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 for the congress are discussed in Václav Čejchan, “Ke vznifuvzniku [sic] myšlenky slovanského sjezdu roku 1848,” Slovanský přehled, XX (1928), pp. 401–408; Richard G. Plaschka, “Zur Einberufung des Slawenkongresses 1848,” Archiv für österreichische Geschichte, CXXV (1966), pp. 196–207; and John Erickson, “The Preparatory Commitee of the Slav Congress, April–May 1848,” in Peter Brock and H. Gordon Skilling, eds., The Czech Renascence of the Nineteenth Century (Toronto, 1970), pp. 176.–201.

The official, amended version of Štúr’s announcement was dated May 1, 1848. and published in Národní Nowiny, May 5, 1848, No. 26, p. 103. It was translated into several Slav languages as well as German, and was widely disseminated in the press and as a broadsheet.

Minutes in H. Traub, “O přípravách k Slovanskému sjezdu v Praze r. 1848,” Časopis Musea království českého, XCII (1918), p. 249.

Palacký’s letter of April 11 was widely publicized in the Czech and German press. It is reprinted in the Czech (Radhost [Prague, 1871–73], III, pp. 10–17) and German (Gedenkblätter [Prague, 1874), pp. 149–155) editions of Palacký’s writings. An English translation is in Slavonic and East European Review, XXVI (April, 1948), pp. 303–308. For a recent assessment of the letter’s importance, see Stanley Z. Pech, The Czech Revolution of 1848 (Chapel Hill, 1969), pp. 80–85. On the evolution of Austro-Slavism, see esp. Václav Žáček, “K dějinám austro-slavismu rakouských Slovanů,” Slovanské historické studie, VII (1968), pp. 129–179.

Šafařík’s suggestions were contained in a letter of May 3, 1848, to the Preparatory Committee, in Žáček, Slovanský sjezd, pp. 65–66. Palacký’s draft in German and the final copy are in the Archív Národního musea (Prague), fond: Materiály Slovanského sjezdu v Praze 1848.

The Erklärung was dated May 5, 1848, and first appeared in Constitutionelles Blatt aus Böhmen (Prague), May 6, 1848, No. 31, and thereafter in the Wiener Zeitung, May 9, 1848, No. 129, p. 620, and also in the Czech press.

May 6, 1848, in Žáček, Slovanský sjezd, pp. 70–71. Palacký also wrote to the anxious Šafařík on May 8, reassuring him that his suggestions were receiving careful attention. Ibid., pp. 74–75.

See esp. “Panslavismus vor der Thür,” Die Constitution, May 9, 1848, No. 41, pp. 616–617; Wiener Schnellpost, May 13/14 and 20/21, 1848, Nos. 12/13 and 19/20, pp. 45–46, 78–79; and Der Freimüthige, Nos. 35–37, pp. 142–143, 152. See also R. John Rath, “The Viennese Liberals of 1848 and the Nationality Problem,” Journal of Central European Affairs, XV (October, 1955), pp. 227–239.

See Antoni Helcel to Palacky, May 13, 1848, in Žáček, Slovanský sjezd, pp. 114–115; and Leon Sapieha, Wspomnienia z lat od 1803 do 1863 r., ed. B. Pawlowski (Lvov & Warsaw, [1914]), pp. 225–226.

The congress rules were drafted by the Lusatian Sorb Jan Petr Jordan, who drew on suggestions by Šafařík. They were published in Národní Nowiny, May 30, 1848, No. 46, pp. 182–183; and as a broad sheet in several languages. They are reprinted in Czech in Zpráwa o sjezdu slowanskem (Prague, 1848), pp. 20–24; and in Polish in Žáček, Slovansky sjezd, pp. 218–220.

See Palacký, Politisches Vermächtniss (Prague, 1872), p. 9; and “Paul Joseph Šafařík: Ein biographisches Denkmal,” Österreichische Revue, VIII (1865), p. 45. Allegedly the presidency was also offered, pro forma, to Count J.M. Thun, who had chaired the Preparatory Committee. Thun, purportedly suffering from gout, declined


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4 of hushed and stored centuries, in which certain of the reputed treasures of Dedborough Place beautifully disposed themselves; and then, through ample apertures and beyond the stately stone outworks of the great seated and supported house—uplifting terrace, balanced, balustraded steps and containing basins where splash and spray were at rest—all the rich composed extension of garden and lawn and park. An ancient, an assured elegance seemed to reign; pictures and preserved "pieces," cabinets and tapestries, spoke, each for itself, of fine selection and high distinction; while the originals of the old portraits, in more or less deserved salience, hung over the happy scene as the sworn members of a great guild might have sat, on the beautiful April day, at one of their annual feasts.

Such was the setting confirmed by generous time, but the handsome woman of considerably more than forty whose entrance had all but coincided with that of Lord John either belonged, for the eye, to no such complacent company or enjoyed a relation to it in which the odd twists and turns of history must have been more frequent than any dull avenue or


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Rh easy sequence. Lady Sandgate was shiningly modern, and perhaps at no point more so than by the effect of her express repudiation of a mundane future certain to be more and more offensive to women of real quality and of formed taste. Clearly, at any rate, in her hands, the clue to the antique confidence had lost itself, and repose, however founded, had given way to curiosity—that is to speculation—however disguised. She might have consented, or even attained, to being but gracefully stupid, but she would presumably have confessed, if put on her trial for restlessness or for intelligence, that she was, after all, almost clever enough to be vulgar. Unmistakably, moreover, she had still, with her fine stature, her disciplined figure, her cherished complexion, her bright important hair, her kind bold eyes and her large constant smile, the degree of beauty that might pretend to put every other question by.

Lord John addressed her as with a significant manner that he might have had—that of a lack of need, or even of interest, for any explanation about herself: it would have been clear that he was apt to discriminate with


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6 sharpness among possible claims on his attention. "I luckily find you at least, Lady Sandgate—they tell me Theign's off somewhere."

She replied as with the general habit, on her side, of bland reassurance; it mostly had easier consequences—for herself—than the perhaps more showy creation of alarm. "Only off in the park—open to-day for a school-feast from Dedborough, as you may have made out from the avenue; giving good advice, at the top of his lungs, to four hundred and fifty children."

It was such a scene, and such an aspect of the personage so accounted for, as Lord John could easily take in, and his recognition familiarly smiled. "Oh, he's so great on such occasions that I'm sorry to be missing it."

"I've had to miss it," Lady Sandgate sighed—"that is to miss the peroration. I've just left them; but he had even then been going on for twenty minutes; and I dare say that if you care to take a look you'll find him, poor dear victim of duty, still at it."

"I'll warrant—for, as I often tell him, he


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Rh makes the idea of one's duty an awful thing to his friends by the extravagance with which he always overdoes it." And the image itself appeared in some degree to prompt this particular edified friend to look at his watch and consider. "I should like to come in for the grand finale, but I rattled over in a great measure to meet a party, as he calls himself—and calls, if you please, even me!—who's motoring down by appointment and whom I think I should be here to receive; as well as a little, I confess, in the hope of a glimpse of Lady Grace: if you can perhaps imagine that!"

"I can imagine it perfectly," said Lady Sandgate, whom evidently no perceptions of that general order ever cost a strain. "It quite sticks out of you, and every one moreover has for some time past been waiting to see. But you haven't then," she added, "come from town?"

"No, I'm for three days at Chanter with my mother; whom, as she kindly lent me her car, I should have rather liked to bring."

Lady Sandgate left the unsaid, in this connection, languish no longer than was decent.


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8 "But whom you doubtless had to leave, by her preference, just settling down to bridge."

"Oh, to sit down would imply that my mother at some moment of the day gets up!"

"Which the Duchess never does?"—Lady Sandgate only asked to be allowed to show how she saw it. "She fights to the last, invincible; gathering in the spoils and only routing her friends?" She abounded genially in her privileged vision. "Ah yes—we know something of that!"

Lord John, who was a young man of a rambling but not of an idle eye, fixed her an instant with a surprise that was yet not steeped in compassion. "You too then?"

She wouldn't, however, too meanly narrow it down. "Well, in this house generally; where I'm so often made welcome, you see, and where"

"Where," he broke in at once, "your jolly good footing quite sticks out of you, perhaps you'll let me say!"

She clearly didn't mind his seeing her ask herself how she should deal with so much rather juvenile intelligence; and indeed she could only decide to deal quite simply. "You


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Rh can't say more than I feel—and am proud to feel—at being of comfort when they're worried."

This but fed the light flame of his easy perception—which lighted for him, if she would, all the facts equally. "And they're worried now, you imply, because my terrible mother is capable of heavy gains and of making a great noise if she isn't paid? I ought to mind speaking of that truth," he went on as with a practised glance in the direction of delicacy; "but I think I should like you to know that I myself am not a bit ignorant of why it has made such an impression here."

Lady Sandgate forestalled his knowledge. "Because poor Kitty Imber—who should either never touch a card or else learn to suffer in silence, as I've had to, goodness knows!—has thrown herself, with her impossible big debt, upon her father? whom she thinks herself entitled to 'look to' even more as a lovely young widow with a good jointure than she formerly did as the mere most beautiful daughter at home."

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10 free inquiry in Lord John's reply. "You mean that our lovely young widows—to say nothing of lovely young wives—ought by this time to have made out, in predicaments, how to turn round?"

His temporary hostess, even with his eyes on her, appeared to decide after a moment not wholly to disown his thought. But she smiled for it. "Well, in that set!"

"My mother's set?" However, if she could smile he could laugh. "I'm much obliged!"

"Oh," she qualified, "I don't criticise her Grace; but the ways and traditions and tone of this house"

"Make it"—he took her sense straight from her—"the house in England where one feels most the false note of a dishevelled and bankrupt elder daughter breaking in with a list of her gaming debts—to say nothing of others!—and wishing to have at least those wiped out in the interest of her reputation? Exactly so," he went on before she could meet it with a diplomatic ambiguity; "and just that, I assure you, is a large part of the reason I like to come here—since I personally don't come with any such associations."


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Rh The Kingfisher seizes his prey by diving, and if it is small and pliable swallows it at once, but if it consists of the larger and more spiney fish they are beaten to pulp against a branch before they are swallowed, and even then the struggles and contortions the bird goes through before finally mastering the fish, would be very ludicrous were they not so evidently distressing.

The term haleyon days (days of fair weather) is derived from this bird's Latin name, The Kingfisher was once supposed to build his nest on a little raft and float out to sea with it, having the power of averting storms during the period of incubation. The modern Kingfisher is too wise to try any such experiment; he well knows that no one can fathom our climate or restrain Apollos from watering at unseemly times, so he digs deep into a bank, road eut, or quarry and the precious eggs are laid many feet from the outer air. What a racket the old birds make in the breeding-season! There may be loving, harmonious Kingfisher households, but if so these sounds belie them. But who can say how-ever; the seemingly angry shrieks of both parents may be "Rock-a-Bye, Baby," arranged by a Kinglisher Wagner as a duet!

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Rh "Not the association of bankruptcy—no; as you represent the payee!"

The young man appeared to regard this imputation for a moment almost as a liberty taken. "How do you know so well, Lady Sandgate, what I represent?"

She bethought herself—but briefly and bravely. "Well, don't you represent, by your own admission, certain fond aspirations? Don't you represent the belief—very natural, I grant—that more than one perverse and extravagant flower will be unlikely on such a fine healthy old stem; and, consistently with that, the hope of arranging with our admirable host here that he shall lend a helpful hand to your commending yourself to dear Grace?"

Lord John might, in the light of these words, have felt any latent infirmity in such a pretension exposed; but as he stood there facing his chances he would have struck a spectator as resting firmly enough on some felt residuum of advantage: whether this were cleverness or luck, the strength of his backing or that of his sincerity. Even with the young woman to whom our friends' reference thus broadened still a vague quantity for us, you would have


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12 taken his sincerity as quite possible—and this despite an odd element in him that you might have described as a certain delicacy of brutality. This younger son of a noble matron recognised even by himself as terrible enjoyed in no immediate or aggressive manner any imputable private heritage or privilege of arrogance. He would on the contrary have irradiated fineness if his lustre hadn't been a little prematurely dimmed. Active yet insubstantial, he was slight and short and a trifle too punctually, though not yet quite lamentably, bald. Delicacy was in the arch of his eyebrow, the finish of his facial line, the economy of "treatment" by which his negative nose had been enabled to look important and his meagre mouth to smile its spareness away. He had pleasant but hard little eyes—they glittered, handsomely, without promise—and a neatness, a coolness and an ease, a clear instinct for making point take, on his behalf, the place of weight and immunity that of capacity, which represented somehow the art of living at a high pitch and yet at a low cost. There was that in his satisfied air which still suggested sharp wants—and this was withal the ambiguity;


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Rh for the temper of these appetites or views was certainly, you would have concluded, not such as always to sacrifice to form. If he really, for instance, wanted Lady Grace, the passion or the sense of his interest in it would scarce have been considerately irritable.

"May I ask what you mean," he inquired of Lady Sandgate, "by the question of my 'arranging'?"

"I mean that you're the very clever son of a very clever mother."

"Oh, I'm less clever than you think," he replied—"if you really think it of me at all; and mamma's a good sight cleverer!"

"Than I think?" Lady Sandgate echoed. "Why, she's the person in all our world I would gladly most resemble—for her general ability to put what she wants through." But she at once added: "That is if—!" pausing on it with a smile.

"If what then?"

"Well, if I could be absolutely certain to have all her kinds of cleverness without exception—and to have them," said Lady Sandgate, "to the very end."

He definitely, he almost contemptuously


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Rh various countries and with the names and lineage of all important personages. Thus in the Hildebrandslied Hildebrand asks Hadubrand to tell him his father’s name, and adds: “If thou tellest me the one, I shall know the other.”

Schilbung and Nibelung, here spoken of as the sons of a mighty king, were originally dwarfs, and, according to some authorities, the original owners of the treasure. Boer, II, 199, thinks, however, that the name Nibelungs was transferred from Hagen to these dwarfs at a late stage in the formation of the saga.

angry of mood. The reason of this anger is apparent from the more detailed account in Biterolf, 7801. The quarrel arose from the fact that, according to ancient law, Siegfried acquired with the sword the rights of the first born, which the brothers, however, refused to accord to him.

Balmung. In the older Norse version and in the Thidreksaga Siegfried’s sword bore the name of Gram.

Alberich is a dwarf king who appears in a number of legends, e. g.,in the Ortnit saga and in Biterolf. Under the Romance form of his name, Oberon, he plays an important rôle in modern literature.

Cloak of Darkness. This translates the M. H. G. tarnkappe, a word often retained by translators. It is formed from O. H. G. tarni, ‘secret’ (cf. O. E. dyrne), and kappe from late Latin cappa, ‘cloak.’ It rendered the wearer invisible and gave him the strength of twelve men.

Saxons. This war with the Saxons does not appear in the poetic Edda, but was probably introduced into the story later to provide the heroes with a suitable activity in the period elapsing between Siegfried’s marriage and the journey to Brunhild’s land. (In our poem it is placed before the marriage.) It reflects the ancient feuds between the Franks on the one hand and the Saxons and Danes on the other. Originally Siegfried probably did not take part in it, but was later introduced and made the leader of the expedition in place of the king, in accordance with the tendency to idealize him and to give him everywhere the most important rôle. The two opposing leaders are Liudeger, lord of the Saxons, and Liudegast, king of Denmark. In Biterolf Liudeger rules over both Saxons and Danes, and Liudegast is his brother.


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12 of their lords these guests and took from their hands the black sumpters which bore the shields. The steeds, too, they wished to lead away for easement. How boldly then brave Siegfried spake: “Let stand the mounts of me and of my men. We will soon hence again, of this have I great desire. Whosoever knoweth rightly where I can find the king, Gunther, the mighty, of Burgundian land, let him not keep his peace but tell me.”

Then up spake one to whom it was rightly known: ”Would ye find the king, that can hap full well. In yon broad hall with his heroes did I but see him. Ye must hither hie you; there ye may find with him many a lordly man.”

To the king now the word was brought, that full lusty knights were come, who wore white breastplates and princely garb. None knew them in the Burgundian land. Much it wondered the king whence came these lordly warriors in such shining array, with such good shields, both new and broad. Loth was it to Gunther, that none could tell him this. Then Ortwin of Metz (a bold and mighty man was he) made answer to the king: “Since we know them not, ye should send for mine uncle Hagen, and let him see them. To him are known all kingdoms and foreign lands. If so be he knoweth these lords, he will tell us straightway.”

Then bade the king that Hagen and his men be brought. One saw him with his warriors striding in lordly wise unto the court.

“What would the king of me?” asked Hagen.

“There be come to my house strange warriors, whom here none knoweth. If ye have ever seen them, I pray you, Hagen, tell me now the truth.”


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14 declined to follow her. "The very end of what?"

She took her choice as amid all the wonderful directions there might be, and then seemed both to risk and to reserve something. "Say of her so wonderfully successful general career."

It doubtless, however, warranted him in appearing to cut insinuations short. "When you're as clever as she you'll be as good." To which he subjoined: "You don't begin to have the opportunity of knowing how good she is." This pronouncement, to whatever comparative obscurity it might appear to relegate her, his interlocutress had to take—he was so prompt with a more explicit challenge. "What is it exactly that you suppose yourself to know?"

Lady Sandgate had after a moment, in her supreme good humour, decided to take everything. "I always proceed on the assumption that I know everything, because that makes people tell me."

"It wouldn't make me" he quite rang out, "if I didn't want to! But as it happens," he allowed, "there's a question it would be convenient to me to put to you. You must be,


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Rh with your charming unconventional relation with him, extremely in Theign's confidence."

She waited a little as for more. "Is that your question—whether I am?"

"No, but if you are you'll the better answer it."

She had no objection then to answering it beautifully. "We're the best friends in the world; he has been really my providence, as a lone woman with almost nobody and nothing of her own, and I feel my footing here, as so frequent and yet so discreet a visitor, simply perfect. But I'm happy to say that—for my pleasure when I'm really curious—this doesn't close to me the sweet resource of occasionally guessing things."

"Then I hope you've ground for believing that if I go the right way about it he's likely to listen to me."

Lady Sandgate measured her ground—which scarce seemed extensive. "The person he most listens to just now—and in fact at any time, as you must have seen for yourself—is that arch-tormentor, or at least beautiful wheedler, his elder daughter."

"Lady Imber's here?" Lord John alertly asked.


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16 "She arrived last night and—as we've other visitors—seems to have set up a side-show in the garden."

"Then she'll 'draw' of course immensely, as she always does. But her sister won't be in that case with her," the young man supposed.

"Because Grace feels herself naturally an independent show? So she well may," said Lady Sandgate, "but I must tell you that when I last noticed them there Kitty was in the very act of leading her away."

Lord John figured it a moment. "Lady Imber"—he ironically enlarged the figure—"can lead people away."

"Oh, dear Grace," his companion returned, "happens fortunately to be firm!"

This seemed to strike him for a moment as equivocal. "Not against me, however—you don't mean? You don't think she has a beastly prejudice?"

"Surely you can judge about it; as knowing best what may—or what mayn't—have happened between you."

"Well, I try to judge"—and such candour as was possible to Lord John seemed to sit for a moment on his brow. "But I'm in


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Rh fear of seeing her too much as I want to see her."

There was an appeal in it that Lady Sandgate might have been moved to meet. "Are you absolutely in earnest about her?"

"Of course I am—why shouldn't I be? But," he said with impatience, "I want help."

"Very well then, that's what Lady Imber's giving you." And as it appeared to take him time to read into these words their full sense, she produced others, and so far did help him—though the effort was in a degree that of her exhibiting with some complacency her own unassisted control of stray signs and shy lights. "By telling her, by bringing it home to her, that if she'll make up her mind to accept you the Duchess will do the handsome thing. Handsome, I mean, by Kitty."

Lord John, appropriating for his convenience the truth in this, yet regarded it as open to a becoming, an improving touch from himself. "Well, and by me." To which he added, with more of a challenge in it: "But you really know what my mother will do?"

"By my system," Lady Sandgate smiled,


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18 "you see I've guessed. What your mother will do is what brought you over!"

"Well, it's that," he allowed—"and something else.

"Something else?" she derisively echoed. I should think 'that,' for an ardent lover would have been enough."

"Ah, but it's all one job! I mean it's one idea," he hastened to explain—"if you think Lady Imber's really acting on her."

"Mightn't you go and see?"

"I would in a moment if I hadn't to look out for another matter too." And he renewed his attention to his watch. "I mean getting straight at my American, the party I just mentioned

But she had already taken him up. "You too have an American and a 'party,' and yours also motors down?"

"Mr. Breckenridge Bender." Lord John named him with a shade of elation.

She gaped at the fuller light. "You know my Breckenridge?—who I hoped was coming for me!"

Lord John as freely, but more gaily, wondered. "Had he told you so?"


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Rh She held out, opened, the telegram she had kept folded in her hand since her entrance. "He has sent me that—which, delivered to me ten minutes ago out there, has brought me in to receive him."

The young man read out this missive. "'Failing to find you in Bruton Street, start in pursuit and hope to overtake you about four.'" It did involve an ambiguity. "Why, he has been engaged these three days to coincide with myself, and not to fail of him has been part of my business."

Lady Sandgate, in her demonstrative way, appealed to the general rich scene. "Then why does he say it's me he's pursuing?"

He seemed to recognise promptly enough in her the sense of a menaced monopoly. "My dear lady, he's pursuing expensive works of art."

"By which you imply that I'm one?" She might have been wound up by her disappointment to almost any irony.

"I imply—or rather I affirm—that every handsome woman is! But what he arranged with me about," Lord John explained, "was that he should see the Dedborough pictures in


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20 general and the great Sir Joshua in particular—of which he had heard so much and to which I've been thus glad to assist him."

This news, however, with its lively interest, but deepened the listener's mystification. "Then why—this whole week that I've been in the house—hasn't our good friend here mentioned to me his coming?"

"Because our good friend here has had no reason"—Lord John could treat it now as simple enough. "Good as he is in all ways, he's so best of all about showing the house and its contents that I haven't even thought necessary to write him that I'm introducing Breckenridge."

"I should have been happy to introduce him," Lady Sandgate just quavered—"if I had at all known he wanted it."

Her companion weighed the difference between them and appeared to pronounce it a trifle he didn't care a fig for. "I surrender you that privilege then—of presenting him to his host—if I've seemed to you to snatch it from you." To which Lord John added, as with liberality unrestricted, "But I've been taking him about to see what's worth while


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Rh “That will I,” spake then Hagen. He hied him to a window and over the guests he let his glances roam. Well liked him their trappings and their array, but full strange were they to him in the Burgundian land. He spake: “From wheresoever these warriors be come unto the Rhine, they may well be princes or envoys of kings, for their steeds are fair and their garments passing good. Whencesoever they bear these, forsooth high-mettled warriors be they.”

“I dare well say,” so spake Hagen, “though I never have seen Siegfried, yet can I well believe, however this may be, that he is the warrior that strideth yonder in such lordly wise. He bringeth new tidings hither to this land. By this hero’s hand were slain the bold Nibelungs, Schilbung and Nibelung, sons of a mighty king. Since then he hath wrought great marvels with his huge strength. Once as the hero rode alone without all aid, he found before a mountain, as I have in sooth been told, by Nibelung’s hoard full many a daring man. Strangers they were to him, till he gained knowledge of them there.

“The hoard of Nibelung was borne entire from out a hollow hill. Now hear a wondrous tale, of how the liegemen of Nibelung wished to divide it there. This the hero Siegfried saw and much it gan wonder him. So near was he now come to them, that he beheld the heroes, and the knights espied him, too. One among them spake: ‘Here cometh the mighty Siegfried, the hero of Netherland.’ Passing strange were the tidings that, he found among the Nibelungs. Schilbung and Nibelung greeted well the knight; with one accord these young and noble lordings bade the stately man


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Rh —as only last week to Lady Lappington's Longhi."

This revelation, though so casual in its form, fairly drew from Lady Sandgate, as she took it in, an interrogative wail. "Her Longhi?"

"Why, don't you know her great Venetian family group, the What-do-you-call-'ems?—seven full-length figures, each one a gem, for which he paid her her price before he left the house."

She could but make it more richly resound—almost stricken, lost in her wistful thought: "Seven full-length figures? Her price?"

"Eight thousand—slap down. Bender knows," said Lord John, "what he wants."

"And does he want only"—her wonder grew and grew—"'What-do-you-call-'ems'?"

"He most usually wants what he can't have." Lord John made scarce more of it than that. "But, awfully hard up as I fancy her, Lady Lappington went at him."

It determined in his friend a boldly critical attitude. "How horrible—at the rate things are leaving us!" But this was far from the


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22 end of her interest. "And is that the way he pays?"

"Before he leaves the house?" Lord John lived it amusedly over. "Well, she took care of that."

"How incredibly vulgar!" It all had, however, for Lady Sandgate, still other connections—which might have attenuated Lady Lappington's case, though she didn't glance at this. "He makes the most scandalous eyes—the ruffian!—at my great-grandmother." And then as richly to enlighten any blankness: "My tremendous Lawrence, don't you know?—in her wedding-dress, down to her knees; with such extraordinarily speaking eyes, such lovely arms and hands, such wonderful flesh-tints: universally considered the masterpiece of the artist."

Lord John seemed to look a moment not so much at the image evoked, in which he wasn't interested, as at certain possibilities lurking behind it. "And are you going to sell the masterpiece of the artist?"

She held her head high. "I've indignantly refused—for all his pressing me so hard."


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Rh "Yet that's what he nevertheless pursues you to-day to keep up?"

The question had a little the ring of those of which the occupant of a witness-box is mostly the subject, but Lady Sandgate was so far as this went an imperturbable witness "I need hardly fear it perhaps if—in the light of what you tell me of your arrangement with him—his pursuit becomes, where I am concerned, a figure of speech."

"Oh," Lord John returned, "he kills two birds with one stone—he sees both Sir Joshua and you."

This version of the case had its effect, for the moment, on his fair associate. "Does he want to buy their pride and glory?"

The young man, however, struck on his own side, became at first but the bright reflector of her thought. "Is that wonder for sale?"

She closed her eyes as with the shudder of hearing such words. "Not, surely, by any monstrous chance! Fancy dear, proud Theign!"

"I can't fancy him—no!" And Lord John appeared to renounce the effort. "But a cat


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 And this is where the value and opportunity of the modern novel comes in. So far as I can see, it is the only medium through which we can discuss the great majority of the problems which are being raised in such bristling multitude by our contemporary social development. Nearly every one of those problems has at its core a psychological problem, and not merely a psychological problem, but one in which the idea of individuality is an essential factor. Dealing with most of these questions by a rule or a generalisation is like putting a cordon round a jungle full of the most diversified sort of game. The hunting only begins when you leave the cordon behind you and push into the thickets.

Take, for example, the immense cluster of difficulties that arises out of the increasing complexity of our state. On every hand we are creating officials, and compared with only a few years ago the private life in a dozen fresh directions comes into contact with officialdom. But we still do practically nothing to work out the interesting changes that occur in this sort of man and that, when you withdraw him as it were from the common crowd of humanity, put his mind if not his body into uniform and endow him with powers and functions and rules. It is manifestly a study of the profoundest public and personal importance. It is manifestly a study of increasing importance. The process of social and political organisation that has been going on for the last quarter of a century is pretty clearly going on now if anything with increasing vigour—and for the most part the entire dependence of the consequences of the whole


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24 may look at a king and a sharp funny Yankee at anything."

These things might be, Lady Sandgate's face and gesture apparently signified; but another question diverted her. "You're clearly a wonderful showman, but do you mind my asking you whether you're on such an occasion a—well, a closely-interested one?"

"'Interested'?" he echoed; though it wasn't to gain time, he showed, for he would in that case have taken more. "To the extent, you mean, of my little percentage?" And then as in silence she but kept a slightly grim smile on him: "Why do you ask if—with your high delicacy about your great-grandmother—you've nothing to place?"

It took her a minute to say, while her fine eye only rolled; but when she spoke that organ boldly rested and the truth vividly appeared. "I ask because people like you, Lord John, strike me as dangerous to the—how shall I name it?—the common weal; and because of my general strong feeling that we don't want any more of our national treasures (for I regard my great-grandmother as national) to be scattered about the world."


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14 divide the hoard. Eagerly they asked it, and the lord in turn gan vow it to them.

“He beheld such store of gems, as we have heard said, that a hundred wains might not bear the lead; still more was there of ruddy gold from the Nibelung land. All this the hand of the daring Siegfried should divide. As a guerdon they gave him the sword of Nibelung, but they were served full ill by the service which the good knight Siegfried should render them. Nor could he end it for them; angry of mood they grew. Twelve bold men of their kith were there, mighty giants these. What might that avail them! Siegfried’s hand slew them soon in wrath, and seven hundred warriors from the Nibelung land he vanquished with the good sword Balmung. Because of the great fear that, many a young warrior had of the sword and of the valiant man, they made the land and its castles subject to his hand. Likewise both the mighty kings he slew, but soon he himself was sorely pressed by Alberich. The latter weened to venge straightway his masters, till he then discovered Siegfried’s mighty strength; for no match for him was the sturdy dwarf. Like wild lions they ran to the hill, where from Alberich he won the Cloak of Darkness. Thus did Siegfried, the terrible, become master of the hoard; those who had dared the combat, all lay there slain. Soon bade he cart and bear the treasure to the place from whence the men of Nibelung had borne it forth. He made Alberich, the strong, warden of the hoard and bade him swear an oath to serve him as his knave; and fit he was for work of every sort.”

So spake Hagen of Troneg: “This he hath done.


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Rh "There's much, in this country and age," he replied in an off-hand manner, "to be said about that." The present, however, was not the time to say it all; so he said something else instead, accompanying this with a smile that signified sufficiency. "To my friends, I need scarcely remark to you, I'm all the friend."

She had meanwhile seen the butler reappear by the door that opened to the terrace, and though the high, bleak, impersonal approach of this functionary was ever, and more and more at every step, a process to defy interpretation, long practice evidently now enabled her to suggest, as she turned again to her fellow-visitor, a reading of it. "It's the friend then clearly who's wanted in the park."

She might, by the,way Banks looked at her, have snatched from his hand a missive addressed to another; though while he addressed himself to her companion he allowed for her indecorum sufficiently to take it up where she had left it. "By her ladyship, my lord, who sends to hope you'll join them below the terrace."

"Ah, Grace hopes," said Lady Sandgate


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26 for the young man's encouragement. "There you are!"

Lord John took up the motor-cap he had laid down on coming in. "I rush to Lady Grace, but don't demoralise Bender!" And he went forth to the terrace and the gardens.

Banks looked about as for some further exercise of his high function. "Will you have tea, my lady?"

This appeared to strike her as premature. "Oh, thanks—when they all come in."

"They'll scarcely all, my lady"—he indicated respectfully that he knew what he was talking about. "There's tea in her ladyship's tent; but," he qualified, "it has also been ordered for the saloon."

"Ah then," she said cheerfully, "Mr. Bender will be glad!—" And she became with this, aware of the approach of another visitor. Banks considered, up and down, the gentleman ushered in, at the left, by the footman, who had received him at the main entrance to the house. "Here he must be, my lady." With which he retired to the spacious opposite quarter, where he vanished, while the footman, his own office performed,


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Rh retreated as he had come, and Lady Sandgate, all hospitality, received the many-sided author of her specious telegram, of Lord John's irritating confidence and of Lady Lappington's massive cheque.

 II

greeted him with an explicitly gracious welcome and both hands out, she had at once gone on: "You'll of course have tea?—in the saloon."

But his mechanism seemed of the type that has to expand and revolve before sounding. "Why, the very first thing?"

She only desired, as her laugh showed, to accommodate. "Ah, have it the last if you like!"

"You see your English teas—!" he pleaded as he looked about him, so immediately and frankly interested in the place and its contents that his friend could only have taken this for the very glance with which he must have swept Lady Lappington's inferior scene.

"They're too much for you?"


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 problem upon the reaction between the office on the one hand and the weak, uncertain, various human beings who take office on the other, doesn't seem even to be suspected by the energetic, virtuous and more or less amiable people whose activities in politics and upon the backstairs of politics bring about these developments. They assume that the sort of official they need, a combination of godlike virtue and intelligence with unfailing mechanical obedience, can be made out of just any young nephew. And I know of no means of persuading people that this is a rather unjustifiable assumption, and of creating an intelligent controlling criticism of officials and of assisting conscientious officials to an effective self-examination, and generally of keeping the atmosphere of official life sweet and healthy, except the novel. Yet so far the novel has scarcely begun its attack upon this particular field of human life, and all the attractive varied play of motive it contains.

Of course we have one supreme and devastating study of the illiterate minor official in Bumble. That one figure lit up and still lights the whole problem of Poor Law administration for the English reading community. It was a translation of well-meant regulations and pseudo-scientific conceptions of social order into blundering, arrogant, ill-bred flesh and blood. It was worth a hundred Royal Commissions. You may make your regulations as you please, said Dickens in effect; this is one sample of the stuff that will carry them out. But Bumble stands almost alone. Instead of realising that he is only one aspect of officialdom, we are all too apt to make him the type


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Rh Nevermore did warrior win such mighty strength. I wot yet more of him: it is known to me that the hero slew a dragon and bathed him in the blood, so that his skin became like horn. Therefore no weapons will cut him, as hath full oft been seen. All the better must we greet this lord, that we may not earn the youthful warrior’s hate. So bold is he that we should hold him as a friend, for he hath wrought full many a wonder by his strength.”

Then spake the mighty king: “Thou mayst well have right. Behold how valiantly he with his knights doth stand in lust of battle, the daring man! Let us go down to meet the warrior.”

“That ye may do with honor,” spake then Hagen; “he is of noble race, son of a mighty king. God wot, methinks, he beareth him in such wise, that it can be no little matter for which he hath ridden hither.”

“Now be he welcome to us,” spake then the king of the land. “He is both noble and brave, as I have heard full well. This shall stand him in good stead in the Burgundian land.” Then went Lord Gunther to where Siegfried stood.

The host and his warriors received the guest in such wise that full little was there lack of worship. Low bowed the stately man, that they had greeted him so fair. “It wondereth me,” spake the king straightway, “whence ye, noble Siegfried, be come unto this land, or what ye seek at Worms upon the Rhine.”

Then the stranger made answer to the king: “This will I not conceal from you. Tales were told me in my father’s land, that here with you were the boldest warriors that ever king did gain. This I have often heard,


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 of all officials, and not an urban district council can get into a dispute about its electric light without being denounced as a Bumbledom by some whirling enemy or other. The burden upon Bumble's shoulders is too heavy to be borne, and we want the contemporary novel to give us a score of other figures to put beside him, other aspects and reflections upon this great problem of officialism made flesh. Bumble is a magnificent figure of the follies and cruelties of ignorance in office—I would have every candidate for the post of workhouse master pass a severe examination upon "Oliver Twist"—but it is not only caricature and satire I demand. We must have not only the fullest treatment of the temptations, vanities, abuses, and absurdities of office, but all its dreams, its sense of constructive order, its consolations, its sense of service, and its nobler satisfactions. You may say that is demanding more insight and power in our novels and novelists than we can possibly hope to find in them. So much the worse for us. I stick to my thesis that the complicated social organisation of to-day cannot get along without the amount of mutual understanding and mutual explanation such a range of characterisation in our novels implies. The success of civilisation amounts ultimately to a success of sympathy and understanding. If people cannot be brought to an interest in one another greater than they feel to-day, to curiosities and criticisms far keener, and co-operations far subtler, than we have now; if class cannot be brought to measure itself against, and interchange experience and sympathy with class, and temperament with temperament, then


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 in a letter to Palacký to be considered for the presidency. May 26, 1848, in Záček, Slovanský sjezd, pp. 86–87.

Palacký’s opening address in Národní Nowiny, June 4. 1848, No. 51, p. 201; and Zpráwa o sjezdu slowanském, pp. 32–34.

See my “Did the Slavs Speak German at Their First Congress?” Slavic Review, XXXIII (1974), p. 518.

Protocol in Žáček, Slovanský sjezd, pp. 284–289.

See Václav Žáček, Čechové a Poláci roku 1848 (Prague, 1947-48), II, pp. 148–151.

Jordan, Aktenmässiger Bericht, p. 34; and Libelt to Palacký, June 8, 1848, in Žáček, Slovanský sjezd, p. 361n.

Citations from English text, trans. William Beardmore, “Manifesto of the First Slavonic Congress to the Nations of Europe,” Slavonic and East European Review, XXVI (April, 1848), pp. 309–313. The manifesto was published as a broadsheet in both Czech and German following the June uprising, and appeared contemporaneously in Polish, Slovene, Serb, as well as in German and Czech newspapers.

The manifesto also cited British refusal “to recognise the Irishman as an equal,” though no reference was made to Russia’s treatment of its neighbors.

Author’s translation.

Of the three partitioning powers, only Prussia was singled out by name.

“The Achievements of the Slavonic Congress,” Slavonic and East European Review, XXVI (April, 1948), pp. 330–334.

Geschichte Oesterreichs seit dem Wiener Frieden 1809 (Leipzig, 1863–65), II, pp. 336–339.

Czech Revolution of 1848, pp. 133–134.

Revoluce 1848 v českých zemích (Prague, 1974), p. 49.

The German nationalist newspaper, Wiener Schnellpost, June 17, 1848 (No. 47, pp. 189–191), charged that “Russian gold” and “Russian enticers” (Lockpfeifen) were covering Bohemia and the South Slav lands. Similarly, Kossuth’s newspaper, Kossuth Hirlapja (July 14, 1848, No. 12, p. 51), in commenting on the manifesto, asked if the Slavs would ever cease their “incessant flirtation with Muscovite might.” On the Russophobia of the Viennese liberals, see R. John Rath, The Viennese Revolution of 1848 (Austin, 1957), pp. 253–255.

See Otakar Odložilík, “The Slavic Congress of 1848,” Polish Review, IV, No. 4 (1959), p. 11.

“Prag und der neue Panslavismus II,” 1848, Sem. 1, pt. 2, pp. 438–439.

Libelt’s draft in Žáček, Slovanský sjezd, pp. 361–365.

Pech, Czech Revolution of 1848, p. 135.

Zach’s draft in Žáček, Slovanský sjezd, pp. 365–368.

On Bakunin’s proposals, see my “Bakunin’s Plan for Slav Federation, 1848,” Canadian-American Slavic Studies, VIII (1974), pp. 107–115. It is commonly believed that Bakunin put two separate proposals before the congress: a plan for Slav federation and his recommendations for the European manifesto. Most scholars have assumed that the latter have been lost, a view most recently reiterated by Josef Polišenský, “Bakuninův návrh se dodnes nenašel” (Revoluce a Kontrarevoluce v Rakousku 1848 [Prague, 1975], p. 168). The only recorded mention of Bakunin’s recommendations for the manifesto is found in a letter of June 9, 1848, from Libelt to Palacký that accompanied the former’s own suggestions: “I enclose a similar


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16 and that I might know it of a truth, therefore am I come. Likewise do I hear boasting of your valor, that no bolder king hath ever been seen. This the folk relate much through all these lands. Therefore will I not turn back, till it be known to me. I also am a warrior and was to wear a crown. Fain would I bring it to pass that it may be said of me: Rightly doth he rule both folk and land. Of this shall my head and honor be a pledge. Now be ye so bold, as hath been told me, I reck not be it lief or loth to any man, I will gain from you whatso ye have—land and castles shall be subject to my hand.”

The king and likewise his men had marvel at the tidings they here heard, that he was willed to take from them their land. The knights waxed wroth, as they heard this word. “How have I earned this,” spake Gunther, the knight, “that we should lose by the force of any man that which my father hath rules so long with honor? We should let it ill appear that we, too, are used in knightly ways.”

”In no wise will I desist,” spake again the valiant man. ”Unless it be that through thy strength thy land have peace, I will rule it all. And shouldst thou gain, by thy strength, my ancestral lands, they shall be subject to thy sway. Thy lands, and mine as well, shall lie alike; whether of us twain can triumph over the other, him shall both land and people serve.”

Hagen and Gernot, too, straightway gainsaid this. “We have no wish,” spake Gernot, “that we should conquer aught of lands, or that any man lie dead at hero’s hands. We have rich lands, which serve us, as is meet, nor hath any a better claim to them than we.”


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 "Come, then, we don't want so much jaw about it," said Richelot, lifting a table into one corner of the room. "You Jean Louis, and you Lapierre stand there; Lenoir, Dubuisson, and Etienne, (the shipwright) go to the other end: they shall be the friends, and I will seat myself on the bed and be the people."

"What people?" inquired Etienne, "Why the audience if you like. The shipwright is a booby."

"I am a spectator too."

"No, you stupid ass, I am. You are a friend, take your place, the play is going to begin."

We imagine ourselves in a public-house at la Courtille; each talks. I get up, and, under a pretext of asking for some tobacco, enter into conversation with the friends at the other table, I speak a little slang, they find me a downy cove, and give me a knowing look, which I return, and it is found we are all lads of the same profession. They follow the customary usages of society,—a glass more than necessary. I complain of being without a job of work. They complain, and we all complain together. We commence to be very full of mutual compassion and sympathy; I curse the beaks, they curse them too; I swear at the big wigs of my quarter who persecute me; my friends look at each other, consult each other's eyes, and deliberate upon the opportunity offered by, or the disadvantages of, my acquaintance. They take my hand, they press it, I consent; it is agreed that they may rely on me. Then comes the proposal—the character I play is that which, with but few variations, I always have played—I only alter a little, by putting the stolen goods into the pockets of my friends. Then was heard the unanimous applause, accompanied by shouts of laughter. "Well done, well done," cried the actors and the witness of this scene.

"Well done, certainly," said Richelot, "but see the sun is setting and it is time to tramp; the play can finish in the drag, or elsewhere, when we have done


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Rh


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 [project] by Bakunin in French” (Žáček, Slovanský sjezd, p. 361n). In all likelihood, Bakunin’s federative scheme and his recommendations for the manifesto are in fact the same document. In his later Confession (1851) to Tsar Nicholas I, Bakunin referred to only one proposal that he presented to the congress. Moreover, when Libelt’s new agenda was unveiled in the Polish-Ukrainian section on June 7, Bakunin emphatically opposed issuing separate manifestos to the European nations and to the Slavs. He recommended issuing “a simple declaration of principles.” Protocol in Wisłocki, Kongres słowianski, p. 116. Bakunin’s proposal was first published in Polish in the Lvov daily Dziennik Narodowy, August 31 and September 5, 1848, Nos. 132, 136, pp. 554–555, 568.

See Otakar Odložilík, “Pokus o soudní vyšetřování Fr. Palackého r. 1848,” Národní Osvobození (Prague), May 26, 1926, No. 143.

July 3, 1848, in Gedenkblätter, pp. 167–169.

Protocol of questioning on July 15, 1848, in Státní ústřední archiv (Prague), fond: Vyšetřovací komise 1848, fasc. 52/2. Portions of Turánsky’s testimony are reprinted in Žáček, Slovanský sjezd, pp. 454–459. On the Turánsky affair, see my “The Investigation of the June 1848 Uprising in Prague: The Strange Case of Marcel Turánsky,” East European Quarterly, VIII (1974), pp. 57–69. Palacký later rejected this accusation as pure fabrication (Politisches Vermächtniss, p. 12).

Windischgrätz’s report was printed in Prager Zeitung, August 4, 1848, No. 30.

Their joint statement of August 10 was published in Wiener Zeitung, August 19, 1848, No. 227, p. 66.

Verhandlungen des österreichischen Reichstages nach der stenographischen Aufnahme (Vienna, 1848-49), V, pp. 342–345.

Noviny Lípy Slovanské, January 2–5, 28491849 [sic], Nos. 1–4. See also Josef Kočí, “Česká politika a Bakuninův ‘Hlas k Slovanům,’” Slovanské historické studie, X (1974), pp. 113–140; and my “The Echo of Bakunin’s Appeal to the Slavs (1848),” Canadian-American Slavic Studies, X (1976), pp. 489–501.

January 19, 1849, No. 16.

“Nothgedrungene Erklärung,” Prager Zeitung, January 26, 1849, No. 22; and in Czech, “Wynucené wyjádření,” Národní Nowiny, January 27, 1849, No. 23, p. 89.

Printed in Václav Čejchan, Bakunin v Čechách (Prague, 1928), pp. 193–200. In his Confession, Bakunin later denounced “the pretensions of the Czech politicians,” who at the Slav Congress had sought to rule a Slav-dominated Austria. V. Polonskii, ed., Materialy dlia biografii M. Bakunina (Moscow & Petrograd/Leningrad, 1923–33), 1, p. 149. Cf. Václav L. Beneš, “Bakunin and Palacký’s Concept of Austroslavism” Indiana Slavic Studies, II (1958), pp. 79–111.

Betrachtungen über die Zeitverhältnisse, insbesondere im Hinblicke auf Böhmen (Prague, 1849), pp. 96–97.

From Moraczewski’s manuscript “O kongresie słowiánskim w Pradze, zebranym 31 maja 1848,” in Žáček, Slovanský sjezd, p. 515. This passage on Palacký was deleted from the published version of Moraczewski’s account of the congress: Opis pierwszego Zjazdu słowianskiego (Poznań, 1848).

Ed. Josef Jirásek (Bratislava, 1931), pp. 185 ff. Štúr’s manuscript was first published in 1867 under the Russian title Slavianstvo i mir budushchago.

Friedrich Engels, Germany: Revolution and Counter-Revolution, in The German Revolutions, ed. L. Krieger (Chicago, 1967), pp. 177–180. Engels’ work originally appeared in the New York Daily Tribune in 1851–52 under Marx’s name.

See pp. 9–14.


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East European Quarterly, Vol. XV, No. 1

The Slav Congress which was held in Prague amidst the turnoil of that momentous year 1848 represented the first attempt of the Danubian Slav nations to formulate a joint response to the threat to their national well-being posed by German and Magyar nationalist policies. The congress, poised between stages of national renascence and political maturation, stands as a watershed in the modern history of the Slavs.

Within a remarkably short time after the fall of the Metternichian pre-March order, two hostile national axes crisscrossed central Europe, one running from Frankfurt in the west through Vienna and Pest, the other from Poznań in the north through Prague and Zagreb. The first joined the liberal and radical advocates of greater German unity and Magyar independence; the second, the Slavs seeking to escape German and Magyar hegemony and distant bureaucratic rule. It was this mounting national enmity that engendered the Slavs’ search for a common forum and program. The idea of convening a congress of Slav spokesmen was advanced in late April, 1848, in several quarters-in a public call by the Croatian liberal, Ivan Kukuljević-Sakcinski; in private correspondence to Prague by the Poznań democrat Jędrzej Moraczewski; and, especially, by the Slovak national leader Ľudovít Štúr, who obtained backing in Prague from the Czech liberals. The various initiatives were linked by a common insistence on the need for the Slavs “to deliberate [forthwith] the means whereby their subjugators in Pest and Frankfurt could most easily, quickly, and surely be confronted.” At a meeting of Czech patriots in Prague on April 30, a committee was selected to guide the congress preparations, and a proclamation was approved, inviting all Austrian Slavs “possessing the trust of their peoples to assemble in the venerable Slav and Czech city of Prague on May 31.”

Although František Palacký did not attend the first meetings of the Preparatory Committee, his presence was pervasive. (It is noteworthy that at its first meeting the committee approved the congress announcement contingent on Palacký’s endorsement.) Since April 11, the date of his celebrated reply to Frankfurt, in which he refused to become a member of


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 with the fence; I will go and gel a jarvey, if you fellows like?"

"Yes, yes, let us be off."

The drama was progressing well, we were approaching the climax, but it was doomed to be a very different one from that anticipated by these gentlemen, for the catastrophe was not in accordance with the title of the piece. We all got into a hackney-coach, and desired the coachman to stop at the corner of the Rue de Bretagne, and the Rue de TourraineTouraine [sic]. Bras, one of the fences, was waiting at a short distance. Dubuisson Commery, and Lenoir alighted, taking with them the portion of the merchandise which we had agreed to sell. Whilst they were agreeing about the price, I saw, on looking from the window, that Annette had fulfilled my intention. Persons whom I saw, some with their noses in the air, as if seeking for some number, others walking about like idlers, were not in this quarter, I thought, without some motive.

After ten minutes of expectation, we were rejoined by our comrades who had been to Bras. They had brought away one hundred and twenty-five francs for things worth at least six times as much; but it was of no consequence, they were not sorry to realize what they were in haste to enjoy.

There remained those bundles which we had reserved for Pomme Rouge. On reaching Rue de la Juiverie, Richelot said to me, "Come, you must go and bargain, you know the ''downy fencefence." [sic]''

"That will not do," I replied, "I owe him money, and we have had a row about it."

I owed Pomme Rouge nothing, but we had seen each other, and he knew that I was Vidocq. It would, therefore, have been imprudent to show myself, and I left my friends to arrange these matters, and on their return, as the appearance of Annette in the vicinity of the shop gave me the certainty that the police was on the qui vive, I proposed to discharge the coach and go and


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Rh There stood his kinsmen, grim of mood; among them, too, Ortwin of Metz. “It doth irk me much to hear these words of peace," spake he; “the mighty Siegfried hath defied you for no just cause. Had ye and your brothers no meet defense, and even if he led a kingly troop, I trow well so to fight that the daring man have good cause to leave this haughty mien.”

At this the hero of Netherland grew wonderly wroth. He spake: “Thy hand shall not presume against me. I am a mighty king, a king’s vassal thou. Twelve of thy ilk durst not match me in strife.”

Then Ortwin of Metz called loudly for swords. Well was he fit to be Hagen of Troneg’s sister’s son. It rued the king that he had held his peace so long. Then Gernot, the bold and lusty knight, came in between. He spake to Ortwin: “Now give over thy anger. Lord Siegfried hath done us no such wrong, but that we may still part the strife in courteous wise. Be advised of me and hold him still as friend; far better will this beseem us.”

Then spake the doughty Hagen: “It may well grieve us and all thy knights that he ever rode for battle to the Rhine. He should have given it over; my lordings never would have done such ill to him.»”

To this Siegfried, the mighty man, made answer: “Doth this irk you, Sir Hagen, which I spake, then will I let you see that my hands shall have dominion here in the Burgundian land.”

“I alone will hinder this,” answered Gernot, and he forbade his knights speak aught with haughtiness that might cause rue. Siegfried, too, then bethought him of the noble maid.


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18 “How might it beseem us to fight with you?” spake Gernot anew. “However many heroes should lie dead because of this, we should have scant honor therefrom and ye but little gain.”

To this Siegfried, the son of Siegmund, made reply: “Why waiteth Hagen, and Ortwin, too, that he hasteth not to fight with his kin, of whom he hath so many here in Burgundy?”

At this all held their peace; such was Gernot’s counsel. Then spake Queen Uta’s son: “Ye shall be welcome to us with all your war-mates, who are come with you. We shall gladly serve you, I and all my kin.”

Then for the guests they bade pour out King Gunther’s wine. The master of the land then spake: “All that we have, if ye desire it in honorable wise, shall owe fealty to you; with you shall both life and goods be shared.”

At this Lord Siegfried grew of somewhat gentler mood. Then they bade that care be taken of the armor of the guests. The best of hostels that men might find were sought for Siegfried’s squires; great easement they gave them. Thereafter they gladly saw the guest in Burgundy. Many a day they offered him great worship, a thousand fold more than I can tell you. This his prowess wrought; ye may well believe, full scant a one he saw who was his foe.

Whenever the lordings and their liegemen did play at knightly games, Siegfried was aye the best, whatever they began. Herein could no one match him, so mighty was his strength, whether they threw the stone or hurled the shaft. When through courtesie the full lusty knights made merry with the ladies, there were


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 sup in the cabaret of the Grand Casuel, on the Quai Pelletier, at the corner of the Rue Planche Mibray.

After the visit to Pomme Rouge we were richer by eighty francs, and the sum at our disposal was so considerable, that we might give way to some excess without fear of distressing ourselves, but we had no time to expend it, for scarcely had we got our glasses in hand when the guard entered, followed by a posse of inspectors. At the sight of the veterans and the spies all their countenances fell, and the general feeling was "we are caught." Thibault, the peace-officer, asked us for our papers, some had none, and others were not correct, mine were amongst these latter. "For the charge of all these sparks," said the peace-officer, "safe bind, safe find." We were tied two and two, and conducted to the commissary. Lapierre was coupled with me. "Have you good legs?" I said to him in a low tone. "Yes," was his reply, and when we reached the top of the Rue de la Tannerie, taking out a knife I had concealed up my sleeve, I cut the cord. "Courage, Lapierre, courage!" I cried. With a blow of my elbow I prostrated the veteran who had taken me by the arm; perhaps it was the very man who has since become food for Martin the bear; whether or not I darted away, and with a few leaps reached a small alley leading to the Seine. Lapierre followed me, and we reached the Quai des Ormes together.

They lost all traces of us, and I was very glad to have escaped without being recognised. Lapierre was equally rejoiced, for not having had any time for reflection, he was far from suspecting any sinister motives in me; but, in fact, if I favoured his escape, it was in the hope of introducing myself, under his auspices, into some other band of thieves. By fleeing with him I removed all suspicions that himself or his companions might have conceived, and kept up the good opinion which they had of me. In this way I hoped to make


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Rh they glad to see the hero of Netherland, for upon high love his heart was bent. He was aye ready for whatso they undertook, but in his heart he bare a lovely maid, whom he had never seen. She too, who in secret spake full well of him, cherished him alone. Whenever the pages, squires, and knights would play their games within the court, Kriemhild, the noble queen, watched them from the windows, for no other pastime she needed on such days. Had he known that she gazed on him thus, whom he bare within his heart, then had he had pastime enough, I trow, for well I wot that no greater joy in all this world could chance to him.

Whenever he stood by the heroes in the court, as men still are wont to do, for pastime’s sake, so winsome was the posture of Siegelind’s son, that many a lady loved him for very joy of heart. But he bethought him many a day: “How shall that hap, that I with mine own eyes may see the noble maid, whom I do love with all my heart and so have done long time. Sadly must I stand, sith she be still a stranger to me.”

Whenever the mighty kings fared forth into their land, the warriors all must needs accompany them at hand, and Siegfried, too. This the lady rued, and he, too, suffered many pangs for love of her. Thus he dwelt with the lordings, of a truth, full a year in Gunther’s land, and in all this time he saw not once the lovely maid, from whom in later days there happed to him much joy and eke much woe.


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 new discoveries, for as I was a secret agent I was desirous of acting as quietly as possible.

Lapierre was free, but I kept him in sight, and was ready to give him up the moment he was no longer useful to me.

We continued running towards the hospital, where at length we stopped, and entered a cabaret to recover breath and rest ourselves. I ordered a measure of wine to refresh us; "Here, lad," said I to Lapierre, "here is a comforter."

"Oh yes, it is hard work."

"And difficult to keep up, is it not?"

"Nothing can drive the idea from my mind ."

"What?"

"Here, let us drink."

And no sooner had he emptied his glass than he became more pensive; "No, no," he repeated, "nothing can drive the idea from my mind."

"What do you mean? tell me."

"Well, then, I will tell you."

"You are right; but first you will do well to take off the stockings you have on your feet, and the cravat about your neck."

Lapierre was nearly in the same condition as the celebrated author of the Pied du Mouton, when, to descend in the garden of the Palais Royal, he had no other covering on his feet than the dress-stockings and white satin slippers of his mistress. As it seemed to me that I perceived in the eyes of my friend that dark scowl of mistrust which, if one does not take care, increases so rapidly, I was glad to testify one of those marks of interest, the effect of which is to reassure a suspicious mind: such was my aim in advising him to remove from his attire some articles of small value, which, during the overhauling of the booty, his associates and himself had immediately applied to their own use.

"What shall I do with them?" said Lapierre.

"Throw them into the river."


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Now there came strange tales to Gunther’s land, though messengers sent them from afar—tales of unknown warriors, who bare them hate. When they heard this word, in sooth it pleased them not. These warriors will I name to you: there was Liudeger of Saxon land, a great and lordly prince, and then from Denmark Liudegast, the king. For their journey they had gathered many a lordly stranger.

To Gunther’s land were come the messengers his foes had sent. Men asked the strangers for their tidings and bade them hie them soon to court unto King Gunther. The king gave them greeting fair; he spake: “Be ye welcome. I have not heard who sent you hither, but let that now be told.” So spake the right good king. But they feared full sore King Gunther’s warlike mood.

“Will ye, O King, permit that we tell the tales we bring, then we shall not hold our tongue, but name to you the lordings who have sent us hither: Liudegast and Liudeger; they would march upon this land. Ye have earned their wrath, indeed we heard that both lords bear you mortal hate. They would harry at Worms upon the Rhine and have the aid of many a knight; that may ye know upon our faith. Within twelve weeks the journey must befall. And ye have aught of good friends, who will help guard your castles


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 "I'll not be such a fool! the silk stockings are quite new, and the cravat has never been hemmed."

"Silly nonsense."

"You want to laugh at me, my boy; throw away your own first."

I begged him to observe that I had nothing on that could compromise me. "You are like the hares," I added, "you lose your memory as you run; do you not remember that there was no cravat for me, and with trowsers like these (touching those I wore) would you have me wear women's stockings?"

He took off the stockings which, folding up, he enveloped in the cravat.

Thieves are at the same time misers and spend thrifts: he felt the necessity of removing these convicting articles out of sight, but his heart bled at the thoughts of not making a profit by them, it is because the produce of robbery is often so dearly paid for, that the sacrifice of it is always painful.

Lapierre was most anxious to sell his stockings and cravat, and we went together to the Rue de la Bûcherie to offer them to a shopkeeper, who gave us forty-five sous for them. Lapierre appeared to have made up his determination since the catastrophe of Grand Casuel; yet he was constrained in his manners, and if I am any judge of what was passing in his hind, in spite of my efforts to reestablish myself in his opinion, I was strongly suspected. Such feelings were not very favourable to my projects, and persuaded that henceforward I must not temporize, but being matters to a speedy termination, I said to Lapierre, "If you like we will go and sup at Place Maubert."

"I will, if you please," was the reply.

I took him to the Deux Frères, where I called for wine, pork chops, and cheese. At eleven o'clock we were still at table, every body had retired, and they brought us in a bill which came to four francs fifteen centimes. I immediately cried out, "My five-franc


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 piece, my five-franc piece! where can it be?" I rummaged all my pockets and searched myself from head to feet. "My God! I must have lost it in running: look, Lapierre, if you have it?"

"No, I have only my forty-five sous, and not a dump besides."

"Look for it, I am going to try and arrange with the people." I offered the cabaretier two francs fifty centimes, promising to bring him the remainder on the morrow; but he would not listen to me. "Ah! you think," said he, "that you may come and have all you want here, and then pay me with monkey's allowance."

"But," I observed to him, "it is an accident which might happen to the most honest man."

"That's all my eye! When one is low in cash we are trickish or so; a cup of wine, or so, one would not mind, but it is no go to have a whole supper on tick."

"Oh, never mind, old lad; if it accommodates good fellows, never mind."

"Come, come, not so much jaw; pay me, or I'll fetch the guard."

"The guard! that for the guard and you too;" accompanying the words with a gesture of contempt much used by common people.

"Ah! you vagabond! is it not enough to carry off my property?" cried he, doubling his fist and thrusting it in my face. "Do not strike me," I replied to his apostrophe, "do not strike me, or "

He advanced towards me, and I instantly hit him a blow. A quarrel and uproar followed, which Lapierre thinking would come to serious consequences, judged it best to mizzle; but on the very moment when he was about to make off and leave me to extricate myself as best I might, the waiter seized him by the throat and cried out "thieves."

The guard-house was nigh, the soldiers came in, and, for the second time in that day, we were placed between two ranges of those candles of Maubeuge whose wicks


text:
Translation:Institutional Act Number Five

THE PRESIDENT OF THE FEDERATIVE REPUBLIC OF BRAZIL, after hearing the National Security Council, and

WHEREAS the Brazilian Revolution of March 31, 1964 had, as is clear from the Acts with which it was institutionalized, foundations and purposes that aimed to give the country a regime that, meeting the demands of a legal and political system, ensured an authentic democratic order, based on freedom, respect for the dignity of the human person, the fight against subversion and ideologies contrary to the traditions of our people, the fight against corruption, seeking, in this way, "the indispensable means for the work of economic and financial reconstruction , politics and morality of Brazil, in order to be able to face, directly and immediately, the serious and urgent problems on which the restoration of the internal order and international prestige of our homeland depends" (Preamble of Institutional Act nº 1, of 9 April 1964);

WHEREAS the Government of the Republic, responsible for the execution of those objectives and for internal order and security, not only cannot allow anti-revolutionary people or groups against it to work, plot or act, under penalty of failing to fulfill the commitments it assumed with the Brazilian people, as well as because the Revolutionary Power, when editing Institutional Act No. 2, categorically stated that "it was not said that the Revolution was, but that it is and will continue" and, therefore, the revolutionary process in development cannot be detained;

WHEREAS this same Revolutionary Power, exercised by the President of the Republic, when convening the National Congress to discuss, vote and promulgate the new Constitution, established that this, in addition to representing "the institutionalization of the ideals and principles of the Revolution", should "ensure the continuity of the revolutionary work" (Institutional Act nº 4, of December 7, 1966) ;

WHEREAS, however, that clearly subversive acts, originating from the most distinct political and cultural sectors, prove that the legal instruments, which the victorious Revolution granted to the Nation for its defense, development and well-being of its people, are serving as means to fight and destroy it;

WHEREAS that, therefore, it becomes imperative to adopt measures that prevent the superior ideals of the Revolution from being frustrated, preserving order, security, tranquility, economic and cultural development and the political and social harmony of the Country compromised by subversive and of revolutionary war;

WHEREAS all these facts disturbing the order are contrary to the ideals and consolidation of the Movement of March 1964, forcing those who took responsibility for it and swore to defend it, to adopt the necessary measures to avoid its destruction,

Decides to issue the following

Article 1–The Constitution of January 24, 1967 and the state Constitutions remain in force with the modifications contained in this Institutional Act.

Article 2–The President of the Republic may decree the recess of the National Congress, the Legislative Assemblies and the Chambers of Councillors, by means of a Supplementary Act, regardless if a state of siege is in force, and they shall only return to function when called-up by the President of the Republic.

Paragraph 1–Once the recess has been decreed, the corresponding Executive Branch is authorized to legislate on all matters and exercise all other Legislative Branch powers provided for in the Constitutions or in the Organic Law of the Municipalities.

Paragraph 2–During the recess period, Senators, federal and state Deputies and Councilors shall only receive the fixed part of their subsidies.

Paragraph 3–In the event of a recess of the Municipal Council, the financial and budgetary supervision of Municipalities that do not have a Court of Auditors, will be carried out by that of the respective State, extending its action to the functions of auditing, judging the accounts of administrators and other people responsible for assets and public values.

Article 3–The President of the Republic, in the event of relevant national interest, may decree the intervention of States and Municipalities, without constitutional limits.

Sole paragraph–Intervenors in States and Municipalities will be appointed by the President of the Republic and will exercise all functions and duties that fall, respectively, to Governors and Mayors, and will enjoy the prerogatives, salaries and advantages established by law.

Article 4–In the interest of preserving the Revolution, the President of the Republic, after consulting the National Security Council, and without constitutional limits, may suspend the political rights of any citizen for a period of 10 years and remove elected federal, state and municipal office-holders from office.

Sole paragraph–Members of the federal, state and municipal Legislatures who have been removed from office shall not be replaced, and the parliamentary quorum will be determined based on the number of seats actually filled.

Article 5–The suspension of political rights, based on this Act results simultaneously on:

I–termination of legal immunity by virtue of holding a certain office;

II–suspension of the right to vote and be voted for in labor union elections;

III–prohibition of activities or manifestation on matters of political nature;

IV–application, when necessary, of the following security measures:

a) probation;

b) prohibition of being at certain places;

c) specific domicile,

Paragraph 1–The act that decrees the suspension of political rights may establish restrictions or prohibitions regarding the exercise of any other public or private rights.

Paragraph 2–The security measures referred to in item IV of this article will be applied by the Minister of Justice.

Article 6–The constitutional or legal guarantees of: life tenure, irremovability and tenurity, as well as the exercise of functions for a fixed term, are suspended.

Paragraph 1–The President of the Republic may, by decree, dismiss, remove, retire or make available any holders of the guarantees referred to in this article, as well as employees of local authorities, public companies or mixed capital companies, and dismiss, transfer to the reserves or retire military personnel or members of the military police, ensuring, where appropriate, salaries and benefits proportional to the length of service.

Paragraph 2–The provisions of this article and its Paragraph 1 also apply in the States, Municipalities, Federal District and Territories.

Article 7–The President of the Republic, in any of the cases provided for in the Constitution, may decree a state of siege and extend it, setting the respective period.

Article 8–The President of the Republic may, after investigation, decree the confiscation of assets of all those who have enriched themselves, illicitly, in the exercise of public office or function, including local authorities, public companies and mixed capital companies, and also apply the relevant legal penalties.

Sole paragraph–Once the legitimacy of the acquisition of the assets has been proven, their refund will be made.

Article 9–The President of the Republic may issue Supplementary Acts for the execution of this Institutional Act, as well as adopt, if necessary to defend the Revolution, the suspension of freedom of assembly and association and the censorship of correspondence, the press, telecomunications, and public entertainment.

Article 10–The writ of habeas corpus is suspended in the case of political crimes, or crimes against national security, the economic and social order or the popular economy.

Art. 11–All actions committed in accordance with this institutional Act and its Supplementary Acts, as well as their respective effects, are excluded from any judicial review.

Art. 12–This Institutional Act becomes effective on this date, and all provisions to the contrary are hereby revoked.

Brasília, December 13, 1968; 147th of Independence and 80th of the Republic.

COSTA E SILVA

Luís Antônio da Gama e Silva

Augusto Hamann Rademaker Grünewald

Aurélio de Lyra Tavares

José de Magalhães Pinto

Antônio Delfim Netto

Mário David Andreazza

Ivo Arzua Pereira

Tarso Dutra

Jarbas G. Passarinho

Márcio de Souza e Mello

Leonel Miranda

José Costa Cavalcanti

Edmundo de Macedo Soares

Hélio Beltrão

Afonso A. Lima

Carlos F. de Simas


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328 fey. This Scotch and older English word has been chosen to translate the M. H.G. veige, ‘fated,’ ‘doomed,’ as it is etymologically the same word. The ancient Germans were fatalists and believed only those would die in battle whom fate had so predestined.

thirty thousand. The M.H.G. epics are fond of round numbers and especially of thirty and its multiples. They will be found to occur very frequently in our poem. See Lachmann, Anmerkungen zu den Nibelungen, 474 1.

their. The original is obscure here; the meaning is, ‘when he heard with what message they were come, he rued the haughtiness of the Burgundians.’

marks of gold. A mark (Lat. marca) was half a pound of gold or silver.

Isenland  translates here M. H. G. Îslant, which has, however, no connection with Iceland in spite of the agreement of the names in German, Îsen lant, the reading of the MSS. BJh, has been chosen, partly to avoid confusion, and partly to indicate its probable derivation from Îsenstein, the name of Brunhild’s eastle. Boer’s interpretation of Îsen as ‘ice’ finds corroboration in Otfrid’s form îsine steina (‘ice stones,’ i.e. crystals) I, 1. 70. Îsenstein would then mean Ice Castle. In the Thidreksaga Brunhild’s castle is called Saegarðr (‘Sea Garden’), and in a fairy tale (No. 93 of Grimm) Stromberg, referring to the fact that it was surrounded by the sea. Here, too, in our poem it stands directly on the shore.

Zazamanc, a fictitious kingdom mentioned only here and a few times in Parzival, Wolfram probably having obtained the name from this passage. (See Bartsch, Germanistische Studien, II, 129.)

wont to wear. In the Middle Ages costly furs and fish-skins were used as linings and covered, as here described, with silk or cloth. By fish such amphibious animals as otter and beaver were often meant.

well fit. In this passage wert, the reading of A and D, has been followed, instead of unwert of B and C, as it seems more appropriate to the sense.

dight, ‘arrayed’; used by Milton.

Brunhild. The following words are evidently a late interpolation, and weaken the ending, but have been


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Rh and your lands, let this soon be seen. Here shall be carved by them many a helm and shield. Or would ye parley with them, let messengers be sent. Then the numerous bands of your mighty foes will not ride so near you, to give you pain of heart, from which full many a lusty knight and a good must die.”

“Now bide a time,” spake the good king, “till I bethink me better; then ye shall know my mind. Have I aught of trusty men, I will not withhold from them these startling tales, but will make complaint thereof unto my friends.”

To Gunther, the mighty king, it was loth enow, but in his heart he bare the speech in secret wise. He bade Hagen be fetched and others of his men, and sent eftsoon to court for Gernot. Then came the very best of men that could he found. The king spake: “Men would seek us here in this our land with mighty armies, now make ye wail for that.”

To this Gernot, a brave and lusty knight, made answer: “That will we fend indeed with swords. Only the fey will fall. So let them die; for their sake I will not forget my honor. Let these foes of ours be welcome to us.”

Then spake Hagen of Troneg: “This thinketh me not good. Liudegast and Liudeger bear great arrogance; nor can we summon all our men in such short time. Why tell ye not Siegfried of the thing?” So spake the valiant knight.

To the messengers they bade give lodging in the town. Whatever hate they bore them, yet Gunther, the mighty, bade purvey them well, as was but right, till he discovered of his friends who there was who would lend


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 the Council of Fifty, Palacký had been recognized as the most eloquent spokesman for the Austrian Slavs’ determination to resist the inclusion of their homelands in a German national state. Palacký’s letter gave political expression to the concept of Austro-Slavism that had evolved from pre-March cultural Pan-Slavism. In his judgment, only an independent, federally structured, and politically reformed Austrian state could protect the smaller Slav nations-positioned between obscurantist tsardom and an alien German nationalist movement-from absorption by these stronger neighbors. For Austria to merge with Germany was in fact asking Austria to commit suicide and the Slavs to forego their quest for national equality.

Palacký took little part in the congress preparations, being preoccupied with the affairs of the Bohemian National Committee which, by May, had acquired considerable political influence with Governor Leo Thun. However, at the suggestion of Pavel Josef Šafařík, who was in Vienna sounding out the official reaction to the congress plans, Palacký wrote a statement addressed to the Austro-Germans and the Magyars. The explanation affirmed the Slavs’ loyalty to the Habsburg monarchy, disclaimed any Pan-Slav, separatist, or Russianist intentions, and emphasized the Slavs’ determination to defend their just national and constitutional rights. Although he closely followed Šafařík’s proposals, Palacký concluded his statement with his own candid assessment of the Slavs’ aims:

Palacky’s Erklärung was widely publicized in the non-Slav press. But whereas this disclaimer of hostile intentions may have helped to reassure cautious officials in Prague and Vienna, it stimulated suspicions of a Slav conspiracy among Austro-German radical nationalists. Nevertheless, Baron Jan Neuberg, vice chairman of the Preparatory Committee, informed Šafařík that Palacký’s statement “should paralyze any talk of Pan-Slavism.”

Grossdeutsch hostility to the congress plans centered especially on the person of Palacký. Since writing his letter of April 11, Palacký was identified as the leader of a band of Austro-Slav separatists who were determined to thwart German unity and “Slavicize” the monarchy with Russian


text: Advice to the Indian Aristocracy/Chapter 5


text: Advice to the Indian Aristocracy/Chapter 6


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 aid. In addition, German nationalists were outraged when the Austrian Ministerial Council on May 8 offered Palacký the portfolio of education. Palacký refused the appointment, but the news of the offer, which coincided with the announcement of the Slav Congress, bought furious protests in the Viennese press. Minister-President Franz von Pillersdorff was accused of patronizing the congress plans and of flirting with the politically ambitious Slavs.

Despite the chorus of denunciation of Palacký and the Slavs in Vienna, Frankfurt, and Pest, Palacký himself continued to work behind the scenes in Prague to bridge the widening gap of mistrust between Czechs and Poles, which was becoming a major obstacle to the congress plans. Palacký introduced Prince Leon Sapieha (a Galician magnate and Prince Adam Czartoryski’s brother-in-law) to the Bohemian nobleman, Count J.M. Thun, the titular head of the Preparatory Committee. By his own account, Sapieha left Prague with every intention of returning to attend the congress, as in fact he did. He was convinced that the Czech leaders wanted nothing to do with either Russia or with Russian-inspired Pan-Slavism.

The rules and procedures formulated by the Preparatory Committee divided the congress into three regional/national sections: 1) Czechs and Slovaks; 2) Poles and Ukrainians (later joined by two Russians, no section having been allotted for them); and 3) South Slavs. Each section would constitute itself, choose its own officers, and designate sixteen representatives, who, with the designees from the other sections, would comprise the Plenary Committee. In addition, each section would nominate a candidate for the presidency. Just before the congress opened, the Plenary Committee would elect the president from among the three nominees, the other two becoming vice presidents. The three candidates were: Prince Jerzy Lubomirski (Polish-Ukrainian section); Stanko Vraz (the Slovene Illyrian member of the South Slav section; it should be noted that Ljudevit Gaj did not attend); and Palacký (Czecho-Slovak section). On June 1 the Plenary Committee met and unanimously elected Palacky to preside over the congress. The only other Slav in Prague who rivaled Palacký in stature and respect as a likely candidate for president was the ethnographer Šafařík. Actually, the presidency was first earmarked for Šafařík, whose “extensive knowledge of all Slavic idioms” uniquely qualified him for the position; but when he declined, Palacký reluctantly (by his own account) accepted the office. Be this as it may, Šafařík chaired the Czecho-Slovak section, where his contribution to the deliberations was as great as Palacký’s.


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22 him aid. Yet in his fears the king was ill at ease. Just then full blithe a knight, who wot not what had happed, saw him thus sad and prayed King Gunther to tell him of the matter. “Much it wondereth me,” spake Siegfried, for he it was, “that ye thus have changed your merry wont, which ye have used thus far with us.”

To this Gunther, the stately knight, replied: “It liketh me not to tell all folk the grievance which I must bear within my heart in secret wise. Only to trusty friends should one confide his woe of heart.”

At this Siegfried’s color waxed both pale and red. To the king he spake: “I have denied you naught and will gladly help you turn aside your woes. And ye seek friends, I will be one of them and trow well to deport myself with honor until mine end.”

“Now God reward you, Sir Siegfried, your speech thinketh me good, and though your prowess help me not, yet do I rejoice to hear that ye are friend to me, and live I yet a while, I shall repay you well. I will let you hear why I stand thus sad; from the messengers of my foes I have heard that they would visit me with war, a thing which knights have never done to us in all these lands.”

“Regard this lightly,” spake then Siegfried, “and calm your mood. Do as I pray you. Let me gain for you both worship and advantage and do ye command your knights, that they gather to your aid. Should your mighty foes be helped by thirty thousand men, yet could I withstand them, had I but a thousand; for that rely on me.”

Then spake King Gunther: “For this I’ll serve you ever.”


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Rh Note: A rapid drumming with the bill on the tree branch or trunk serves for a love-song, and it has a screaming call note.

Season: In migrations; more abundant in fall than in spring.

Breeds: North from Massachusetts.

Nest: In an unlined hole, which is often 18 or 20 inches deep.

Eggs: 5, pure white.

The Sapsucker is a superbly marked Woodpecker, but its beauty is neutralized by its pernicious habit of boring holes in the tree bark through which it siphons the sap or eats the soft, inner bark.

In some localities they will destroy large tracts of fruit trees by stripping off the entire outer bark. Here, in the garden, they attacked a large spruce one autumn, and the next spring the trunk was white with the sap that leaked from the hundreds of "taps," and the tree has never since recovered its vitality.

Where these birds are plentiful, many orchard owners cover the tree trunks with fine wire netting, and it would almost seem that the destruction of this species is justi-fiable, but care should be taken not to confuse the other innocent Woodpeckers with this red-crowned, red-throated evil-doer. Only having seen the bird in its migrations, I have never heard the wonderfully rapid drumming to which Mr. Bicknell refers, and which he says does not oeur until the birds mate and is never heard in the autumn. This tattoo, beat upon a tree with the beak, is, in fact, the love note of the majority of Woodpeckers.

Length: 8.50-9.50 inches.

Male and Female: Head, throat, and neck crimson. Back, wings, and tail blue-black. White below. White band on wings, and white rump. Bill horn-coloured, and about as long as head.

Note: A guttural rattle, similar to the cry of the tree-toad. In April a hoarse, hollow-sounding ery. (Bicknell.)

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 have a smell of gunpowder. My comrade endeavoured to prove to the corporal that he was not in fault, but the veteran was immovable, and we were shut up in the guard-house. Lapierre became silent and sad as a brother of La Trappe, he did not even unclose his teeth. At length, about two o'clock in the morning, the commissary went his round, and asked to see the persons in confinement. Lapierre first appeared, and was told he might go if he would pay the bill. I was called in my turn, and on entering the room recognised M. Legoix. The recognition was mutual, and in two words I explained to him what I had done; I told him the place where the stockings and cravat had been sold, and whilst he hastened to seize on these articles, which were requisite to convict Lapierre, I returned to him. He was no longer silent.

"The bandage has fallen," said he, "I see what is done, it was all a plot."

"What! you are laughing at me, but I will speak frankly. Yes, it is done, and it is a plot, but it was you who got us into the trap."

"No, my friend, it was not me; I do not know who, but I suspect you more than any one else."

At these words I grew angry, he furious: to threats succeeded blows, and we proceeded to fight until we were separated. As soon as we were parted I found my five-franc piece; and as the cabaretier had not reckoned the thump I gave him, it was enough for me not only to satisfy all his demands, but also to offer to the corps de garde, I will not say the stirrup-cup, but that small drop of farewell token which the snob always pays willingly. This tribute paid, there was no further reasons for my detention, and I started off without paying my adieu to Lapierre, who was now known; and the next day I learnt that the most complete success had crowned my efforts. The two fences, Bras and Pomme Rouge, had been surprised in the midst of ample proofs of the nefarious traffic which they carried on; the robbers had been apprehended with the property


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 when the decisive moment came our authoritative centre around which the vacillating workers who were drawn away from the influence of the Social Democratic Party could rally, was lacking.

Since other united front bodies also (councils of action, control commissions, fighting committees) were not systematically used in order politically to prepare the fight, the fight was almost entirely interpreted as a party affair and not as a united fight of the whole proletariat.

The Party showed very little ability to consolidate organisationally its growing influence in the mass organisations of the proletariat. It displayed still less ability to concentrate its forces for a protracted period on one fighting aim.

The amount of technical preparation of readjustment of the organisation for the fight for power, of the arming and internal consolidation of the centuries, was at a minimum. The much too brief and feverish technical preparations, practically produced no results; it is true, they technically prepared the Party members for action, but they did not embrace the wide proletarian masses.

The feverishness of the technical preparation during thedecisive week, the view that the struggle was only a Party struggle, and the concentration of the "final blow" without preliminary and accumulative partial struggles and mass movements, made it impossible to examine the true relation of forces and to fix proper dates. Therefore the statement as to whether the majority of the working class at the decisive points would follow the lead of the German Communist Party was rendered an absolutely unreal and unsafe calculation. In fact, the only thing that could be asserted was that the Party was on the way to winning over the majority without yet possessing the leadership of them.

The under-estimation of the forces of the counter-revolution, consisted of the fact that the Party under-estimated the power of the Social-Democrats as a hampering force within the proletariat.

The Party also misunderstood the nature and the rôle of the left Social Democratic leaders, and allowed the illusion to be cherished in its own ranks that by exerting the necessary mass pressure, we could compel these leaders to join with us in calling for the fight.

The rigid one-sided policy of passing to the decisive struggle only from the defence of the Central German positions was a mistaken one. It resulted in the neglect of other industrial and fighting provinces, and in severe disorientation after the Saxon position was surrendered without a fight. It was a fatal error of the Party to stake all its cards on Saxony, and thereby fail to