text:
Page:The North Star-Vol1-No3.djvu/1

 The NORTH STAR is published every Friday, at No. 25, Buffalo Street,

(Opposite the Arcade.)

ROCHESTER, JANUARY 14, 1848.

POLITICAL.

From the Emancipator.

MR. HALE IN THE SENATE.

We are able to give the following interesting particulars in regard to the presentation (on the 22d) of the memorial of the yearly meeting of anti-slavery friends in Indiana. Here follows the petition:

"To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States, in Congress assembled: We, your petitioners, believing all carnal war to be anti-Christian, and the present war with Mexico to be one of pre-eminent injustice, wickedness and barbarity, respectfully but earnestly request you to use all the means in your power to put an immediate termination to the bloody conflict. And, farther, we would solicit the exercise of the powers of the government invested in your hands, to put an immediate termination to slavery with all its horrid consequences, so far as those powers extend.

On presenting this petition, Mr. Hale said:

I suppose, Mr. President, as this petition prays for the exertion of all the powers of government, so far as they extend, in relation to this subject, it includes within its provision, slavery within the District of Columbia; and I am informed that the practice has obtained in the Senate, when petitions of this character are presented, to raise the question of reception, and that such a motion is laid on the table, and there the matter drops. As this course does not accord with my own conviction of duty, I must urge a different disposition of this petition; and I hope that if exception be taken, it will be taken without this side-blow of a motion to lay on the table.

With this view, if the question of reception be raised, I ask that it may be taken by yeas and nays.

The presiding officer.—Those in favor of taking the question by yeas and nays will rise.

Mr. Hale.—Was the motion made to lay the motion upon the table?

The presiding officer.—The question is to be put as a matter of course.

Mr. Hale.—I was not aware of the existence of such a rule; but that being the case, I would like to say a single word on the main question, as the motion to lay on the table is not debateable.

Mr. Berrien.—I trust that the established usage of the Senate will not be departed from on this occasion. When a petition of this sort is presented, the question of reception it raised by a motion to lay a petition on the table. I raise that question; I move to lay the motion upon the table.

Mr. Hale.—Upon that question I ask the yeas and nays.

Mr. Johnson, of Maryland, inquired whether it would be in order to move a postponement of the question of reception till to-morrow?

The presiding officer.—The question to lay on the table has precedence.

Mr. Johnson, of Maryland, then said that his only object was that the Senate might be full before the question was taken.

Mr. Calhoun.—What is the question?

The presiding officer.—It is to lay the motion to receive the petition on the table.

Mr. Calhoun.—What is the subject matter of the petition?

The presiding officer.—The abolition of slavery in the district of Columbia.

Mr. Hale.—If it be in order, I will state the subject matter of the petition. The petition comes from the yearly meeting of Friends at Newport, Wayne county, Indiana, praying the termination of the war in Mexico; and also praying that all the powers vested in Congress upon the subject, shall be exerted for the termination of slavery.

Mr. Butler.—That does not say anything about slavery in the District of Columbia.

Mr. Hale.—I remarked that that was included in the petition.

The question was then taken on the call for the yeas and nays. A sufficient number of members rising, the yeas and nays were ordered and were taken as follows:

—Messrs. Allen, Ashley, Atchison, Atherton, Badger, Bell, Berrien, Bradbury, Breese, Bright, Butler, Calhoun, Cass, Davis, (of Mississippi,) Dickinson, Dix, Downs, Fairfield, Felch, Foote, Hunter, Johnson,(of Maryland,) Johnson, (of Louisiana,) Manguin, Masson, Niles, Rusk, Sevier, Spruance, Sturgeon, Turney, Westcott, Yulee.—33.

—Messrs. Baldwin, Clarke, Corwin, Greene, Hale, Miller, Phelps, Underwood, Upham.—9.

So the motion to receive the petition was laid upon the table.

Mr. Hale presented the memorial of David T. Burr and sixty-nine others, citizens of Pennsylvania, praying for such an alteration of the constitution and laws as shall abolish slavery throughout the Union.

Mr. Hale said:

I do not understand that there is a standing rule or order of the Senate that raises the question whether this petition shall be received, or the motion to receive it laid on the table. I ask whether the motion to receive the petition is debateable? Am I correct, sir, in supposing it is debateable?

Presiding officer.—It is debateable.

Mr. Hale.—So understanding it, sir, I wish to say a single word in vindication of the course which I deem it my duty to take on this occasion. It is with no desire to produce angry feelings, or excited discussion, but it is in the discharge of my duty, under deep and earnest convictions of my understanding, that I attempt to discharge that duty.

What is the refusal of the Senate to receive these petitoinspetitions [sic]? It is saying that there are some subjects on which the people shall not approach this tribunal.

In this day, speculation is adventurous. We venture to inquire into all the secrets of the material and the spiritual world. The researches of geological science have penetrated the bowels of the earth, and have there found the materials by which it is essayed to prove that

Nay, inquiry goes with adventurous flight to the very throne of Eternity, and undertakes to scan the laws by which He who sits thereon governs His own actions and the world he has created. And, sir, if speculation is thus adventurous, have we, in the United States of America, an institution which exalts itself above God; defying examination or inquiry, or petition? Most emphatically, sir, do I conceive that at the present day the people of the United States have a peculiar right to come and ask of this body a respectful hearing of their petitions, and a respectful hearing on this very subject. Sir, it is no mere abstraction. It is an element of political power in the formation of our constitution; it is an element on which the constitution of the other House is regulated; and it is an element in the political discussion and action of the present day, which is involving the nation in a foreign and aggressive war at an expense of forty or fifty millions of dollars annually.—And if the people of the United States are to be thus taxed for war, growing immediately and directly out of an institution of this character, are they to be told that they shall not come and respectfully present their petitions upon this subject?

I have thus discharged my duty to those who sent me here, without any expectation of influencing the action of this body, without any desire to excite angry feeling or discussion. I ask that the petition may be received.

Mr. Berrien.—The practice which has been adopted by the Senate has been the result of calm and deliberate consideration. It has protected us from those exciting discussions which, in another branch of the national legislature, have too often occurred. I do not apprehend that anything which has fallen from the honorable Senator from New Hampshire, who presents this petition, is calculated to change this well settled conviction of the Senate on this subject. I therefore, sir, the question of reception being before the Senate, move to lay that question upon the table.

The motion to receive the petition was then laid upon the table.

From the New York Herald.

SPEECH OF JOHN C. CALHOUN,

ON THE MEXICAN WAR.

, Jan. 4,1848.

At twenty minutes to one o'clock, Mr. Calhoun's resolutions were taken up, on motion of Mr. Sevier.

Mr. Calhoun rose and said—In offering these resolutions, Senators, to your consideration, I have been governed by the same reasons which induced me to oppose the war—from the same considerations which have ever since guided me. In alluding to my opposition to the war, I do not intend to advert to the reasons which governed me on that occasion, further than is necessary to explain my object on the present. I opposed the war then, not only because I considered it unnecessary, and easily to be averted—not only because the President, without authority, ordered the United States troops to enter a disputed territory, at that time occupied by the Mexicans—not only because the declaration of Congress was unfounded in truth—but from higher considerations of policy: because I foresaw that it must lead to great and serious evils to the country, and greatly endanger its free institutions. The war was declared, and recognised as such, by the government, when it was too late to avert it. I then felt it to be my duty to shape my course so as to prevent, as far as possible, the danger which was threatening our free institutions. Such was my object in proposing the defensive line, at the last session—such is my object in now offering these resolutions; but I shall express my opinion at all times, boldly and independently, such as becomes a Senator who has nothing to ask or gain, and whose only object is to do what is good for his country. When I proposed, in the Senate of the United States, at the last session, a different line of policy, we had a large portion of country in our possession; we stood in a better position than at any other time since, to make it; for I hold it to be a fair principle, that we may receive indemnity, in the shape of unoccupied territory, from woods, but not from the cultivated homes of Mexicans. In offering, at the last session, peace resolutions, I did it because I thought it would be a great saving in men and money; but above all, because I saw it would save us from being involved to the extent we now are. The President took a different view; he recommended a vigorous prosecution of the war to Congress, to "conquer a peace;" that is, to compel the Mexicans to make us indemnity, and also to pay us the expenses of the war. I opposed it, because I thought there was great hazard if the war was continued. Congress thought differently; it voted men and money. At Buena Vista we were victorious; Vera Cruz fell; Cerro Gordo was conquered—brilliant victories, that do great honor to our army; and finally, the gates of the city of Mexico fell prostrate to our conquering arms.—Well, sir, have the avowed objects of the war been effected? Have we conquered a peace? Have we succeeded in effecting a treaty? Are we offered indemnity? No, sir, not a single object avowed by the President, has been accomplished. No, Mr. President, the object is farther off than ever. Now, sir, I ask what has caused the complete discomfiture of our measure?

We cannot charge the failure upon our troops. It is not charged to this; but to the fact, that the plan of the campaign was laid in error and founded on a mistake. We aimed at indemnity. If we wanted it, we should have enforced it when we had the power in our hands. We, however, endeavored to arrive at it by a treaty, which, had the Mexicans refused to sign, would have completely upset the arrangement.—They did refuse, and not withstanding all our brilliant victories, the war is still upon our hands. After an outlay of $40,000,000 we are worse off than ever. I am not looking at the conquest—I throw that aside. We have lost 7000 or 8000 men besides, and all this for nothing at all. But, Mr. President, it is said that a defensive line would have been as costly as the prosecution of the war. The President and the Secretary of War have said it; but I must say, to my mind, it is utterly impossible. The line which I proposed would have been covered with hostile Indians, and would have required only a single regiment and a ship of war to guard its coast. For seven years, Texas remained unconquered by Mexico, and that too, when the Mexican resources and power were greater and more powerful than they are now; and can any man believe it would cost us more to defend that line, than to carry on the present war? We now come, Mr. President, to the consideration of another campaign. Sir, the same measures are proposed as were at the last session. We are told it is not for conquest; that is explicitly disavowed. It is not an order to blot out the nationality of Mexico, for the President avows distinctly he wishes to retain its nationality. Now, sir, we come to the practical question:—Shall we carry on the war? I have enquired carefully into the matter, and I must say there are many reasons now existing against it, stronger than at the last session. A bill has been proposed authorising the President to raise an additional force of not less than twenty-five thousand men, making in all, not less than seventy thousand troops for the next campaign, and at an expense of fully $60,000,000. Now, what is the condition of the money market at present? Last year in consequence of the unfortunate famine in Europe, we have a large balance of trade in our favor and money plentiful. We are now encumbered with a large drain both ways. We have to send large sums, both to England and Mexico. If drafts are sent here they are cashed, and in the present state of the market the money goes to England. I see treasury notes quoted below par and stocks still lower. The end will be that the treasury notes will not go into the sub-treasury, and specie be given out—thus draining both. The end will be a great commercial crisis and the failures of our banks. There is danger now of all this, which did not exist at the beginning of the last session. Men you may get, but money you cannot. I have conversed with a gentleman well versed in commercial matters, and he has given it as his opinion, that treasury notes—and they are nothing more or less than loans, which must he repaid—would not bring more than 90 dollars, for every 100 dollars; which is rather more, I think, than 7 per cent. But, sir, these are not the only objections, formidable as they are against the war. I do not see the slightest chance of obtaining any thing by it, if we should be successful in our arms, which I don't believe; but if we should, the avowed objects would be defeated. But, sir, I take the other side. The more victories we gain, the greater will be our difficulty in arriving at a peace, as avowed. What is to be the effect it we proceed to repress all resistance in Mexico? We overthrow her civil government, and leave her without any power. Mr. President, if that is done, how are you to obtain a peace? One power can make war—it requires two to make peace. If you destroy the government of Mexico, where is your second party to a peace? You are defeated by your own success. But what do you accomplish by the very object you disown? The free republic you wish to see will be gone—blotted out—a mere mass of what she was, and her sovereignty, for the time, conveyed to her conquerors. The President has very much the same conviction of what is the vigorous prosecution of the war, as I have. He says, that the people of Mexico are divided into factions, governed by military rulers, and the only way to arrive at what we desire, is to put them all down.

Well, sir, if we are to build up a republican form of government, from those citizens who are well disposed towards us, and who are desirous of a peace, Mr. President, I confess I am at a loss to understand how an independent republic can grow up under the protection and auspices of its conqueror. I can well see how an aristocratic or despotic government could be thus formed; but how a free government can, I cannot see. I had always understood such a government must spring from the hearts of the people; but, sir, I see these notions are antiquated, and we can now make free republics. The people of Mexico do not wish it. The great body of the intelligence and wealth is concentrated in the clergy, and they are disinclined to it. The other large body, the owners of the haciendas, in other words, the planters, might, perhaps, favor it; but they are scattered without the means of forming a firm government, and if put up, would tumble down in a day, the moment our troops should be withdrawn. The other course, then, would be to support and foster the existing government. But it is said that would be useless, and it would fall the moment our troops were withdrawn. Mr. President, I protest against building up any power in Mexico, for we shall thereby be obliged to support it again and again, until at last we would be compelled to take it ourselves. The conquering of Hindostan, which we have so long deprecated, come on in this very way. There was no intention at first to conquer it. That came on by degrees, till at last it appeared a matter of course. So it would be with Mexico, if that government should agree to make a treaty on such terms as we ask. The President himself agrees we shall take the very course I have forshadowedforeshadowed [sic]. He says, in so many words, if measures fail, we must enforce terms which the honor of the country demands. Is not this an acknowledgment, that if the factional government is not built up, we must conquer and occupy the country, thus enforcing terms, not upon the government, but upon the people. Well, the President is right. This will be the result. Every argument against taking a defensive line, will have a double force when we have spent sixty millions of dollars more, and occupy a still greater extent of territory. The men engaged in the war—the contractors, the several parties engaged, directly or indirectly—all this large body will be adverse to return; and their influence in favor of a continuation of the war, will be found too powerful to oppose. Well, sir, now that we have added sixty millions of dollars to the former amount expended, what will you get to indemnify it?—With the population, which you will have to sustain, and the army of forty or fifty thousand men, as the Secretary of War says, you will never get enough to pay it; and it will have to come out of the pockets of the people of the united States. This and the next generation, will have to bear this burden. We now come to the solemn considertionconsideration [sic] proposed by the resolution. I have shown the course proposed by the President. It is to blot out the nationality of Mexico and throw seven or eight millions of people on your hands, either as province or incorporated into our Union.—Shall we do either? No, Mr. President, neither; and for these reasons: First, It will be against the avowed object of the war. No message has been sent to Congress which has distinctly denied the object to be the extinction of the nationality of Mexico; and yet, sir, what we disavow will have been accomplished, and what we avowed will have been defeated. This, sir, at least, will be an impeachment of the ability of our government to manage its own affairs. I acknowledge the full amount of glory our army has acquired and shed on the country; but, Mr. President, I am afraid all our applause will be confined to our army. Every nation looks upon us as a hard-hearted people, who are more given to war than modern nations. However much we might rejoice at the courage, bravery and skill of our troops, and the astonishing victories they have achieved, he was yet sorry to confess that the government had lost that reputation for moderation and justice which had been its crowning attributes in its early days. If we shall attempt to hold Mexico as a province, or incorporate it into this Union, we shall find it utterly impracticable. We had never assimilated any of the Indian tribes with our people when incorporating thertheir [sic] territory into our Union. We have removed them farther away. We have never incorporated any people into this Union but the Caucasian race—the free white man; and shall we now corrupt this free white population by introducing into our confederation the Indians and the mixed races of Mexico? He protested most earnestly against such a policy. Our government is for the free white man.

This feature was the secret of its stability. The Spanish republics on this continent had failed, because they had mainly attempted to place the colored race on an equality with the whites, in assuming that by nature all men were equally adapted to free government; yet it was proposed to annex the Mexican states as territories, and place them on an equality with the rest of the states. He utterly protested against the adoption of any such policy in any form. He adverted to the proofs of history to show that the colored races could not be blended in the same government, and in the same terms with the white races; that the colored races are always degraded, and that the whites, even in a savage state, maintain some of the elements of free institutions. He came next to consider the two points in one; that the holding of Mexico in subjection would, in the end, be subversive of our free institutions, and that no such line of policy ought to be adopted. It would be a waste of time to argue that the incorporation of Mexico would be dangerous to our free institutions. He who understood the American constitution; he who had studied its character; he who had profited from the examples of history, and had marked the consequences, where large conquests have been held by a hostile nation, as territorial possessions, would need no other proof to convince him that to hold the republic of Mexico, either as a province or as territories, must lead to the subversion of our free institutions. In all the examples in which such incorporations of territories of foreign people, bearing anything near the proportions which Mexico bears to the United States, the end had been the downfall of the conquering party. With us, Mexico would add so much to the powers of the general government, that it would absorb all the powers of the states; it would become imperial; it would usurp the powers of the legislative department; all the powers of the government would fall into the hands of the executive, and with the prevailing rule of party proscription, and the increasing patronage of the executive, our institutions would not be able to combat the Presidential elections,—they could not resist the chock. Mr. Calhoun admonished gentlemen not to flatter themselves with the delusive idea, that we, as well as Great Britain, could hold great empires under subjection, and hold them in safety. Of all the governments that ever existed, England is possessed of the greatest power of expansion, without reducing her people to anarchy, or her officials to corruption. This was, in part, because the executive branch of the government, and the conservative, the House of Lords, were hereditary. Rome never had such a capacity for expansion. When the Roman empire extended east and west beyond the barriers of Italy, the central power began to weaken, and soon it became corrupt, and anarchy and violence were the order of the day. Yet, England had been going on in the extension of her dominions, without any visible symptoms of decay. Yet she could not long escape. She is even now paying the penalty; she is paying a penalty for her two hundred millions of dependants; which, like disproportionate superincumbent weight, threatens to crush the foundations of the superstructure. Yes, sir, instead of indemnity from her conquests, they are a burden to her; and even neighboring Ireland has taxed her resources for its support, and rim labor of her people, almost beyond their power to bear. Shall we go on and follow this example for territorial indemnities for the expense of our wars? Let us now consider the incorporation of Mexico into this Union. There are twenty states in Mexico; these we should have first to initiate as territories. The governors, the magistrates, the justices, would all have to be appointed by the Executive, as in our own territories, made up of our own people, or from the same foreign stock as ourselves. We have, in this first formation of a government to take care of them, and they are glad of it; but when they reach the age of twenty-one; when they come to years of maturity, they come in among us our equals, and in all respects the same. Not so with Mexico. You may call it annexation; but it will be a forced annexation. You will be compelled, whatever form of government you may establish, to hold it as a province, and it will be but a provincial government at last.

How long will you have to bold it in subjection, before it is reduced to obedience; before it is in truth and in character a part of this confederacy? It will take a long time. England has held Ireland for some several hundred years past, and still they are a hostile people. Canada has been in the possession of the British government for one hundred years past, and still the Canadians are a hostile people. Never will the time come, from all examples, when Mexico will agree to be blended with the laws and people of this Union. The nucleus of her ruling population are from the old stock; equal in every sense to the original Anglo-Saxon, and superior to it in that unconquerable attachment to their soil and their own institutions. But let us admit that all these difficulties are removed, how will it affect us to introduce some twenty foreign States into the Union, with a basis of one or two millions of pure blood, and all the rest,—some seven or eight millions,—Indians or mixed races, inferior in every respect to our Choctaws or Cherokees? We are under a great mistake, if we suppose all this population are ready for our peculiar institutions. I heard a gentleman of high character say, but the other day, that he believed it was our appointed mission to extend our institutions of civil and religious freedom over the benighted of this continent. This is a great mistake. Our institutions are only adapted to a people advanced in intelligence and civilization; and it was remarkable that in all the revolution of nations, the people had been more indebted for any advantages they had secured in their forms of government, more to accident, or a combination of circumstances, than to any foretaste or previous decision of the human mind. We are indebted for our constitution more to a conjunction of circumstances, than to the superior wisdom and intelligence of our forefathers; and herein lies our danger—that a conjunction of circumstances to which we may be indifferent for the time, may overthrow our institutions. We seem to have no fear of their stability; the preservation of our liberty is now lost in the glory of our arms. Nobody talks now of the blessings of liberty. In our early history the great anxiety was to retain our liberty. Now, the great anxiety is to convince the world of our military power. The motto used to be, that the power was always stealing from the many to the few, and that the price of liberty was perpetual vigilance. Now, we seem to remember these maxims not at all; but the opinion appears to be, that we hold our liberty by a divine right. I fear that if we do not be vigilant, we shall find this to be the greatest mistake of all; and it is a great mistake to suppose that it is our divine mission to carry the principles of our liberty, by force of arms, over this continent, and that nothing can affect our security. If we persist in this delusion, the day of retribution will come, and it will bring with it destructive consequences, as sure as I am now addressing this American Senate. I am, therefore, opposed to the policy of holding Mexico by right of conquest, and of annexing it, either as a province, or territories, or states of this government. But what are we to do? After speaking of his efforts to arrest the war and its consequences, Mr. Calhoun said, he saw not the smallest chance of disentangling ourselves, save in the defensive line; by taking, in this way, the decision and indemnity into our own hands. Had time been allowed, when the President sent in his message declaring a state of war, Mr. Calhoun said he should have vindicated a plan to be pursued. He would have relieved Gen. Taylor; he would have had a committeecommiitee [sic] to inquire and report on the relations between us and Mexico, showing that as yet there was no actual state of war. Had that failed of inducing negotiations, he would have held the territories on this side of the Rio Grande, and maintained his position on the boundary which it might have been deemed proper to claim, which would embrace lands of some value to us, and of no use to Mexico. But he had been overrated. Where the defensive line should now be, he had no opinion now to give. He was not now prepared to say where we could designate the best line; but he would say, that we should evacuate the central provinces.

Mr. .—What's that, Mr. Calhoun, we should evacuate?

Mr. .—We should evacuate the central parts of the states now occupied, and call back the troops to a defined boundary, receiving sufficient territory for all proper indemnities, the final decision to be subject to negociation, as well as the expenses of the war. It may take years to secure a peace, even upon this plan; but one great point shall he gained—we shall disentangle ourselves. We are now tied to a dead corpse, sad we should disentangle ourselves from it as soon as possible. If we should only be kept quiet, and pursue our true international policy with masterly inactivity, and wait the day for our destiny, we shall do better than to gain ten thousand victories in battle. Mr. Calhoun said, he was an old man; he was almost among strangers; and that, if he had urged anything that was strange or peculiar upon the Senate, they must attribute it to the impressions of thirty-five years ago. This was not the first time he had opposed the policy of war. In the case of the proposed reprisal upon France, he had stood almost alone in the Senate to resist it. He was utterly opposed to it. England was utterly opposed to it. England had interfered, and no war took place. He admonished his friends of the administration that there might be some contingencies to come, which they did not see—something in the vigorous central prosecution of this war, from year to year, which would seal the death-warrant of our beloved institutions; and yet the party appeared to be reversing the order of their doctrines; they were opposed to the national debt; and the prosecution of this war was hourly adding to the national debt. The expenses of this campaign would be found equal to the expenses of the revolution. They were opposed to an increase of the patronage of the executive government; yet what could so rapidly increase it as the policy now pursued? They were in favor of a pure metallic currency, yet did we not all know, that our treasury notes and paper dock were becoming more and more the staple of our country? They were in favor of free trade, yet the war thus sought to be prosecuted has already rendered it impossible to make any progress in free trade for many years to come.

The alternative is pressing. It is magnanimous to retrace your steps when you are in error; it is an act of reason to sacrifice your mere pride for the good of the country. In saying that there is no alternative between this defensive line of policy and that of the President, I say so, because public opinion is made up, and there can be no peace with Mexico, short of an acquisition of territory. Mr. Calhoun only spoke to his friends on the whig side of the House, and bore testimony that though they had voted for the war, which he had opposed, they had done it under promise, and for the relief of Gen. Taylor; but they had voted to get territory at the last session; and at this session, when the public sentiment was made up, the only way for safety now was, the defensive, and it must be adopted at this session, or we shall have to go on and meet the hazard of entire occupation, for better or for worse. He would propose nothing now; but if he found that he should be supported in these views, he should yet, perhaps, move for a committee to confer with the distinguished generals now in town, on the proper and best line to be adopted. It may not be this year; it may not be for many years; but we shall secure a peace; we shall secure the great object of disentangling ourselves.

Mr. Calhoun having concluded, on motion of Mr. Sevier, the resolutions were then laid on the table, to be taken up again after the bill to increase the army has been disposed of.

THE SENATE.

The Senate has changed faces a good deal in two years. A number of the old pillars are there yet, though somewhat crumbling. Mr. Calhoun grown old—irretrievably so. He was formerly erect as a May-pole—his hair brushed up, short and stiff, gave him, with the penetrating glance of his eye, the air of authority and command. His hair is now allowed to hang flabby and flax-like upon his hishis [sic] shoulders; his face is thin and sharp as a wedge; his spare and shadowy trunk stoops and curves at an angle of shout forty-five. He looks like the forlornest Prime Minister of all Christendom! Certainly the care of the Palmetto State is upon his arm; and that, to him, is all the world! Poor men! When Clay and Calhoun are gone, they have no successors in their exact position; no heir apparent to their pernicious influence. As things have gone the last century, what they call statesmanship has been the direst curse of mankind. The less we have of statesman craft, the better for the world. Let us try to educate, under happier influences, and a better discipline, the budding mind that is soon to rule the destinies of the world. Party traffic and government barter have made sad havoc with public and private morals, as they have with the weightiest interests of society. The mock dignity and solemn villaniesvillainies [sic] of our Senate stand in most deplorable contrast with the clear-sightedness, high-toned integrity and devotion to truth and duty that ought to characterize its action in the inflexible maintainencemaintainance [sic] of justice, and in vindicating the claims of universal human nature. I will tell you more about the Senate at another time.

A word now on another subject, The infernal deeds of tyranny in the form of chattelhood are still perpetrated here with sufficient enormity and grossness, one would think, to disgust and put to shame the "outside barbarians" themselves. If we cannot summon virtue and manliness enough among our people to cleanse this District from the foul practices of oppression, nature is likely to take the work into her own hands at last. She works on a double scale. The aspirations of freedom have started a strong tide of emigration Northward, and the instigations of avarice and deviltry have forced another Southward! Between the two

title: Page:The North Star-Vol1-No3.djvu/1


text:
Page:Constantinople by Brodribb.djvu/174

 should have done, though the powers of destruction were greater than those of recovery, yet it did not for many centuries sensibly decrease. The people who occupied the provinces of Basil or Alexius were widely different from those who held them under Constantine; but they still were subjects of the emperor, and paid him tribute. Bulgarians, Slavonians, Russians, occupied the provinces of the Greek; but the lands were tilled, and the revenue maintained.

As for the imperial palace, it was a miracle of splendour. Situated between the hippodrome, the church of St. Sophia, and the gardens, it gradually grew in extent and magnificence during eleven centuries. Every emperor who was a builder, added something or replaced something to show his taste; the long suite of chambers was decorated with paintings, statues, and mosaics of precious stones and marbles. The palace contained five churches; it was crowned with three domes, the roof, of gilt brass, rested on pillars of Italian marble, and the walls were encrusted with marbles of different colours. The costumes of those who walked in the courts and corridors were as splendid and as various as the rooms themselves of the palace. The emperor himself wore a tiara like that of the Persians, consisting of a high cap of cloth or silk covered with a profusion of pearls and jewels. The cap itself was within a horizontal circle of gold, over which rose two vertical arches: at the summit was a cross or globe, and two lappets of pearl hung down at either side. He was distinguished by purple buskins, the outward sign of rank. The costume, or rather the

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/


text:
Page:Nomos Rhodon nautikos. The Rhodian sea-law (IA nomosrhodonnauti00byzarich).pdf/9

the Rhodian Sea-law has been not infrequently edited, the learned continue to call for a new edition. Goldschmidt says of the Sea-law: 'Es bedarf noch gründlicher Untersuchung.' Zachariä von Lingenthal says of it: 'Sowohl Text als lateinische Uebersezung bedürfen noch wiederholter kritischer Bearbeitung.' It is to meet this demand that the present edition has been undertaken.

The fullness of the critical apparatus may excite surprise. The object of a critical apparatus, as I conceive it, is to enable the nearest student to form his own text. It is therefore an editor's duty to give all the material variants of all the independent manuscripts. It is particularly his duty in a case like the present where there are many passages of which he can give no satisfactory explanation.

The Appendices which follow the text contain, partly, matter which, though it is given in manuscripts as part of the Seal-law, does not, in my opinion, form part of its original composition, and, partly, matter relating substantially to maritime iii


text:
Page:The Book of Cats.djvu/80

60 slye and wittie, and seeth so sharpely that he overcommeth darkness of the nighte by the shyninge lyghte of his eyne. In shape of body he is like unto a Leoparde, and hathe a greate mouthe. He doth delighte that he enjoyeth his libertie; and in his youth he is swifte, plyante, and merye. He maketh a rufull noyse and a gastefulle when he profereth to fighte with another. He is a cruell beaste when he is wilde, and falleth on his owne feete from moste highe places: and never is hurt therewith. When he hathe a fayre skinne, he is, as it were, proude thereof, and then he goethe muche aboute to be seene."

It is commonly supposed that a Cat's scratch is venomous, because a lacerated wound oftener festers than a smooth cut from a sharp knife.

It is erroneously said that Cats feel a cutaneous irritation at the approach of rain, and offer sensible evidence of uneasiness: allusion may be found to this in "Thomson's Seasons." Virgil has also made the subject a theme for poetic allusion.

The Chinese look into their Cat's eyes to know what o'clock it is; and the playfulness of Cats is said to indicate the coming of a storm. I have noticed this often myself, and have seen them rush about in a half wild state just before windy weather.

title: Page:The Book of Cats.djvu/80


text:
Page:The Book of Cats.djvu/81

Rh I think it is when the wind is rising that they are most affected.

It is stated in a Japanese book that the tip of a Cat's nose is always cold, except on the day corresponding with our Midsummer-day. This is a question I cannot say I have gone into deeply. I know, however, that Cats always have a warm nose when they first awaken from sleep. All Cats are fond of warmth. I knew one which used to open an oven door after the kitchen fire was out, and creep into the oven. One day the servant shut the door, not noticing the Cat was inside, and lighted the fire. For a long while she could not make out whence came the sounds of its crying and scratching, but fortunately made the discovery in time to save its life. A Cat's love of the sunshine is well known, and perhaps this story may not be unfamiliar to the reader:—

One broiling hot summer's day Charles James Fox and the Prince of Wales were lounging up St. James's street, and Fox laid the Prince a wager that he would see more Cats than his Royal Highness during their promenade, although the Prince might choose which side of the street he thought fit. On reaching Piccadilly, it turned out that Fox had seen thirteen Cats and the Prince none. The

title: Page:The Book of Cats.djvu/81


text:
Page:The Book of Cats.djvu/83

Rh There is a breed of tail-less white Cats in the Isle of Man, and also in Devonshire. These are not the sort of animals with which, on shipboard, the "stow-aways" are made acquainted.

A great many Cats in the Isle of Man are said to be deaf. Thus, "As deaf as a Manx Cat." There is an idea that white Cats with blue eyes are always deaf, but a correspondent of Notes and Queries says, "I am myself possessed of a white Cat which, at the advanced age of upwards of seventeen years, still retains its hearing to great perfection, and is remarkably intelligent and devoted, more so than Cats are usually given credit for. Its affection for persons is, indeed, more like that of a dog than of a Cat. It is a half-bred Persian Cat, and its eyes are perfectly blue, with round pupils, not elongated, as those of Cats usually are. It occasionally suffers from irritation in the ears, but this has not at all resulted in deafness."

Do you know why Cats always wash themselves after a meal? A Cat caught a sparrow, and was about to devour it, but the sparrow said,

"No gentleman eats till he has first washed his face."

The Cat, struck with this remark, set the sparrow down, and began to wash his face with his paw, but

title: Page:The Book of Cats.djvu/83


text:
Page:China's national defense in the new era.pdf/19

 increased that of the PLAN and PLARF, and optimized the force structures of all services and arms. The PLA has restructured the defense reserves. The deployment of combat forces has been adjusted for a strategic configuration that meets the demands of safeguarding China's national security in the new era.

Reorganizing the troops and rebuilding new-type combat forces. The previous 18 group armies have been reorganized into 13 new ones. All major combat units of the PLA follow a group army-brigade-battalion system. Reform measures have been taken to reinforce the combat capacity of the arms, reduce the command hierarchies and combine the troops at lower levels. New types of combat forces have been enhanced to conduct special operations, all-dimensional offense and defense, amphibious operations, far seas protection and strategic projection, aiming to make the force composition complete, combined, multi-functional and flexible.

Rebalancing and reorganizing military educational and research institutions. The PLA and the PAP have restructured the previous 77 universities and colleges into 44. The National Defense University (NDU) and the National University of Defense Technology (NUDT) have been reorganized. China's armed forces have established the CMC Steering Committee on Military Scientific Research and reorganized the Academy of Military Sciences (AMS) and the research institutes of the services. Thus, the military scientific research forces have been rebalanced with the AMS as the lead, the research institutes of the services and arms as the main forces, and the research components in educational institutions and the troops as supplements.

Reforming Military Policies and Institutions

China's armed forces take combat effectiveness as the criterion in the reform of military policies and institutions and encourage the initiative, enthusiasm and creativity of all members of the armed forces. Reform is designed to build and improve the system of socialist military policies and institutions with Chinese characteristics.

They have deepened reform in the institutions for Party building in the military to uphold the authority of the CPCCC and its centralized and unified leadership, and ensure the absolute leadership of the CPC over the military. Rules and regulations including the Decision of China's Armed Forces on Strengthening Party Building in the Military in the New Era have been formulated to improve the Party's institutions in the military in order to enhance its political and theoretical buildup, consolidate organizations, improve conduct, and enforce discipline.

They have innovated in policies and institutions for military force employment in a bid to effectively perform all missions and tasks in the new era. Rules and regulations have been formulated including the Regulations on Vessel Protection Operations (Trial). The institutions of military strategic guidance, regulations on


text:
Page:Constantinople by Brodribb.djvu/175

 privileges in costume of those who stood next to him, were carefully regulated. The officers of the court, as well as the private citizens, vied with each other in magnificence of dress. Embroidery, silk, cloth of gold, entered largely into their adornment. We read of maces, battle-axes, and spears, which were gilded or covered with silver. There were gilded helmets, gilded armour, horses covered with trappings of gold and silver. There were artificial trees, with leaves of gold and jewelled automatic birds. There were purple canopies, golden thrones, everything in gold, silver, or rich silken stuff. No Oriental court, no Peruvian court, no court, modern or ancient, ever reached the splendour of Constantinople.

The emperor was, besides, encompassed with court ceremonials of a minute and tedious kind, which can now be paralleled only at St. Petersburg. The theory was, of course, to make difficulty of access heighten the idea of his grandeur. Between him and the court stood, first, the Cæsar, then the Sebastos, in later years, the Sebastocrator, the Panhypersebastos, and the Protosebastos. Then came the chief officers of the state, the Curopalata, the Protovestiaire, the Logothete, the Dragoman, the Great Domestic, the Protostrator, the Stratopedarch, the Great Duke, the Constable, the Acolyth, and the Emir, who were accommodated in palaces belonging to the emperor. But all, whether officers or plain civilians, had to approach the emperor in adoration, falling prostrate on the ground and kissing his feet. When the sovereign rode through the streets they were first cleared


text:
Page:China's national defense in the new era.pdf/20

 combat readiness duties, and rules and regulations on joint operations have all been optimized.

They have reformulated policies and institutions to further develop combat capabilities. Laws and regulations have been formulated and amended including the Law of the People's Republic of China on National Defense Transportation, the Law of the People's Republic of China on the Protection of Military Installations and the Regulations on Civilian Personnel in the Military. Newly-updated military training regulations and outlines have been promulgated. They have made progress in establishing the career officers system, optimizing the institutions of military welfare and support, improving the military honors system, and refining policies and institutions in training, equipment development, logistics, military research and national defense mobilization. Meanwhile, bigger legislative steps have been taken in relation to military officers and military service.

They have reformed the policies and institutions for military management to elevate the efficacy of military systems and boost quality development of the military. Rules and regulations have been formulated including the newly-updated Regulations on Routine Service of the People's Liberation Army (Trial), the Regulations on Discipline of the People's Liberation Army (Trial), the Regulations on Formation of the People's Liberation Army (Trial), and the Regulations on Military Legislation. China's armed forces are enhancing institutional innovation in strategic management, defense expenditure management, and the military judicial system.

They have suspended all paid services. As of June, 2018, paid services provided by leading organs, operational units, and military-affiliated public institutions at all levels had been basically suspended, involving 15 sectors such as real estate lease, agricultural and associated products, and hospitality. Over 100,000 such projects have been suspended as scheduled, accounting for 94% of the total. The armed forces have achieved the goal of withdrawing from running businesses. Reshuffled PLA and PAP Troops

The PLAA plays an irreplaceable role in maintaining China's national sovereignty, security and development interests. It comprises maneuver operation, border and coastal defense, and garrison forces. Under the PLAA, there are 5 TC army commands, the Xinjiang military command, and the Tibet military command. The ETC Army has under it the 71st, 72nd, and 73rd group armies; the STC Army has the 74th and 75th group armies; the WTC Army has the 76th and 77th group armies; the NTC Army has the 78th, 79th and 80th group armies; and the CTC Army has the 81st, 82nd and 83rd group armies. In line with the strategic requirements of maneuver operations as well as multi-dimensional offense and defense, the PLAA is speeding up the transition of its tasks from regional defense to trans-theater operations, and


text:
Page:China's national defense in the new era.pdf/21

 improving the capabilities for precise, multi-dimensional, trans-theater, multi-functional and sustained operations, so as to build a new type of strong and modernized land force.

The PLAN has a very important standing in the overall configuration of China's national security and development. It comprises submarine, surface ship, aviation, marine, and coastal defense forces. Under the PLAN, there are the ETC Navy (Donghai Fleet), the STC Navy (Nanhai Fleet), the NTC Navy (Beihai Fleet), and the PLAN Marine Corps. Under the TC navies there are naval bases, submarine flotillas, surface ship flotillas and aviation brigades. In line with the strategic requirements of near seas defense and far seas protection, the PLAN is speeding up the transition of its tasks from defense on the near seas to protection missions on the far seas, and improving its capabilities for strategic deterrence and counterattack, maritime maneuver operations, maritime joint operations, comprehensive defense, and integrated support, so as to build a strong and modernized naval force.

The PLAAF plays a crucial role in overall national security and military strategy. It comprises aviation, airborne, ground-to-air missile, radar, ECM, and communications forces. Under the PLAAF, there are 5 TC air force commands and one airborne corps. Under the TC air forces, there are air bases, aviation brigades (divisions), ground-to-air missile brigades (divisions) and radar brigades. In line with the strategic requirements of integrating air and space capabilities as well as coordinating offensive and defensive operations, the PLAAF is accelerating the transition of its tasks from territorial air defense to both offensive and defensive operations, and improving its capabilities for strategic early warning, air strikes, air and missile defense, information countermeasures, airborne operations, strategic projection, and integrated support, so as to build a strong and modernized air force.

The PLARF plays a critical role in maintaining China's national sovereignty and security. It comprises nuclear missile, conventional missile and support forces, and subordinate missile bases. In line with the strategic requirements of having both nuclear and conventional capabilities and deterring wars in all battlespaces, the PLARF is enhancing its credible and reliable capabilities of nuclear deterrence and counterattack, strengthening intermediate and long-range precision strike forces, and enhancing strategic counter-balance capability, so as to build a strong and modernized rocket force.

The PLASSF is a new type of combat force for safeguarding national security and an important driver for the growth of new combat capabilities. It comprises supporting forces for battlefield environment, information, communications, information security, and new technology testing. In line with the strategic requirements of integrating existing systems and aligning civil and military endeavors,


text:
Page:China's national defense in the new era.pdf/22

 the PLASSF is seeking to achieve big development strides in key areas and accelerate the integrated development of new-type combat forces, so as to build a strong and modernized strategic support force.

The PLAJLSF, as the main force for joint logistics as well as strategic and campaign level support, is an important component of the modern military force with Chinese characteristics. It comprises the support forces for inventory and warehousing, medical services, transport, force projection, oil pipelines, engineering and construction management, reserve assets management, and procurement. Under the PLAJLSF, there are 5 joint logistic support centers located respectively in Wuxi (Jiangsu Province), Guilin (Guangxi Zhuang Autonomous Region), Xining (Qinghai Province), Shenyang (Liaoning Province), and Zhengzhou (Henan Province), as well as the PLA General Hospital and the PLA Center for Disease Prevention and Control. In line with the requirements of joint support for joint operations and joint training, the PLAJLSF is being integrated into the joint operations system to enhance the capabilities of integrated joint logistics, so as to build a strong and modernized joint logistic support force.

The PAP shoulders important responsibilities in safeguarding national security, social stability and public wellbeing. China has adopted a CMC-PAP-Troops leadership and command system with the basic duties and nature of the PAP unchanged. The PAP is not in the force structure of the PLA. The PAP border defense, firefighting and security guard forces have been decommissioned. The coast guard under the leadership of State Oceanic Administration has been transferred to the PAP. PAP goldmine, forest and hydroelectricity forces have been reorganized into specialized forces of non-active service under corresponding state authorities. Meanwhile, the PAP customs guard forces have been withdrawn. In this way, the leadership, management, command and employment of the PAP has become more coherent. Following adjustment and reorganization, the PAP is mainly composed of the internal security corps, the mobile corps, and the coast guard. In line with the strategic requirements of performing multiple functions and effectively maintaining social stability, the PAP is enhancing capacity in guard duties, emergency response, counter-terrorism, maritime rights protection, administrative enforcement and disaster relief, so as to build a strong and modernized armed police force.

Promoting Defense and Military Development in All Respects

Placing theoretical and political buildup at the top of the agenda of the armed forces. China's armed forces unswervingly take Xi Jinping's thinking on strengthening the military as the guidance, firmly uphold General Secretary Xi Jinping as the core of the CPCCC and the whole Party, firmly uphold the authority of the CPCCC and its centralized and unified leadership, and follow the CMC Chairman


text:
Page:China's national defense in the new era.pdf/23

 responsibility system, in an effort to further strengthen the consciousness of the need to maintain political integrity, think in big-picture terms, follow the leadership core and keep in alignment. In accordance with the Decision on Issues Relating to the Military Political Work in the New Era issued in December 2014, China's armed forces have improved their political work and embarked on a new journey of development. In order to fully strengthen the Party leadership and Party building of the military in the new era, a CMC meeting on party building was held in August, 2018. Great efforts are being made to cultivate revolutionary officers and soldiers of the new era with faith, ability, courage and integrity, and build troops with iron-like faith, conviction, discipline and commitment.

Promoting innovation in defense S&T and military theory. China's armed forces are accelerating the implementation of the strategy to develop the military through S&T in a bid to maintain and enhance the strength of the areas where they lead, and intensify innovation in emerging areas. They have made great progress in independent innovation in some strategic, cutting-edge and disruptive technologies, and succeeded in developing strategic hi-tech products such as the Tianhe-2 supercomputer. Focusing on war and fighting wars, China's armed forces have innovated in military doctrines and delivered outcomes in military strategy, joint operations and informationization, which have provided a theoretical support to defense and military development.

Establishing a modernized weaponry and equipment system. China's armed forces are optimizing the overall composition of weaponry and equipment, coordinating the efforts of all services and arms in this regard, promoting the balanced development of main battle equipment, information systems, and support equipment, with a view to comprehensively raising standardization, serial development and interoperability. Old equipment is being phased out, and a system created that mainly comprises new and high-tech weaponry and equipment. Type 15 tanks, type 052D destroyers, J-20 fighters, and DF-26 intermediate and long-range ballistic missiles have been commissioned.

Building a combat-oriented modern logistics system. China's armed forces are putting in place a support mechanism combining centralized and decentralized support, as well as general and special-purpose supplies, with PLAJLSF as the backbone force and service logistics units as supplements. They are also building a joint, lean and efficient logistic support system with the strategic and campaign level forces as the main force, the affiliated forces as the support, and the civil sectors as supplements. Logistics units have been incorporated into TC-level joint training, trans-theater training by services and arms, and joint exercises and training with foreign militaries to strengthen the integrated training of logistical and operational forces. China's armed forces have acquired a rapid, multi-dimensional and precise support capability.


text:
Page:China's national defense in the new era.pdf/24

 Strengthening strategic management. Adopting demand-oriented planning and planning-led resource allocation, China's armed forces have established and improved the strategic management procedures of demand-planning-budgeting-execution-evaluation. They have completed a system of strategic plans and programs composed of the development strategies of the military as a whole, and its key areas, branches, and the PAP. They have regulated military strategic planning, promulgated and implemented the Outline of the 13th Five-Year Plan for Military Development, and optimized the mechanisms for evaluation, supervision and control.

Governing the military with strict discipline and in accordance with the law. China's armed forces are building a military legal system with Chinese characteristics and pressing ahead with a fundamental transformation in how the military is run. They are strengthening oversight and supervision in military training and combat readiness to uproot peacetime ills. They are promoting legal awareness through public communication and education campaigns, establishing and improving the support mechanism of legal consultation and service, and advancing law-based management in the military. China's armed forces are striving to manage the troops more strictly in all respects. They have fully implemented military rules and regulations, restored and improved the traditional mechanism of using bugles to communicate and command, carried out safety inspections to identify and tackle potential problems, stepped up garrison military policing, strengthened the management of military vehicles by targeted measures, and set up a mechanism of regular notification on garrison military policing. These efforts have contributed to maintaining the positive image of the armed forces.

Improving Party conduct, upholding integrity and continuing the fight against corruption. China's armed forces are tightening political discipline and rules, investigating and dealing strictly with grave violations of CPC discipline and state laws as in the cases of Guo Boxiong, Xu Caihou, Fang Fenghui, and Zhang Yang. China's armed forces punish corruption in strict accordance with CPC discipline and relevant laws, and rectify any malpractice in key construction projects and the procurement of equipment and material. Points-of-contact for discipline supervision have been designated at the small-unit level to investigate and combat "micro corruption" and misconduct in all its forms among service members. China's armed forces have intensified political inspection by completing disciplinary inspections and re-inspections over all CMC functional organs, the TCs, services, AMS, NDU, NUDT and the PAP. They have worked to implement full-spectrum audit, intensify the audit of major fields, projects and funds, and perform strict audits over the economic liabilities of officers in positions of leadership. Active efforts have been made to


text:
Page:China's national defense in the new era.pdf/25

 monitor the cost-effectiveness of applied funds, conduct whole-process audit, and combine civil and military efforts in auditing. Since 2012, they have carried out audits over 39,000 units and 13,000 PLA and PAP officers in positions of leadership at and above regiment level. As a result, notable achievements have been made in the fight against corruption in China's armed forces, and a healthy political atmosphere of integrity has formed.

Modernizing national defense mobilization. China has refined the system of national defense mobilization to enhance the development of its defense reserves. China is streamlining the number of primary militia nationwide, driving deeper reform of militia and reserve forces in their size, structure and composition, promoting integrated development and employment of the reserve and active forces, and extending the function of national defense mobilization from mainly supporting the land force to supporting all branches at a faster pace.

In the process of deepening the reform of the CPC and governmental institutions, the Ministry of Veterans Affairs of the PRC has been set up. Through a series of preferential measures, the veteran support system is progressing at provincial, prefectural, county, town and township (sub-district), and village (community) levels. Substantial steps have been taken to enhance the government's efforts to support the military and their families, and to strengthen the military's support to the government and the people. China's armed forces play an active role in poverty alleviation. The relationships between the military and the government and between the military and the people are getting even closer. There is a growing consensus across communities to respect and give preferential treatment to all service members.

V. Reasonable and Appropriate Defense Expenditure

China attends to both development and security. It is making an integrated effort to build a prosperous country and a strong military, and striving for the coordinated development of national defense and the economy. Following the principle of building the armed forces through diligence and thrift, China takes into consideration the development of the economy and the demands of national defense, decides on the appropriate scale and composition of defense expenditure, and manages and applies these funds in accordance with law.

Since reform and opening-up, China has increased its defense expenditure from a level of sustainability to moderate growth. On the whole, defense expenditure has


text:
Page:China's national defense in the new era.pdf/26

 grown in tandem with the growth of the national economy and government expenditure. Defense expenditure as a percentage of GDP has fallen from a peak of 5.43% in 1979 to 1.26% in 2017. It has remained below 2% for the past three decades. Defense expenditure as a percentage of government expenditure was 17.37% in 1979 and 5.14% in 2017, a drop of more than 12 percentage points. The figures are on a clear downward trend.

China's Defense Expenditure Since 2012

In the new era, to keep pace with the country's modernization, China is focusing on building a fortified national defense and a strong military commensurate with the country's international standing, and its national security and development interests.


text:
Page:China's national defense in the new era.pdf/27

 China is striving to narrow the gap between its military and the world's leading militaries, and make up the deficiencies in the military's capabilities in modern warfare. Defense expenditure is growing steadily and the breakdown of spending is being continuously optimized.

In terms of usage, China's defense expenditure is assigned to three sectors – personnel, training and sustainment, and equipment. Personnel expenses mainly cover the salaries, allowances, food, bedding, clothing, insurance, subsidies and pensions for officers, non-ranking officers, soldiers and contracted civilians, as well as retirees supported from the defense budget. Training and sustainment expenses mainly cover training of the troops, institutional education, construction and maintenance of installations and facilities, and other expenditure on routine consumables. Equipment expenses mainly cover R&D, testing, procurement, repairs, maintenance, transport and the storage of weaponry and equipment. In terms of scope, defense expenditure covers all active forces, reserve forces and militia.

Since 2012, the increase in defense expenditure has been primarily spent for the following purposes:

1. Adapting to national economic and social development, improving the wellbeing of service personnel, ensuring regular increases in military salaries, and bettering the working, training and living conditions of the troops;

2. Increasing input in weaponry and equipment development, phasing out the outdated, upgrading the old, and developing and procuring the new, such as aircraft carriers, fighters, missiles and main battle tanks, to steadily modernize weaponry and equipment;

3. Deepening national defense and military reform, supporting major reforms in military leadership and command systems, force structure and composition, and policies and institutions;

4. Supporting training in real combat conditions, enhancing strategic-level training, joint training at TCs' level and training of services and arms, and improving the conditions for simulated, networked and force-on-force training; and

5. Supporting diverse military tasks including the UNPKOs, vessel protection operations, humanitarian assistance operations and disaster relief efforts.

From 2012 to 2017, China's defense expenditure increased from RMB669.192 billion to RMB1,043.237 billion. China's GDP and government expenditure grew at average rates of 9.04% and 10.43% respectively, calculated on the price of the indicated years, while its defense expenditure increased by an average of 9.42%. Defense expenditure accounted for 1.28% of GDP and 5.26% of government expenditure on average. The percentage of China's defense expenditure in GDP


text:
Page:China's national defense in the new era.pdf/28

 remained stable and grew in coordination with the increase of government expenditure.

China applies strict mechanisms of fiscal allocation and budget management on its defense expenditure. It pursues a level of defense spending that is demand-oriented, planning-led and consistent with its capacity. It endeavors to strengthen unified management, coordinate existing and incremental expenditure, gradually practice cost-effectiveness management, and steadily press ahead with reform that is centered on efficacy and efficiency. To improve and strengthen budget management, China's armed forces are extending reform of the centralized collection and payment of military funds, accelerating standardization in relation to defense expenditure, and improving the management of assets and funds.

Comparison of Defense Expenditure in the International Context

Among countries ranking high in defense expenditure in 2017, China's share of defense expenditure in GDP and government expenditure, as well as per capita and per-serviceperson defense spending, are all at a relatively low level.

China has become the world's second largest economy. The fact that China's defense expenditure ranks second in the world is determined by the demands of its national defense, the size of its economy, and the defensive nature of its national defense policy. In terms of total spending, China's defense expenditure in 2017 was less than a quarter of that of the US.

As a percentage of GDP, from 2012 to 2017, China's average defense expenditure was about 1.3%. Comparative figures were: the US about 3.5%, Russia 4.4%, India 2.5%, the UK 2.0%, France 2.3%, Japan 1.0%, and Germany 1.2%. China ranks 6th among these countries in terms of defense expenditure as a percentage of GDP on average and is the lowest among the permanent members of the UN Security Council (UNSC).


text:
Page:China's national defense in the new era.pdf/29

As a ratio of spending to government expenditure, from 2012 to 2017, China's average defense expenditure was 5.3%. Comparative figures were: the US about 9.8%, Russia 12.4%, India 9.1%, the UK 4.8%, France 4.0%, Japan 2.5%, and Germany 2.8%. China ranks 4th among these countries in terms of defense expenditure as a percentage of government expenditure on average.


text:
Page:China's national defense in the new era.pdf/30

 China's per capita defense expenditure in 2017 was RMB750 – 5% of the US, 25% of Russia, 231% of India, 13% of the UK, 16% of France, 29% of Japan, and 20% of Germany. China's per-serviceperson defense expenditure was RMB521,600 – 15% of the US, 119% of Russia, 166% of India, 27% of the UK, 38% of France, 35% of Japan, and 30% of Germany. China's defense expenditure ranks 7th and 6th in per capita and per-serviceperson terms respectively among these countries.

China reports and releases its defense expenditure through various mechanisms. Since 1978, the Chinese government has submitted annual budget reports to the National People's Congress and released the total amount of defense budget. In 1995, the Chinese government issued a white paper, China: Arms Control and Disarmament, releasing data concerning its defense expenditure to the world. Since 2007, China has joined the UN Standardized Instrument for Reporting Military Expenditures and has submitted annually to the UN the basic data on its defense expenditure for the latest fiscal year, reporting total spending as well as personnel expenses, training and sustainment expenses, and equipment expenses for the active force, reserve force and the militia respectively, along with an explanation of the application of China's defense expenditure and its ratio to GDP.

All in all, China's defense expenditure is open and transparent, and its spending is reasonable and appropriate. Compared to other major countries, the ratios of China's defense expenditure to GDP and to government expenditure, as well as the per capita defense expenditure of the country, remain at a relatively low level.

As the only major country yet to be completely reunified, and one of the countries with the most complex peripheral security environment, China faces serious challenges in safeguarding national sovereignty, territorial integrity, and maritime rights and interests. China is moving closer to the center of the world stage, and the international community expects more international public security goods from the Chinese military. In addition, China's armed forces are moving towards informationization and shouldering arduous tasks in following the trends of worldwide RMA and speeding up RMA with Chinese characteristics. There is still a wide gap between China's defense expenditure and the requirements for safeguarding national sovereignty, security and development interests, for fulfilling China's international responsibilities and obligations as a major country, and for China's development. In step with national economic development, defense expenditure of China will maintain a moderate and steady growth.

VI. Actively Contributing to Building a Community with a Shared Future for Mankind


text:
Page:The Works of H G Wells Volume 9.pdf/221

 This quadrangle type of building is the prevalent element in Utopian Lucerne, and one may go from end to end of the town along corridors and covered colonnades without emerging by a gateway into the open roads at all. Small shops are found in these colonnades, but the larger stores are usually housed in buildings specially adapted to their needs. The majority of the residential edifices are far finer and more substantial than our own modest shelter, though we gather from such chance glimpses as we get of their arrangements that the labour-saving ideal runs through every grade of this servantless world; and what we should consider a complete house in earthly England is hardly known here.

The autonomy of the household has been reduced far below terrestrial conditions by hotels and clubs, and all sorts of co-operative expedients. People who do not live in hotels seem usually to live in clubs. The fairly prosperous Utopian belongs, in most cases, to one or two residential clubs of congenial men and women. These clubs usually possess in addition to furnished bedrooms more or less elaborate suites of apartments, and if a man prefers it one of these latter can be taken and furnished according to his personal taste. A pleasant boudoir, a private library and study, a private garden plot, are among the commonest of such luxuries. Devices to secure roof gardens, loggias, verandas, and such-like open-air privacies to the more sumptuous of these apartments, give interest and variety to Utopian architecture. There are sometimes little cooking corners in these flats—as one would call them on earth—but the ordinary Utopian


text:
Page:China's national defense in the new era.pdf/31

 Building a community with a shared future for mankind conforms to the trends of the times for peaceful development, and reflects the common aspirations of all peoples throughout the world. China's armed forces have responded faithfully to the call for a community with a shared future for mankind. They are actively fulfilling the international obligations of the armed forces of a major country, comprehensively promoting international military cooperation for the new era, and striving for a better world of lasting peace and common security.

Resolutely Upholding the Purposes and Principles of the UN Charter

As a founding member of the United Nations and a permanent member of the UNSC, China unswervingly endorses the central role of the UN in international affairs, and resolutely upholds international law and the basic norms governing international relations based on the purposes and principles of the UN Charter. It firmly maintains multilateralism, advances democracy in international relations, participates extensively in global security governance, actively engages in arms control and disarmament, and endeavors to offer Chinese proposals for resolving major issues and formulating important rules.

China has played a constructive role in the political settlement of regional hotspots such as the Korean Peninsula issue, the Iranian nuclear issue and Syrian issue. China opposes hegemony, unilateralism and double standards, promotes dialogues and consultations, and fully and earnestly implements UNSC resolutions. China has actively participated in multilateral dialogues and negotiations on cyberspace and outer space, and pushed for the formulation of widely accepted international rules that are fair and equitable.

China actively participates in international arms control, disarmament and non-proliferation. China objects to arms race and strives to protect global strategic balance and stability. To this end, China has signed or acceded to dozens of relevant multilateral treaties including the Treaty on the Non-proliferation of Nuclear Weapons. In 2015 China announced the establishment of the USD1 billion China-UN Peace and Development Fund in the following decade, which was officially put into operation in 2016.

Building a New-Model Security Partnership Featuring Equality, Mutual Trust and Win-Win Cooperation

China actively develops constructive relationships with foreign militaries. A new configuration of foreign military relations which is all-dimensional, wide-ranging and multi-tiered is taking shape. China has engaged in military exchanges with more than 150 countries and set up 130 offices of military attachés and military representatives at Chinese diplomatic missions abroad, while 116 countries have established military


text:
Page:China's national defense in the new era.pdf/32

 attaché's offices in China. In addition, China has put in place 54 defense consultation and dialogue mechanisms with 41 countries and international organizations. Since 2012, high level Chinese military delegations have visited over 60 countries, and defense ministers and commanders-in-chief from over 100 countries have visited China.

The military relationship between China and Russia continues to develop at a high level, enriching the China-Russia comprehensive strategic partnership of coordination for a new era and playing a significant role in maintaining global strategic stability. The Chinese and Russian militaries have continued the sound development of exchange mechanisms at all levels, expanded cooperation in high-level exchanges, military training, equipment, technology and counter-terrorism, and realized positive interaction and coordination on international and multilateral occasions. Since 2012, Chinese and Russian militaries have held 7 rounds of strategic consultations. From August to September 2018, at the invitation of the Russian side, the PLA participated in Russia's Vostok strategic exercise for the first time.

China actively and properly handles its military relationship with the US in accordance with the principles of non-conflict, non-confrontation, mutual respect and win-win cooperation. It strives to make the military-to-military relationship a stabilizer for the relations between the two countries and hence contribute to the China-US relationship based on coordination, cooperation and stability. In 2014, China's Ministry of National Defense (MND) and the US Department of Defense signed the Memorandum of Understanding on Notification of Major Military Activities and Confidence-Building Measures Mechanism and the Memorandum of Understanding Regarding the Rules of Behavior for Safety of Air and Maritime Encounters. In 2015, the two countries agreed on the annexes on the military crisis notification mechanism and the rules of behavior for safety in air-to-air encounters. In 2017, the two countries established a diplomatic and security dialogue and joint staff dialogue mechanism with a view to actively strengthening strategic communication and managing risks and differences. The two militaries carry out institutionalized exchanges between the defense authorities, armies, navies and air forces, as well as practical cooperation in HADR, counter-piracy, and exchanges between academic institutions. China resolutely opposes the wrong practices and provocative activities of the US side regarding arms sales to Taiwan, sanctions on the CMC Equipment Development Department and its leadership, illegal entry into China's territorial waters and maritime and air spaces near relevant islands and reefs, and wide-range and frequent close-in reconnaissance. However, in China-US relations, the military-to-military relationship remains the generally stable one.


text:
Page:China's national defense in the new era.pdf/33

 With a commitment to building a community with a shared future in its neighborhood, China endeavors to deepen military partnership with its neighbors. The PLA keeps close contacts with the military leaderships of the neighboring countries. Given more than 40 reciprocal military visits at and above service commander level every year, high-level military exchanges have covered almost all of China's neighbors and contributed to growing strategic mutual trust. China has set up defense and security consultations as well as working meeting mechanisms with 17 neighboring countries to keep exchange channels open. In recent years, China has regularly held serial joint exercises and training on counter-terrorism, peacekeeping, search and rescue, and tactical skills with its neighboring countries, and carried out extensive exchanges and practical cooperation on border and coastal defense, academic institutions, think tanks, education, training, medical science, medical service, and equipment and technology. In addition, defense cooperation with ASEAN countries is moving forward. The military relationships between China and its neighboring countries are generally stable.

China is actively developing its military relations with European countries. Exchanges and cooperation in all areas are making sound progress. Targeting a China-Europe partnership for peace, growth, reform and civilization, China conducts security policy dialogues, joint counter-piracy exercises and personnel training with the EU. In 2016, China held a desktop exercise on non-combatant evacuation with the UK and a joint military medical exercise with Germany. In 2018, China and the EU held the third China-EU high-level seminar on security policy.

China is strengthening military exchanges with developing countries in Africa, Latin America, the Caribbean and the South Pacific by carrying out personnel training, conducting exchanges between mid-and-junior level officers, and providing assistance in military development and defense capabilities. In Beijing in 2018 China hosted the China-Africa Defense and Security Forum, the China and Latin-America High-level Defense Forum, and the Forum for Senior Defense Officials from Caribbean and South Pacific Countries.

The PLA adheres to the principles of mutual trust, mutual benefit and win-win cooperation in carrying out pragmatic exchanges and cooperation with foreign militaries. Since 2012, China has held over 100 joint exercises and training with more than 30 countries. These engagements have covered traditional and non-traditional security fields, in locations extending from China's periphery to the far seas, and the participating forces have expanded from land forces to multiple branches including the army, navy and air force. Cooperation and exchanges in personnel training have intensified. Since 2012, the PLA has sent over 1,700 military personnel to study in more than 50 countries. Over 20 Chinese military educational institutions have


text:
Page:China's national defense in the new era.pdf/34

 established and maintained inter-collegiate exchanges with their counterparts from more than 40 countries. Meanwhile, more than 10,000 foreign military personnel from over 130 countries have studied in Chinese military universities and colleges.

China's armed forces work to improve mechanisms for information release in order to comprehensively and objectively explain China's national defense and military development to domestic and international audiences. In April 2011, China's MND started to convene monthly press conferences to release important information on national defense and the military. Since 2012, multiple thematic press conferences have been held to brief on important events such as national defense and military reform and downsizing the PLA. The MND has organized multiple visits to and interviews with PLA units and academic institutions for nearly 100 domestic and foreign media. Since they were launched in May 2015, the official Weibo and WeChat accounts of the MND Information Office have attracted over 6 million followers.

Building a Regional Security Cooperation Architecture

In June 2001, China, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Russia, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan co-founded the Shanghai Cooperation Organization. The SCO has now grown into a new type of comprehensive regional cooperation organization covering the largest area and population in the world. The Shanghai Spirit featuring mutual trust, mutual benefit, equality, consultation, respect for diverse civilizations and pursuit of common development has come into being. With its commitment to building an SCO community with a shared future and developing a new model of international relations, the organization has made a new contribution to regional peace and development. In June 2017, the SCO expanded for the first time and admitted India and Pakistan as member states. In April 2018, China hosted the first SCO Defense Ministers' Meeting since the organization expanded its membership. The member states continue to strengthen defense and security exchanges and cooperation, including Peace Mission exercises, and Fanfare for Peace military tattoos, to further promote good-neighborliness and strategic mutual trust, increase military cultural exchanges, and enhance unity and friendship.

China actively supports the institutional development of the Conference on Interaction and Confidence-Building Measures in Asia (CICA), advocates common, comprehensive, cooperative and sustainable security in Asia, and plays an important role in building an Asian security cooperation architecture.

In the principles of openness, inclusiveness and pragmatic cooperation, China actively participates in multilateral dialogues and cooperation mechanisms including the ADMM-Plus, ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF), Shangri-La Dialogue, Jakarta International Defense Dialogue and Western Pacific Naval Symposium, regularly holds China-ASEAN defense ministers' informal meetings, and proposes and


text:
Page:China's national defense in the new era.pdf/35

 constructively promotes initiatives to strengthen regional defense cooperation. The China-ASEAN Maritime Exercise-2018, the first between Chinese and ASEAN militaries, was held in October 2018 and demonstrated the confidence and determination of the countries in maintaining regional peace and stability.

China has initiated the Xiangshan Forum, a platform of exchange based in Beijing, in the spirit of equality, openness, inclusiveness and mutual learning. In 2014, the Xiangshan Forum was upgraded to a track-1.5 platform of international security and defense dialogue. In October 2018, the Xiangshan Forum was renamed the Beijing Xiangshan Forum. More than 500 participants from 67 countries and 7 international organizations attended the forum and exchanged new ideas and approaches for addressing regional security threats and challenges. Their discussions have played an active role in promoting security dialogue and mutual trust in the Asia-Pacific region.

Properly Coping with Disputes over Territory and Maritime Demarcation

Upholding amity, sincerity, mutual benefit and inclusiveness in its neighborhood diplomacy, China is committed to building an amicable relationship and partnership with its neighbors, and peaceful resolution of disputes over territory and maritime demarcation through negotiation and consultation. China has settled its border issues with 12 of its 14 land neighbors and signed treaties on good-neighborliness, friendship and cooperation with 8 countries on its periphery.

China holds it a priority to manage differences and enhance mutual trust in maintaining the stability of its neighborhood. China has proposed a China-ASEAN defense ministers' hotline and established direct defense telephone links with Vietnam and the ROK. It has kept contact through telephone or fax, and conducted border meetings and joint patrols, with the militaries of the countries on its land borders on regular or irregular basis. Since 2014, five high-level border meetings between China and Vietnam have been held. To implement the important consensus reached by the leaders of China and India, the two militaries have exchanged high-level visits and pushed for a hotline for border defense cooperation and mechanisms for border management and border defense exchanges. Since the second half of 2016, China and the Philippines have increased dialogue on maritime security, bringing the two sides back on track in addressing the South China Sea issue through friendly consultation. In May 2018, the defense authorities of China and Japan signed a memorandum of understanding on maritime and air liaison and put it into practice in June.

China and the ASEAN countries have comprehensively and effectively implemented the DOC, and actively advanced the consultations on the COC. They are committed to extending practical maritime security cooperation, developing regional


text:
Page:China's national defense in the new era.pdf/36

 security mechanisms and building the South China Sea into a sea of peace, friendship and cooperation.

Actively Providing International Public Security Goods

China actively supports the UNPKOs. It is a major contributor to the UN peacekeeping budget and the largest troop contributing country among the permanent members of the UNSC. As of December 2018, China has participated in 24 UN peacekeeping missions and has contributed more than 39,000 peacekeepers. 13 Chinese military personnel have sacrificed their lives in the UNPKOs. In the missions, China's peacekeepers have built and repaired over 13,000 kilometers of roads, cleared and disposed of 10,342 mines and various items of unexploded ordnance, transported more than 1.35 million tons of materials over a total distance of more than 13 million kilometers, treated over 170,000 patients, and fulfilled over 300 armed escorts and long or short-distance patrols.

In September 2015, China joined the UN Peacekeeping Capability Readiness System (PCRS) and built a peacekeeping standby force of 8,000 troops. In September 2017, China completed the registration of PCRS Level 1. In October 2018, 13 Chinese PCRS Level 1 units scored high in the UN assessment and were elevated to PCRS Level 2. Five among these units were elevated from Level 2 to Level 3 in February 2019. China has made active efforts to train international peacekeepers and trained over 1,500 individuals from dozens of countries. In December 2018, 2,506 peacekeepers from the PLA served in 7 UN missions and in the UN Department of Peacekeeping Operations.

In line with relevant UNSC resolutions, since December 2008, the Chinese government has dispatched naval ships to carry out regular vessel protection operations in the Gulf of Aden and the waters off the coast of Somalia. Chinese PLAN task groups cooperate with multiple naval forces in the area to safeguard international SLOCs. In the past decade, over 100 vessels and 26,000 officers and sailors have been regularly deployed in 31 convoys, each consisting of three to four ships, in vessel protection operations. They have provided security protection for over 6,600 Chinese and foreign ships, and rescued, protected or assisted over 70 ships in distress.

China's armed forces take an active part in the international efforts for HADR. Military professionals are dispatched to conduct disaster relief operations in affected countries, provide relief materials and medical aid, and strengthen international exchanges in this respect. Since 2012, China's armed forces have participated in the search for the missing Malaysian Airliner MH370, and in the relief operations for Typhoon Haiyan in the Philippines, the Ebola epidemic in West Africa, the water scarcity in Maldives, the earthquake in Nepal, and the flood caused by a dam collapse


text:
Page:China's national defense in the new era.pdf/37

 in Laos. Since it entered service a decade ago, the PLAN's hospital ship Ark Peace has fulfilled 7 voyages coded as Mission Harmony and visited 43 countries. During these visits, it provided medical services to the local communities, organized medical exchanges, and helped over 230,000 people.

China is active in international and regional counter-terrorism cooperation. It has strengthened such cooperation within the framework of the SCO. China hosts and participates in joint counter-terrorism exercises, cracks down on illegal trafficking of weapons, ammunition and explosives, cooperates with SCO members to identify and cut off channels for terrorist infiltration, and promotes international counter-terrorism intelligence exchange and information sharing. It hosts the Great Wall International Forum on Counter-Terrorism, and actively participates in multilateral counter-terrorism mechanisms such as the APEC Counter-Terrorism Working Group and the Global Counter-Terrorism Forum. Bilateral counter-terrorism consultations have been held with certain countries. China initiated the establishment of the Quadrilateral Cooperation and Coordination Mechanism (QCCM), a counter-terrorism cooperation and coordination mechanism by the militaries of Afghanistan, China, Pakistan and Tajikistan. The QCCM has convened two military leaders' meetings and conducted counter-terrorism exchange and cooperation, actively safeguarding regional security.

Closing Remarks

Peace is an aspiration for all peoples, and development is an eternal theme of humanity. Faced with global security challenges that are becoming ever more intricate and choices that have to be made at a crossroads of human development, China firmly believes that hegemony and expansion are doomed to failure, and security and prosperity shall be shared. China will remain committed to peaceful development and work with people of all countries to safeguard world peace and promote common development.

Guided by Xi Jinping's thinking on strengthening the military, China's national defense in the new era will stride forward along its own path to build a stronger military and endeavor to achieve the great goal of developing world-class forces in an all-round way. China's armed forces have the determination, confidence and capability to prevail over all threats and challenges. They stand ready to provide strong strategic support for the realization of the Chinese Dream of national


text:
Page:The Works of H G Wells Volume 9.pdf/222

 would no more think of a special private kitchen for his dinners than he would think of a private flour mill or dairy farm. Business, private work, and professional practice go on sometimes in the house apartments, but oftener in special offices in the great warren of the business quarter. A common garden, an infant school, play rooms, and a playing garden for children, are universal features of the club quadrangles.

Two or three main roads with their tramways, their cyclists' paths, and swift traffic paths, will converge on the urban centre, where the public offices will stand in a group close to the two or three theatres and the larger shops; and hither, too, in the case of Lucerne, the head of the swift railway to Paris and England and Scotland, and to the Rhineland and Germany will run. And as one walks out from the town centre one will come to that mingling of homesteads and open country which will be the common condition of all the more habitable parts of the globe.

Here and there, no doubt, will stand quite solitary homesteads, homesteads that will nevertheless be lit and warmed by cables from the central force station, that will share the common water supply, will have their perfected telephonic connection with the rest of the world, with doctor, shop, and so forth, and may even have a pneumatic tube for books and small parcels to the nearest post-office. But the solitary homestead, as a permanent residence, will be something of a luxury—the resort of rather wealthy garden lovers; and most people with a bias for retirement will probably get as much residential solitude as they care for


text:
Page:Jstraitsrsa31-33.pdf/136

 the edge of the paper being torn away.

(G.) This is an extract from the manuscript of Hikayat Sri Rama mentioned above. The book is a quarto volume of about 800 pages, and is preserved in the Bodleian library, Oxford, under catalogue number MS. Laud Or. 291. The paper appears to be of Eastern manufacture, and the band writing is exceedingly good. The ms. is not dated, but the records of the library show that it was acquired in 1633. It seems probable that it came from the East at the saine time as letter C., which was also in the Laud collection before it was acquired by the Bodleian library.

I am much indebted to Rev. H. L. E. Luering, Ph.D., and Mr. R. J. Wilkinson, for explanations of difficult passages in these manuscripts and for the derivations of words of Sanscrit and Arabic origin.

title: Page:Jstraitsrsa31-33.pdf/136


text:
Page:China's national defense in the new era.pdf/38

 rejuvenation, and to make new and greater contributions to the building of a community with a shared future for mankind.

Appendices


text:
Page:Constantinople by Brodribb.djvu/176

 and purified; heralds went before, and proclaimed his coming; the people strewed flowers; every house on the line of march was hung with its most costly draperies; the factions, now no longer anxious for each other's blood, sang responsive chants on either side of the street in praise of the emperor; at the church doors he was solemnly received by the patriarch and the clergy.

As for Constantinople itself, it was in the tenth century a city which struck with astonishment the Westerns, who were accustomed to the narrow and dark streets of Paris or the winding lanes of London. There were wide open spaces, or places, stately churches, with ornate services, long crowded quays, splendid houses of the nobles, and a vast imperial palace. A population exceeding that of any dozen cities of France taken together, swarmed in the streets within the city and overflowed into the suburbs. They were of every nationality and wore every dress. The tall thin Copt from Egypt, the Venetian merchant with purse and inkhorn, the Pisan his rival, the Greek sailor from the islands, the mountaineer of Albania, the uncouth Russian, the stalwart Varangian guardsman, the Persian, the Armenian, the Moslem, the strange wild soldier enlisted in the Armenian highlands, and perhaps destined one day, should fortune prove evil, to seize the empire for himself, the almond-eyed Syrian, whom some, scowling, declared to be a Jew, or even, as some whispered, a Samaritan—all were there on business or for pleasure. And then there were thousands of lazzaroni, creatures born in the streets, living in the streets, and dying in the


text: Page:A Comparative Grammar of the Modern Aryan Languages of India Vol 1.djvu/383


text: Page:A Comparative Grammar of the Modern Aryan Languages of India Vol 1.djvu/384


text: Page:A Comparative Grammar of the Modern Aryan Languages of India Vol 1.djvu/385


text: Page:A Comparative Grammar of the Modern Aryan Languages of India Vol 1.djvu/387