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 ried on in our own interests but in dependence upon Austrian and English policy.

In the eves of the Prince—though I of course did not gather this from the momentary impression made during my presentation, but from ulterior acquaintance with facts and documents—I was a reactionary party man who took up sides for Russia in order to further an Absolutist and "Junker" policy. It was not to be wondered at that this view of the Prince's and of the then partisans of the Duke of Coburg had descended to the Prince's daughter, who shortly after became our Crown Princess.

Even soon after her arrival in Germany, in February, 1858, I became convinced, through members of the royal house and from my own observations, that the Princess was prejudiced against me personally. The fact itself did not surprise me so much as the form in which her prejudice against me had been expressed in the narrow family circle—"she did not trust me." I was prepared for antipathy on account of my alleged anti-English feelings and by reason of my refusal to obey English influences; but from a conversation which I had with the Princess after the war of 1866 while sitting next to her at table I was obliged to conclude that she had subsequently allowed herself to be influenced in her judgment of my character by further-reaching calumnies. I was ambitious, she said, in a half-jesting tone, to be a king or at least president of a republic. I replied in the same semi-jocular tone that I was personally spoilt for a republican; that I had grown up in the royalist traditions of the family and had need of a monarchical institution for my earthly well-being: I thanked God, however, I was not destined to live like a king, constantly on show, but to be until death the king's faithful subject. I added that no guarantee could, however, be given that this conviction of mine would be universally inherited, and this not because royalists would give out, but because perhaps kings might. Pour faire un civet, il faut un lièvre, et pour faire une monarchie il faut un roi.


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 I could not answer for it that for want of such the next generation might not be republican. I further remarked that in thus expressing myself I was not free from anxiety at the idea of a change in the occupancy of the throne without a transference of the monarchical traditions to the successor. But the Princess avoided every serious turn and kept up the jocular tone as amiable and entertaining as ever; she rather gave me the impression that she wished to tease a political opponent.

During the first years of my ministry I frequently remarked in the course of similar conversation that the Princess took pleasure in provoking my patriotic susceptibility by playful criticism of persons and matters.

At that ball at Versailles Queen Victoria spoke to me in German. She gave me the impression of beholding in me a noteworthy but unsympathetic personality, but still her tone of voice was without that touch of ironical superiority that I thought I detected in Prince Albert's. She continued to be amiable and courteous like one unwilling to treat an eccentric fellow in an unfriendly way.

In comparison with Berlin it seemed a curious arrangement to me that at supper the company ate in three classes, with gradations in the menu, and that such guests as were to sup at all were assured of this by having a ticket bearing a number handed to them as they entered. The tickets of the first class also bore the name of the lady presiding at the table to which they referred. These tables were arranged to accommodate fifteen or twenty. On entering I received one of these tickets for Countess Walewska's table and later on in the ball-room two more from two other lady patronesses of diplomacy and of the Court. No exact plan for placing the guests had therefore been made out. I chose the table of Countess Walewska, to whose department I belonged as a foreign diplomatist. On the way to the room in question I came across a Prussian officer in the uniform of an infantry regiment of the guard, accompanied by a French lady; he was engaged in an animated dispute

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  "In an instant the night turned into day—a livid flame colored day—and a tremendous roaring wind seized me bodily and flung me across cold lumpy ground. I looked back and saw the Werner house rising into the night sky on a cloud of fire." Counter-Psych


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 with one of the imperial household stewards who would not allow either of them to pass, not being provided with tickets. After the officer, in answer to my inquiries, had explained the matter and indicated the lady as a duchess bearing an Italian title of the First Empire, I told the court official that I had the gentleman's ticket, and gave him one of mine. Now, however, the official would not allow the lady to pass and I therefore gave the officer my second ticket for his duchess. The official then said significantly to me: "Mais vous ne passerez pas sans carte." On my showing him the third, he made a face of astonishment and allowed all three of us to pass. I recommended my two protégés not to sit down at the tables indicated on the tickets, but to try and find seats elsewhere; nor did any complaints concerning my distribution of tickets ever come to my ears. The want of organization was so great that our table was not fully occupied, a fact due to the absence of any understanding among the dames patronesses. Old Prince Pückler had either received no ticket or had been unable to find his table; after he had turned to me, whom he knew by sight, he was invited by Countess Walewska to take one of the seats that had remained empty. The supper, in spite of the triple division, was neither materially nor as regards its preparation upon a level with what is done in Berlin at similar crowded festivities; the waiting only was efficient and prompt.

What struck me most was the difference in the regulations for the free circulation of the throng. In this respect the palace of Versailles offers much greater facilities than that of Berlin on account of the larger number and, if we except the White Hall, the greater spaciousness of the apartments. Here those who had supped in class 1 were ordered to make their exit by the same way as the hungry ones of class 2 entered, their impetuous charge betraying certainly less acquaintance with the customs of Court society. Personal collisions occurred among the belaced and beribboned gentlemen and superelegant ladies,


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 giving rise to scuffles and abusive language, such as would be impossible in our palace. I retired with the satisfactory impression that in spite of all the splendor of the imperial Court the Court service, the breeding and manners of Court society were on a higher level with us, as well as in St. Petersburg and Vienna, than in Paris, and that the times were past when one could go to France and to the Court of Paris to receive a schooling in courtesy and good manners. Even the etiquette of small German Courts, antiquated as it was, especially in comparison with St. Petersburg, was more dignified than the practice of the imperial Court. It is true that I had already received this impression in Louis Philippe's time, during whose reign it became quite the fashion in France to distinguish oneself in the direction of excessively free and easy manners, and of abstention from courtesy, especially towards ladies. Although it had become better in this respect during the Second Empire, the tone in official and Court society and the demeanor of the Court itself still remained below the standard of the three great eastern Courts. Only in the Legitimist circles aloof from the official world were things different both in the time of Louis Philippe and in that of Louis Napoleon; there the tone was faultless, courteous, and hospitable, with occasional exceptions of the younger gentlemen spoilt by their contact with Paris, who borrowed their habits not from the family but from the club.

The Emperor, whom I saw for the first time during this visit to Paris, gave me to understand in several interviews, but at that time only in general phrases, his desire and intentions respecting a Franco-Prussian alliance. His words were to the effect that these two neighboring States, which by reason of their culture and their institutions stood at the head of civilization, were naturally thrown upon each other's assistance. Any inclination to express before me such grievance as might arise from our refusal to join the Western Powers was kept out of the foreground. I had the feeling that the pressure which


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 England and Austria exercised in Berlin and Frankfort to compel us to render assistance in the western camp was much stronger, one might say more passionate and rude, than the desires and promises expressed to me in an amicable form, with which the Emperor supported his plea for our understanding with France in particular. He was much more indulgent than England and Austria respecting our sins against occidental policy. He never spoke German to me, either then or later.

That my visit to Paris had caused displeasure at the court at home, and had intensified, especially in the case of Queen Elizabeth, the ill-feelings already entertained towards me, I was able to perceive at the end of September of the same year. While the King was proceeding down the Rhine to Cologne to attend the cathedral building festival, I reported myself at Coblentz and was, with my wife, invited by his Majesty to perform the journey to Cologne on the steamer; my wife, however, was ignored by the Queen on board and at Remagen. The Prince of Prussia, who had observed this, gave my wife his arm and led her to table. At the conclusion of the meal I begged for permission to return to Frankfort, which was granted me.

It was not until the following winter, during which the King had again approached me, that he asked me once at dinner, straight across the table, my opinion concerning Louis Napoleon; his tone was ironical. I replied: "It is my impression that the Emperor Napoleon is a discreet and amiable man, but that he is not so clever as the world esteems him. The world places to his account everything that happens, and if it rains in eastern Asia at an unseasonable moment chooses to attribute it to some malevolent machination of the Emperor. Here especially we have become accustomed to regard him as a kind of génie du mal who is forever only meditating how to do mischief in the


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 world. I believe he is happy when he is able to enjoy anything good at his ease; his understanding is overrated at the expense of his heart; he is at bottom good-natured, and has an unusual measure of gratitude for every service rendered him."

The King laughed at this in a manner that vexed me and led me to ask whether I might be permitted to guess his Majesty's present thoughts. The King consented, and I said: "General von Canitz used to lecture to the young officers in the military school on the campaigns of Napoleon. An assiduous listener asked him how Napoleon could have omitted to make this or that movement. Canitz replied: 'Well, you see just what this Napoleon was—a real good-hearted fellow, but so stupid!' which naturally excited great mirth among the military scholars. I fear that your Majesty is thinking of me much as General von Canitz thought of his pupils."

The King laughed and said: "You may be right; but I am not sufficiently acquainted with the present Napoleon to be able to impugn your impression that his heart is better than his head." That the Queen was dissatisfied with my view I was enabled to gather from the external trifles by which impressions are made known at court.

The displeasure felt at my intercourse with Napoleon sprang from the idea of "Legitimacy," or, more strictly speaking, from the word itself, which was stamped with its modern sense by Talleyrand, and used in 1814 and 1815 with great success and to the advantage of the Bourbons as a deluding spell.

On July 2, 1870, the Spanish ministry decided in favor of the accession to that throne of Leopold, Hereditary


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Rh Hugh with the frankness of his admiration. Norry’s hero-worship had always embarrassed him, but he did n’t like it when the worshiper began to criticize. He admitted the justness of the criticism, but it hurt him just the same. Perching on a pedestal had been uncomfortable but a little thrill¬ ing; sitting on the ground and gazing up at his perch was rather humiliating. The fall had bruised him; and Norry, with the best intentions in the world, was kicking the bruises.

Nevertheless, he felt better after the talk, deter¬ mined to win back Norry’s esteem and his own. He swore off smoking and drinking and stuck to his oath. He told Vinton that if he brought any more liquor to their room one of them was going to be carried out, and that he had a hunch that it would be Vinton. Vinton gazed at him with round eyes and believed him. After that he did his drinking elsewhere, confiding to his cronies that Carver was on the wagon and that he had got as religious as holy hell. “He won’t let me drink in my. own room,” he wailed dolorously. And then with a sudden burst of clairvoyance, he added, “I guess his girl has given him the gate.

For weeks the campus buzzed with talk about the Prom. A dozen men who had been detected flagrante delicto were summarily expelled. Many others who had been equally guilty were in a con¬ stant state of mental goose-flesh. Would the next


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162 which I bet is more than the rest of you can say, and I’ve read the Sermon on the Mount a dozen times. It ’s darn good sense, but what good does it do ? The world will never practise Christ’s phi¬ losophy. The Bible says, ‘Man is born to trouble as the sparks fly upward,* and, believe me, that *s damn true. If people would be pure and good, then Christ’s philosophy would work, but they aren’t pure and good; they aren’t made pure and good, they ’re made selfish and bad: they ’re made, mind you, made full of evil and lust. I tell you it’s all wrong. I’ve been reading and reading, and the more I read the more I’m convinced that we ’re all rotten and .that if there is a god he made us rotten.”

“You ’re wrong!” They all turned toward Win* sor, who was still standing by the fireplace; even Ferguson rolled over and looked at the excited boy. “You’re wrong,” he repeated, “all wrong, I admit all that’s been said about parents. They do cheat us just as Don said. I never tell my folks anything that really matters, and I don’t know any' other fellows that do, either. I suppose there are some, but I don’t know them. And I admit that there is sin and vice, but I don’t admit that Christ’s! philosophy is useless. I’ve read the Sermon on the Mount, too. That’s about all of the Bible that I have read, but I’ve read that; and I tell you you’re all wrong. There is enough good in man


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176 Carl was sober enough to know that Slade mean what he said. Each girl took him by an arm, an( he walked off down the street between them, almos instantly forgetting Hugh.

Fortunately the street was nearly deserted, am no one had witnessed the little drama. Hugh be gan to sob drunkenly. Slade grasped his shoulder and shook him until his head waggled. “Nov shut up!” Slade commanded sharply. He too Hugh by the arm and started down the street wit him, Hugh still muttering, “Leggo, leggo o’ me.”

Slade walked him the whole five miles back t Haydensville, and before they were half way horn Hugh’s head began to clear. For a time he felt little sick, but the nausea passed, and when the reached the campus he was quite sober. Not word was spoken until Hugh unlocked the door t Surrey 19. Then Slade said: “Go wash yoi face and head in cold water. Souse yourself goc and then come back; I want to have a talk will you.”

Hugh obeyed orders, but with poor grace. B was angry and confused, angry because his liber had been interfered with, and confused becau Slade had never paid more than passing attenth to him—and for a year and a half Slade had be* his god. Slade was one of those superb natural athlet who make history for many colleges. He was bi


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 Prince of Hohenzollern. This gave the first stimulus in the field of international law to the subsequent military question, but still only in the form of a specifically Spanish matter. It was hard to find in the law of nations a pretext for France to interfere with the freedom of Spain to choose a King; after people in Paris had made up their minds to war with Prussia, this was sought for artificially in the name Hohenzollern, which in itself had nothing more menacing to France than any other German name. On the contrary, it might have been assumed, in Spain as well as in Germany, that Prince Hohenzollern, on account of his personal and family connections in Paris, would be a persona grata beyond many another German Prince. I remember that on the night after the battle of Sedan I was riding along the road to Donchéry in thick darkness, with a number of our officers, following the King in his journey round Sedan. In reply to a question from some one in the company I talked about the preliminaries to the war, and mentioned at the same time that I had thought Prince Leopold would be no unwelcome neighbor in Spain to the Emperor Napoleon, and would travel to Madrid via Paris, in order to get into touch with the imperial French policy, forming as it did a part of the conditions under which he would have had to govern Spain. I said: "We should have been much more justified in dreading a close understanding between the Spanish and French crowns than in hoping for the restoration of a Spanish-German anti-French constellation after the analogy of Charles V.; a king of Spain can only carry out Spanish policy, and the Prince by assuming the crown of the country would become a Spaniard." To my surprise there came from the darkness behind me a vigorous rejoinder from the Prince of Hohenzollern, of whose presence I had not the least idea; he protested strongly against the possibility of presuming any French sympathies in him. This protest in the midst of the battlefield of Sedan was natural for a German officer and a Hohenzollern Prince, and I


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318 want to ? I Ve been thinking a lot since I got you telegram. Are you sure you love me?”

He slumped back into his chair. “I don’t kno what love is,” he confessed miserably. “I can’ find out.” Cynthia’s hands tightened in her lap “I’ve tried to think this business out, and I can’l I have n’t any right to ask you to marry me. have n’t any money, not a bit, and I’m not pre pared to do anything, either. As I wrote you, m folks want me to go to Harvard next year.” Th mention of his poverty and of his inability to sup port a wife brought him back to something ap proaching normal again. “I suppose I’m just kid, Cynthia,” he added more quietly, “but sonu times I feel a thousand years old. I do righ now.”

“What were your plans for next year and afte that until you saw me?” Her eyes searched his.

“Oh, I thought I’d go to Harvard a year or tw and then try to write or perhaps teach. Writing ’ slow business, I understand, and teaching does n pay anything. I don’t want to ask my father support us, and I won’t let your folks. I lost m head when I suggested that we get married, would be foolish. I have n’t the right.”

“No,” she agreed slowly; “no, neither of us ha the right. I thought before you came if you aske me to marry you—I was sure somehow that yo would—I would run right off and do it, but now


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 could only answer that the Prince, as King of Spain, could have allowed himself to be guided by Spanish interests only, and prominent among these, in view of strengthening his new kingdom, would have been a soothing treatment of his powerful neighbor on the Pyrenees. I made my apology to the Prince for the expression I had uttered while unaware of his presence.

This episode, introduced before its time, affords evidence as to the conception I had formed of the whole question. I regarded it as a Spanish and not as a German one, even though I was delighted at seeing the German name of Hohenzollern active in representing monarchy in Spain, and did not fail to calculate all the possible consequences from the point of view of our interests—a duty which is incumbent on a foreign minister when anything of similar importance occurs in another State. My immediate thought was more of the economic than of the political relations in which a Spanish King of German extraction could be serviceable. For Spain I anticipated from the personal character of the Prince, and from his family relations, tranquillizing and consolidating results, which I had no reason to grudge the Spaniards. Spain is among the few countries which, by their geographical position and political necessities, have no reason to pursue an anti-German policy; besides which, she is well adapted, by the economic relations of supply and demand, for an extensive trade with Germany. An element friendly to us in the Spanish government would have been an advantage which in the course of German policy there appeared no reason to reject a limine, unless the apprehension that France might be dissatisfied was to be allowed to rank as one. If Spain had developed again more vigorously than hitherto has been the case, the fact that Spanish diplomacy was friendly toward us might have been useful to us in time of peace; but it did not seem to me probable that the King of Spain, on the outbreak of the war between Germany and France, which was evidently coming sooner or later, would, with


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 Permission F. Bruckman, A. G., Munich


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 the best will in the world, be in a position to prove his sympathy with Germany by an attack on France or a demonstration against her; and the conduct of Spain after the outbreak of the war which we had drawn upon us by the complaisance of German princes showed the accuracy of my doubt. The chivalrous Cid would have called France to account for interference in Spain's free choice of a king, and not have left the vindication of Spanish independence to foreigners. The nation, formerly so powerful by land and sea, cannot at the present day hold the cognate population of Cuba in check; and how could one expect her to attack a Power like France from affection towards us? No Spanish government, and least of all an alien king, would possess power enough in the country to send even a regiment to the Pyrenees out of affection toward Germany. Politically I was tolerably indifferent to the entire question. Prince Anthony was more inclined than myself to carry it peacefully to the desired goal. The memoirs of his Majesty the King of Roumania are not accurately informed as regards details of the ministerial coöperation in the question. The ministerial council in the palace which he mentions did not take place. Prince Anthony was living as the King's guest in the palace, and had invited him and some of the ministers to dinner. I scarcely think that the Spanish question was discussed at table. If the Duke of Gramont labors to adduce proof that I did not stand aloof from and averse to the Spanish proposal, I find no reason to contradict him. I can no longer recall the text of my letter to Marshal Prim, which the Duke has heard mentioned; if I drew it up myself, about which I am equally uncertain, I should hardly have called the Hohenzollern candidature "une excellente chose": the expression is not natural to me. That I regarded it as "opportune," not "à un moment donné," but in principle and in time of peace is correct. I had not the slightest doubt in the matter that the grandson of the Murats, a favorite at


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 the French Court, would secure the goodwill of France towards his country.

The intervention of France at its beginning concerned Spanish and not Prussian affairs; the garbling of the matter in the Napoleonic policy, by virtue of which the question was to become a Prussian one, was internationally unjustifiable and exasperating, and proved to me that the moment had arrived when France sought a quarrel against us and was ready to seize any pretext that seemed available. I regarded the French intervention in the first instance as an injury, and consequently as an insult to Spain, and expected that the Spanish sense of honor would resist this encroachment. Later on, when the turn of affairs showed that, by her encroachment on Spanish independence, France intended to threaten us with war, I waited for some days expecting that the Spanish declaration of war against France would follow that of the French against us. I was not prepared to see a self-assertive nation like Spain stand quiet behind the Pyrenees with ordered arms, while the Germans were engaged in a deadly struggle against France on behalf of Spain's independence and freedom to choose her king. The Spanish sense of honor which proved so sensitive in the Carlist question simply left us in the lurch in 1870. Probably in both cases the sympathies and international ties of the Republican parties were decisive.

The first demands of France respecting the candidature for the Spanish throne, and they were unjustifiable, had been presented on July 4, and answered by our Foreign Office evasively, though in accordance with truth, that the ministry knew nothing about the matter. This was correct so far, that the question of Prince Leopold's acceptance of his election had been treated by his Majesty simply as a family matter, which in no way concerned either Prussia or the North German Confederation, and which affected solely the personal relations between the Commander-in-Chief and a German officer, and those be-


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 tween the head of the family and, not the royal family of Prussia, but the entire family of Hohenzollern, or all the bearers of that name.

In France, however, a casus belli was being sought against Prussia which should be as free as possible from German national coloring; and it was thought one had been discovered in the dynastic sphere by the accession to the Spanish throne of a candidate bearing the name of Hohenzollern. In this the overrating of the military superiority of France and the underrating of the national feeling in Germany was clearly the chief reason why the tenability of this pretext was not examined either with honesty or judgment. The German national outburst which followed the French declaration, and resembled a stream bursting its sluices, was a surprise to French politicians. They lived, calculated, and acted on recollections of the Confederation of the Rhine, supported by the attitude of certain West German ministers; also by Ultramontane influences, in the hope that the conquests of France, "gesta Dei per Francos," would make it easier in Germany to draw further consequences from the Vatican council, with the support of an alliance with Catholic Austria. The Ultramontane tendencies of French policy were favorable to it in Germany and disadvantageous in Italy; the alliance with the latter being finally wrecked by the refusal of France to evacuate Rome. In the belief that the French army was superior the pretext for war was lugged out, as one may say, by the hair; and, instead of making Spain responsible for its reputed anti-French election of a king, they attacked the German Prince who had not refused to relieve the need of the Spaniards, in the way they themselves wished, by the appointment of a useful king, and one who would presumably be regarded as persona grata in Paris; and the King of Prussia, whom nothing beyond his family name and his position as a German fellow-countryman had brought into connection with this Spanish affair. In the very fact that the French


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 cabinet ventured to call Prussian policy to account respecting the acceptance of the election, and to do so in a form which, in the interpretation put upon it by the French papers, became a public threat, lay a piece of international impudence which, in my opinion, rendered it impossible for us to draw back one single inch. The insulting character of the French demand was enhanced, not only by the threatening challenges of the French press, but also by the discussions in parliament and the attitude taken by the ministry of Gramont and Ollivier upon these manifestations. The utterance of Gramont in the session of the "Corps Législatif" of July 6:

"We do not believe that respect for the rights of a neighboring people binds us to suffer a foreign Power to set one of its Princes on the throne of Charles V. * * * This event will not come to pass, of that we are quite certain. * * * Should it prove otherwise we shall know how to fulfil our duty without shrinking and without weakness"

this utterance was itself an official international threat, with the hand on the sword hilt. The phrase, La Prusse cane (Prussia climbs down), served in the press to illustrate the range of the parliamentary proceedings of July 6 and 7; which, in my feeling, rendered all compliance incompatible with our sense of national honor.

On July 12 I decided to hurry off from Varzin to Ems to discuss with his Majesty about summoning the Reichstag for the purpose of the mobilization. As I passed through Wussow my friend Mulert, the old clergyman, stood before the parsonage door and warmly greeted me; my answer from the open carriage was a thrust in carte and tierce in the air, and he clearly understood that I believed I was going to war. As I entered the courtyard of my house at Berlin, and before leaving the carriage, I received telegrams from which it appeared that the King was continuing to treat with Benedetti, even after the French threats and outrages in parliament and in the


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 press, and not referring him with calm reserve to his ministers. During dinner, at which Moltke and Roon were present, the announcement arrived from the embassy in Paris that the Prince of Hohenzollern had renounced his candidature in order to prevent the war with which France threatened us. My first idea was to retire from the service, because, after all the insolent challenges which had gone before, I perceived in this extorted submission a humiliation of Germany for which I did not desire to be responsible. This impression of a wound to our sense of national honor by the compulsory withdrawal so dominated me that I had already decided to announce my retirement at Ems. I considered this humiliation before France and her swaggering demonstrations as worse than that of Olmütz, for which the previous history on both sides, and our want of preparation for war at the time, will always be a valid excuse. I took it for granted that France would lay the Prince's renunciation to her account as a satisfactory success, with the feeling that a threat of war, even though it had taken the form of international insult and mockery, and though the pretext for war against Prussia had been dragged in by the head and shoulders, was enough to compel her to draw back, even in a just cause; and that even the North German Confederation did not feel strong enough to protect the national honor and independence against French arrogance. I was very much depressed, for I saw no means of repairing the corroding injury I dreaded to our national position from a timorous policy, unless by picking quarrels clumsily and seeking them artificially. I saw by that time that war was a necessity, which we could no longer avoid with honor. I telegraphed to my people at Varzin not to pack up or start, for I should be back again in a few days. I now believed in peace; but, as I would not represent the attitude by which this peace had been purchased, I gave up the journey to Ems and asked Count Eulenburg to go thither and represent my opinion to his Majesty. In the same


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Andrew Carnegie once said: "There are more ways of figuring cost than there are of killing a cat. It is simply a matter of bookkeeping." Apparently this was the principle by which the American Iron and Steel Institute was guided when it reported that the abolition of the 12-Hour Shift "would increase the cost of production on the average about 15 per cent."

Unbiased authoritative investigators have proven, and proven beyond a doubt, that the Steel Masters' contention as to the 8-Hour-Day entailing an increase of 15 per cent in the cost of production is simply another case of the Steel Trust stretching the truth to death.

In the investigation of the Federated American Engineering Society on the "12-Hour Shift in Industry" we find overwhelming proof to shatter the case of King Steel against the 8-Hour Day. Says this report:

"Robert A. Bull, in a paper before the American Foundrymen's Association, published the results of a change from two shifts on the open-hearth furnaces of the Commonwealth Steel Co., 'which,' he says, 'indicates fully a more economical and efficient manipulation of both open-hearth and boiler furnaces. Major Bull is an acknowledged expert and authority on open-hearth steel manufacture; twice President of the American Foundrymen's Association. He has been instrumental in changing other open-hearth plants from two to three shifts, even in the centre of America's competitive steel industry, the Pittsburgh District. He is still of the opinion that the savings in cost of operation, quality of product and uniformity of operation and output, fully compensate for the expense of working the 'continuous operation' laborers on three shifts instead of two shifts."

Enumerating the advantages of the 8-Hour Day which more than compensate for whatever apparent increase there might be in the cost of production the Engineers go on to say:

"As a matter of actual experience, it is known that some plants, or departments of plants, have changed from the 12-Hour to the 8-Hour shift and reduced their labor costs. Others are operating on the 8-Hour shift with satisfaction to their management and stockholders. Others have changed and reduced their total manufacturing cost."


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But even if the 8-Hour Day were not more efficient and more productive and thus more economical, the Steel Trust could then very well afford any increased cost that a shorter working-day might entail.

The Steel-Trust is perhaps the biggest employer in the world. It operates 144 works, 24 blast furnaces, and 327 open hearth furnaces. The U. S. Steel Corporation is the richest concern in America. It heads the list of the country's 29 largest companies with $318,633,205 in cash and investment securities. Its natural working capital is $536,271,248.

The Steel Trust owns outright 30 railroads operating a mileage of 3,759 miles or enough to span the continent. These railways own 61,319 freight cars and 172 passenger cars. But the Steel Empire sways a far greater dominion over the adherents of American industry. Amongst the 25 men who control 82 per cent, or 211,280 miles of the country's steam railways, the owners of steel stock are pre-eminent. For instance, Mr. George F. Baker, a member of the Finance Committee and of the Board of Directors of the U. S. Steel Corporation is one of the leaders of these 25 "chosen people" of the God Mammon.

Gary and Co., also own a fleet of 35 steamers engaged in overseas trade, 76 in Great Lakes trade, and 269 steel barges. Besides, through J. P. Morgan and Co., American Steel magnates dominate a large number of American and even British shipping concerns.

But the Barons of Steel are not content with holding sway over the land and the sea. They also own 75 percent of America's bituminous coal fields. Some of these properties are: 415,587 acres of coking coal; 337,733 acres of steam and gas coal; 302,481 acres of surface. The U. S. Steel Corporation further owns outright 20,236 bee-hive coke-ovens, 2,992 by-products ovens, and 193,818 acres of gas and oil territory.

This is the mighty Empire of Steel, the most gigantic scab industry in the world, that has been reared on the brutalizing 12-Hour Day, starvation wages, infamous working conditions and wretched living conditions.

The history of the U. S. Steel Corporation is a history of fabulous profits becoming ever more fabulous. In 1901 it was organized with $400,000,000 of tangible property covered by bonds and other paper, and about $1,000,000 of watered stock, common and preferred.

In the ten year period, 1912–1921, its aggregate net profits available for dividends were $1,097,177,135. In the last 10 years the Steel Trust has stored up a surplus of $500,000,000, has cut down its bonded debt by $103,000,000 and has spent $685,000,000 on construction and acquisitions. All of this expansion came from the profits created by the workers.


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 For the period 1913–1919 alone the Steel Corporation piled up a total undivided surplus of $2,239,986,569.84. In the years 1917–1922, its average margin of safety, that is, the proportion of available surplus or net revenue left over after fixed charges have been provided for, was almost 73 per cent. During this period it earned on preferred stock an average of 28.89 per cent and on common an average of 15.51 per cent. On Dec. 31, 1921, the Steel Corporation was christened the giant of super-trusts with a property account of $1,631,579,260. Though there was some depression during this year, the gross sales and earnings of the company reached the huge sum of $1,092,697,772.

This pace of growth is being excelled in 1923. In the first six months of the year the Steel Corporation has piled up a net profit close to $85,000,000! And production is breaking all previous records.

To this heart-breaking poverty of the Steel Trust add the petty sum of $75,000,000 annually taken by it from the farmers thru the vicious Pittsburgh Plus system.

Yet, let us go even further than we have gone—hypothetically, at least, since it is impossible to do so arithmetically. Suppose that the Steel Trust is still too poor to pay the assumed increase in the cost of production. Then, let us turn to another comer and find another source of fabulous income flowing into the bottomless coffers of the Steel Trust's deposit vault.

Pursuing its policy of subsidizing the powerful bankers and manufacturers, the United States Government, through the Fordney-McCumber Tariff Act, is donating to the makers of heavy steel products outright gifts running into hundreds of millions of dollars. Analyzing these huge bonuses granted to the Steel Magnates, the latest Report of the Fair Tariff League shows that:

"The duties given in the Fordney law embargoes importations. They carelessly offer to the makers of heavy steel products, pig iron, cast and wrought iron pipe, structural iron, tinplate and ternaplate, bar steel, steel rails, wire and wire work, $351,000,000, which sum will be doubled to consumers, making about $702,000,000 to be paid partly in the direct cost of highly finished products like automobiles and machinery, and the balance in amortization charges. …

"To the above $720,000,000 of protection on heavy steel products would be added a possible $1,580,000,000 on only 21 of the many highly finished steel products upon which the government would collect only $5,603,907 or $1 against $282 it made the public liable for."

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 the most dimsighted that the assertion of Gary and his Committee that the Steel Trust cannot afford to pay for an 8-Hour Day is as fraudulent as the contention that a labor-shortage precludes the possibility of inaugurating the Three Shift system.

First of all, an 8-Hour Day will not increase the cost of production by 15 per cent.

Secondly, the Steel Trust can very well afford to pay a much larger increase, if it were necessary.

Thirdly, the gigantic Government subsidy granted the Steel Trust entirely disposes of its ridiculous cry of poverty.

Of all the unfounded arguments raised by the Steel Trust against the abolition of the 12-Hour Day, the point that the workers themselves do not ask for or want shorter hours is the most absurd.

Opening its Report on the Total Elimination of the 12-Hour Day, the American Iron and Steel Committee said:

"Apparently the underlying reason for the agitation which resulted in the appointment of this committee was based on a sentiment (not created or endorsed by the workmen themselves) that the 12-Hour Day was an unreasonable hardship upon the employes who were connected with it. The Workmen, as a rule, prefer longer hours because it permits larger compensation per day."

This is an old game that the Steel Trust is playing. The same fraud was resorted to by the English manufacturers when the workers were struggling for the 10-Hour Day. The forefathers of the Steel Barons brought forward loads of affidavits secured through fraud and duress, purporting to show that the workers were opposed to fewer hours.

The pith of this method is the following. First, the Steel Masters force such low pay on the workers as to compel them to labor unbearable hours in order to eke out a starvation wage. Then, they blame the workers for the continuation of the system of long hours because they dread being pushed still further below the line of least subsistence.

Little effort is needed to destroy Gary's reputation as a friend of the workingmen. Appearing before the Senate Committee in 1919 the


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 Corporation's subsidiary presidents handed out the same line of misrepresentation of the workers' desires. Some of these presidents even assured the Interchurch Commission that in a few plants where the 8-Hour Day was introduced the plants lost their men "because the foreigner wants to work the twelve-hour day, he wants to make as much money as he possibly can."

While such ridiculous propaganda was being spread far and wide, 365,000 workers in 50 cities in 10 States deserted the mills in their Great Strike for the 8-Hour Day, better working conditions, and the right to organize. This is how anxious the workers were to continue on the 12-Hour basis. What is more, Gary himself, testifying before the Senate Committee, confessed that "if we should immediately limit hours to eight and pay for the eight hours the same the men are now getting for 10 or 12 hours, every employe would favor it."

In plain English this means that the workers are anxious for the abolition of the Two-Shift System, but fear to be driven into further degradation and misery.

Interesting evidence on the reactions of the workers to the 12-Hour Day is presented by Lieutenant Walker in his diary:

"On the first night-shifts I wondered if my feelings on the arrangements of hours were not solely those of a sensitive novice. I'd get used to it perhaps. But I found that first helpers, melters, foremen, 'old timers,' and 'Company men' were for the most part against the long day. They were all looking forward, with varying degrees of hope, to the time when the daily toll of hours would be reduced."

After its investigation the Senate Committee concluded that the majority of the steel workers were opposed to the 12-Hour Day. The investigations of the Interchurch Movement supported this conclusion. We cite the following from the diary of a Gary worker made in August 1919 as presented by this Commission.

"An engineer many years on the job says: 'Count me in for a six day week, too, like a civilized man. This fourteen hours a night, seven days a week, is hell.'

"The gang boss says: 'Who the devil is this man Gary to tell our representative to go to hell. Somebody's going to get him for that.'

"Another says: 'Gary thinks we worked his old twelve and fourteen hours so long, we'll stand for anything.'"

How strongly the workers felt on this question is seen from the following testimony of a gray-haired stationary engineer obtained by the Interchurch Commission on October 25, 1919, during the strike, in Young-


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 stown, Ohio. The declaration is especially interesting in view of the fact that it is made by a skilled man.

"I had relatives in the Revolutionary War, I fought for freedom of the Philippines myself, and I had three boys fighting for democracy in France. One of them is lying in the Argonne forest now. If my boy could give his life fighting for free democracy in Europe, I guess I can stand it to fight this battle thru to the end. I am going to help my fellow workmen show Judge Gary that he can't act as if he was a king or kaizer and tell them how long they have got to work."

The workers are onto the infamous game of the Steel Trust's savage exploitation. They know that the capitalists are simply out to strip them to the skeleton. Turning to Lieutenant Walker's diary, we find the following on this point: "The melter broke in again. 'It's the dollar they are after—the sucking dollar. They say they are going to cut the long turn. I heard they were going to cut out the long turn when I went to work in the mill, as a kid. I'm workin' it, ain't I? Christ!"

The Twelve-Hour Day is maintained by a highly organized system of force and violence—the employing class Government, municipal, State, and Federal. Every steel town and almost every official, church and newspaper in these towns are the outright property of the Steel Buccaneers. Only thru Black Cossackism and merciless oppression are the workers held in the abject slavery of the inhuman 12-Hour Day. From their own bitter experiences thousands of steel workers have come to believe that Government is their bosses' rule of blood and iron. A mailed fist policy goes hand in hand with the long working day. Bayonets buttress the powerful dictatorship of steel and profits. A vicious spy system has its deadly tentacles creeping thru every walk of the steel worker's life.

The union of Steel and Government is today an open, ugly fact. The Democratic President Wilson had Gary act as the representative of the public at his first Industrial Peace Conference. The Republican Harding only echoes the sentiments and opinions of this Field Marshal of the American employing class.

Mellon, our Secretary of the Treasury, a heavy donor to the Re-


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 publican funds, is a steel owner and is the Steel Trust's agent plenipotentiary in the Cabinet. Steel is all-powerful and makes and unmakes the laws. Speaking of the Fordney-McCumber Tariff Act which gave the steel Trust a total bonus of over two billion dollars, Senator Underwood said: "I know this iron and steel schedule and I know that it is a fraud and a shame upon the people of this country."

Considering the why and wherefore of the persistence of the 12-Hour Day and the Seven-Day Week, the Interchurch World investigators found that: "The Government as much as the steel Corporation is to blame." The same authorities reported that one of the chief causes for the loss of the 1919 strike was the support accorded the Steel Magnates "by Governmental agencies and by public opinion." In this sense it is easy to understand that in the strike "the foundations of the United States Government were involved."

But perhaps the most imposing evidence of the relationship between the Steel Trust and the Government is to be found in the fact that the Chairman of the Senate Committee investigating the Steel Strike boasted to Mr. Gary that he himself was in favor of the Open shop. The caes is tersely put in the following taken from the Inter-

"In the twenty-eight pages of the Senate Committee's Report on the Steel Strike much space is devoted to the need for Americanization. Only a few lines were devoted to the 12-Hour Day."

And this Americanization has meant to the Steel workers only gruesome suffering and unrestrained terrorism!

As soon as the steel workers went into the struggle aginstagainst [sic] the 12-Hour Day the Government—Municipal, State, and National—leaped to the defense of the employers. Describing this situation confronting the strikers the Interchurch investigators reported that:

"Local magistrates, police authorities, etc., around Pittsburgh were frequently steel mill officials. In other cases steel mill officials exercised police authority without the excuse of having been previously elected to public office. For example, besides Sheriff Haddock of Alleghany County whose brother was superintendent of an American Sheet and Tin Plate plant (Corporation subsidiary), Mayor Crawford of Duquesne was the brother of the President of the McKeesport Tin Plate Co.; President Moon of the Borough of Homestead was chief of the mechanical department of the Homestead Mills; Burgess Lincoln of Munhal was a department superintendent in the same mill. The Burgess of Clairton was a mill official, etc., etc. …


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RV 20 (Rh)


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attending the eldership at Indianapolis, we went to Anderson, Indiana, to attend the dedication of the new church, which was built by the church I organized there one year before. It is a large, comfortable house.

From Anderson we went to Urbana, Ill., to visit the Daniel’s Band. The Band met in Busly's hall, which was crowded, all the standing room being taken, and hundreds were turned away. There were a number of ministers present who took part, and spoke of the great work that had been done while we were there before, and still being done by the Band. Many testified that they had been healed four months and were still well. Some had better health than ever before. Three had been healed of cancer. We saw that the converts were strong men and women in the Lord.

We next went to Hannibal, Mo., and stopped at the Park hotel. We rented the rink, paying the rent ourselves. We had one of the hardest battles we ever fought. There was a band of false professors there. No one had confidence in them or their religion, They rushed into our meeting and tried to run away with it. We knew nothing about them, but I saw it was counterfeit. The people of the city saw them taking such an active part, and supposed we were just like them. This had the effect of keeping people away. I bore with them as long as I could, hoping that they would see that they were wrong, and would walk in the light. But none are so blind as those who will not see. I told them they must fall into line with us or fall out. They would not do either, but did everything that could be done to break up the meeting.

When the people saw that we did not approve of such work the interest increased till the largest building in the city was crowded and hundreds were turned away. The first convert was an old man, a saloon-keeper seventy years old. Many people followed, among whom were many of the best citizens. The long altar was filled day and night. Sometimes the altar was cleared in a few minutes, all converted or healed, and filled the second

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 at) the first time; I will not permit this to come upon me a second time." And the Majesty of the god Nu said, "O son Shu, be thou the Eye for thy father.....and avenge(?) him, and thou goddess Nut, place him ......" And the goddess Nut said, "How can this be then, O my father Nu?" "Hail," said Nut..... to the god Nu, and the goddess straightway became [a cow], and she set the Majesty of Rā upon [her] back..... And when these things had been done, men and women saw the god Rā upon the back [of the cow]. Then these men and women said, "Remain with us, and we will overthrow thine enemies who speak words of blasphemy [against thee], and [destroy them]." Then his Majesty [Rā] set out for the Great House, and [the gods who were in the train of Rā remained] with them (i.e., the men); during that time the earth was in darkness. And when the earth became light [again], and the morning had dawned, the men came forth with their bows and their [weapons], and they set their arms in motion to shoot the enemies [of Rā]. Then said the Majesty of this god, "Your transgressions of violence are placed behind you, for the slaughtering of the enemies is above the slaughter [of sacrifice];" thus came into being the slaughter [of sacrifice]. And the Majesty of this god said unto Nut, "I have placed myself upon my back in order to stretch myself out." What then is the


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RV 384 (CANTO II.])


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aber other missions, we went to Springfield, Illinois, pitched our tents in Oak Ridge Park and commenced a union meeting to build up the Temple of our God. We made the call for all ministers and Christian workers to come up to the help of the Lord. Not one of the city preachers responded to the call except the Lutherans, several of whom came to the front. We were not acquainted with one person in the city. The voice of God said: "Go, and I will be with you." We lived in our tents, hired a cook, paid all expenses, trusting God to provide all needful help. The first few days the weather was very wet and everything was against us. Although there were but eighteen persons present the first night, we shouted victory and told them that God was going to shake the city. The interest increased until there were thousands present. The altar was crowded day and night. They came from different States and all parts of the country to be healed of all manner of diseases. They were brought on beds, on the cars, in chairs, on crutches and in cabs, hundreds being healed and converted. There were three that, we know of who were brightly converted and died before the meeting closed—a young lady and an old man nearly eighty years of age; another, an old man, saved at his home on his death-bed. Others were converted at their homes, and some in the woods. A little girl was carried into the meetings in her mother’s arms. She was as helpless as a babe two days old. She had spinal meningitis, was paralyzed all over, her brain was impaired, her ‘ head dropped on her breast and she had no use of her back and limbs. She had been sick for six months. For four months she had eaten nothing but a little milk. I laid hands on her and commanded the unclean spirits to come out of her. In five minutes she could sit up straight and raise her arms above her head. In five minutes more she could talk and rose upon her feet, stepped up on the high altar and walked with her mother to the street cars; went home and could eat anything she wanted. The next morning she was the first one up, running from house to house telling what God had done for her. It shook the whole neighborhood. This child could not exercise faith and did not seem to

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 meaning of this? It meaneth that he united(?) himself with Nut. [Thus came into being]...... Then said the Majesty of this god, "I am departing from them (i.e., from men), and he must come after me who would see me;" thus came into being..... Then the Majesty of this god looked forth from its interior, saying, "Gather together [men for me], and make ready for me an abode for multitudes;" thus came into being...... And his Majesty (life, health, and strength be to him!) said, "Let a great field ( sekhet ) be produced ( ḥetep );" thereupon Sekhet-ḥetep came into being. [And the god said], "I will gather herbs ( âarāṭ ) therein;" thereupon Sekhet-ȧaru came into being. [And the god said], "I will make it to contain as dwellers things ( khet ) like stars of all sorts;" thereupon the stars ( ȧkhekha ) came into being. Then the goddess Nut trembled because of the height. And the Majesty of Rā said, "I decree that supports be to bear [the goddess up];" thereupon the props of heaven ( ḥeḥ ) came into being. And the Majesty of Rā said, "O my son Shu, I pray thee to set thyself under [my] daughter Nut, and guard thou for me the supports ( ḥeḥ ) of the millions ( ḥeḥ ) which are there, and which live in darkness. Take thou the goddess upon thy head, and act thou as nurse for her;" thereupon came into being [the custom] of a son nursing a daughter, and [the custom] of a father carrying a son upon his head.


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next battle fought for King Jesus was in Louisville, Ky., August, 1888. Among the many from other States and cities who attended our meeting at Springfield, Illinois, were a number of prominent citizens from St. Louis, Missouri. Among these were Mr. R., a merchant of the Famous boot and shoe store, and his mother. They insistedon us visiting St. Louis and stopping with them. We did so and remained there several days. The people were very anxious for us to hold meetings in one of the parks. A number of the business men made quite an effort to have us stay, but we felt the Lord was calling us to Louisville. It was quite a cross to leave such a good opening and bear the expenses of the long journey. Not knowing a person in the city, no one to open the way, to board us, or help us, bearing all expenses ourselves, which were very heavy, we spent. nearly every cent we had, which was about four hundred dollars, before we received a penny. This was walking by faith.

There we were among strangers in one of the wickedest cities in the world. We never thought of being discouraged, but kept shouting "Victory!" knowing that Jesus was leading every step.

When we came to the city we were very tired after so much hard labor and the long journey, and went seven miles from the city and camped out on the bank of the Ohio river in a small grove to rest. While there we. realized that we were soldiers indeed, and, as Paul said to Timothy, we were "enduring hardness for Christ." We did all our cooking on a stove with one small hole. It stood outside the tent. We used a box for a table, benches for chairs, grass for a carpet, and made our beds on the soft side of the floor. We were far from the city and no way to go back and forth, as the cars did not run that way, so that we were deprived of many comforts. We had money, and we could have put up at @ good hotel; but we saved it to start the meeting, and spent several hundreds of dollars before we received any money. We did this in many places.

I find that the earnest followers of Christ have very little rest here. Like our Master; we must be about our Father's business.

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RV 21 (Rh)

Personal endings of the verb 'be'.


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RV 385 (CANTO II.])


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arrived at Louisville, Kentucky, January, 1899, after an absence of about two months. We commenced meeting in Bolle's Hall, where the converts of the previous year were holding meetings, and had been ever since we left the city. We found them at their post. I never saw a braver or more powerful band of workers for Christ, or more successful in winning souls and building up Christ's kingdom than these Holy Ghost soldiers in the wicked city of Louisville.

I did not leave a pastor or minister who had had years of practice to take charge of these young lambs and carry the work on, but put in charge of one that had been converted in the meetings.

We stayed two weeks and I organized a church. It was hard to leave them, but I felt God had prepared them to carry on their own work.

From Louisville, Ky., I was led by the Spirit to go to the little town of Shawnee, Ohio. in a valley of dry bones, and lo! they were very dry.

This was a mining country, and there were rolling mills, furnaces and new railroads being built. Nearly all nations under heaven were represented in our meeting.. Sometimes eight or ten different languages were at the altar, all praying at once to the one. God of heaven who is no respecter of persons or conditions. God bless the hard laboring classes who are so often despised by those, who call themselves Christians. Jesus said the common people heard him gladly, and it was so here. But. others sat in the seat of the scornful and stood in the way of sinners, and criticized and mocked the plain gospel of Christ, and denied the power of the Holy Ghost.

One saloon keeper, who had been in the business nearly all his life, was lifted from the gutter and stood up before the people and praised God for saving a poor wretched sinner like him.

Many old men and women were plucked as brands from the burning. Some had not been to church for twenty-five years.

One night eight old white-haired men were converted side

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RV 386 (CANTO II.])


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 a rapid feeling of hope, and, without understanding all that was going on, he extended his hands towards his would-be helpers.

"He lives, he lives!" cried Ferguson. "Heaven be praised! These savages are in a most excellent fright. We shall save him. Are you ready, friends?"

"We are quite ready, Samuel."

"Joe, slacken the blow-pipe."

The doctor's orders were obeyed. A scarcely perceptible breeze carried the "Victoria" gently over the prisoner, at the same time that it was gradually lowered by the contraction of the gas. For about ten minutes it remained floating in the midst of the waves of electric light. Ferguson darted amongst the crowd his sparkling clusters of light, which shot here and there in rapid and brilliant gleams. The tribe, under the influence of indescribable terror, disappeared gradually into their huts, and the neighborhood of the stake was deserted. The doctor had been right to count upon the fantastic appearance of the "Victoria," which darted rays as from the sun into the darkness.

The car approached the ground. But some negroes, bolder than the rest, began to comprehend that their victim would escape, and returned, yelling loudly. Kennedy seized his rifle, but the doctor ordered him not to fire.

The priest was kneeling down, not having sufficient strength to stand upright; he was not even tied to the stake, as his weakness rendered bonds useless. At the moment that the car touched the ground, the Scot leaned over, and, seizing the priest round the waist, placed him in the car. At the same moment, Joe threw overboard the 200 lbs. of ballast. The doctor expected to ascend with extreme rapidity: but, contrary to his hopes, the balloon, after rising about three or four feet from the ground, remained stationary.

"What is delaying us?" he exclaimed, in terrified accents.

Some savages now came running up and uttering fierce cries.

"Oh!" cried Joe, leaning over, "one of those cursed niggers is holding on to the balloon."

"Dick, Dick!" cried the doctor, "the water-tank!"

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 which weighed more than 100 lbs., he threw it overboard.

The "Victoria," suddenly lightened, made a bound of 300 feet into the air, amidst the yells of the tribe, from whom the prisoner had escaped in a flash of dazzling light.

"Hurrah!" cried the doctor's companions.

Suddenly the balloon gave another bound, which carried it up to an elevation of 1,000 feet.

"What is it?" asked Kennedy, who had nearly lost his equilibrium.

"Nothing! It is only that blackguard who has let go," replied the doctor calmly.

And Joe, looking quickly over, could still perceive the savage with extended hands tumbling over and over in the air, and he soon fell crushed upon the ground. The doctor then separated the two electric wires, and the obscurity became profound. It was one o'clock in the morning.

The Frenchman, who had fainted, at length opened his eyes.

"You are saved!" said the doctor.

"Saved!" he answered in English, with a sad smile, "saved from a cruel death. My brothers, I thank you; but my days are numbered, even my hours are fast running out, and I have not long to live"

And the missionary, utterly exhausted, relapsed into insensibility.

"He is dead!" exclaimed Dick.

"No, no," replied Ferguson, as he bent over him, "but he is very weak; let us lay him down in the tent."

They laid down gently upon the coverings the poor emaciated body, covered with scars and still bleeding wounds, and on which the iron and the fire had left a hundred saddening traces. The doctor made some lint from a handkerchief, which he placed upon the wounds, after having washed them carefully. He did all this with the practiced hand of a doctor, then taking a cordial from the medicine-chest he poured a few drops down his patient's throat.

The priest feebly touched his quivering lips, and had scarcely strength to murmur "Thank you!"

The doctor perceived that it was necessary to leave him in perfect repose, so he drew the curtains of the tent and resumed his guidance of the balloon.


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 The balloon, taking into account the weight of its new guest, had been divested of nearly 180 lbs. weight. It therefore kept itself up without the assistance of the blowpipe. At daybreak a current drove it gently towards the west-nor'west. Ferguson had been contemplating the unconscious priest for some time, when Dick inquired:

"Can we preserve the life of this companion whom Heaven has sent? Have you any hope?"

"Yes, Dick, with care and pure air."

"How the man has suffered!" said Joe, with feeling.

"He has done a much bolder thing than we have, in coming alone amongst these tribes."

"No doubt about that," replied the doctor.

During all that day the doctor would not permit the sleep of his patient to be disturbed. It was a long rest, interrupted occasionally by painful murmurings, which did not reassure Ferguson.

Towards evening the "Victoria" rested motionless in the gloom, and during that night, while Joe and Kennedy laid down by the side of the invalid, Ferguson kept watch. The following morning they perceived that the "Victoria" had drifted very slightly towards the west. The day promised to be fair and beautiful. The invalid was able to address his friends in a stronger voice, they pulled back the curtains of the tent, and he breathed with delight the crisp morning air.

"How do you feel?" asked Ferguson.

"Rather better," replied he. "But, my friends, I have scarcely seen you but as it were in a dream. I can hardly understand what has happened. Tell me who you are, so that your names may be remembered in my last prayer."

"We are English travelers," said Samuel, "and are attempting to cross Africa in a balloon, and during our passage we have had the happiness to render you assistance."

"Science has its heroes," said the missionary.

"And religion has its martyrs," replied the Scotchman.

"You are a missionary, then?" said the doctor.

"I am a priest of the Mission of the Lazarists. Heaven sent you to me, and Heaven be praised for it. The sacrifice of my life was offered. But you come from Europe! Speak to me of Europe, and of France! I have had no news for five years!"


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 "Five years alone, amongst those savages!" exclaimed Kennedy.

"There were souls to be saved," said the young priest. "Ignorant brothers, barbarians, whom religion alone is able to instruct and to civilize."

Samuel Ferguson, yielding to the desire of the missionary, talked to him for a long time of France. The priest listened eagerly, and tears gathered in his eyes. The poor young man took by turns the hands of Kennedy and Joe in his feverish grasp, the doctor prepared some cups of tea, of which he gladly partook. He had then sufficient strength to sit up a little, and smiled at seeing himself carried through such a pure atmosphere.

"You are certainly wonderful travelers," he said, "and you will succeed in your bold enterprise. You will see your parents, your friends, your country once again, you"

The weakness of the young priest here became so great that he was obliged to lie down again. During the prostration of some hours which followed, he was like one dead under Ferguson's hands. He could not contain his emotion, he felt his patient's life was speeding. Were they then to lose so quickly he whom they had snatched from martyrdom? He dressed the patient's wounds once more, and sacrificed the greater part of the supply of water, in order to refresh the sick man's burning limbs. He bestowed the most tender and discriminating care upon his patient, who recovered little by little, and returned to consciousness, if not to life.

"Speak your native tongue," he said. "I understand it.it." [sic]

The doctor learnt his history in disconnected sentences.

The missionary was a poor young man from the village of Aradon, in Bretagne, in the plain of Morbihan; his first instincts led him towards an ecclesiastical career. To that life of self-denial he wished to unite a life of danger, and entered into the order of mission priests, of which St. Vincent de Paul was the glorious founder. At twenty years of age he quitted his native land for the inhospitable plains of Africa. Then, by degrees, overcoming obstacles, enduring privations, praying and marching, he advanced into the midst of the tribes which dwell by the affluents of the upper Nile. During two years his religion was scoffed at, his


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RV 22 (Rh)

Note 3.1 Pronoun: Independent Pronouns.

These are examples of Independent Pronouns that have occuredoccurred [sic] in the Basic or Structure Sentences. As one can see from the above sentences, there are two genders, masculine and feminine. Gender is distinguished only in the second and third person singular pronouns (familiar forms). All other pronouns are indeterminate of gender.

As the personal ending (or other affix) of the verb indicates the person involved, the Independent Pronouns are much less used in Amharic than they are in English. When used, they are slightly emphatic. Attention is drawn to the fact that this particular person is, or these persons are doing so-and-so.

The complete set of such pronouns is:


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 zeal despised, his kindness of heart misunderstood; he remained the prisoner of one of the most cruel people of the Nyambarra, the object of a thousand ill-treatments. But he continued to pray, and to instruct, both by example and precept. The tribe was dispersed, and left him for dead, after one of those combats which so frequently take place between neighboring tribes; instead of retracing his steps, he continued his evangelical pilgrimage. The most peaceful time he enjoyed was that when he was taken for an idiot; and having become familiarized with the dialects of the country, he continued his good work. Finally, after two more long years, he penetrated these barbarous regions, impelled by that superhuman force which comes from God alone. For one year he had dwelt with this tribe of Nyam-Nyam, called Barafia, and one of the most savage. The chief having died some days before, they attributed his sudden death to the missionary, and resolved to kill him; his punishment had already lasted forty hours, and, as the doctor had supposed, he was to have died at noon.

When he heard the report of firearms, Nature asserted herself, and he cried aloud for help; he almost believed he was dreaming when a voice came from heaven bearing him words of consolation.

"I do not regret the existence which I am about to quit," added he; "my life is with God."

"Do not abandon all hope," replied the doctor; "we are with you—we will save you from death as we have saved you from suffering."

"I do not ask so much from Heaven," replied the resigned priest; "blessed be God for having permitted me the happiness of clasping friendly hands and hearing my native tongue once more before I die."

The missionary sank back again. The day passed thus alternating between hope and fear. Kennedy was visibly affected, and Joe wiped his eyes unobserved.

The "Victoria" made but little way, and the wind appeared to be desirous of taking care of its precious freight.

Joe gave notice in the evening that he could perceive a strong light in the west. In higher latitudes it might have been thought to be an immense aurora borealis—the sky seemed on fire. The doctor examined this phenomenon attentively.


text: The Zoologist/3rd series, vol 1 (1877)/Issue 4/Observations on Egg-blowing


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 as well as latest ornaments of this Society. The name of stands first in the list of original members,—and though it is now two years and a half since he died, and a considerably longer period since he appeared at any of our convivial meetings, there is not one of us who does not cherish a most lively remembrance of his venerable aspect, his graceful manners, and his solid worth; and I may venture to hope, that not one who is here present will think a few minutes misspent in the recital of some particulars of his active and useful professional life.

He was descended from one of the most ancient and honourable families in Scotland,—the family of Preston, said to be the oldest cadet of the house of Hamilton. His great-grandfather of Airdrie had two sons,  and. succeeded to his father’s estate; and on the death of Sir, became the representative of the house of Preston, and acquired the right to the title of Baronet; which, however, he did not assume, on account of the losses which his kinsman Sir had sustained, while he acted as commander of the army of the Covenanters at the battles of Drum clog and Both-


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 "It is nothing but an active volcano, after all," he said.

"But the wind will carry us right over it," said Joe.

"Well, we will clear it at a safe distance."

Three hours afterwards the "Victoria" was amongst mountains; the exact position was 24° 15′ long., and 4° 42′ lat. In front a fiery crater poured molten lava and belched forth large rocks to an immense height, while streams of liquid fire ran down in cascades of dazzling beauty. It was a grand and fearful sight, for the wind, with a fixed direction, carried the balloon towards the burning mountain.

This obstacle, which they could not avoid, they must pass over. The blow-pipe was warmed to full pressure, and the "Victoria" ascended to 6,000 feet, leaving a distance of 300 fathoms between it and the volcano.

From his bed of pain the dying priest was able to watch the crater from which a thousand sheaves of fire were scintillating with a roar.

"How splendid it is!" he said, "and the power of God is infinite, even in these terrible manifestations."

This outpouring of burning lava clothed the sides of the mountain in a veritable carpet of fire. The lower part of the balloon shone brightly in the darkness, a tremendous heat reached even to the car, and Doctor Ferguson hastened to escape from this perilous position.

Towards ten o'clock in the evening the mountain was only a red spot on the horizon, and the "Victoria" peacefully continued her journey in a less elevated zone.

night was splendid. The priest continued to sleep in a prostrate condition.

"He will never wake again," said Joe. "Poor young man! scarcely thirty years old."

"He will die in your arms," said the doctor, in despair. "His already feeble breathing has grown weaker still. I can do nothing to save him."

"Those infamous rascals," cried Joe, upon whom these sudden fits of anger occasionally seized, "and to think that


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 well Bridge. From this were descended several eminent men, particularly, Professor of Anatomy in the University of Glasgow, who died in 1781, leaving one son, , who succeeded him in that chair, and died in 1793, at the age of 33. He left two sons, one of whom, Sir, is the distinguished Professor of Logic in the University of Edinburgh, and the other, Captain , is well known as the author of several productions of genius. From of Airdrie, a race of not less eminent men traced their descent through the line of his second son , who, after being some years minister of Cramond, became Professor of Divinity at Edinburgh in 1709, and Principal of the College in 1732. Among other men of great talents and literature who sprung from him, may be mentioned the late Dr, Professor of Mathetics at Aberdeen,—Dr , Bishop of St Asaph,—and Mr , Professor of History at St Andrews. , one of the sons of Principal, was many years a minister of Edinburgh, and in the year 1754 became Professor of Divinity. The subject of this memoir was


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 the son of this eminent divine, who married, sister of the late Sir of Smith-field and Hayston, a fellow of the College of Physicians of Edinburgh. He was born at Edinburgh in 1749. He passed through the usual course of classical instruction in the High School, and entered the College in 1764, as a Student of Humanity under Dr. The following year he attended the Greek and other classes. In 1766 he attended the Natural Philosophy class, then taught by Professor, father of the late Professor ; and the same year he entered on the study of medicine, attending the class of Anatomy and Surgery. He continued his attendance at the medical classes during the years 1767, 1768, 1769, and 1770. Thus his medical course occupied five sessions, and at the same time he enjoyed the benefit of being an apprentice to Messrs and, Fellows of the Royal College of Surgeons. The Professors of Medicine in the University of Edinburgh at this period were Dr Secundus, Dr, Dr , Dr , Dr , and Dr.

It may not be uninteresting to mention the names


text: Signs and Wonders God Wrought in the Ministry for Forty Years/Table of contents


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 a filthy drab like thee may crow over? On, on with the meal, and say “These be Delphis' bones I throw.”

As Delphis hath brought me pain, so I burn the bay against Delphis. And as it crackles and then lo! is burnt suddenly to nought and we see not so much as the ash of it, e’en so be Delphis’ body whelmed in another flame.

As this puppet melts for me before Hecat, so melt with love, e'en so speedily, Delphis of Myndus. And as this wheel of brass turns by grace of Aphrodite, so turn he and turn again before my threshold.

Now to the flames with the bran. O Artemis, as thou movest the adamant that is at the door of Death, so mayst thou move all else that is unmovable. Hark, Thestylis, where the dogs howl in the town. Sure the Goddess is at these cross-roads. Quick, beat the pan.

Lo there! now wave is still and wind is still, though never still the pain that is in my breast; for I am all afire for him, afire alas! for him that hath made me no wife and left me to my shame no maid.

Thrice this libation I pour, thrice, Lady, this prayer I say: be woman at this hour or man his Rh


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RV 23 (Rh) As illustrated by the above list of the Independent Pronouns, Amharic has different terms of reference with regard to people spoken to (second person) and people spoken of (third person). Thus /antə/ (addressing a man) and /anci/ (addressing a woman) show a certain degree of familiarity. /ırsıwo/ is used as a polite or deferential form of 'you' (addressing both men and women), and /ınnantə/ addressing many persons without distinction of sex. /ırsaccəw/ is a polite or deferential form of 'he’ or ‘she’. Note that verb forms used with the 'polite' pronouns have the third person plural personal endings.

Note 3.2 Pronoun: Suffix Pronouns.

There are two kinds of suffixed pronouns:

1) Verb Suffix (or Object) Pronouns, (Sertences 1 and 2) i.e. pronominal suffixes attached to verb stems or other forms of the verb. The translation of a Verb Suffix Pronoun depends upon the structure of English. For example the suffix /-əñ/ after consonants (/-ñ/ after vowels), can mean 'me' (direct object) or 'to me' (indirect object); /-accəw/ 'them' (direct object) or 'to them' (indirect object), etc.

2) Noun Suffix Pronouns (Sentence 3) i.e. pronominal suffixes attached to nouns, corresponding to English ‘possessive pronouns': ‘my', 'your', etc. These are discussed in Note 4.1.

Note 3.2.1 The Verb Suffix Pronouns are:


text: Signs and Wonders God Wrought in the Ministry for Forty Years/Foreword


text: Signs and Wonders God Wrought in the Ministry for Forty Years/Preface


text: Signs and Wonders God Wrought in the Ministry for Forty Years


text: Signs and Wonders God Wrought in the Ministry for Forty Years/Chapter 1