, ZOPP: Objectives Oriented Project Planning, Eschborn: GTZ 1997.

Inter-American Development Bank, Resource Book on Participation, at http://www.iadb.org/english/policies/participate/

Korten, David, ed.,, West Hartford: Kumarian Press, 1986.

Korten, David and Klauss, Rudi, eds. , West Hartford: Kumarian Press, 1984.

LaVoy, Diane, Participation at USAID: Stories, Lessons and Challenges, Washington: USAID, 1999.

Moore, Jonathan,, New York, Rowman and Littlefield, 1998.

Nelson, Nici and Wright, Susan,, London: Intermediate Technology Publications, 1995.

Odour-Noah, Elizabeth and Ford, Richard and Lelo, Francis, Implementing PRA: A Handbook to Facilitate Participatory Rural Appraisal-Draft, Worchester: Clark University, 1992.

Rietenbergen-McCracken, Jennifer, ed., Participation in Practice: The Experience of the World Bank and Other Stakeholders, Washington, DC: World Bank, 1996.

Schneider, Hartmut and Libercier, Marie-Helene, eds., Participatory Development: From Advocacy to Action, Paris: OECD, 1995.

The United States Agency for International Development (USAID), Participation at USAID: Stories, Lessons and Challenges. USAID Participation Forum Summaries, 1999.

The World Bank, The World Bank Participation Sourcebook, Washington: World Bank, 1996.

The World Bank Operations Policy Department, The World Bank and Participation, Washington, World Bank, 1994.


text:
Page:Participatory Development as New Paradigm.pdf/10

The Participatory Action Research Website, located at Cornell University, Ithaca. Found at http://www.parnet.org

The Participatory Learning and Action Website, located at the Sustainable Agriculture programme, IIED, London, UK. Found at http://www.oneworld.org/iied/resource

The Eldis Development Information Gateway. Contains links to databases, library catalogues and participation case studies. Found at http://www.ids.ac.uk/eldis/eldis.html

The Food and Agriculture Organization Website, located at the Sustainable Development Department of FAO, Rome, Italy.

The World Bank Participation Workbook Website, located at the World Bank, Washington, DC. Found at http://www.worldbank.org/html/edi/sourcebook/sbhome.html

The Overseas Development Administration Home Page, located at ODA, London, UK. Found at http://www.oneworld.org/oda

The International Development Research Centre, a public corporation created by the Canadian parliament. Found at http://www.idrc.ca/corp/idrc.html

Devline, located at the International Development Studies Department of the University of Sussex, UK. Found at http://www.ids.ac.uk/index.html. For a web site specifically dedicated to PRA see http://www.ids.ac.uk/pra/main.html

The USAID Participation Page, located at USAID, Washington DC. Found at http://www.usaid.gov/about/part_devel/index.html.

Thank you, Brady Hartley of USAID for your wisdom and determination in compiling and preparing many of these materials. Your patience and keen sense in zeroing in on just what was needed made this possible.


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116 Women, attending their Work of ewing and making up of the Cloathing. The Men with their Sons occupy the foremot Parts of the Benches, turning their Back to the Women: On the oppoite Side, under the Windows, the Men belonging to the Family, or Strangers, take their Seats upon Benches there placed.

I cannot forbear taking Notice, that though in one of thee Houes there be ten or twenty one does not perceive the Steam or Smoak thereof to fill thee mall Cottages: The Reaon, I imagine is, the Care they take in trimming thoe Lamps, viz. they take dry. Mos, rubbed very mall, which they lay on one Side of the Lamp, which, being lighted, burns oftly, and does not caue any Smoak, if they do not lay it on too thick, or in Lumps. This Fire gives uch a Heat, that it not only erves to boil their Victuals, but alo heats their Rooms to that Degree, that it is as hot as a Bagnio. But for thoe who are ued to this Way of firing, the Smell


text: Participatory Development as New Paradigm: The Transition of Development Professionalism


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Page:How and what to grow in a kitchen garden of one acre (IA howwhattogrowin00darl).pdf/127

 The seed should be sown about the middle of March, in the hotbed, if wanted for summer use, and as soon as the nights are warm they should be planted out. They can be sown in the open ground if the fruit is not wanted for use before fall. As they are used in preparing various kinds of pickles, etc., it would probably be the better plan to plant some at both times. When about six inches high, they should be transplanted to the rows where they arc to fruit, and should be set about two feet apart in the row. Where room is scarce, I usually set two pepper plants between each hill of cantaloupes, as they grow well above the vines and are not at all in the way, while having the ground shaded from the hot sun by the vines of the melons, the surface being kept cool and moist by their broad leaves, is of great advantage to the peppers. In choosing varieties,


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 —In this variety the fruit grows in a different manner from any other large pepper that I have ever seen; it grows upright on the fruit stems, instead of pendulous. The fruits are large and handsome, being about four to five

inches in length, and are of rich golden yellow tinged with red. In taste it is as mild as the Ruby King—the two making a very fine contrast when used together.

are the finest of the older kinds, but do not compare with the two above given, either for size or mildness of flavor.

—This is one of the finest varieties that I have ever grown; it is low and bushy in


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Rh Smell is very diagreeable, as well by the Number of burning Lamps, all fed with as on account of divers Sort or raw Meat, Fihes and Fat, which they heap up in their Habitations; but epecially their  mell mot inufferably, and trikes one, that is not accutomed to it, to the very Heart.

Thee they begin to dwell in immediately after Michaelmas, and leave them again at the Approach of the Spring, which commonly is at the latter End of March; and then for the  lodge in Tents, which are their Summer Habitations. Thee Tents are made of Rafts or long Poles, et in a circular Form, bending at the Top, and reembling a and covered with a double Cover, of which the innermot is of Seal or  Skins with the  inward, (if they be rich) and the outermot alo of the ame ort of Skins, without Hair, dreed with Fat, that the Rain may not pierce them. In thee Tents they have Rh


text:
Page:East European Quarterly, vol15, no1.pdf/58

 Among Palacký’s strongest statements on the need for a single party and for dampening conflicts between Czech factions is that published by Pokrok on May 11, 1875, “O roztržce v národu českém,” in Spisy drobné, 1, pp. 413–426.

The importance of Palacký’s achievement in this regard is not to be underestimated. See, for example, Antonín Okáč, ''Rakouský problém a list Vaterland. 1860–1871'', 2 Vols, (Brno, 1970), I, pp. 6–12, 26–30, 70–73; II, pp. 180–186, 193, 198, 297–304.

See, for example, statements in the various party dailies or weeklies on the occasion of the 1898 Palacký centenary. On the Young Czech view see Česká revue, I (1897–98), pp. 1263–64, as well as Národní listy, June 14, 1898. Specifically on the Young Czech and Agrarian indebtedness to Palacký, see Garver, Young Czech Party, Chapters 3 and 9 respectively.

See Rámcový program české strany lidové (realistické) (Prague, 1900), pp. 71, 85, 95, and ''Program české strany pokrokové, schválen třetím valným sjezdem strany konaným v Praze 6. a 7. ledna 1912'' (Prague, 1912), pp. 3–4, 17–18, 21–23.

On the policy of “passive resistance” and on this and other issues dividing Old from Young Czechs, see Garver, Young Czech Party, Chapter 3.

On Masaryk’s relationship to Palacký, see especially T.G. Masaryk, Česká otázka: snahy a tužby národního obrození (Prague, 1895), pp. 87–161, and Palackého idea, passim.

Jaroslav Werstadt, Od “České otázky” k “Nové Evropě”: linie politického vývoje Masarykova (Prague, 1920).

Palacký’s view of the relationship between Czechs and Germans is discussed by František Dvorský, “František Palacký a nás nepřítel,” in Kalousek & Rieger, et al., Památník, pp. 443–472. See also František Palacký, “O sporu Čechů a Němců (Výňatek ze spisu o českém dějepisectví 1871).” Drobné spisy, I, pp. 322–331. For his evaluation of the relationship in light of German unification after victory in the Franco-Prussian war of 1870–71 and the Emperor’s dismissal of the Hohenwart ministry in October, 1871, see František Palacký, “Doslov z r. 1874 (Gedenkblätter),” Drobné spisy, I, pp. 392–411.

Among the better Marxist studies of Palacký are Milan Machovec, František Palacký a česká filosofie (Prague, 1961), for intellectual development, and Milena Jetmarová, František Palacký (Prague, 1961), for a general assessment of Palacký’s political and intellectual achievements. The latter work also contains extensive selections from Palacký’s historical and political writing edited by M. Jetmarová.

A thorough study of this analogy remains to be written. The situations noted are most analogous to the extent that Czechs in both cases worked within a system and in accordance with a ruling ideology deemed inimical in many respects to individual and national interests and in any case upheld primarily by force.

Masaryk best expressed this view in a letter of January 9, 1899, to Karel Kramář, in Archiv TGM, Archiv ústavu dějin KSČ, část 26, roku 1899: “You are fighting for Austria! I am not. Palacký said that we were here before Austria and that we shall be here after Austria has gone, but whereas for Palacký that was only a phrase, I want that to become a fact.” Masaryk always considered his politics to be those of a “realist” in this sense, from his having termed “realism” the politics of himself, Kaizl, and Kramář in the early 1890’s and in accepting the popular designation of “realists” for his People’s Party, established in 1900, and its successor, the Progressive Party.


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 growth, and is covered with a profusion of thin, round peppers, about three inches in length and one-quarter inch in diameter at the base, tapering to a long, sharp point. When ripe, the fruit is a brilliant coral red, and a plant covered with fruit looks like

some brilliant-foliaged plant that has escaped from the flower garden. It is very hot and pungent in flavor, and an idea of the productiveness can be had from the fact that over twelve hundred were counted on a single plant this last summer.


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118 their Beds, and Lamps to dres their Meat with; alo a Curtain made of the Guts or Bowels of Seals ewed together, through which they receive the intead of Windows. Every Mater of a Family has got uch a Tent, and a great Woman's Boat, to tranport their Tents and Luggage from Place to Place, where their Buines calls them.

Greenlanders, as well Man as are well haped and proportioned, rather hort than tall, and trong built, inclined to be fat and corpulent; their Faces broad, thick Lips and  their Hair and Eyes black, their Complexion a very dark tawny; though I have een ome pretty fair. Their Bodies  are


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Rh are of a vigorous Contitution. There are eldom found and ick or lame, and but few Ditempers are known among them, beides Weaknes of the which is caued by the harp and piercing  as well as the Snow and Ice, that hurt the Sight.

I have met with ome that eemed infected witha kind of Leproy; yet, (what is urprizing to me) though they convere with others, and lay with them in one Bed, it is not catching. They that dwell in the mot Northern Parts are often mierably plagued with Dyenteries, or bloody Fluxes, Breat Dieaes, Boils, and Epilepy or Falling Sicknes, &c. There were no epidemical or contagious Dieaes known amongt them, as Plague, and uch like, till the Year 1734, when one of the Natives, who was with everal others were brought over to Denmark, and together with his Companions had the  at Copenhagen, coming home again to his native Country, brought the Infection amongt them; of Rh


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Page:How and what to grow in a kitchen garden of one acre (IA howwhattogrowin00darl).pdf/131

 These take up so much room that they properly belong in the corn field, or in a patch of their own, in one of the cultivated fields. If there is no place for them outside the kitchen garden, and they can be kept far enough away from the squashes and cantaloupes, they can be planted about every twenty feet, in every fourth row of potatoes or sweet corn. They should not be planted until the corn or potatoes

have grown three or four inches high, or they will be in the way of cultivating these crops. If one row of the corn were left out, and a row of pumpkins planted, it would probably be the most satisfactory way to grow them, as the tall growing corn, of which there should be at least five rows between them and any other vines, would prevent the pollen from mixing, and as the hills need only be four or five feet apart, a great many could be raised in a row. The


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120 which there were wept away in and about the Colony above 2000 Perons. For as the Natives as well as the Animals of this Climate are of a hot Nature, they cannot bear the outward Heat, much les the inward, caued by this burning Ditemper, which inflames the Mas of Blood to that degree, that it cannot by any Means be quenched. They are very full of Blood, which is oberved by their frequent Bleeding at the Noe.

Few of them exceed the Age of 50 or 60 Years; many die in the Prime of their Years, and mot part in their tender Infancy; which is not to be wondered at, conidering they are quite detitute of all Sorts of Medicines, and ignorant of all that may trengthen and comfort ick Bodies. To upply which Defects, they know of nothing better, than to end for their Divines, which they name Angekuts, who mutter certain Spells over the Sick, by which they hope to recover. For


text: Category:Politics of Czechia

title: Category:Politics of Czechia


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Page:Peterson Magazine 1869B.pdf/221

204 CHARITY'S SECRET. innate dread of being found credulous and a dope. “You speak falsely. You were not one of the sufferers on Monday night. And I fear,” feeling my face burn, “it is too easy to guess at the means by which you live.”

I looked for a burst of fury, but to my surprise the girl made no word of reply. She got up and walked straight to the door, as if she had expected detection, and had no hope to succeed in her plan. But she turned there, staring about her at the clothes and food, her painted face distorted, her lips moving without a sound. She made a strange gesture with her hands, the fingers outspread, and then arm and hand falling nerveless—it was like one in a spasm.

I had heard so much of the depravity and cunning of her class in the large cities, that I felt an inexpressible loathing and disgust for her.

“It is quite useless to try to impose on me,” I said.

“And you are what they call a Christian?” she said, with a look which for years I did not forget. Then she turned and went out. I was angry, hurt, excited; I cried a few hot tears, and pitied myself. But as I went out to George I had an uneasy remembrance of the words, “Inasmuch as ye did it not to one of the least of these, ye did it not to Me.”

It made me heighten her shamelessness, her fierce threatening when I told him the story. I was justifying myself to myself. He was smoking, and his face was turned from me, and as usual, he expressed no opinion, only saying,

“Is she gone?”

“No, zur,” said Ann. “When T let ‘her out, she just sated hersilf on the stip a few doors aff, and she’s there yit.”

-Dr. Brettler put on his hat and went out. I followed him to the door. I saw him go up to the figure sitting on the door-step, speak to her, and give her something which I supposed was money. Then he came back to me and waited. There was a bakery at one end of the street, a gin-shop at the other.

“She went for bread, not whisky,” he said. “Go in, Lou; I will be back in half an hour.”

It was near midnight when he came, and I was asleep. He was called out early in the morning, and only had time to say, the girl's story was partly true, Louisa. Her mother is dying of a slow, torturing disease. If she comes for help today, do not refuse her.”

“But she did not live in Second street, George.”

“No; but she was starving,” and having muffled his comforter about his neck, he went out.

“Men,” I thought, “had such an inconsiderate way of dismissing all subjects.” But the business of the day put her out of my mind—she did not come for aid.

The door was besieged as much as it had been the day before, the contributions as heavy. I noticed a slight change in the class of appli- cants, however; there was little or no gratitude expressed, they claimed the articles as their right; and when they did pray for the Virgin to watch’ over me, ‘cr the clouds to cover me, they did it with one eye speculatively measuring the garment I was giving to their next neighbor. My first business, the day before, had been to see that the other children of Mrs. Clincy, anil the nine of Mrs. Malone were thoroughly clothed, socked, and shod; but today I could not bit fancy that. they were all back again in their old filthy nakedness. About noon, a drove of children of all ages, principally boys, and of all degrees of dirt and rags, took possession of the front steps, making forays inside every quarter of an hour. After dinner, there could be no doubt as to the Malones and Clincy’s, I had clothed them in the morning as ‘Matt Smith's b’ys, mem;” and now they blossomed again in native undress as “Weymers.”

Mrs. Grew was in just after breakfast. “I’m thinking,” she said, “these pants ‘Il suit my Jemmy. “He’s a foine b’y, mum.”

“Jemmy? Wasn’t it Jemmy who was dead that you carried out? No; dying, you told me?”

“Shure, mem, and ’twas a fit he had. He's subject to dem fits. Shure, the yowling and the shindy he makes is enough to dhrive you from your sinses. He’s low, mem; very low.”

“Now, do you mean? Is he still ill?”

“Faith, an’ it’s the docther, as he’s jest left the dure. “Mrs. Grew,’ ses he, “it’s a chance if he holds out till the mornin’,’ ses he. Oh, me! Oh, me!” bursting into a cry of inexpressible pathos. “It’s tomorrow ye’ll be wakin’ him,’ ses he. So I thought the pants would give my poor dead b’y a dacent appearance; but ne'er a coat has he to purtect him from the cowld, an’ him in his coffin!”

“Take a coat by all means, Mrs. Grew,” I said. But, somehow, I could not mingle my tears with hers.

That evening two or three half-grown boys came in, smoking stumps of segars. “I think,” said one, “these breeches ’ud about fit me.”

“What is your name?” asked Ann, sharply.

“Jemmy Grew’s my name; Ireland is my nation.”

Our supper-table was not so cheerful that evening—at least, on my part. George’s face were its quiet, singular look of content when he was especially gratified.

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Rh For outward Hurts, as Wounds, Cuts of Knives, and the like, they ew or titch them together. If any grow blind, as it often happens to them, the Eye being covered over with a white Skin; they make a mall Hook with a Needle, which they faten into this Skin, to looen it from the Eye, and then with a Knife they pull it off. When Children are plagued with Worms, the Mother puts her Tongue (Salvâ vericâ) into the Anus of the Children, for to kill them. Burnt Mos with mixt together erves for Plaiters to freh Wounds; or they cover the Wounds with a Piece of the innermot Rind of a Tree, and it will heal of itelf.

The Greenlanders are commonly of a phlegmatick Temper, which is the Caue of a cold Nature and Stupidity: they eldom fly into a Paion, or are much affected or taken with any thing, but of an inenible, indolent Mind. Yet I am of Opinion, that what contributes mot to this Coldnes and Stupidity is Want of Education I


text: East European Quarterly/Volume 15/Number 1/Palacký and Czech Politics After 1876


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text: Author:Bruce Morton Garver

title: Author:Bruce Morton Garver


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8

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