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 * 1) This man is tall.
 * 2) I am shorter than he.
 * 3) That cow is fat.
 * 4) This sheep is thin.
 * 5) This string is too long.
 * 6) The thread is too short; it's not enough.
 * 7) This is a very large house.
 * 8) The road is too narrow for walking.
 * 9) This chair is strong.
 * 10) This table is rather weak.
 * 11) He (his body) is very strong.
 * 12) I am weaker than he.
 * 13) This table-cloth is wet.
 * 14) Dry it, and bring it back.
 * 15) This rock is very hard.
 * 16) My pillow is soft.
 * 17) Your hands are dirty.
 * 18) You should wash them clean,
 * 19) I want hot water.
 * 20) I don't want to use cold water.
 * 21) Out at sea it's very deep.
 * 22) Rivers are more shallow.
 * 23) It's very far by water.
 * 24) By land it's nearer by half.
 * 25) The bananas are not ripe yet.
 * 26) These oranges are too unripe.
 * 27) I don't want the eggs too much cooked.
 * 28) I want to eat the oysters raw.
 * 29) There are a great many water-buffaloes.
 * 30) There are very few goats.
 * 31) He is a clever fellow.
 * 32) You are stupid.


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 the act, and if the act is a created thing, then it is necessary that the intention in connection with it must also be a created thing. It makes no difference whether we take the intention as eternal or created, rising before the action or with it. So we may take it as we like. All the same it is necessary for them to admit either of the three things about the universe—either a created action, with a created intention or a created action and air eternal intention, or an eternal action with an eternal intention. But a created thing is impossible from an eternal action without any expedient, even if we admit for their sake, that it comes into existence by eternal action; and putting intention itself or the action, connected with the act is a thing which cannot be understood. This is supposing an act without an agent, with a result, without any intention. Intention is a condition of the action and not the action itself. Also it is necessary that this eternal intention, should be connected

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 with non-existence of a created thing, for a period of time which is indefinite. So if a created thing be nonexistence for an unknown period of time, then it does not become connected with the intention at the time of its creation, except after the completion of a time of which there is no limit, and that which has no limit has no end. So it becomes necessary that the intention should never take the form of action, or a time without limit should come to an end, which is impossible. This is the argument of the Mutakallimun, on which they rely in proving that the revolutions of the heavens are created. Moreover, it is necessary that to the intention which precedes the object, and is connected with it, at a certain time, there should be created in it at the time of creation of the object a determination for doing so. For the determination for the creation of an object cannot bo found before that time, because if at the time of action there be found no additional


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 quality in the agent, than that he had at the time of intention, then action from him at that time would not be quite as necessary from him as inactivity. We may go on in this way, finding all the obscure and intricate doubts, from which, not to speak of the common people, even clever men, learned in scholastic theology, in philosophy, cannot escape. So if the common people be burdened with a knowledge of these things, it would be an unbearable problem for them.

Then again the methods adopted by the Asharites in proving the creation of the universe are defective for all classes of men. The common people, by their very nature, cannot understand them, and they are at the same time in no way reasonable. So they are neither fit for the learned, nor for the masses. We warn our readers of them and say: The methods which they adopt are of two kinds. One of them, the more famous of the two and upon which a


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 majority of them relies, is based upon three premises, from which they derive the proof for the creation of the universe. They are: (1) that essences cannot be separated from accidents, that is, they cannot be devoid of them; (2) that the accidents are created things: (3) that that which cannot be separated from a created thing is itself created, that is, that which cannot be severed from the created thing is itself created. Now, if by the first premise which says that the essences cannot be separated from the accidents, they mean the bodies which stand by themselves, then the premise is correct. But if by essence they mean the particle which cannot be divided, which they call Sole Essence, then there is doubt about it,, which is not easy to solve. For the existence of an indivisible essence is not well established in itself, and about it there are many opposite and highly contradictory opinions, and it is not in the power, of plastic theology to bring truth out


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 of them. That is the business of philosophers who are very few in number. The arguments which Asharites use are for the most part exhortative. For their famous argument on this is that they say that our first knowledge about a thing is, for instance, that an elephant is bigger than an ant, for it is accepted that the former has more particles in it than the latter. If it be so, then it is made up of particles and is not a compact whole in itself. So when the body is destroyed it changes into particles, and when composed it is composed of them. But this is wrong. For they have taken a divisible quantity as a continuous one, and then thought that that which is applicable to the divisible is also applicable to the continuous. This is true about numbers, that is, we say that a certain number is more than the other, by its containing more particles in it, that is, more units. But it cannot be true of a continuous quanti-


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 the power of the imperialist bourgeoisie had not yet been overcome (the war to a finish can bring that about, at present it has not gone so far); proletarian movements are still very weak in imperialist states."

"The misfortune of the Irish lay in the fact that their rising was untimely, since the rising of the European proletariat was NOT YET ripe. Capitalism is not so harmoniously constructed that separate sources of risings can suddenly unite without failure of overthrow. On the contrary, the difference in time, the difference and dissimilarity in the place of the risings act as a guarantee for the greatness and depth of the joint movement; it is only by untimely, partially and consequently unsuccessful attempts at revolutionary risings that the masses will again experience, learn, assemble their forces, recognize their true leaders, the Socialist proletarians, and thereby prepare the joint attack; just as isolated strikes, town and national demonstrations, mutinies in the army, peasant risings, etc., prepared the general attack in 1905."

Lenin's prophetic word was fulfilled. The Easter rising marked the beginning of a new epoch. The rising and the persecutions accomplished in a few weeks what the propaganda of years had failed to do: the ideas of the extreme revolutionary groups and their methods were supported by the masses.* The revolutionaries realized that the only way to liberate Ireland was through a revolutionary struggle, and they won over practically the whole mass of the Irish people to this program.

Then came the years of the widespread partisan war, 1919–1921, which stand without parallel in the history of revolutionary struggles, in which the Irish Republic, created at Easter, 1916, was actually thrust on British imperialism. In the end the British government had to climb down in order not to lose everything. In 1921 Ireland was made a Free State with Dominion rights like


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 God with him; otherwise every other God would surely take away that which he has created; and some of them had enabled themselves over the others. Far be it that from God, which they affirm of Him." Thirdly, "Say, unto the idolators, if there were gods with Him, as ye say, they would surely seek an occasion of making some attempt against the possessor of the Throne." The argument contained in the first verse is implanted in our dispositions by our very nature. For it is well known that if there be two kings, and the orders of the one be as effectual as those of the other, it is not possible to have even a single city under their guidance. It is impossible to have one action of a single kind from two actors. So it is necessary that, if both of them begin work at the same time, the city would be ruined, except in the case that one should work and the other remain inactive. This is against our conception of divinity. For


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 when the two actions of the same kind are gathered upon a single object, then that object must necessarily be destroyed. This is the meaning of the verse, "If there were either in the heaven or on earth gods besides God, both would be corrupted." The verse, "Every god has surely taken away that which he had created." has been revealed in refutation of the argument of those who believe in many gods, entrusted with different works. For in this case it becomes incumbent that the gods doing different works be independent of one another, and that they should not be existent at one and the same time. But as the world is one it is necessary that there be not in it gods with different duties. The third verse, Say unto the idolaters if there were gods with him, as ye say, they would surely seek an occasion of making some attempt against the Possessor of the Throne, " is like the first, an argument to prove the impossibility of the existence of two gods,


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 whose duties are the same. This verse means that had there been in the world any other god, but the present one, able to create the world and those in it, so that his relation to it be that of a creator, then he must live with God on the Throne. Thus there would be found two existent things of the same kind in a single place. But this is impossible. For when the relation is one, the related must also be one, that is, they cannot be gathered in a single place as they cannot live in it. The relation of God to the Throne is just its opposite: the Throne exists for Him, and not He for the Throne. That is what God has said, " His Throne is extended over heaven and earth, and the preservation of them is no burden unto him." This is the argument by nature or by Law for proving the unity of God. The difference between the learned and the masses is that the learned know more about the creation of the world, and the purpose


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 * 1) Tjee-gi-nahng kooee.
 * 2) Wah pe-e keng kay.
 * 3) Her-gi-goo pooee.
 * 4) Tjee-gi-yeay sahn.
 * 5) Tjee-gi-saw k'ah tung.
 * 6) Swah, khah taw; m kow eng.
 * 7) Tjee-dzaw (or tjee-gi)-ts'oo khwah dzi.
 * 8) Lo khah-oy; boy-tit keeah.
 * 9) Tjee-gi kow-ee kheahng.
 * 10) Tjee-gi-ts'ung yow nahm.
 * 11) E-gi seen-t'oy dzahng-dzi.
 * 12) Wah pe-e keng nung-dzeeak.
 * 13) Tjee-gi ta'ung-po tahm.
 * 14) P'aht tah, teeny seeoo-khee.
 * 15) Tjee-gi tjeeay-t'ow toy-dzi.
 * 16) Wah-gi tsim-t'ow nahp.
 * 17) Ler-gi-ts'eeoo nah-sahp.
 * 18) Eng-gi soy ta'eng-khee.
 * 19) I seeay dzooey.
 * 20) M i eng ts'een-dzooey.
 * 21) Hi-dahng se ho-ts'eem.
 * 22) Li-khoy yow-ts'yen.
 * 23) Dzooey-lo hng-dzi.
 * 24) Lok-lo kern (exactly the German kön) dzek pwah.
 * 25) Keng-dzeeay booay sek.
 * 26) Tjee-gi-kah khah ts'ang.
 * 27) Koy-nung mi khahsek.
 * Aw, i cheeah ts'ang.
 * 1) Dzooey-goo dzoy-dzi.
 * 2) Swah-yeay dzeeay-dzeeay.
 * 3) E se ming-peh-gi-nahng.
 * 4) Ler se hoo-t'oo.


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 Australia and South Africa, having previously separated from the North (Ulster). But even this partial success was only possible as the result of the armed revolutionary struggle which had been inaugurated by the Easter rising.

The disunited, petty bourgeois nature of the leadership of the struggle was shown by the Republican consent to this compromise. Only the radical wing, consisting mainly of working elements, agricultural laborers, and the poorer petty bourgeoisie, refused to accept the compromise; these were led by De Valera. Then a fresh civil war ensued and the world witnessed the sad example. of the Irish Nationalists and Republicans, in the garb of the Free State, but really as the agents of British imperialism and of the Irish capitalists, slaughtering by hundreds Irish Republicans and fighters for freedom.

 * Kernheitzer. "Revolutionary Ireland."

Today the Free State has become a respectable Dominion of the British Empire, Mr. Cosgrave, the President, on the occasion of the last attack on Mussolini's nose, sent a moving and servile telegram of sympathy.

But naturally the Irish question has not been solved thereby, nor have its workers been helped; the role of liberator falls to the workers of Ireland.

The Irish Labor movement after the Easter rising committed a number of serious errors. Up to that time it had taken the lead politically in the struggle against British imperialism, and in the struggle against conscription in 1917–1918 by means of the strike weapon. But now it resigned this leadership into the hands of the petty bourgeoisie. At the time of the 1918 elections it decided not to put forward any Labor Party or trade union candidates because of the Sinn Feiners. This was a suicidal manner of establishing the united front against British imperialism. But it served as only one example in a long political history of how the active elements of the working class were completely enmeshed in the petty bourgeois Republican movement, and how the workers and toiling peasantry again were taken in too by the


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 * 1) One dollar.
 * 2) A dollar and a half.
 * 3) Half a dollar.
 * 4) Over a dollar.
 * 5) This "ngun" is very difficult to pronounce.
 * 6) Some people pronounce it "nyeen."
 * 7) That is easier.
 * 8) A dollar is divided into ten sek. (Chinose fashion.)
 * 9) One sek is divided into ten cents.
 * 10) Ten dollars and sixty-six cents.
 * 11) One tael.
 * 12) One tael is equal to about a dollar and a half
 * 13) Nine mace.
 * 14) Nine cash.
 * 15) One tael, soven mace, six candarsens.
 * 16) What is a dollar worth now in cash?
 * 17) It is worth one thousand and forty cash.
 * 18) How much wagos do you want a month?
 * 19) I want four dollars a month.
 * 20) This is too much.
 * 21) If I find my own food, it's not very much.
 * 22) Of course you find yourself.
 * 23) I can't take less or do it for less.
 * 24) Have you ever done this work before t
 * 25) I have done a little.
 * 26) You ought not to spend this money.
 * 27) You ought to send it home.
 * 28) Does he gamble ?
 * 29) I fancy he does.
 * 30) If he gambles I shall not employ him.
 * 31) You tell him what I say.
 * 32) He says he won't dare do so again.


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 of its different parts, like a single body, than the common people. It is to this that the latter part of the verse refers, "God forbid! and far, very far, be that which they utter! The seven heavens praise him, and the earth, and all who are therein: neither is there anything which doth not celebrate His praise; but ye understand not their celebration thereof: He is gracious and merciful." The argument which the Asharites deduce from this verse, calling it the "argument of impossibility," is neither in accordance with natural nor legal arguments. It is not in accordance with nature, because what they say is without any proof at all; while it is insufficient by Law, because the common people cannot understand it, not to speak of their being satisfied with it. They say, that if there be two gods, then it is more probable that they would differ. If this were to happen, then there would be one of the following three


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 cases, there being no fourth alternative. Either the desire of both of them would be accomplished, or the desire of neither would not. They say that it is impossible that the desire of neither of them be accomplished, but if it be so then the universe would neither be existent nor non-existent. If the desire of both of them be accomplished, then the universe would be both existent and nonexistent at the same time. So there remains no alternative but that the desire of one be accomplished, the other's remaining unfulfilled. So one whose desire remains unfulfilled is helpless, and the helpless cannot be a God. The weakness of this argument is that as it is possible to suppose that they differ, it is just as possible to presume that they agree, a fact more becoming to the gods than difference of opinion. If they agree about the creation of the world, they would be like two craftsmen agreed upon making something. If it be so then it must be said that their actions


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 help them to work and live in a single place, except that some one may say, that perhaps one would do one thing and the other quite another thing, or perhaps they would work by turns. But this is an objection which cannot be advanced by the masses. But if any sceptic controvertialist were to advance it, he may be told that one who has power to create one thing has power to create the whole. So now again it comes to the same thing, whether they agree or not, and how can they help each other in work? As to working by turn, it would be a defect in both of them. It is more probable that if there be two gods, there must be two universes. But as the universe is one, its Maker must also be one, for a single work can only be done by one maker. So it is not necessary that we should understand the verse of God, " and some of them had enabled themselves over the other, " as pointing to disagreement alone, but it may be taken as true even


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 in the case of argument, for this also leads to the same result as disagreement would do. Here lies the difference between us and the Mutakallimun, about the meaning of this verse, though Abul Maali has said something almost expressing our own views. By the foregoing you would understand that the argument which the Mutakallimun have deduced from this verse is not the one which it really contains. The impossibility to which their argument leads is not one which should be deduced from the verse in question. The impossibility which is deduced from the argument which they think is contained in the verse, is more than one impossibility, by their dividing it into three parts, while there is no division in the verse itself. So the argument which they use is the one which is known to the logicians as disjunctive syllogism, and is known in their science as definition and division. But the argument contained in the verse is one which is known m logic as hypothetical


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 petty bourgeoisie. The Labor movement has not taken to heart Connolly's Leninist slogan, that in spite of the united front with the revolutionary nationalists the workers must retain their independence and their leading role.

De Valera's tardy (or premature [?]) rising against the compromise and the Free State, in which many workers and agricultural laborers took part, was also a mistake. It had as a result the further destruction of the active forces of the workers and the revolutionary strata of the petty bourgeoisie.

Today the position of the revolutionary movement in Ireland is most unsatisfactory. The trade union movement is split and weakened. There is neither a Socialist Labor Party nor a Communist Party. The Labor Party is weak and expends its energy in petty reformist work. In reality, it is simply the parliamentary representative of the trade unions and has no proper organization. Amongst the remaining Republicans who have been quite scattered, there are many good revolutionary forces. The peasants are unorganized.

Thus we see that the first task of the Irish working class is to consolidate its forces and create a virile leadership and organization. It is an absolute necessity to found a class conscious revolutionary Labor Party, and in this connection we must welcome the existing tendencies towards forming an Irish Workers' Party. The trade unions must be strengthened and made into a real powerful trade union movement. The Labor Party must raise the standard of Connolly; it ought never to lose sight of the fact that the workers alone should have the struggle for the final liberation from British imperialism and capitalism. It must not forget that for this end it must act jointly with the peasantry, and this is all the more possible in Ireland since the majority consists of hard working small farmers.

Thus, in union with the British working class, the other oppressed people in the British Empire and the workers of other countries, the Irish workers will raise aloft in Ireland the red flag of the Irish Workers' Republic.


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 syllogism, which is quite different from disjunctive syllogism. Anyone who would look most cursorily into this science would know the difference between the two. Then, again, the impossibility which their argument points out is not that to which the argument of the Book leads. They say that universe will either be neither existent nor non-existent, or it will be existent and non-existent at the same time, or its god would be a helpless and weak god. These are impossible forever, b ecause of the impossibility of more than one. The impossibility which the verse refers to, is not so for ever, for in it it depends upon a certain period of time, that is when the universe is found corrupted at the time of its existence. For he says "If there be any other god but God," the universe would be found corrupted. Then he has made an exception that it is not corrupted, and hence there must not be more than one God. So now it has become quite clear that this is the met-


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 * 1) Gi-ngun or dzek-gi ngun.
 * 2) Gi-pwah ngun.
 * 3) Pwah-gi ngun.
 * 4) Gi-gwah ngun.
 * 5) Tjee-gi "ngun" jee, kahn-kho tah.
 * 6) Oo nahng tah "nyeen."
 * 7) Tjee-gi keng yoong-eo.
 * 8) Dzek-gi-ngun poon-dzaw dzap sek.
 * 9) Dzek-sek poon-dzaw dzap hoon.
 * 10) Dzap-gi, lak sek, lak hoon.
 * 11) Dzek-neeay ngun.
 * 12) Dick-neeay ta'ah-poo-taw oo gi-pwah-ngun.
 * 13) Kow dzee.
 * 14) Kow-gi-dzee.
 * 15) Dzek neeay, ch'it dzee, lak hoon.
 * 16) Heen-dzi, dzek-gi-ngun tow tjesay-dzoy-dzee?
 * 17) Tow dzek-ts'oy lahn-see-dzap-dzee.
 * 18) Ler dzek-gi-gway i tjeeay-dzoy kahng-dzee?
 * 19) Dzek-gi-gway i see-gi-ngun.
 * 20) Tjoe-gi khah-dzoy.
 * 21) Cheeah kah-kee, boy dzoy.
 * 22) Teeah-teeay se cheeah-kah-kee.
 * 23) Kyem, dzaw-m-tit.
 * 24) Ts'ong-dzoy, ler paht dzaw tjee-gi-kahng, ah m paht?
 * 25) Paht lahn-law.
 * 26) Tjee-gi-dzee ler m-eng-gi si.
 * 27) Eng-gi keeah-kher ts'oo.
 * 28) E oo pwah-dzee ah-baw?
 * 29) Wah p'ah-sung oo.
 * 30) E oo pwah dzee, wah m-i-eng e.
 * 31) Ler kahng-e-tah tjee-gi-way.
 * 32) E tah, ow-li m-kah pwah.


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Substantives and Adjectives are not declined: the same word expresses both the singular and the plural.

Verbs remain the same in all moods, tenses, numbers and persons. These distinctions are shown by the addition of certain auxiliary verbs, as follows :—


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Rh

Proclamation 10192 of April 30, 2021

National Foster Care Month, 2021

By the President of the United States of America

A Proclamation

Every child deserves to grow up in a supportive, loving home where they can thrive and prosper. During those unfortunate times when children cannot remain safely in their own homes, the individuals and families who open their hearts and homes to foster children provide a vital service to their communities. During this National Foster Care Month, we share our gratitude for those who support youth and families by being a resource to children in need and supporting birth parents so that they may safely reunite with their families whenever possible. We also recognize that it takes collaboration and community effort—from local organizations to Federal agencies—to support children, birth parents, and resource and kin families during challenging times.

Young people in foster care have been particularly impacted by the COVID–19 pandemic. They are navigating circumstances that are already tough, and those challenges are compounded by a public health crisis that made housing, employment and educational opportunities even harder to access.

To support the immediate needs of youth in foster care, my Administration is implementing Federal programs authorized by the Supporting Foster Youth and Families through the Pandemic Act. This law provides additional flexibility and support for youth aging out of foster care, and allows them to access critical services to help them stay in school or participate in a job training program, pay the bills, and better make the difficult transition to adulthood. We have an expression in the Biden family, “If you have to ask for help, it’s too late.” As a Nation, we can proactively help children by advancing a holistic approach to child and family well-being across the country—before it’s too late.

As we work to address immediate needs, we must be clear about longstanding challenges in child welfare and commit to advancing child and family well-being in every way we can. Our children, birth parents, and resource and kin families deserve nothing less. So this National Foster Care Month, we also recognize the histories of injustice in our Nation’s foster care system. Throughout our history and persisting today, too many communities of color, especially Black and Native American communities, have been treated unequally and often unfairly by the child welfare system. Black and Native American children are far more likely than white children to be removed from their homes, even when the circumstances surrounding the removal are similar. Once removed, Black and Native American children stay in care longer and are less likely to either reunite with their birth parents or be adopted. Too many children are removed from loving homes because poverty is often conflated with neglect, and the enduring effects of systemic racism and economic barriers mean that families of color are disproportionately affected by this as well. Children with disabilities are over-represented among youth in care and may be inappropriately placed in group settings instead of provided the individualized support they need. Children in foster care—particularly youth of color and LGBTQ+ children who are already subject to disproportionate rates of school discipline and criminalization—are also at an increased risk of becoming involved in the


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23850 juvenile justice system. And for LGBTQ+ foster youth, foster care systems are not always equipped to safely meet their needs.

My Administration is committed to addressing these entrenched problems in our Nation’s child welfare system, advancing equity and racial justice for every child and family who is touched by the foster care and child welfare system, and focusing on policies that improve child and family well-being. This is why my Administration’s discretionary funding request for 2022 includes $100 million in competitive grants for State and local child welfare systems to advance racial equity and prevent unnecessary child removals.

National Foster Care Month is an opportunity for us to celebrate the resource and kin families who are supporting children by opening their homes and sharing their love. Crucially, it is also an opportunity to celebrate foster youth and all of their accomplishments, and to celebrate and encourage the many biological parents who are working hard to safely reunite with their children. And it provides an opportunity for us to fulfill our responsibility as a Nation to take care of each other and provide our vulnerable youth and families with the support they need.

NOW, THEREFORE, I, JOSEPH R. BIDEN JR., President of the United States of America, by virtue of the authority vested in me by the Constitution and the laws of the United States, do hereby proclaim May 2021 as National Foster Care Month. I call upon all Americans to observe this month by reaching out in their neighborhoods and communities to the children and youth in foster care and their families, those at risk of entering foster care, and resource and kin families and other caregivers.

IN WITNESS WHEREOF, I have hereunto set my hand this thirtieth day of April, in the year of our Lord two thousand twenty-one, and of the Independence of the United States of America the two hundred and forty-fifth.

[FR Doc. 2021–09573 Filed 5–4–21; 8:45 am] Billing code 3295–F1–P


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text: A Proclamation on National Foster Care Month, 2021


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Page:A Grammar and Dictionary of the Malay Language with a Preliminary Dissertation- Dissertation and Grammar, in Two Volumes, Vol. I (IA dli.granth.52714).pdf/312

 in the Arabic alphabet having the sound of our z; one of these is given in the Roman, and the other in the Italic character. Whatever the Arabs may do, the Malays make no distinction between them, but pronounce them both with facility, and like the z of the European languages. In so far as pronunciation is concerned, nearly all these letters might be dispensed with; but a correct etymology renders their preservation indispensable.

Arabian Vowels.—There are but three long vowel characters in the Arabic alphabet, as already stated; one, equivalent to the a of the native portion of the Malayan alphabet; another representing either e or i; and a third, either o or u. The short vowel marks are, also, three in number, but they represent sounds nearly equivalent to the vowels which I have written thus: ǎ, ĕ or ĭ, and ŏ or ŭ. Besides all these, there is in the Arabic alphabet a peculiar and anomalous character which the Arabs consider a substantive letter or consonant, but which is, in reality, a true vowel. It may take the sound of any one of five vowels, but most generally has that of a. I have represented it by an italic a. Although always written in correct Malay composition, the Malays make no attempt at its genuine sound, but pronounce it like any of their own ordinary vowels which it may happen to resemble.

Malayo-Arabic Letters.—The whole Malay alphabet represented by Roman letters, will be as follows:—a, â, ă, a, b, ch, d, d͘, e, ĕ, f, g, g, h, h, i, ĭ, j, k, k, l, ll, l͘, m, n, ng, ñ, o, p, r, s, s, s’, ç, t, t͘, t, u, ŭ, w, x, y, z, z. In this manner we have forty-four characters; but even in the Malayo-Arabic alphabet, the short vowel marks included, there are no fewer than thirty- seven, yet without any approach to precision. It is the necessity of adding so many characters, to represent Arabic letters which, although written, are not pronounced, or but very imperfectly so, that encumbers the system. The portion which represents native sounds, and which embraces the great bulk of the words of the language, is simple and easy.

The following, in its usual order, is the Arabic alphabet with its supplementary characters as written by the Malays:—


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 arose, but we gradually educated each other, and I had the best of the affair; for all I had got to teach them was that I was only a beetle and fetish hunter, and so forth, while they had to teach me a new world, and a very fascinating course of study I found it. And whatever the Coast may have to say against me—for my continual desire for hair-pins, and other pins, my intolerable habit of getting into water, the abominations full of ants, that I brought into their houses, or things emitting at unexpectedly short notice vivid and awful stenches—they cannot but say that I was a diligent pupil, who honestly tried to learn the lessons they taught me so kindly, though some of those lessons were hard to a person who had never previously been even in a tame bit of tropics, and whose life for many years had been an entirely domestic one in a University town.

One by one I took my old ideas derived from books and thoughts based on imperfect knowledge and weighed them against the real life around me, and found them either worthless or wanting. The greatest recantation I had to make I made humbly before I had been three months on the Coast in 1893. It was of my idea of the traders. What I had expected to find them was a very different thing to what I did find them; and of their kindness to me I can never sufficiently speak, for on that voyage I was utterly out of touch with the governmental circles, and utterly dependent on the traders, and the most useful lesson of all the lessons I learnt on the West Coast in 1893 was that I could trust them. Had I not learnt this very thoroughly I could never have gone out again and carried out the voyage I give you a sketch of in this book.

Thanks to "the Agent," I have visited places I could never otherwise have seen; and to the respect and affection in which he is held by the native, I owe it that I have done so in safety. When I have arrived off his factory in a steamer or canoe, unexpected, unintroduced, or turned up equally unheralded out of the bush in a dilapidated state, he has always received me with that gracious hospitality which must have given him, under Coast conditions, very real trouble and inconvenience—things he could have so readily found logical excuses against entailing upon himself for the sake of an individual whom he


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 had never seen before—whom he most likely would never see again—and whom it was no earthly profit to him to see then. He has bestowed himself—Allah only knows where—on his small trading vessels so that I might have his one cabin. He has fished me out of sea and fresh water with boat-hooks; he has continually given me good advice, which if I had only followed would have enabled me to keep out of water and any other sort of affliction; and although he holds the meanest opinion of my intellect for going to such a place as West Africa for beetles, fishes and fetish, he has given me the greatest assistance in my work. The value of that work I pray you withhold judgment on, until I lay it before you in some ten volumes or so mostly in Latin. All I know that is true regarding West African facts, I owe to the traders; the errors are my own.

To Dr. Günther, of the British Museum, I am deeply grateful for the kindness and interest he has always shown regarding all the specimens of natural history that I have been able to lay before him; the majority of which must have had very old tales to tell him. Yet his courtesy and attention gave me the thing a worker in any work most wants—the sense that the work was worth doing—and sent me back to work again with the knowledge that if these things interested a man like him, it was a more than sufficient reason for me to go on collecting them. To Mr. W. H. F. Kirby I am much indebted for his working out my small collection of certain Orders of insects; and to Mr. Thomas S. Forshaw, for the great help he has afforded me in revising my notes.

It is impossible for me even to catalogue my debts of gratitude still outstanding to the West Coast. Chiefly am I indebted to Mr. C. G. Hudson, whose kindness and influence enabled me to go up the Ogowé and to see as much of Congo Français as I have seen, and his efforts to take care of me were most ably seconded by Mr. Fildes. The French officials in "Congo Français" never hindered me, and always treated me with the greatest kindness. You may say there was no reason why they should not, for there is nothing in this fine colony of France that they need be ashamed of any one seeing; but I find it is customary for travellers to say the French officials


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794–1185


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[from Shōrai Mokuroku]

During the sixth moon of 804 I sailed for China aboard the Number One Ship, in the party of Lord Fujiwara, ambassador to the


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64 T’ang court. We reached the coast of Fukien by the eighth moon, and four months later arrived at Ch’ang-an, the capital, where we were lodged in the official guest residence. The ambassadorial delegation started home for Japan on the fifteenth of March, 805, but in obedience to an Imperial edict I alone remained behind in the Hsi-ming Temple.

One day, in the course of my calls on eminent Buddhist teachers of the capital, I happened by chance to meet the abbot of the East Pagoda Hall of the Green Dragon Temple. This great priest, whose Buddhist name was Hui-kuo, was the chosen disciple of the Indian master Amoghavajra. His virtue aroused the reverence of his age; his teachings were lofty enough to guide emperors. Three sovereigns revered him as their master and were ordained by him. The four classes of believers looked up to him for instruction in the esoteric teachings.

I called on the abbot in the company of five or six monks from the Hsi-ming Temple. As soon as he saw me he smiled with pleasure, and he joyfully said, “I knew that you would come! I have been waiting for such a long time. What pleasure it gives me to look on you today at last! My life is drawing to an end, and until you came there was no one to whom I could transmit the teachings. Go without delay to the ordination altar with incense and a flower.” I returned to the temple where I had been staying and got the things which were necessary for the ceremony. It was early in the sixth moon, then, that I entered the ordination chamber. I stood in front of the Womb Mandala and cast my flower in the prescribed manner. By chance it fell on the body of the Buddha Vairocana in the center. The master exclaimed in delight, “How amazing! How perfectly amazing!” He repeated this three or four times in joy and wonder. I was then given the fivefold baptism and received the instruction in the Three Mysteries that bring divine intercession. Next I was taught the Sanskrit formulas for the Womb Mandala, and learned the yoga contemplation of all the Honored Ones.

Early in the seventh moon I entered the ordination chamber of the Diamond Mandala for a second baptism. When I cast my flower it fell on Vairocana again, and the abbot marveled as he had before.


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Rh On the day of my ordination I provided a feast for five hundred of the monks. The dignitaries of the Green Dragon Temple all attended, and everyone enjoyed himself.

I later studied the Diamond Crown Yoga and the five divisions of the True Words teachings, and spent some time learning Sanskrit and the Sanskrit hymns. The abbot told me that the esoteric scriptures are so abstruse that their meaning cannot be conveyed except through art. For this reason he ordered the court artist Li Chen and about a dozen other painters to execute ten scrolls of the Womb and Diamond Mandalas, and assembled more than twenty scribes to make copies of the Diamond and other important scriptures. He also ordered the bronzesmith Chao Wu to cast fifteen ritual implements.

One day the abbot said to me, “Long ago, when I was still young, I met the great master Amoghavajra. From the first moment he saw me he treated me like a son, and on his visit to the court and his return to the temple I was as inseparable from him as his shadow. He confided to me, ‘You will be the receptacle of the esoteric teachings. Do your best! Do your best!’ I was then initiated into the teachings of both the Womb and the Diamond, and into the secret gestures as well. The rest of his disciples, monks and laity alike, studied just one of the Mandalas, or one Honored One, or one ritual, but not all of them as I did. How deeply I am indebted to him I shall never be able to express.

“Now my existence on earth approaches its term, and I cannot long remain. I urge you, therefore, to take the two Mandalas and the hundred volumes of the teachings, together with the ritual implements and these gifts which were left to me by my master. Return to your country and propagate the teachings there.

“When you first arrived I feared that I did not have time enough left to teach you everything, but now my teaching is completed, and the work of copying the Sutras and making the images is also one. Hasten back to your country, offer these things to the court, and spread the teachings throughout your country to increase the happiness of the people. Then the land will know peace and everyone will be content. In that way you will return thanks to Buddha


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66 and to your teacher. That is also the way to show your devotion to your country and to your family. My disciple I-ming will carry on the teachings here. Your task is to transmit them to Japan. Do your best! Do your best!” These were his final instructions to me, and he was kindly and patient as always. On the night of the last full moon of the year he purified himself with a ritual bath and, lying on his right side with his hands making the gesture of Vairocana, breathed his last.

That night, while I sat in meditation in the hall, the abbot appeared to me in his usual form and said, “You and I have long been pledged to propagate the esoteric teachings. If I am reborn in Japan, this time I will be your disciple.”


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 has already been made, and as regards arithmetic, Tonstall tells us that there was scarcely a nation that did not possess a vernacular treatise on that subject. If further proof is necessary that Latin had never become so fashionable in England as on the continent it can be found in the Governour of Sir Thomas Elyot, and in Ascham’s Scholemaster. Ascham seems to have been apprehensive that scholars on the continent might think an English setting somewhat undignified for so academic a theme as Education, and in a letter to Sturm at Strasburg he instances the uncultured condition of England as his excuse. He was writing “for Englishmen and not for foreigners,” and wished to be understood. In France, where the Latin of the Renaissance had taken a far stronger hold, Montaigne had advanced precisely the same reason for writing his essays in French. He was addressing a French and not a European audience. Rabelais had chosen the language that they despised as an instrument for the abuse of pedants and scholastics. In the Collége de France, founded in 1529, Francis I. had ordained that the lectures should be given in French and not in Latin. Peter Ramus (Pierre de la Ramée) Latinised his name and wrote in Latin, but this did not prevent him from bringing out a French Grammar in 1562. A cursory glance at the list of their publications would not lead us to suppose that Robert and Henry Estienne give much thought to their native language. Yet Robert Estienne published his Traicté de la Grammaire Française in 1569, and his son Henry gives us to understand that French was already ousting all other languages as a refined medium of expression. “It is proverbial,” he tells us, “that the Italians bleat, the Spaniards groan, the Germans howl, and the


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Pastorals (Philips)

{{header | title     = Pastorals | author    = Ambrose Philips | translator = | section   = | previous  = | next      = | year      = 1710 | notes     = Four of Philips' pastorals first appeared in Fenton's Oxford and Cambridge Miscellany Poems (n.d., published January 1707/8) and all six in ''Poetical Miscellanies. The Sixth Part'' (1708) published by Jacob Tonson. Hills reprinted Tonson's text in 1710, in a twelve-leaf pamphlet, of which this is a transcription. Hills' edition was re-set at least three times in 1710, with differences in the title-page, in signatures and in ornament. [Based on The Poems of Ambrose Philips (1969} p. liv. edited by Mary G. Segar ] .}}

title: Pastorals (Philips)


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 French sing.” In 1549 Joachim de Bellay had written his spirited Défense et illustration de la langue Française, in which he is at pains to prove “que la langue Françoise n’est pas si pauvre que beaucoup l’estiment.” In his intense desire that his countrymen shall write in French he advances the somewhat paradoxical argument that, in view of the present “literary competition,” French writings have the best chance of surviving. “Vrai est que le nom de cesluy cy (i.e. the author who writes in Latin) s’estend en plus de lieux; mais bien souvent comme la fumée qui sort grosse au commencement, peu à peu s’esvanouit parmy le grand espace de l’air, il se perd ou pour estre opprimé de l’infinie multitude des autres plus renommez, il demeure quasi en silence et obscurité.”

These objections to the encroachments of the Latin tongue were largely due to a patriotic desire to dethrone a language whose tendency was to usurp for itself all the high places in literature. Another argument on the same side, the plea of lack of time, had already begun to make itself heard. Merchants wanted to give their sons a good education, but, as they needed their assistance at an early age, grudged the inordinate length of time that had to be spent before good scholarship could be attained. “My father wished to see my learned education completed in one year,” says the school-boy in Cordier’s Colloquies, when told what a long business it is to learn Latin colloquially.

In Germany the vernacular was more backward in asserting itself. Luther’s sermons and hymns were a powerful factor in the development of German style, but the troubled state of the country during the following century hindered any progress towards the refinement of the language. The foundation of the Fruchtbringende Gesellschaft, a kind of “academy” organised at Weimar in 1617 by Ludwig,


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 Prince of Anhalt-Köthen, marks the first effort to purify the German tongue and set it on a firm basis.

It must be confessed that the earlier humanists had not so much wished to impede the use of the vernaculars in Europe, as to add another language to those already in “vogue.” “Just as a gem set in a gold ring ornaments it rather than disfigures it,” wrote Laurentius Valla in 1450, “so our language (Latin), if added to the vernaculars of other nations, increases rather than diminishes their lustre.” Latin, though essentially a scholar’s tongue, was not to be treated as a classic language, but was to be placed on exactly the same footing as the vernaculars. To write like Cicero was not sufficient, the accomplished man of letters was also expected to talk like the characters of Terence and Plautus. If the Latin vocabulary of the golden age proved unequal to the heavier demands of sixteenth-century life, it had to be stretched and supplemented by Greek words. Above all, fluency was the great desideratum. In addition to the accuracy that he acquired by a patient study of grammar, of the moods and of the figures, a school-boy had to learn to chatter in Latin without any hesitation and with as much correctness of expression as could be obtained. Some idea of the task thus imposed on teachers may be realised by those who have experienced the difficulty of imparting a colloquial knowledge of French or German through the medium of class instruction. The humanist schools sought to solve the question by making it obligatory that boys should talk Latin and nothing else during their play-hours as well as in school; but this was very difficult to enforce, and, in spite of the usher with his tabella delatoria ready to report the slightest lapse into the mother-tongue, they drifted into the vernacular on every possible occasion. “Our boys,” wrote Cordier in 1530, always chatter French with their companions, or if they


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 try to talk Latin, cannot keep it up for three consecutive words.”

It was to remedy this state of things that Cordier compiled, under the title De corrupti sermonis emendatione, a French-Latin manual of useful phrases, arranged under a variety of headings. The Latin is not always of the most academic type, but the sentences were doubtless useful to boys whose vocabulary was limited. Thus, in chap. v., under the heading Beneficiorum, officiorum, et gratificandi, we find “Tu mas faict ung grand plaisir,” Magno me affecisti beneficio. Vehementer me oblectasti. Pergratum mihi fecisti.” Chapter ix., under the heading Cedendi, concedendi, obsequendi, gives us a remark that only a very priggish boy could have used—“Je confesse que tu es meilleur grammarien que moy,” “Grammaticæ scientiam tibi concedo.” More in sympathy with school-boy nature is the joyful announcement, “Le régent nous a rien baillé à estudier,” “Præceptor nihil dedit nobis ad studiendum” (chap. xix.) That the most renowned schoolmaster of the sixteenth century should render “Je vouldroye que tu disse cela de bon coeur” by “Ego vellem quod tu istud diceres de bono corde” is startling to those who live in an age when the practice of talking Latin, entailing, as it must, much monkish inaccuracy, has fallen into disuse. Of more importance than this phrase-book were the Colloquies by various authors, so much used in schools, en late the end of the eighteenth century. These represented conversations between school-boys or young students, and were intended to be learned off by heart, and thus to supply the student with a stock of phrases suitable for use in every-day life. Occasionally, indeed, these dialogues outstripped themselves. Those of Erasmus are conversations of great literary and philosophic merit, and are on this account often unsuitable for school-boys. They were, however, extensively used, and, together with the


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RUSSIAN WORKERS AND WORKSHOPS IN 1926 By Wm. Z. Foster

GLIMPSES OF THE SOVIET REPUBLIC By Scott Nearing

RUSSIA TURNS EAST By Scott Nearing

EDUCATION IN SOVIET RUSSIA By Scott Nearing

THE NEW THEATER AND CINEMA IN SOVIET RUSSIA By Huntley Carter

1113 W. Washington Blvd.

290


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 EH

This telegram must be closely paraphrased’ before being communicated to anyone. (SC)

London

Dated January 13, 1941

Rec'd 7:43 p.m.

Secretary of State,

Washington.

134, January 13, 9 p.m.

PRIVATE AND PERSONAL FOR THE PRESIDENT FROM THE FORMER NAVAL PERSON.

"Hopkins and I spent the weekend together and he is coming along with me on a short tour of fleet bases, so we shall have plenty of time to cover all points at leisure. I am most grateful to you for sending so remarkable an envoy who enjoys so high a measure of your intimancy and confidence".

JOHNSON


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The tanks and/or motor vehicles would be carried on the 2nd deck which would require to be lowered and possibly stiffened locally.

An opening approximately 40' long and 10'6" high would be cut in the shell plating amidships on each side for vehicles to pass through, either when being taken on board or when being disembarked. This opening would be fitted with a hinged flap door which when open would form a platform.

Two brows about 80' long by 13' wide, one each side, would be carried by the ship when tank operations are envisaged and would be stowed against the ship's side forward of the openings during passage to and from the scene of operations. The brows would be long enough to enable tanks to land on the beach if the vessels were aground or to land into T.L.Cs. should it be desired to keep the vessel afloat.

The biggest alteration is lowering the 2nd deck so that the height between this and the upper deck gives sufficient head room for the vehicles. A minimum headroom of 10'6" all fore and aft would be required, a passage-way at least 13' wide being provided on one side of the machinery casing. It is not possible to say with our present knowledge whether the existing machinery layout would permit the lowering of the 2nd deck in this area.

Openings 13' wide and 10'6" high would be necessary in the main transverse tween deck bulkheads to allow vehicles a clear passage fore and aft. These openings would have to be closed when the ship is used as a cargo carrier in order to provide the requisite transverse strength and watertight sub-division.

Although the openings in the side plating would be made watertight for the ship's ordinary service as a cargo carrier by means of the hinged steel door, these doors would not contribute to the longitudinal strength of the ship. The scantlings of the shell plating and bulwarks around the openings would be increased to compensate for the loss in strength due to the cutting of these large ports.

The above proposals would enable the ship to carry and land up to 40 ton tanks, probably 25 in number, and up to 3 ton army lorries; still heavier tanks could be dealt with by shoring the brow. The general scheme is illustrated on attached print.

It is assumed that these ships would be used after the first operation of landing and seizing the foreshore and country immediately surrounding, that is, the vessels would be Tank Landing Ships not Tank Assault Ships. A certain amount of accommodation would have to be provided for tank crews and maintenance staff and it would be necessary to devise some arrangement for ventilating the tank stowage space during the landing operation. The fitting of such accommodation and ventilation would involve taking the ships in hand a fair time before they could be used for tank carrying.

25th September, 1941.


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Rh pleased to see that the fig-tree looked in splendid condition, and was full of fruit. He ran and fetched a basket, and was just feeling the figs, to make sure which of them were ripe, when his brother Peppe called to him, ‘Stop! The figs of course are yours, but the branches they grow on are mine, and I forbid you to touch them.’

Ciccu did not answer, but set a ladder against the tree, so that he could reach the topmost branches, and had his foot already on the first rung when he heard the voice of his brother Alfin: ‘Stop! the trunk belongs to me, and I forbid you to touch it!’

Then they began to quarrel violently, and there seemed no chance that they would ever cease, till one of them said, ‘Let us go before a judge.’ The others agreed, and when they had found a man whom they could trust Ciccu told him the whole story.

‘This is my verdict,’ said the judge. ‘The figs in truth belong to you, but you cannot pluck them without touching both the trunk and the branches. Therefore you must give your first basketful to your brother Alfin, as the price of his leave to put your ladder against the tree; and the second basketful to your brother Peppe, for leave to shake his boughs. The rest you can keep for yourself.’

And the brothers were contented, and returned home, saying one to the other, ‘We will each of us send a basket of figs to the king. Perhaps he will give us something in return, and if he does we will divide it faithfully between us.’ So the best figs were carefully packed in a basket, and Peppe set out with it to the castle.

On the road he met a little old man who stopped and said to him, ‘What have you got there, my fine fellow?’

‘What is that to you?’ was the answer; ‘mind your own business.’ But the old man only repeated his question, and Peppe, to get rid of him, exclaimed in anger, ‘Dirt.’

‘Good,’ replied the old man; ‘dirt you have said, and dirt let it be.’


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346 Peppe only tossed his head and went on his way till he got to the castle, where he knocked at the door. ‘I have a basket of lovely figs for the king,’ he said to the servant who opened it, ‘if his majesty will be graciously pleased to accept them with my humble duty.’

The king loved figs, and ordered Peppe to be admitted to his presence, and a silver dish to be brought on which to put the figs. When Peppe uncovered his basket sure enough a layer of beautiful purple figs met the king’s eyes, but underneath there was nothing but dirt. ‘How dare you play me such a trick?’ shrieked the king in a rage. ‘Take him away, and give him fifty lashes.’ This was done, and Peppe returned home, sore and angry, but determined to say nothing about his adventure. And when his brothers asked him what had happened he only answered, ‘When we have all three been I will tell you.’

A few days after this more figs were ready for plucking, and Alfin in his turn set out for the palace. He had not gone far down the road before he met the old man, who asked him what he had in his basket.

‘Horns,’ answered Alfin, shortly.

‘Good,’ replied the old man; ‘horns you have said, and horns let it be.’

When Alfin reached the castle he knocked at the door and said to the servant: ‘Here is a basket of lovely figs, if his majesty will be good enough to accept them with my humble duty.’

The king commanded that Alfin should be admitted to his presence, and a silver dish to be brought on which to lay the figs. When the basket was uncovered some beautiful purple figs lay on the top, but underneath there was nothing but horns. Then the king was beside himself with passion, and screamed out, ‘Is this a plot to mock me? Take him away, and give him a hundred and fifty lashes!’ So Alfin went sadly home, but would not


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Rh tell anything about his adventures, only saying grimly, ‘Now it is Ciccu’s turn.’

Ciccu had to wait a little before he gathered the last figs on the tree, and these were not nearly so good as the first set. However, he plucked them, so they had agreed, and set out for the king’s palace. The old man was still on the road, and he came up and said to Ciccu, ‘What have you got in that basket?’

‘Figs for the king,’ answered he.

‘Let me have a peep,’ and Ciccu lifted the lid. ‘Oh, do give me one, I am so fond of figs,’ begged the little man,

‘I am afraid if I do that the hole will show,’ replied Ciccu, but as he was very good-natured he gave him one. The old man ate it greedily and kept the stalk in his hand, and then asked for another and another and another till he had eaten half the basketful. ‘But there are not enough left to take to the king,’ murmured Ciccu.

‘Don’t be anxious,’ said the old man, throwing the stalks back into the basket; ‘just go on and carry the basket to the castle, and it will bring you luck.’

Ciccu did not much like it; however, he went on his way, and with a trembling heart rang the castle bell. ‘Here are some lovely figs for the king,’ said he, ‘if his majesty will graciously accept them with my humble duty.’

When the king was told that there was another man with a basket of figs he cried out, ‘Oh, have him in, have him in! I suppose it is a wager!’ But Ciccu uncovered the basket, and there lay a pile of beautiful ripe figs. And the king was delighted, and emptied them himself on the silver dish, and gave five florins to Ciccu, and offered besides to take him into his service. Ciccu accepted gratefully, but said he must first return home and give the five florins to his brothers.

When he got home Peppe spoke: ‘Now we will see what we each have got from the king. I myself received from him fifty lashes.’

‘And I a hundred and fifty,’ added Alfin.


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348 ‘And I five florins and some sweets, which you can divide between you, for the king has taken me into his service.’ Then Ciccu went back to the Court and served the king, and the king loved him.

The other two brothers beard that Ciccu had become quite an important person, and they grew envious, and thought how they could put him to shame. At last they came to the king and said to him, ‘O king! your palace is beautiful indeed, but to be worthy of you it lacks one thing—the sword of the Man-eater.’

‘How can I get it?’ asked the king.

‘Oh, Ciccu can get it for you; ask him.’

So the king sent for Ciccu and said to him, ‘Ciccu, you must at any price manage to get the sword of the Man-eater.’

Ciccu was very much surprised at this sudden command, and he walked thoughtfully away to the stables and began to stroke his favourite horse, saying to himself, ‘Ah, my pet, we must bid each other good-bye, for the king has sent me away to get the sword of the Man-eater.’ Now this horse was not like other horses, for it was a talking horse, and knew a great deal about many things, so it answered, ‘Fear nothing, and do as I tell you. Beg the king to give you fifty gold pieces and leave to ride me, and the rest will be easy.’ Ciccu believed what the horse said, and prayed the king to grant him what he asked. Then the two friends set out, but the horse chose what roads he pleased, and directed Ciccu in everything.

It took them many days’ hard viding before they reached the country where the Man-eater lived, and then the horse told Ciccu to stop a group of old women who were coming chattering through the wood, and offer them each a shilling if they would collect a number of mosquitos and tie them up in a bag. When the bag was full Ciccu put it on his shoulder and stole into the house of the Man-eater (who had gone to look for his dinner)


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Rh and let them all out in his bedroom. He himself hid carefully under the bed and waited. The Man-eater came in late, very tired with his long walk, and flung himself on the bed, placing his sword with its shining blade by his side. Scarcely lad he lain down than the mosquitos began to buzz about and bite him, and he rolled from side to side trying to catch them, which he never could do, though they always seemed to be close to his nose. He was so busy over the mosquitos that he did not hear Ciccu steal softly out, or see him catch up the sword. But the horse heard and stood ready at the door, and as Ciccu came flying down the stairs and jumped on his back he sped away like the wind, and never stopped till they arrived at the king’s palace.

The king had suffered much pain in his absence, thinking that if the Man-eater ate Ciccu, it would be all his fault. And he was so overjoyed to have him safe that he almost forgot the sword which he had sent him to bring. But the two brothers did not love Ciccu any better because he had succecded when they hoped he would have failed, and one day they spoke to the king. ‘It is all very well for Ciccu to have got possession of the sword, but it would have been far more to your majesty’s honour if he had captured the Man-eater himself.’ The king thought upen these words, and at last he said to Ciccu, ‘Ciccu, I shall never rest until you bring me back the Man-eater himself. You may have any help you like, but somehow or other you must manage to do it.’ Ciccu felt very much cast down at these words, and went to the stable to ask advice of his friend the horse. ‘Fear nothing,’ said the horse; ‘just say you want me and fifty pieces of gold.’ Ciccu did as he was bid, and the two set out together.

When they reached the country of the Man-eater, Ciccu made all the church hells toll and a proclamation to be made: ‘Ciccu, the servant of the king, is dead.’ The Man-eater soon heard what everyone was saying,


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350 and was glad in his heart, for he thought, ‘Well, it is good news that the thief who stole my sword is dead.’ But Ciccu bought an axe and a saw, and cut down a pine tree in the nearest wood, and began to hew it into planks.

‘What are you doing in my wood?’ asked the Man-eater, coming up.

‘Noble lord,’ answered Ciccu, ‘I am making a coffin for the body of Ciccu, who is dead.’

‘Don’t be in a hurry,’ answered the Man-eater, who of course did not know whom he was talking to, ‘and perhaps I can help you;’ and they set to work sawing and fitting, and very soon the coffin was finished.

Then Ciccu scratched his ear thoughtfully, and cried, ‘Idiot that I am! I never took any measures. How am I to know if it is big enough? But now I come to think of it, Ciccu was about your size. I wonder if you would be so good as just to put yourself in the coffin, and see if there is enough room.’

‘Oh, delighted!’ said the Man-eater, and laid himself at full length in the coffin. Ciccu clapped on the lid, put a strong cord round it, tied it fast on his horse, and rode back to the king. And when the king saw that he really had brought back the Man-eater, he commanded a huge iron chest to be brought, and locked the coffin up inside.

Just about this time the queen died, and soon after the king thought he should like to marry again. He sought everywhere, but he could not hear of any princess that took his fancy. Then the two envious brothers came to him and said, ‘O king! there is but one woman that is worthy of being your wife, and that is she who is the fairest in the whole world.’

‘But where can I find her?’ asked the king.

‘Oh, Ciccu will know, and he will bring her to you.’

Now the king had got so used to depending on Ciccu, that he really believed he could do everything. So he sent for him and said, ‘Ciccu, unless within eight days


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Rh you bring me the fairest in the whole world, I will have you hewn into a thousand pieces.’ This mission seemed to Ciccu a hundred times worse than either of the others, and with tears in his eyes he took his way to the stables.

‘Cheer up,’ laughed the horse; ‘tell the King you must have some bread and honey, and a purse of gold, and leave the rest to me.’

Ciccu did as he was bid, and they started at a gallop.

After they had ridden some way, they saw a swarm of bees lying on the ground, so hungry and weak that they were unable to fly. ‘Get down, and give the poor things some honey,’ said the horse, and Ciccu dismounted. By-and-bye they came to a stream, on the bank of which was a fish, flapping feebly about in its efforts to reach the water. ‘Jump down, and throw the fish into the water; he will be useful to us,’ and Ciccu did so. Further along the hillside they saw an eagle whose leg was caught in a snare. ‘Go and free that eagle from the snare; he will be useful to us;’ and in a moment the eagle was soaring up into the sky.

At length they came to the castle where the fairest in the world lived with her parents. Then said the horse, ‘You must get down and sit upon that stone, for I must enter the castle alone. Directly yon see me come tearing by with the princess on my back, jump up behind, and hold her tight, so that she does not escape you. If you fail to do this, we are both lost.’ Ciccu seated himself on the stone, and the horse went on to the courtyard of the castle, where he began to trot round in a graceful and elegant manner. Soon a crowd collected first to watch him and then to pat him, and the king and queen and princess came with the rest. The eyes of the fairest in the world brightened as she looked, and she sprang on the horse’s saddle, crying, ‘Oh, I really must ride him a little!’ But the horse made one bound forward, and the princess was forced to hold tight by his mane, lest she should fall off. And as they dashed past


text: 'Jim' Connolly and Irish Freedom

title: 'Jim' Connolly and Irish Freedom


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Rh the stone where Ciccu was waiting for them, he swung himself up and held her round the waist. As he put his arms round her waist, the fairest in the world unwound the veil from her head and cast it to the ground, and then she drew a ring from her finger and flung it into the stream. But she said nothing, and they rode on fast, fast.

The king of Ciccu’s country was watching for them from the top of a tower, and when he saw in the distance a cloud of dust, he ran down to the steps so as to be ready to receive them. Bowing low before the fairest in the world, he spoke: ‘Noble lady, will you do me the honour to become my wife?’

But she answered, ‘That can only be when Ciccu brings me the veil that I let fail on my way here.’

And the king turned to Ciccu and said, ‘Ciccu, if you do not find the veil at once, you shall lose your lead.’

Ciccu, who by this time had hoped for a little peace, felt his heart sink at this fresh errand, and he went into the stable to complain to the faithful horse.

‘It will be all right,’ answered the horse when he had heard his tale; ‘just take enough food for the day for both of us, and then get on my back.’

They rode back all the way they had come till they reached the place where they had found the eagle caught in the snare; then the horse bade Ciccu to call three times on the king of the birds, and when he replied, to beg him to fetch the veil which the fairest in the world had let fall.

‘Wait a moment,’ answered a voice that seemed to come from somewhere very high up indeed. ‘An eagle is playing with it just now, bat he will be here with it in an instant;’ and a few minutes after there was a sound of wings, and an eagle came fluttering towards them with the veil in his beak. And Ciccu saw it was the very same eagle that he had freed from the snare. So he took the veil and rode back to the king.

Now the king was enchanted to see him so soon, and


text:
Hymn to Apollo (Homer)

 * "An Hymne to Apollo", in The Crowne of All Homers Workes (1624), by George Chapman
 * "Hymn III (To Apollo)", in Hesiod, the Homeric Hymns and Homerica (1920), by Hugh Gerard Evelyn-White

title: Hymn to Apollo (Homer)


text: 'Jim' Connolly and Irish Freedom/Introduction


text: 'Jim' Connolly and Irish Freedom/"Jim" Connolly and the Irish Rising of 1916


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354 took the veil from Ciccu and flung it over the princess, crying, ‘Here is the veil you asked for, so I claim you for my wife.’

‘Not so fast,’ answered she. ‘I can never be your wife till Ciccu puts on my finger the ring I threw into the stream.’ Ciccu, who was standing by expecting something of the sort, bowed his head when he heard her words, and went straight to the horse.

‘Mount at once,’ said the horse; ‘this time it is very simple,’ and he carried Ciccu to the banks of the little stream. ‘Now, call three times on the emperor of the fishes, and beg him to restore you the ring that the princess dropped.’

Ciccu did as the horse told him, and a voice was heard in answer that seemed to come from a very long way off.

‘What is your will?’ it asked; and Ciccu replied that he had been commanded to bring back the ring that the princess had flung away, as she rode past.

‘A fish is playing with it just now,’ replied the voice; ‘however, you shall have it without delay.’

And sure enough, very soon a little fish was seen rising to the surface with the lost ring in his mouth. And Ciccu knew him to be the fish that he had saved from death, and he took the ring and rode back with it to the king.

‘That is not enough,’ exclaimed the princess when she saw the ring; ‘before we can be man and wife, the oven must be heated for three days and three nights, and Ciccu must jump in.’ And the king forgot how Ciccu had served him, and desired him to do as the princess had said.

This time Ciccu felt that no escape was possible, and he went to the horse and laid his hand on his neck. ‘Now it is indeed good-bye, and there is no help to be got even from you,’ and he told him what fate awaited him.

But the horse said, ‘Oh, never lose heart, but jump


text: 'Jim' Connolly and Irish Freedom/End Matter


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Rh on my back, and make me go till the foam flies in flecks all about me. Then get down, and scrape off the foam with a knife. This you must rub all over you, and when you are quite covered, you may suffer yourself to be cast into the oven, for the fire will not hurt you, nor anything else.’ And Ciccu did exactly as the horse bade him, and went back to the king, and before the eyes of the fairest in the world he sprang into the oven.

And when the fairest in the world saw what he had done, love entered into her heart, and she said to the king, ‘One thing more: before I can be your wife, you must jump into the oven as Ciccu has done.’

‘Willingly,’ replied the king, stooping over the oven. But on the brink he paused a moment and called to Ciccu, ‘Tell me, Ciccu, how did you manage to prevent the fire burning you?’

Now Ciccu could not forgive his master, whom he had served so faithfully, for sending him to his death without a thought, so he answered, ‘I rubbed myself over with fat, and I am not even singed.’

When he heard these words, the king, whose head was full of the princess, never stopped to inquire if they could be true, and smeared himself over with fat, and sprang into the oven. And in a moment the fire caught him, and he was burned up.

Then the fairest in the world held out her hand to Ciccu and smiled, saying, ‘Now we will be man and wife.’ So Ciccu married the fairest in the world, and became king of the country.


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 throw obstacles in the way of any one visiting their possessions, so I merely beg to state this was decidedly not my experience; although my deplorable ignorance of French prevented me from explaining my humble intentions to them.

The Rev. Dr. Nassau and Mr. R. E. Dennett have enabled me, by placing at my disposal the rich funds of their knowledge of native life and idea, to amplify any deductions from my own observation. Mr. Dennett's work I have not dealt with in this work because it refers to tribes I was not amongst on this journey, but to a tribe I made the acquaintance with in my '93 voyage—the Fjort. Dr. Nassau's observations I have referred to. Herr von Lucke, Vice-governor of Cameroon, I am indebted to for not only allowing me, but for assisting me by every means in his power, to go up Cameroons Peak, and to the Governor of Cameroon, Herr von Puttkamer, for his constant help and kindness. Indeed so great has been the willingness to help me of all these gentlemen, that it is a wonder to me, when I think of it, that their efforts did not project me right across the continent and out at Zanzibar. That this brilliant affair did not come off is owing to my own lack of enterprise; for I did not want to go across the continent, and I do not hanker after Zanzibar, but only to go puddling about obscure districts in West Africa after raw fetish and fresh-water fishes.

I owe my ability to have profited by the kindness of these gentlemen on land, to a gentleman of the sea—Captain Murray. He was captain of the vessel I went out on in 1893, and he saw then that my mind was full of errors that must be eradicated if I was going to deal with the Coast successfully; and so he eradicated those errors and replaced them with sound knowledge from his own stores collected during an acquaintance with the West Coast of over thirty years. The education he has given me has been of the greatest value to me, and I sincerely hope to make many more voyages under him, for I well know he has still much o teach and I to learn.

Last, but not least, I must chronicle my debts to the ladies. First to those two courteous Portuguese ladies, Donna Anna de Sousa Coutinho e Chichorro and her sister Donna Maria


text:
Author:Richard Schüller

Works

 * 'Jim' Connolly and Irish Freedom, 1926

title: Author:Richard Schüller


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 de Sousa Coutinho, who did so much for me in Kacongo in 1893, and have remained, I am proud to say, my firm friends ever since. Lady MacDonald and Miss Mary Slessor I speak of in this book, but only faintly sketch the pleasure and help they have afforded me; nor have I fully expressed my gratitude for the kindness of Madame Jacot of Lembarene, or Madame Forget of Talagouga. Then there are a whole list of nuns belonging to the Roman Catholic Missions on the South-West Coast, ever cheery and charming companions; and Frau Plehn, whom it was ever a pleasure to see in Cameroons, and discourse with once again on things that seemed so far off then—art, science, and literature; and Mrs. H. Duggan, of Cameroons too, who used, whenever I came into that port to rescue me from fearful states of starvation for toilet necessaries, and lend a sympathetic and intelligent ear to the "awful sufferings" I had gone through, until Cameroons became to me a thing to look forward to.

When in the Canaries in 1892, I used to smile, I regretfully own, at the conversation of a gentleman from the Gold Coast who was up there recruiting after a bad fever. His conversation consisted largely of anecdotes of friends of his, and nine times in ten he used to say, "He's dead now." Alas! my own conversation may be smiled at now for the same cause. Many of my friends mentioned even in this very recent account of the Coast "are dead now." Most of those I learnt to know in 1893; chief among these is my old friend Captain Boler, of Bonny, from whom I first learnt a certain power of comprehending the African and his form of thought.

I have great reason to be grateful to the Africans themselves—to cultured men and women among them like Charles Owoo, Mbo, Sanga Glass, Jane Harrington and her sister at Gaboon, and to the bush natives; but of my experience with them I give further details, so I need not dwell on them here.

I apologise to the general reader for giving so much detail on matters that really only affect myself, and I know that the indebtedness which all African travellers have to the white residents in Africa is a matter usually very lightly touched on. No doubt my voyage would seem a grander thing if I omitted mention of the help I received, but—well, there was


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 a German gentleman once who evolved a camel out of his inner consciousness. It was a wonderful thing; still, you know, it was not a good camel, only a thing which people personally unacquainted with camels could believe in. Now I am ambitious to make a picture, if I make one at all, that people who do know the original can believe in—even if they criticise its points—and so I give you details a more showy artist would omit.