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Speech to the 69th UN General Assembly

Thank you, Mr. President, Distinguished delegates, I come here from Jerusalem to speak on behalf of my people, the people of Israel. I've come here to speak about the dangers we face and about the opportunities we see. I've come here to expose the brazen lies spoken from this very podium against my country and against the brave soldiers who defend it.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

The people of Israel pray for peace.

But our hopes and the world's hope for peace are in danger. Because everywhere we look, militant Islam is on the march.

It's not militants.

It's not Islam.

It's militant Islam.

Typically, its first victims are other Muslims, but it spares no one. Christians, Jews, Yazidis, Kurds – no creed, no faith, no ethnic group is beyond its sights. And it's rapidly spreading in every part of the world.

You know the famous American saying: "All politics is local"? For the militant Islamists, "All politics is global." Because their ultimate goal is to dominate the world.

Now, that threat might seem exaggerated to some, since it starts out small, like a cancer that attacks a particular part of the body. But left unchecked, the cancer grows, metastasizing over wider and wider areas. To protect the peace and security of the world, we must remove this cancer before it's too late.

Last week, many of the countries represented here rightly applauded President Obama for leading the effort to confront ISIS. And yet weeks before, some of these same countries, the same countries that now support confronting ISIS, opposed Israel for confronting Hamas. They evidently don’t understand that ISIS and Hamas are branches of the same poisonous tree.

ISIS and Hamas share a fanatical creed, which they both seek to impose well beyond the territory under their control.

Listen to ISIS’s self-declared caliph, Abu Bakr Al-Baghdadi. This is what he said two months ago: A day will soon come when the Muslim will walk everywhere as a master… The Muslims will cause the world to hear and understand the meaning of terrorism … and destroy the idol of democracy.

Now listen to Khaled Meshaal, the leader of Hamas. He proclaims a similar vision of the future:

'''We say this to the West… By Allah you will be defeated. Tomorrow our nation will sit on the throne of the world.'''

As Hamas's charter makes clear, Hamas’s immediate goal is to destroy Israel. But Hamas has a broader objective. They also want a caliphate. Hamas shares the global ambitions of its fellow militant Islamists.

That’s why its supporters wildly cheered in the streets of Gaza as thousands of Americans were murdered on 9/11. And that's why its leaders condemned the United States for killing Osama Bin Laden, whom they praised as a holy warrior. So when it comes to their ultimate goals, Hamas is ISIS and ISIS is Hamas. And what they share in common, all militant Islamists share in common:
 * Boko Haram in Nigeria;
 * Ash-Shabab in Somalia;
 * Hezbollah in Lebanon;
 * An-Nusrah in Syria;
 * The Mahdi Army in Iraq;
 * And the Al-Qaeda branches in Yemen, Libya, the Philippines, India and elsewhere.

Some are radical Sunnis, some are radical Shi'ites. Some want to restore a pre-medieval caliphate from the 7th century. Others want to trigger the apocalyptic return of an imam from the 9th century. They operate in different lands, they target different victims and they even kill each other in their quest for supremacy.

But they all share a fanatic ideology. They all seek to create ever expanding enclaves of militant Islam where there is no freedom and no tolerance – Where women are treated as chattel, Christians are decimated, and minorities are subjugated, sometimes given the stark choice: convert or die. For them, anyone can be an infidel, including fellow Muslims.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

Militant Islam's ambition to dominate the world seems mad. But so too did the global ambitions of another fanatic ideology that swept to power eight decades ago.

The Nazis believed in a master race. The militant Islamists believe in a master faith. They just disagree about who among them will be the master… of the master faith. That’s what they truly disagree about. Therefore, the question before us is whether militant Islam will have the power to realize its unbridled ambitions.

There is one place where that could soon happen: The Islamic State of Iran.

For 35 years, Iran has relentlessly pursued the global mission which was set forth by its founding ruler, Ayatollah Khomeini, in these words:

'''We will export our revolution to the entire world. Until the cry "There is no God but Allah" will echo throughout the world over…'''

And ever since, the regime’s brutal enforcers, Iran's Revolutionary Guards, have done exactly that. Listen to its current commander, General Muhammad Ali Ja'afari. And he clearly stated this goal. He said:

Our Imam did not limit the Islamic Revolution to this country … Our duty is to prepare the way for an Islamic world government…

Iran's President Rouhani stood here last week, and shed crocodile tears over what he called "the globalization of terrorism."

Maybe he should spare us those phony tears and have a word instead with the commanders of Iran's Revolutionary Guards. He could ask them to call off Iran's global terror campaign, which has included attacks in two dozen countries on five continents since 2011 alone.

To say that Iran doesn't practice terrorism is like saying Derek Jeter never played shortstop for the New York Yankees.

This bemoaning of the Iranian president of the spread of terrorism has got to be one of history’s greatest displays of doubletalk.

Now, Some still argue that Iran's global terror campaign, its subversion of countries throughout the Middle East and well beyond the Middle East, some argue that this is the work of the extremists. They say things are changing. They point to last year's elections in Iran. They claim that Iran’s smooth talking President and Foreign Minister, they’ve changed not only the tone of Iran's foreign policy but also its substance. They believe Rouhani and Zarif genuinely want to reconcile with the West, that they’ve abandoned the global mission of the Islamic Revolution.

(3 of 10 pages) ... to be continued

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 of humanity regards as evil that divine act of procreation by which that dignity is renewed from age to age. It is difficult to believe that a man who has painted with so frightful an honesty the heartrending emptiness of the life of the poor can really grudge them everyone of their pitiful pleasures, from courtship to tobacco. It is difficult to believe that a poet in prose who has so powerfully exhibited the earthborn air of man, the essential kinship of a human being, with the landscape in which he lives, can deny so elemental a virtue as that which attaches a man to his own ancestors and his own land. It is difficult to believe that the man who feels so poignantly the detestable insolence of oppression would not actually, if he had the chance, lay the oppressor flat with his fist. All, however, arises from the search after a false simplicity, the aim of being, if I may so express it, more natural than it is natural to be. It would not only be more human, it would be more humble of us to be content to be complex. The truest kinship with humanity would lie in doing as humanity has always

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 done, accepting with a sportsmanlike relish the estate to which we are called, the star of our happiness, and the fortunes of the land of our birth.

The work of Tolstoy has another and more special significance. It represents the re-assertion of a certain awful common sense which characterised the most extreme utterances of Christ. It is true that we cannot turn the cheek to the smiter; it is true that we cannot give our cloak to the robber; civilisation is too complicated, too vain-glorious, too emotional. The robber would brag, and we should blush; in other words, the robber and we are alike sentimentalists. The command of Christ is impossible, but it is not insane; it is rather sanity preached to a planet of lunatics. If the whole world was suddenly stricken with a sense of humour it would find itself mechanically fulfilling the Sermon on the Mount. It is not the plain facts of the world which stand in the way of that consummation, but its passions of vanity and self-advertisement and morbid sensibility. It is true that we cannot turn the cheek to the smiter, and the

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 sole and sufficient reason is that we have not the pluck. Tolstoy and his followers have shown that they have the pluck, and even if we think they are mistaken, by this sign they conquer. Their theory has the strength of an utterly consistent thing. It represents that doctrine of mildness and non-resistance which is the last and most audacious of all the forms of resistance to every existing authority. It is the great strike of the Quakers which is more formidable than many sanguinary revolutions. If human beings could only succeed in achieving a real passive resistance they would be strong with the appalling strength of inanimate things, they would be calm with the maddening calm of oak or iron, which conquer without vengeance and are conquered without humiliation. The theory of Christian duty enunciated by them is that we should never conquer by force, but always, if we can, conquer by persuasion. In their mythology St. George did not conquer the dragon: he tied a pink ribbon round its neck and gave it a saucer of milk. According to them, a course of consistent kindness to Nero

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 TWENTY-5SEVENTH WEEX, 199

Thy truth, that we may live as it directs, we acknowledge that there haa been more of selfishness in our obedience hitherto than real affection. We feel and acknowledge that our states of mind are still low and grovelling; and we fear that our obedience is the result of a desire for, thé praise of men rather than from real love of Thy Word. 0 help us. Lord, we beseech Thee, so to receive Thy truth, and love it forite own sake, that Thy kingdom of truth may uot only be established in our understandings, but the leve of Thy goodness find an abiding place in our wills and affections. Amen. Oar Father, etc.

od

LMIGHTY Lord God and Saviour Jesus Christ; Thou art the Lord of life, and Thou hast so created us that we may receive continual supplies of life from Thee. Thou hast endowed us with liberty and rationality, and hast set before us life and death, blessing and cursing: and though Thou art continually exhorting us to choose life, that we and our sead may live; yet hast Thou left us in perfect freedom, and we can turn either to the kingdom of light and glory, or to that of darkness and death.

Every day of our existence places before us the reality of our dependence on Thee for happiness; for when we turn to our own evil gratifications, misery and suffering result from them; but when we return unto Thee, our minds find rest and peace. Thus are we by experience taught that there is no peace to the wicked, but that he that trusteth in the Lord, mercy shall compass him about. O blessed Lord our Saviour, we see and acknowledge, by the vicissitudes through which we pass, that if left to work out the gratifications of our own will, a state of suffering is constantly induced, but by submitting ourselves to Thy will, we are brought into order, and enabled to see that there is nothing really good but that has it's origin in Thee. Amen.

Our Father, etc.

FRIDAY EVENING.

F geomig ar? Lord, the Regenerator of the world; Thou hast instructed

us that "unless a man be born again, he cannot enter into the kingdom of heaven.' We feel more and more the truth of this divine declaration; but, ales! we also feel that our hearts are set in us to do, evil, and that continually; and thus are our understandings in a state of darkness, because our deeds are evil.

O send forth Thy ight and Thy truth, that onr sinful states may be made manifest before us, and thus that we may enter upon that new birth, that regeneration, without which all hope of happiness ia vain. We pray Thee. O Lord, make as acquainted with Thy truth, and continne to anfold it before us, that it may be tous what light is to the path of the natural man, becoming brighter and clearer unto the perfeet day.

Thou hast not created uz to be mere inhabitants of thie lower world. Thon hast not chained us to external materiality, but hast designed us

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 would have turned him into something only faintly represented by Alfred the Great. In fact, the policy recommended by this school for dealing with the bovine stupidity and bovine fury of this world is accurately summed up in the celebrated verse of Mr. Edward Lear:

Their confidence in human nature is really honourable and magnificent; it takes the form of refusing to believe the overwhelming majority of mankind, even when they set out to explain their own motives. But although most of us would in all probability tend at first sight to consider this new sect of Christians as little less outrageous than some brawling and absurd sect in the Reformation, yet we should fall into a singular error in doing so. The Christianity of Tolstoy is, when we come to consider it, one of the most thrilling and dramatic incidents in our modern

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. It represents a tribute to the Christian religion more sensational than the breaking of seals or the falling of stars.

From the point of view of a rationalist, the whole world is rendered almost irrational by the single phenomenon of Christian Socialism. It turns the scientific universe topsy-turvy, and makes it essentially possible that the key of all social evolution may be found in the dusty casket of some discredited creed. It cannot be amiss to consider this phenomenon as it really is.

The religion of Christ has, like many true things, been disproved an extraordinary number of times. It was disproved by the Neo-Platonist philosophers at the very moment when it was first starting forth upon its startling and universal career. It was disproved again by many of the sceptics of the Renaissance only a few years before its second and supremely striking embodiment, the religion of Puritanism, was about to triumph over many kings and civilise many continents. We all agree that these schools of negation

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 were only interludes in its history; but we all believe naturally and inevitably that the negation of our own day is really a breaking up of the theological cosmos, an Armageddon, a Ragnorak, a twilight of the gods. The man of the nineteenth century, like a schoolboy of sixteen, believes that his doubt and depression are symbols of the end of the world. In our day the great irreligionists who did nothing but dethrone God and drive angels before them have been outstripped, distanced, and made to look orthodox and humdrum. A newer race of sceptics has found something infinitely more exciting to do than nailing down the lids upon a million coffins, and the body upon a single cross. They have disputed not only the elementary creeds, but the elementary laws of mankind, property, patriotisln, civil obedience. They have arraigned civilisation as openly as the materialists have arraigned theology; they have damned all the philosophers even lower than they have damned the saints. Thousands of modern men move quietly and conventionally among their fellows while holding views of

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 national limitation or landed property that would have made Voltaire shudder like a nun listening to blasphemies. And the last and wildest phase of this saturnalia of scepticism, the school that goes furthest among thousands who go so far, the school that denies the moral validity of those ideals of courage or obedience which are recognised even among pirates, this school bases itself upon the literal words of Christ, like Dr. Watts or Messrs. Moody and Sankey. Never in the whole history of the world was such a tremendous tribute paid to the vitality of an ancient creed. Compared with this, it would be a small thing if the Red Sea were cloven asunder, or the sun did stand still at midday. We are faced with the phenomenon that a set of revolutionists whose contempt for all the ideals of family and nation would evoke horror in a thieves' kitchen, who can rid themselves of those elementary instincts of the man and the gentleman which cling to the very bones of our civilisation, cannot rid themselves of the influence of two or three remote Oriental anecdotes written in corrupt

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 Greek. The fact, when realised, has about it something stunning and hypnotic. The most convinced rationalist is in its presence suddenly stricken with a strange and ancient vision, sees the immense sceptical cosmogonies of this age as dreams going the way of a thousand forgotten heresies, and believes for a moment that the dark sayings handed down through eighteen centuries may, indeed, contain in themselves the revolutions of which we have only begun to dream.

This value which we have above suggested unquestionably belongs to the Tolstoians, who may roughly be described as the new Quakers. With their strange optimism, and their almost appalling logical courage, they offer a tribute to Christianity which no orthodoxies could offer. It cannot but be remarkable to watch a revolution in which both the rulers and the rebels march under the same symbol. But the actual theory of non-resistance itself, with all its kindred theories, is not, I think, characterised by that intellectual obviousness and necessity which its

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 claim for it. A pamphlet before us shows us an extraordinary number of statements about the new Testament, of which the accuracy is by no means so striking as the confidence. To begin with, we must protest against a habit of quoting and paraphrasing at the same time. When a man is discussing what Jesus meant, let him state first of all what He said, not what the man thinks He would have said if he had expressed Himself more clearly. Here is an instance of question and answer:

Q. "How did our Master Himself sum up the law in a few words?"

A. "Be ye merciful, be ye perfect even as your Father; your Father in the spirit world is merciful, is perfect."

There is nothing in this, perhaps, which Christ might not have said except the abominable metaphysical modernism of "the spirit world"; but to say that it is recorded that He did say it, is like saying it is recorded that He preferred palm trees to sycamores. It is a simple and unadulterated

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. The author should know that these words have meant a thousand things to a thousand people, and that if more ancient sects had paraphrased them as cheerfully as he, he would never have had the text upon which he founds his theory. In a pamphlet in which plain printed words cannot be left alone, it is not surprising if there are mis-statements upon larger matters. Here is a statement clearly and philosophically laid down which we can only content ourselves with flatly denying: "The fifth rule of our Lord is that we should take special pains to cultivate the same kind of regard for people of foreign countries, and for those generally who do not belong to us, or even have an antipathy to us, which we already entertain towards our own people, and those who are in sympathy with us." I should very much like to know where in the whole of the New Testament the author finds this violent, unnatural, and immoral proposition. Christ did not have the same kind of regard for one person as for another. We are specifically told that there were certain persons whom He

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 specially loved. It is most improbable that He thought of other nations as He thought of His own. The sight of His national city moved Him to tears, and the highest compliment He paid was, "Behold an Israelite indeed." The author has simply confused two entirely distinct things. Christ commanded us to have love for all men, but even if we had equal love for all men, to speak of having the same love for all men is merely bewildering nonsense. If we love a man at all, the impression he produces on us must be vitally different to the impression produced by another man whom we love. To speak of having the same kind of regard for both is about as sensible as asking a man whether he prefers chrysanthemums or billiards. Christ did not love humanity; He never said He loved humanity; He loved men. Neither He nor anyone else can love humanity; it is like loving a gigantic centipede. And the reason that the Tolstoians can even endure to think of an equally distributed affection is that their love of humanity is a logical love, a love into which they are

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 coerced by their own theories, a love which would be an insult to a tom-cat.

But the greatest error of all lies in the mere act of cutting up the teaching of the New Testament into five rules. It precisely and ingeniously misses the most dominant characteristic of the teaching—its absolute spontaneity. The abyss between Christ and all His modern interpreters is that we have no record that He ever wrote a word, except with His finger in the sand. The whole is the history of one continuous and sublime conversation. Thousands of rules have been deduced from it before these Tolstoian rules were made, and thousands will be deduced afterwards. It was not for any pompous proclamation, it was not for any elaborate output of printed volumes; it was for a few splendid and idle words that the cross was set up on Calvary, and the earth gaped, and the sun was darkened at noonday.

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 did not save men from anarchy, but from order; not from pestilence, but from paralysis; not from starvation, but from luxury. Men like Savonarola are the witnesses to the tremendous psychological fact at the back of all our brains, but for which no name has ever been found, that ease is the worst enemy of happiness, and civilisation potentially the end of man.

For I fancy that Savonarola's thrilling challenge to the luxury of his day went far deeper than the mere question of sin. The modern rationalistic admirers of Savonarola, from George Eliot downwards, dwell, truly enough, upon the sound ethical justification of Savonarola's anger, upon the hideous and extravagant character of the crimes which polluted the palaces of the Renaissance. But they need not be so anxious to show that Savonarola was no ascetic, that he merely picked out the black specks of wickedness with the priggish enlightenment of a member of an Ethical Society. Probably he did hate the civilisation of his time, and not merely its sins; and that is precisely where he was infinitely more

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text: Varied Types/Tolstoy and the Cult of Simplicity


text: Varied Types/Chapter 10

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 found than a modern moralist. He saw that the actual crimes were not the only evils: that stolen jewels and poisoned wine and obscene pictures were merely the symptoms; that the disease was the complete dependence upon jewels and wine and pictures. This is a thing constantly forgotten in judging of ascetics and Puritans in old times. A denunciation of harmless sports did not always mean an ignorant hatred of what no one but a narrow moralist would call harmful. Sometimes it meant an exceedingly enlightened hatred of what no one but a narrow moralist would call harmless. Ascetics are sometimes more advanced than the average man, as well as less.

Such, at least, was the hatred in the heart of Savonarola. He was making war against no trivial human sins, but against godless and thankless quiescence, against getting used to happiness, the mystic sin by which all creation fell. He was preaching that severity which is the sign-manual of youth and hope. He was preaching that alertness, that clean agility and vigilance, which is as necessary to gain pleasure as

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 in some sectors of the economy it was being applied. Joshi’s own thinking has been taking a different turn for some years and his thoughts began to crystallize around 1991. In the light of global and national changes taking place Joshi began to rethink his own role and also the role of SS. The path of farmers’ agitations for their demands seemed to have reached a kind of dead end. Even earlier, at a meeting of his close colleagues at Ambethan on 3 August 1988, he had proposed disbanding SS which he said had served its purpose. However, because of the stiff opposition, he relented and the work continued. Joshi was forty five and in a way past his prime when he launched farmers’ struggle. Still he poured every ounce of his energy in the struggle. Struggle did have some major plus points. It drew attention of the society to the injustices farmers suffered. It built a farmers’ organization which nobody till then had felt feasible. It hugely benefitted farmers. For instance, the higher price of sugarcane ensured that sugarcane growers began to taste the fruits of their labour for the first time. It boosted the farmers’ confidence that they could unite, fight hard and emerge successful. Joshi’s interpretation of his struggle in the broad framework of struggle between “Bharat” and “India” undoubtedly put farmers on the national agenda. But at the same time the limitations of such struggle were also becoming clear to him. For instance, however much one tried to build brotherhood amongst farmers, the onion growers were not involved in the struggle of sugarcane farmers, sugarcane farmers were absent during the tobacco growers’ agitation and tobacco growers were not around to fight on behalf of the cotton growers. In a way it was understandable. An average farmer, whatever he might wish to do, just could not leave his farm and go around championing Search for New Ways

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 a cause. Moreover, getting a fair price for the produce was not the end of the agony. That price was not a permanent price; next year again the farmers had to struggle for remunerative price. Several factors controlled prices and unless you changed the overall system there was never going to be an end to farmers’ agony. Even physically, it was difficult. Rail roko, rasta roko were important weapons in their agitations. They required swift, secretive movements of people, hiding themselves from police, clandestine ways of passing on messages and emerging abruptly at a decided spot of agitation. This was where Joshi became known as the “Robin Hood of farmers”. But to keep doing that for long was physically getting tough as he aged. State machinery was so powerful that it could crush any agitation by brute force. To clear a road blocked by even one lakh farmers was not too difficult for police. Farmers, who suffered the brunt of police lathis once, were not going to be enthusiastic about blocking a road again. Many farmers were tortured in the lock up and were not likely to court arrests again. The court cases continued for years and it was an awful ordeal for concerned farmers. SS was never organized enough professionally to have the resources that could support the aggrieved farmers in such cases. Joshi personally had been to jail over twenty times and over a hundred and a quarter cases had been filed in various courts against him. The battle against government machinery was unevenly matched and it was very difficult to hold on for long. Over the years, the government had also grown increasingly incorrigible. It was never particularly perturbed if a road remained blocked for a few hours. For the State, it had become just a daily routine. It had the machinery to take care of such issues and government activities went on undisturbed. Money 294

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 power and muscle power had gained so much importance in the political power game that solving of people’s genuine problems was no longer the preferred path to popularity. Society itself was changing rapidly. India of nineties was not same as the seventies' India which Joshi had seen when he returned from Switzerland. TV had penetrated even rural households. So had education. Even in remote villages some level of prosperity was seeping in. According to a study done by a well-known institution of Ahmedabad, rural India accounted for almost forty percent of the demand for consumer goods ranging from toothpaste and soap to footwear and cold drinks. Earlier the percentage was less than half of that. Children from many farming households had found some job elsewhere; many had started some side-business. After nationalization public sector banks began to span the entire rural area. Under their various schemes loan was available for small scale sector. Even in small towns one could see the offices of share brokers. A starving farmer was ready to bear any hardships of struggle, but once he tasted some fruits of prosperity and settled life, he was unwilling to risk that. Even at the ideological level, Joshi always had maintained that his ideas would be valid for a limited period of five-six years. To demand fair price from Government was like a saline given to a very weak patient; that could not be a long-term arrangement. Government intervention was like calling for firebrigade but eventually farmers would have to go by the laws of the market and produce only that crop and only in that quantity for which the market existed. ‘Don’t expect the government to buy whatever you produce and pay you the rate you want,’ he used to tell his followers. ‘You must innovate, get into processing, add value to your products, and learn the technique of marketing’, he said a number of times. He believed that needs of the society kept evolving and the Search for New Ways

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 society would always adopt the thinking most suitable for itself at the given phase; no philosophy was going to be valid forever. In fact, his attempts to make headway into politics were clearly to seek an alternative. Political process, he believed, by introducing systemic changes, could achieve what sporadic agitations could not. But in present politics winning elections was paramount and by early nineties he knew he had been a failure in that area. To break out of his entanglement he was searching for some ways and the liberalization which started in 1991, he thought, provided the opportune moment to shift gear. Earlier agitations were like a spark. It had its utility but today farmers needed a flame; one that could illuminate and was steady. He developed many ideas for that kind of sustained work which he outlined before the SS executive committee meeting at Wardha on 22 October 1991, then in the major farmers’ gathering at Shegaon on 10 November 1991 and then again on 28 February 1993 during the executive committee meeting in Mumbai. Later, on 10 December 1998, SS had called a special assembly at Amaravati called Jan Sansad. A Marathi book by Joshi titled “Swatantrya ka naasale” (“What went wrong with independence”) provided the framework for that Assembly. In that book, written after seeing a lukewarm response to the Golden Jubilee of India’s independence in August 1997, Joshi had expressed his overall thinking about what ailed independent India. Joshi elaborated many ideas in due course about constructive new ways for farmers to improve their lot.

His first concept was “Chaturang Sheti” (four-prong agriculture). In that concept, he gave four added dimensions to traditional farming : Sita Sheti, Majghar Sheti, Vyapar Sheti and Niryat Sheti. 296

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That the apprentice was full of what he evidently considered to be highly important news Wedgwood saw at the first glance. Nor did Stainsby waste time in prefatory remarks: the instant he caught sight of the detective he crystallized his tidings into one sharp exclamation.

"He's off!"

Wedgwood started. Stainsby, of course, meant Thomas Wraypoole. And if Thomas Wraypoole had made himself scarce, why, then, there was strong presumption that he had good reason for flight, and he would have to be pursued. He wished now that he had kept a closer watch on him, for he knew Thomas to be a cute, sly fellow who, if he ran away, would do it cleverly. With a growl that showed a certain feeling of discomfiture, he motioned Stainsby to a seat.

"Well?" he said curtly. "Let's hear about it! Where's he off to? But, of course, you don't know that, my lad!"

"No—but it might be found out," said Stainsby. "Anyway, he is off—that's certain,


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 I told you that he'd been away from the warehouse a great deal lately, going out of a morning and not coming back till latish at night. Well, yesterday morning he went out soon after breakfast, as had become pretty usual, but last night he never came in. This morning a man named Gregson came to the warehouse. He's a chap I've seen before now and then—I think he's had a similar business down Whitechapel way. He asked to see the housekeeper. I took him up to the living-rooms and called her. Then he told me that Mr. Wraypoole had sold him the business, stock, private furniture, everything in the place, and produced a receipt for the lot."

"How much had been paid?" asked Wedgwood quickly.

"Three hundred pounds," answered Stainsby. "I noticed that—I took care to glance at the figures."

"From what you know," said Wedgwood, "would that be a reasonable figure?"

"I should think not!" exclaimed Stainsby. "Giving it away, if you ask me! There's at least three hundred pounds worth of stuff in the warehouse now, and there's good furniture upstairs. I should think the furniture's worth three hundred."


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 "Um!" mused Wedgwood. "The housekeeper, now—did she seem surprised?"

"She said she was—but I'd an idea that she wasn't," replied Stainsby. "Took it quietly enough, anyway."

"Is she staying there?" enquired Wedgwood.

"Gregson asked her to stay and look after the place a bit till he could make arrangements for bringing his wife there," answered the apprentice. "She said she would."

"And you?" asked Wedgwood.

"I don't know what my position is," replied Stainsby. "I was bound to Thomas Wraypoole—apprenticed, of course. I don't think he could hand me over with the business. Gregson wants me to stop. But I don't know about it."

"Stop there a bit, anyway," said Wedgwood. "You may find something out. About Wraypoole, now—did Gregson say anything as to where Wraypoole had gone?"

"I asked him that. He said he believed Wraypoole was going to take up a foreign agency somewhere. That's all he knew."

"Did the housekeeper ask Gregson anything of that sort?"

"She didn't—that's one of the reasons I had for thinking she wasn't really surprised. I think she knew Wraypoole was going away: I think she probably knows where he is."


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 "Well, you keep an eye on her," counselled the detective. "Watch her movements. If Wraypoole's in London she may go to meet him. Don't show any signs of doing so, but keep your eyes skinned—I'll see you're all right. And now look here—do you know where Thomas Wraypoole kept his banking account?"

"Yes!" replied Stainsby, promptly. "London and Surburban, in Wandsworth Road—two or three hundred yards from our place."

"All right!" said Wedgwood. "I'll make a private enquiry there. Now you get back to the warehouse and do what I tell you. If anything occurs you know what to do. But say nothing to Gregson."

He sat for some time after Stainsby had gone, thinking things over. To a man of his habit of thought this last action of Thomas Wraypoole's was highly suspicious. He began to think of the previous grounds for suspicion. There was the mystery of Thomas's movements on the evening of John's murder. There was the fact that on the evening he was certainly in the neighbourhood of Handel Street. There was the visit to John's rooms first thing on the morning after the murder. There was the burning of papers and documents at those rooms; the carrying away of other things, probably destroyed elsewhere. And there was


text:
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 the fact that by John's death Thomas came into a nice little property, easily realizable at a time when, according to Stainsby, business was not over good with him. Altogether, thought Wedgwood, there was a certain amount of presumptive evidence against Thomas to warant

But there he stopped dead—as in every other passage of this case, he found a blank wall confronting him. He knew nothing conclusive. Suspicion, after all, he said to himself, is but suspicion, it isn't evidence. Evidence was what he wanted, even if nothing but circumstantial, and in the hope of getting something to add to his store he presently went off to the bank in Wandsworth Road and asked for an interview with its manager.

In the course of his professional career Wedgwood had more than once had occasion to interview bank managers and he was well acquainted with the fact that there is nothing to be extracted from them in respect to their customers unless very serious reason is adduced. This particular manager opened his eyes when Wedgwood explained the why and wherefore of his visit, and from a certain expression in his face the detective surmised that Thomas Wraypoole's recent doings had roused suspicion in other breasts than his own.


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 "Is Thomas Wraypoole actually suspected of his brother's murder?" asked the manager, assuring himself by a glance at his door that the clerk who had shown the detective in had closed it. "Actually?"

"I can't say actually," answered Wedgwood. "There are a great many circumstances which are highly suspicious. Supposing—just for the sake of supposing—that he is guilty, I have several pieces of evidence which would tell against him if they were supplemented by other pieces. I've built up a certain amount"

"But the edifice isn't complete, eh?" interrupted the manager, smiling. "Well, I don't know where Thomas Wraypoole is—I'm of no use there. The fact is, he closed his account here yesterday, so far as we were concerned there was an end of him, you see. We don't know where he's gone. Sometimes when customers close an account, they do so by transferring it to another bank. He didn't. He just drew the whole of his balance—and there was an end of it."

"In cash?" asked Wedgwood.

"In cash! It was a considerable amount, too," replied the manager. "Under the circumstances, I can tell you something about his recent transactions with us. They didn't arouse


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 any suspicion in me, but I was certainly interested in them."

"I should like to know," said Wedgwood. "It's what I came for."

"Well," continued the manager, "until quite recently Thomas Wraypoole's banking account was in a rather poor way. I should say his business just about kept going, and that was all. He was certainly a little pressed for money not so long ago: now and then he arranged temporary over-drafts. Then he suddenly be gan paying in considerable amounts, and he told me that by the death of his brother he had come in for a nice bit of property and was realizing it."

"Yes," observed Wedgwood. "John left him everything. About six hundred pounds, I believe."

"About that," assented the manager. "He gradually accumulated it here—in cash. I imagine he realized all the property. But only a few days ago an unusual incident occurred. He brought here a cheque on a certain private bank—Fentiman's, in Lombard Street—and asked us to have it specially cleared. It was for five thousand pounds, made payable to him. But the signature of the drawer was unusual. Instead of initials and a surname it appeared to be all one name, and whatever that name


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 was it was utterly illegible! Our cashier brought it to me as a curiosity: I couldn't make it out—none of us could. It was a scrawl—a sheer scrawl that might have been in some foreign style of writing for anything I could tell."

"It evidently attracted you," said Wedgwood.

"It did—I never saw a signature like it. It looked to have been written with one of those wooden pens that gardeners use for the labels of plants and shrubs—you know. However, it was apparently quite in order and well-known to Fentiman's, for the cheque was cleared at once."

"Five thousand, eh?" observed Wedgwood. "And this was—when?"

"Two days ago," answered the manager.

"Then yesterday, when you say Wraypoole closed his account he would have a lot of money standing to his credit in your books?" suggested Wedgwood. "The proceeds of the sale of his brother's property and this five thousand pounds."

"He'd a balance of over eleven thousand pounds," replied the manager. "He drew the lot in Bank of England notes. They were chiefly of large denomination, but he took a certain amount in smaller notes."


text:
User talk:Smoothoperator2001

Hyderabad in 1890 and 1891
Thanks very much to your contributions to Index:Hyderabad in 1890 and 1891, they are really appreciated. However, there are some things that need to be improved when you proofread a page: 1) page number goes to the header, 2) all the lines need to be joined together, 3) you should be more careful about various typos occurring in the text which need to be corrected. See also how I edited one of the pages. Thanks! --Jan Kameníček (talk) 07:32, 27 September 2023 (UTC)

title: User talk:Smoothoperator2001


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Page:Fletcher - The Mortover Grange Affair.pdf/214

 "A man can do a lot of things with eleven thousand pounds at his command," remarked Wedgwood. "And he's a sharp, crafty man in my opinion, full of trickery. You haven't even an idea where he was going? I've heard that he told the man to whom he sold his business that he was thinking of taking up a foreign agency."

"Oh, I should say he's off abroad!" exclaimed the manager. "After hearing what you've told me it's the only conclusion I can come to. And if you really think that he murdered his brother"

"I don't say that," interrupted Wedgwood. "He may have done. What I think is that if he didn't he knows who did! Or he may have a very strong suspicion. But you were saying?"

"I was going to say that if you want him, why not try the ports if it isn't too late," said the manager. "Of course, he's got a good twenty-four hours start of you."

Wedgwood shook his head.

"If he's gone abroad," he said, "he probably went yesterday. It doesn't take long to slip across to France. I was in hopes when I came here that he'd possibly got a draft on some foreign bank from you, and that I could have traced his movements through that."


text:
Page:The perfect dress fitter ... Complete instructions in the art of cutting all kinds of garments (IA perfectdressfitt00bear).pdf/41

Use same rule. If changes have been made on back, change same points on front same amount. If a square neck is desired. the pattern can be cut out square, according to lines marked on diagram where it says "square neck."


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 "Too cute for that!" replied the manager. "He'd his money in his pocket."

Wedgwood went away wondering what to do next. He was becoming more and more puzzled by the intricacy of the web which he had been given to take to pieces: it seemed to him that if he untied one knot it was only to find half a dozen present themselves in its place. But suddenly as he walked slowly along the gloomy streets a new idea came to him. If Thomas Wraypoole wanted to go abroad he would have to possess a passport. And Wedgwood knew something about passports. They are not got in a hurry; there are tiresome and tedious things to be done in getting them. Supposing you are a British subject, or naturalized in the United Kingdom, you have to fill up a declaration made by either a banker, or a mayor, or a magistrate, or a provost, or a justice of the peace, or a minister of religion, or a barrister-at-law, or a physician, or a surgeon, or a solicitor, or a notary public; the authorities may also require your certificate of birth and certain other evidence to show, one supposes, that you really are the person you claim to be. But that is not all. You must furnish with your application and its verification two copies of your photograph, one of which must be certified by the recommender. And you must


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 put in your application not less than four days before the passport is to be issued, when you must pay seven shillings and sixpence for it. And even then, unless you merely wish to travel to some one country there are tiresome things like endorsements and visas and other matters to obtain and attend to—the whole business is exasperating. But Wedgwood, reflecting on it, knew that if he could obtain information that Thomas Wraypoole had recently applied for and procured a passport it would show that for some little time he had been meditating taking his departure from his native land.

The Passport Office is in Queen Anne's Gate Buildings, not such a very long way from where Wedgwood remembered the existence of these tiresome documents, and he proceeded to walk in its direction. He had reached the southern end of Westminster Bridge when, glancing aside at the crowded traffic, he suddenly caught sight of Stainsby in a taxi-cab. The apprentice was leaning out of the window, pointing the driver either to something ahead or to some shop or office on the other side of the road. And Wedgwood, fancying Stainsby to be there on some business of his new employer's turned away, looking no more. Had he contrived to catch Stainsby's eye and gone over to speak to him, the detective would have saved himself


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Page:WUL-i14 c0148 Letters from Waseda University Library.pdf/1

 Yokohama

28th January 1871

To Okuma Sangi Esq.

Dear Sir,

The small engine and saws which we have at present in our yard were ordered by authority of especially for the light house department and I have already given you my opinion regarding their value to us.

If you give me definite orders to send them to another department I, of course, shall be bound to obey, but I think such orders will be very hard our department.

Especially as mentioned in my last letter a saw mill in perfect working order with engine complete can be procured in Yokohama for 1,200 dollars, or several such machines the property of the Government exist in


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 several hours of trouble and brought matters to an issue. But he attached no particular importance to Stainsby's presence there, nor in a taxi-cab; his head was still full of Thomas Wraypoole. He was wondering what he should do if he found that Thomas had got a passport. It depended, of course, if he had, on what country or countries it was available for. And there was the disturbing fact of the twenty-four hours start! That meant possible defeat for the present. And presently he encountered delay—unacquainted with its office hours he found on reaching it that the Passport Office closed its doors at four o'clock.


text: The Mortover Grange Affair/Chapter 17

title: The Mortover Grange Affair/Chapter 17


text:
Author:Stephen Fischer-Galati

As editor

 * East European Quarterly

title: Author:Stephen Fischer-Galati


text: Footfalls of Indian History/The Relation between Buddhism and Hinduism


text:
Page:WUL-i14 c0148 Letters from Waseda University Library.pdf/3

 當時燈明臺局鋸機械 當局用


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 Further I would desire to mention that this saw mill is not complete. The engine & saws alone have been sent out from England the tables for the saws to work on the spindle for the saws, the pulley, belting and several oftheof the [sic] small things require to be made in our yard.

I therefore think you would find it more convenient to get the complete saw mill which I have mentioned is for sale in Yokohama

I will await your further reply to this letter —

I am

Yours Truly

R Henry Brunton


text: Page:The two angry women of Abingdon (IA twoangrywomenofa00portrich).pdf/104


text:
Page:The perfect dress fitter ... Complete instructions in the art of cutting all kinds of garments (IA perfectdressfitt00bear).pdf/42

Take chest, L. of waist and full length, measure from B to get waist length. If changed, change waist line point on front same amount. If full length is changed, or points 2G and 2A, change points 2B and 2 on front same amount and point 3 on back and 3 on front one-half the amount. Gather from point D on top of diagram on front to point 2 to fit yoke.


text: Page:The perfect dress fitter ... Complete instructions in the art of cutting all kinds of garments (IA perfectdressfitt00bear).pdf/43


text:
User talk:Priyah2k

Welcome
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title: User talk:Priyah2k


text: Page:The two angry women of Abingdon (IA twoangrywomenofa00portrich).pdf/107


text:
Page:The perfect dress fitter ... Complete instructions in the art of cutting all kinds of garments (IA perfectdressfitt00bear).pdf/44

Use same rule. Gather sleeves at points marked gather. 4C is elbow. Change to fit. Make length whatever you desire. If you change point 3A, chage 2C and 2A same amount.

Lay off by same rule.

Lay off by same rule. Fit to size of neck with tape.


text: Footfalls of Indian History/Elephanta—the Synthesis of Hinduism


text:
Page:The perfect dress fitter ... Complete instructions in the art of cutting all kinds of garments (IA perfectdressfitt00bear).pdf/45

Take waist and length desired. Use rule corresponding with waist measure. If yoke is used, cut off two and one-half inches from top of pattern. Cut on the outside line for backs and then turn away the goods and cut on the inside line for fronts.

Lay off by same rule


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Page:The perfect dress fitter ... Complete instructions in the art of cutting all kinds of garments (IA perfectdressfitt00bear).pdf/46

Take waist and length desired. Follow same rule as for No. 17. Make a band exact size of waist and gather goods into it. Cut by outside line for backs and inside line for fronts.


text: Page:The two angry women of Abingdon (IA twoangrywomenofa00portrich).pdf/108


text:
Page:The perfect dress fitter ... Complete instructions in the art of cutting all kinds of garments (IA perfectdressfitt00bear).pdf/47

Take chest, L. of waist, full length in back, elbow and length of arm. In measuring for L. of arm, measure down to knuckle joint. Measure from A and make 1F waist to fit tape measurement and point 4E to full length measurement.

Use same rule.

If changes have been made on back, make same changes on front. If length point 4G has to be changed, change points 4D—4 and 3A same amount.


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Page:Varied Types (1903).djvu/164

 to gain holiness, as indispensable in a lover as in a monk. A critic has truly pointed out that Savonarola could not have been fundamentally anti-æsthetic, since he had such friends as Michael Angelo, Botticelli, and Luca della Robbia. The fact is that this purification and austerity are even more necessary for the appreciation of life and laughter than for anything else. To let no bird fly past unnoticed, to spell patiently the stones and weeds, to have the mind a storehouse of sunset, requires a discipline in pleasure, and an education in gratitude.

The civilisation which surrounded Savonarola on every side was a civilisation which had already taken the wrong turn, the turn that leads to endless inventions and no discoveries, in which new things grow old with confounding rapidity, but in which no old things ever grow new. The monstrosity of the crimes of the Renaissance was not a mark of imagination; it was a mark, as all monstrosity is, of the loss of imagination. It is only when a man has really ceased to see a horse as it is, that he invents a centaur, only

title: Page:Varied Types (1903).djvu/164


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 when he can no longer be surprised at an ox, that he worships the devil. Diablerie is the stimulant of the jaded fancy; it is the dram-drinking of the artist. Savonarola addressed himself to the hardest of all earthly tasks, that of making men turn back and wonder at the simplicities they had learnt to ignore. It is strange that the most unpopular of an doctrines is the doctrine which declares the common life divine. Democracy, of which Savonarola was so fiery an exponent, is the hardest of gospels; there is nothing that so terrifies men as the decree that they are all kings. Christianity, in Savonarola's mind, identical with democracy, is the hardest of gospels; there is nothing that so strikes men with fear as the saying that they are all the sons of God.

Savonarola and his republic fell. The drug or despotism was administered to the people, and they forgot what they had been. There are some at the present day who have so strange a respect for art and letters, and for mere men of genius, that they conceive the reign of the Medici to be an improvement on that

title: Page:Varied Types (1903).djvu/165


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 of the great Florentine republican. It is such men as these and their civilisation that we have at the present day to fear. We are surrounded on many sides by the same symptoms as those which awoke the unquenchable wrath of Savonarola—a hedonism that is more sick of happiness than an invalid is sick of pain, an art sense that seeks the assistance of crime since it has exhausted nature. In many modern works we find veiled and horrible hints of a truly Renaissance sense of the beauty of blood, the poetry of murder. The bankrupt and depraved imagination does not see that a living man is far more dramatic than a dead one. Along with this, as in the time of the Medici, goes the falling back into the arms of despotism, the hunger for the strong man which is unknown among strong men. The masterful hero is worshipped as he is worshipped by the readers of the "Bow Bells Novelettes," and for the same reason—a profound sense of personal weakness. That tendency to devolve our duties descends on us, which is the soul of slavery, alike whether for its menial tasks it employs

title: Page:Varied Types (1903).djvu/166


text:
Page:The perfect dress fitter ... Complete instructions in the art of cutting all kinds of garments (IA perfectdressfitt00bear).pdf/48

Use same rule. Regulate length same as on other sleeves.

Use same rule.If any changes are made on upper sleeve, make same changes on under sleeve.

Lay off by same rule. Fit to neck by tape measure.


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Page:Varied Types (1903).djvu/169

 Savonarola's friend Michael Angelo would have piled all his own statues one on top of the other, and burnt them to ashes, if only he had been certain that the glow transfiguring the sky was the dawn of a younger and wiser world.

title: Page:Varied Types (1903).djvu/169


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 serfs or emperors. Against all this the great clerical republican stands in everlasting protest, preferring his failure to his rival's success. The issue is still between him and Lorenzo, between the responsibilities of liberty and the license of slavery, between the perils of truth and the security of silence, between the pleasure of toil and the toil of pleasure. The supporters of Lorenzo the Magnificent are assuredly among us, men for whom even nations and empires only exist to satisfy the moment, men to whom the last hot hour of summer is better than a sharp and wintry spring. They have an art, a literature, a political philosophy, which are all alike valued for their immediate effect upon the taste, not for what they promise of the destiny of the spirit. Their statuettes and sonnets are rounded and perfect, while "Macbeth" is in comparison a fragment, and the Moses of Michael Angelo a hint. Their campaigns and battles are always called triumphant, while Cæsar and Cromwell wept for many humiliations. And the end of it all is the hell of no resistance, the hell of an unfathomable

title: Page:Varied Types (1903).djvu/167


text:
Page:Sharad Joshi - Leading Farmers to the Centre Stage.pdf/318

 In Sita Sheti, he meant farmer-level development of appropriate technology. The women from the farming family should start different farming experiments using the means at their disposal, without running after any expensive methods. Since it was women who invented farming, he was sure that women would come up with some new improved methods even today. For instance, it was an observation by ordinary farmers that Marigold flowers grown around green chillies, reduced the impact of plant diseases. In developing this concept he had in mind couple of lakh women who had got a portion of the land transferred to their name through Laxmi Mukti Andolan. In Majghar (inner portion of the household) Sheti, he meant basic processing of the produce. He said, “Whatever you produced, don’t take it to the market just as it was but do some little processing on it which would add to its value.” Even in this processing, he did not have any big factory or machinery in mind. He wanted women to clean the farm produce thoroughly, arrange it grade-wise, make neat packs of one, two or five kilos and then take that produce to the market. It could be done with any produce – onion or potatoes, green vegetables or beans. Even if they did just that, they were bound to get some higher rate. For that they did not have to depend on government or any other outside agency. In Vyapar (commercial) Sheti, he meant going to the market, finding out which products had best demand, developing some products on their own and creating direct market for those products. He was sure there were many consumers willing to pay a little more for their supply provided it saved them some time and energy. The fact that such supply was fresh and unadulterated was a major added attraction. The produce could be anything – from cucumbers to tomatoes and sprouted beans to chillies. Joshi had also outlined a plan to set up a joint stock Company for marketing with a chain of such shops in this “farm to kitchen” model. Search for New Ways

Q

297


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Page:Sharad Joshi - Leading Farmers to the Centre Stage.pdf/319

 In Niryat (export) Sheti, he meant producing some portion of the overall farm produce for foreign market. That would of course entail some planning but in the post-liberalization phase, Joshi believed that a farmer could export up to ten percent of his produce. Out of this “Chaturang Sheti” concept, Joshi wanted to create some remunerative activity for each of his followers. It was comparable to Gandhi’s spinning wheel. It provided all farmers a constructive role to play and that was necessary for retaining the morale of his followers when agitations would reduce. To give a practical push to this concept Joshi organized some special training programmes. One person who helped him a lot in this training was Shripad Dabholkar of Satara, known for his pioneering work in transforming grape farming. Dabholkar had developed many products which could be grown using domestic waste, drain water and sunlight, abundantly available in India free of cost. Dabholkar conducted many training programmes for SS workers. Apart from these ideas which could be worked on by individual farmers, Joshi also expressed some elaborate activities. First novel project he suggested was a company called “Shetkari Solvent”. Many farmers had started growing soyabean. Soyabean gave oil. They were full of protein. There was good demand. New products like Soya Milk were also being introduced. Like sugarcane, soyabean was a good option for farmers. Shetkari Solvent involved growing of soyabeans for sale of soya oil and then from the leftover wastage, called okara, making soya chunks. Such soya products had much bigger demand overseas than just plain soyabean. On trial basis a plant was erected at Hinganghat. Unfortunately this project had to be shelved even before it took off. 298

Q

Sharad Joshi : Leading Farmers to the Centre Stage


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Page:Sharad Joshi - Leading Farmers to the Centre Stage.pdf/320

 “Shivar Agro” was another project. It entailed forming a chain of around 5,000 centers for retail sale where fruits, vegetables, grains and other produce would be delivered to consumers directly. Joshi had seen such retail chains in Switzerland and Shivar was along those lines. It was also naturally linked to “Chaturang Sheti” which envisaged farmers processing produce domestically. Shivar Agro was a registered Company with its office in Nagpur. One share was of Rs. 10 and each applicant was expected to buy minimum 100 shares costing Rs.1,000. For initial booking the payment of just Rs.100 was expected. The booking had in fact started during the fifth Convention of Sanghatana at Aurangabad in October 1993. The balance amount was payable by 31 of December that year. The proposed share capital was Rs. 3 crores. However, in reality only Rs. 30 lakhs could be raised. Because of inadequate capital and perhaps also due to some other reasons the project was unsuccessful. The third professional project envisaged by Joshi was called “Bhama Construction Company”. Bhama was to be the first industrial township that would be developed and managed by farmers. Government of Maharashtra through its company called Maharashtra Industrial Development Corporation (MIDC) used to acquire large plots of land. It would develop that land, provide basic infrastructure like roads, electricity and water, divide it into several plots, and then sell/lease them. In the process of land acquisition, mostly fertile agricultural land, farmers suffered from injustice because the government would acquire the land at the rate it had fixed and it was obligatory for the farmer to surrender his ownership to MIDC. Often MIDC sold/leased the developed plots at a rate far higher than the rate at which the land was acquired. Joshi discovered, for instance, what had happened in a village called Chikhali in Pune district. In MIDC area called Bhosari it had paid compensation to the farmers at the rate of Rs. 19,000 per acre in 1989 but sold/leased Search for New Ways

Q

299


text:
Page:Sharad Joshi - Leading Farmers to the Centre Stage.pdf/321

 out the developed plots in 1993 at the rate of Rs. 11 lakhs per acre; which was 57 times the amount farmers received! Joshi started this Bhama Construction Company with two objectives. First, farmers should receive the biggest portion of the consideration realized from the users, and second, the major portion of economic advantage in the form of employment, contracts, investments and ownership should accrue to the farmers. He felt that if farmers came together, developed their own land collectively and also became the partners in the projects that would be constructed on that land as original landholders, it would be a game-changer. This company would be a prototype for similar future development. Financial model of the Company entailed that the farmer would transfer his land to the Company and as a consideration he would get part amount in his bank account and part would be as equity share capital. On sale/lease of plots the sale/deposit proceeds received would be used for development of infrastructure and balance by way of Perpetual Debentures to farmers. The financial instrument of Debenture would insure regular income to farmer. Equity capital would also be transferable and tradable on the stock exchange creating wealth to the equity holders. There was an industrial estate being planned by MIDC near Chakan. Farmers reluctant to hand over their land to the MIDC came to Joshi for help to save their land. Joshi told them that if government has decided to start industries in this belt then nobody can stop it and suggested to them to start farmers’ company for industrial development. Joshi got together farmers from eight villages in Ambethan-Mhalunge area. Bhama Construction Company was formed. They requested the government that along the lines of MIDC, their Company should be permitted to develop their land. The idea was to develop the land and then sell/lease the plots just as MIDC did and get good 300

Q

Sharad Joshi : Leading Farmers to the Centre Stage


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 profit in the process. After much negotiation the government which was then ruled by the Shiv Sena-BJP alliance agreed to allow this Company to develop half of the land MIDC was planning to acquire. Accordingly, the acquisition process of this portion of land was stopped by MIDC. The Company made plans to develop the first sector of 250 acres out of that land. The bhumipujan ceremony took place at the hands of Shiv Sena Chief Balasaheb Thackeray on 12 March 1999 at Ambethan. Narayan Rane, the then Chief Minister and Manohar Joshi, former Chief Minister were both present. G. R. Godse of Pune, a retired town-planner of MIDC, made all the layouts of the plots and also devised water supply scheme. Unfortunately, as months passed by, several difficulties kept cropping up. According to Sanjay Panse, a well-known chartered accountant from Mumbai who worked tirelessly on the project, often the title of a particular plot would be in the name of someone but several other claimants also emerged claiming compensation as owners of that plot. It seemed that there were disputes pending for many years over the title which were not resolved and hence it became difficult to finalize who would be beneficiary of that plot. Sometimes every possible known relative of the farmer appeared in person to claim compensation. Moreover, a few farmers refused to sell their plot though they had earlier agreed to do so. Under MIDC Act, when land was acquired and compensation was paid to the holders of the land as per land records, the title of the land without any defects/claims passed on to MIDC. The demand was made with the State Government, that it should give similar rights to the Company, as were given to MIDC. Panse recollects several rounds of discussion with the then Industry Secretary. Search for New Ways

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, until the whole nature recoils into madness and the chamber of civilisation is no longer merely a cushioned apartment, but a padded cell.

This last and worst of human miseries Savonarola saw afar off, and bent his whole gigantic energies to turning the chariot into another course. Few men understood his object; some called him a madman, some a charlatan, some an enemy of human joy. They would not even have understood if he had told them, if he had said that he was saving them from a calamity of contentment which should be the end of joys and sorrows alike. But there are those to-day who feel the same silent danger, and who bend themselves to the same silent resistance. They also are supposed to be contending for some trivial political scruple.

Mr. M'Hardy says, in defending Savonarola, that the number of fine works of art destroyed in the Burning of the Vanities has been much exaggerated. I confess that I hope the pile contained stacks of incomparable masterpieces if the sacrifice made that one real moment more real. Of one thing I am sure, that

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 Some senior government officials also kept raising different objections and were not cooperative. They voiced a concern that this was a privately owned company and therefore should not have the same benefits offered to a government company like MIDC. These officials sounded alarm that if it happened, Government would be saddled with many Public Interest Litigations. Clean title of the land was the crux of the entire acquisition, both at the time of payment of compensation to farmers and ultimate transfer/lease of land to the industrial user. If every owner of the land would not get compensation/equity/debentures of Bhama, there would be disputes. If a clean title of land was not available, industrial user also would not be interested in view of the future disputes. As a consequence, financiers started backing off. Sadly, the wonderful idea behind Bhama Construction Company had to be abandoned. Joshi did not get the first mover advantage, but others learned from these difficulties. Projects similar to Shivar Agro and Bhama Construction were later developed by others. For instance, marketing companies like Reliance Fresh or farmers coming together to develop their land collectively like the Magarpatta project in Pune. Those projects were somehow very successful by getting help to solve land acquisition issues and were of much smaller scale. But the ones initiated by Joshi did not take off. Joshi was a pioneer in developing those concepts but failed in execution. Joshi was upset by this failure and it affected his health as well. Later Joshi wrote, ‘I propagated the philosophy of free economy through Shetkari Sanghatana and also through Swatantra Bharat Paksh; but I did not succeed in building and running any autonomous organization in that atmosphere of free economy.” (Angarmala, page 92) 302

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 While all this was happening, Joshi was also on lookout for a political front he could get attached with. His earlier experience with political parties was exasperating and even his followers were fed up. At the same time he knew that he could not remain isolated from politics. That was when he began to take interest in the Swatantra Party. He had earlier interacted with Indian Liberal Group which was closely associated with Swatantra Party. He had often spoken from their platform and had generally liked the company of Minoo Masani and S. V. Raju, his deputy, who were the pillars of Indian Liberal Group and Swatantra Party. Joshi discovered that their overall philosophy was considerably close to his own ideas. This was around 1993. Swatantra Party had become more or less defunct by then. Joshi decided to revive that Party. It is worth mentioning here the background of the Swatantra Party. Swatantra Party was formed at a public meeting in Madras (now Chennai) on 4 June 1959 by Chakravarti Rajagopalachari alias Rajaji. He was perhaps the biggest leader from South India and became the first Governor General of independent India in 1947. His daughter had married the son of Mahatma Gandhi and Gandhi always referred to him as “my conscience-keeper”. He was the first recipient of the Bharat Ratna. He was also the first to publicly oppose socialism and the policies of Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru. It is interesting to note that he was 81 when he started Swatantra Party. Rajaji believed that socialist policies adopted by Nehru were very harmful to the nation but because masses were mesmerized by his personality, no one dared oppose. As a result, the nation was moving in the direction of bankruptcy. In order to remove poverty we had to encourage entrepreneurship and for that we had to adopt free economy. License-Permit Raj was the famous phrase he used to describe their regime. Because of Rajaji’s stature several leading Indians like Search for New Ways

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 Minoo Masani, N. G. Ranga, Kanhaiyalal Munshi, H. M. Patel, General Cariappa, Narayan Dandekar joined Swatantra Party. Though the Congress constantly criticized it as “party of capitalists and princes”, in the very first general elections Party contested in 1967, it won 45 seats in the Lok Sabha. It became the largest opposition party. Out of these 45 candidates only eight were former princes, three were retired civil servants and as many as 34 were farmers living in rural areas. Unfortunately, five years later, on 25 December 1972, Rajaji passed away at the age of 94. His successor Minoo Masani also soon crossed ninety and due to illness was mostly inactive. Consequently, the Party lost its eminence and gradually became almost defunct. S. V. Raju who was deputy to Masani and the Editor of Freedom First, the weekly published by friends of the Party, wrote in an article, “Joshi has all the values our Party holds cardinal to its existence. He has one additional quality – mass appeal. We had many distinguished persons in the party but none of them had mass appeal. Even Rajaji and Masani did not have it. None of us could attract crowds in lakhs for our meetings.” On 6 November 1994, at the Convention of SS at Kasturchand Park in Nagpur, Joshi announced the formation of Swatantra Bharat Paksh (SBP). It was basically the revived form of old Swatantra Party. Party ran into several difficulties since inception. To be recognized by the Election Commission each political party had to file the affidavit declaring its allegiance to the values enshrined in the Constitution. Joshi did not file any such affidavit because due to the changes made to the constitution by Indira Gandhi the word “socialism” was added to its basic values and Joshi maintained that socialism was not acceptable to his Party. He even fought in the High Court over this issue; but that did not help. In absence of recognition by the Election Commission the Party could not get a common symbol 304

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 to fight elections. All its candidates who contested elections in future did so as “independent” candidates. Additionally, the party faced severe financial constraints. The Party was a total failure in all elections it fought. In February 1995 for the Maharashtra State Assembly it fielded candidates in 202 constituencies. Only two won – Dilip Borse from Satana and Wamanrao Chatap from Rajura. Chatap had won earlier in 1990; this was his second term. In 1996 Lok Sabha elections Party fielded 17 candidates. They all lost. In September 1999 elections were held in Maharashtra simultaneously for Lok Sabha and Vidhan Sabha (Assembly). Party fielded two candidates for Lok Sabha and five for Vidhan Sabha. All lost.

It was fairly clear that the Party had no political future. Voters never took it seriously. In a way, Joshi knew it from the beginning. Expressing raison d’être for the Party he had said, ‘We know that our ideology is politically impossible. In our country votes are given to those who say that “I will give you a zunka-bhakar stall” or “I will give you rice at rupees two a kilo.” But the person who says, “If you have the guts and willingness to work hard, we shall create a system where you will get the right fruit for your work”, will not get votes. But still we have to keep expressing our views. The role of Swatantra Bharat Paksh is to keep the flag flying until what is politically impossible today, becomes economically inevitable.’ On 28 May 2003, the first convention of SBP took place at Shivaji Park, Mumbai. Its election manifesto was a brilliant document and expressed Joshi’s overall thinking. The basic tenets of SBP are worth reproducing here : 1. All men are created unique though not unequal. Search for New Ways

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 2. They all pursue the fulfillment of their unique personality in their own singular way, through maximizing options and freedom of choice. 3. There are no ‘Masters’ – neither spiritual nor economic; the dictates of the self-proclaimed prophets of Time and Space bring disaster; despite all shortcomings, there is no better guide than the lights of the aggregate of individuals striving to excel through competition and mutually rewarding cooperation. 4. Power corrupts and absolute power corrupts absolutely. 5. The remedy for corruption lies not in a mystical moral elevation of mankind through saints, socialists, trustees but in pluralism and competition. 6. Help and protection given to those that don’t need it, harm the giver and maim the receiver. 7. Competition is the best training ground for competition – one learns to compete by competing. 8. The weak and invalid are an integral part of any population and have a rightful claim on the community for the pursuit of happiness and fulfillment without being subjected to uneven competition; growth and development are in nature and suffer only when deliberately thwarted; all the help the poor need is that the world get off their backs; 9. Any interference in work-ethics, freedom of exchange and competition can only be harmful. 10. The business of the government is government and not business. Though Joshi was liberal to the core and was therefore attracted to Swatantra Party, the only liberal party in India, he made some interesting observation about spirituality and liberal thinkers, which also was a point on which he differed a little bit 306

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 from them. He made that subtle observation in his foreword to the English edition of The Law, a highly acclaimed French book written in 1850 by Frederic Bastiat, a French Catholic liberal. English translation of that book was reprinted by Liberty Institute of New Delhi in 1998. Regarding the religious and spiritual beliefs of Bastiat, which he felt were shared by many liberals, but probably not by Joshi himself; he wrote, ‘Spiritualism of this genre is quite common amongst Indian liberals. C. Rajagopalachari and K. M. Munshi, founders of the liberal Swatantra Party, were intensely religious. Pursuit of liberty was, for them, a spiritual journey. Man’s search for liberty reflected his desire to leave the shackles of the mundane and attain freedom of the spirit. Minoo Masani had different views on the subject but did not consider the question serious enough to enter into a direct confrontation with his mentor. The world over, even today, socialists are supposed to be atheists and liberals agnostics …. ‘The new liberalism of the post-USSR era ought to draw its inspiration from earlier liberals like Lock and Smith. But, if young liberals of today attach to the pre-USSR liberal writings the kind of sanctity that is attached to the Bhagwadgita, the Bible or the Koran by the followers of the respective religions, they would be in trouble. A liberal, by definition, is skeptical of the authority of any book or any prophet. The liberals today will need to learn some lessons from the socialist era of darkness when Marxists attacked God and Church and tried to replace them by lesser gods and the Communist Party. Liberals, by definition, can have neither a church, nor any prophet nor a holy book. ‘Marx countered the religious spiritualism by providing a materialistic interpretation of human history. But the nineteenth century materialism has turned out to be as pointless as religious spiritualism. The post-Marx liberalism will need to break away Search for New Ways

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 from the discredited cosmic premises. It would not involve much of a change in the substance of liberalism; probably only a change in style and language.’ SBP was also a part of Joshi’s search for new ways; though in the realm of politics. It provided some activity for the loyal workers of SS who were disillusioned with all political parties and did not wish to be associated with any. But SBP was not a party of the farmers, nor was it the extension of SS; it was for the entire nation. Here, Joshi had attempted to move beyond the farmers’ cause; which probably was his personal need as well at that time. SBP obviously did not have any political significance. Its contribution to the political process was in the basic tenets it upheld. Perhaps a day might come when these tenets become contemporary and inevitable. In that case one can only say that what SBP stood for was not incorrect but before its time. One observation might be mentioned at the end which showed the kind of respect Joshi had for Rajaji, the best of the liberals and the founder of Swatantra Party. In his bedroom at Ambethan house there was only one picture adorning the wall and that was the picture of Rajaji. Q

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text: Constitution of Algeria/Preface

title: Constitution of Algeria/Preface


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Take chest and length of waist; regulate length of waist with tape.

Use same rule. If waist has been changed on back change waist on front same amount.


text: Constitution of Algeria/Contents

title: Constitution of Algeria/Contents


text:
Constitution of Algeria/Preamble

Preamble

The Algerian people are a free people, and decided to remain so.

Its history is a long series of struggles that always made Algeria a land of freedom and dignity.

Being at the heart of great events witnessed by the Mediterranean area throughout history, Algeria has found in her sons, since the Numid era and the Islamic epic and up to the wars of decolonization, the pioneers of freedom, unity and progress as well as builders of democratic and prosperous States during the periods of glory and peace.

The 1st of November 1954 was a turning point for its destiny and a crowning for the tong resistance to aggressions carried out against its culture, its values and the fundamental components of its identity which are Islam, Arabity and Amazighity. Its current struggles are well rooted in the glorious past of the nation.

Gathered in the national movement and later within the National Front of Liberation, the Algerian people have made great sacrifices in order to assume their collective destiny in the framework of recovered freedom and cultural identity and to build authentic people's democratic constitutional institutions.

The National Front of Liberation crowned the sacrifices of the best sons of Algeria during the People's war of liberation with independence and built a modern and full sovereign State.

The belief in the collective chokes allowed the people to achieve great successes, characterized by the recovery of the national resources and the building of a State exclusively for the benefit of the people and exercising freely its powers and without any external pressures.

Having fought and still fighting for freedom and democracy, the Algerian people, by this Constitution, decided to build constitutional institutions based on the participation of any Algerian, man and woman, in the management of public affairs; and on the ability to achieve social Justice, equality and freedom for all.

The Constitution is the concretisation of the People's genius, the reflection of their aspirations, the fruit of their determination and the product of the deep social changes. Thus, in approving this Constitution, the People are, more than ever, decided to consider the law above everything.

The Constitution is above all, it is the fundamental law which guarantees the individual and collective rights and liberties, protects the principle of the People 's free choke and gives the legitimacy to the exercise of powers. It helps to ensure the legal protection and the control of the public authorities in a society in which lawfulness and man's progress prevail in all its dimensions.

Strong with their deeply rooted spiritual values and preserving their traditions of solidarity and justice, the people are confident in their ability to participate efficiently in the cultural, social and economic progress of the present and future world.

Algeria, being a land of Islam, an integral Part of the Great Maghreb, an Arab land, a Mediterranean and African country is proud of the radiance of its 1st of November Revolution and is honored by the respect the country gained and knew how to preserve it through its engagement towards the just causes in the world.

The pride of the People, their sacrifices, their sense of responsibility and their ancestral attachment to freedom and to social justice are the best guaranty for the respect to this Constitution which they adopt and transmit to future generations, heirs of the freedom pioneers and the builders of free society.

title: Constitution of Algeria/Preamble