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 The Rembau branch of the Linggi from Sempang upwards forms the rest of the boundary line.

The boundary with Sungei Ujong was fixed about two years ago by His Excellency Sir, as, previous to that time, there had been disputes about it. It now runs as follows:—from Sempang to Bukit Mandi Angin, thence to Pĕrhentian Tinggi, and thence to Gûnong Angsi. The boundary on the inland side towards Sri Mĕnanti, Inas or Jĕlei, and Johol has shifted from time to time, Gûnong Pâsir, which is now under Sri Mĕnanti, is claimed as properly belonging to Rĕmbau, though in time it was said to have originally belonged to Johol, and this last is confirmed by the aborigines, who are the best anthorities. The boundaries with Sri Mĕnanti are said to be Gûnong Tâjoh, and Gûnong Lîpat Kâjang.

Those with Johol, Bâtu Gâjah (on hill of that name), Gûnong Dato', Pěrhentian Lantei (or Tinggi) on Bukit Ûlu Âpi-Âpi, and (including Tampin) Bâtu Bĕrâpit (now claimed to be in Tampin, Pĕrhentian Manggis being said to be the right point, on Bukit Kûda Mâti), Jĕram Kambing and Bukit Pûtus.

Sempang, where the Rĕmbau and Pĕnar join to form the Linggi, and where we have now a Police Station on a small piece of land ceded to Government in 1874, was formerly one of the chief places in Rĕmbau; Kwâla Pĕdas, a few miles further up on the right bank, was another, but they have both been abandoned. At Bandar Rûsau was the residence of the Yam Tûan Mûda, and latterly of the late Pĕnghûlu Haji Sail. In time the Pĕnghûlu lived at Chĕmbong. The present Pĕnghûlu resides at Gĕmâyun near Chĕngkau, where Haji Sail had another residence. Rĕmbau, in proportion to its size, is, no doubt, the most populous of these native States, being probably about 11,000, exclusive of Tampin, Kru and Tĕbong; the details will be found in the table showing the constitution of the country; in (1839) it is given at 9,000 including Tampin and Kru. The most populous part of the country is said to be inland at Sri Lĕmak and Ûlu Sepri, but this is not confirmed by the numbers I have obtained. From the table first alluded to, it will be seen of what a mixed character the population


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 is. They likewise bear, among the Malays, the character of being pre-eminently treacherous. The Gâdong district (lying between our frontier and Gûnong Dato') near which Haji Mastafa lives, is said to be the harbour of robbers aud cattle-lifters, but Ilaji Mastafa is too far advanced in years, too imbecile, and too much in the hands of others to do anything to improve matters; but under the new régime we may in time look for amendment.

As Rĕmbau used to be the place of installation of the Yan Tuan or Yang-di-pĕrtûan Bĕsar, it will not be out of place to deal here with the subject of the Yam Tûans. The original States in the interior of this part of the Peninsula, according to tradition, before they became "Negri Sembilan" were Kělang, Jĕlĕbu, Sungei Ûjong and Johol, with seniority in the order given.

The "Nĕgri Sembilan" are stated by, and probably correctly, as being originally as follows, Kĕlang, Jělĕbu, Sungei Ûjong, Johol, Sĕgâmat, Nâning, Rĕmbau, Hûlu Pahang (including Sĕrting and Jĕmpol) and Jĕlei (in Pahang, adjoining Jělĕbu). Kĕlang soon fell under the domination of Sĕlângor.

Johol originally included Jĕmpol and the whole watershed of the Moar as far as the Palong on one side and Mount Ophir on the other, having on the N. & W. common boundaries with Jĕlĕbu, Sungei Ûjong, Rĕmbau and Nâning (the latter now included in Malacca).

Sĕgâmat seems to have been absorbed by Johor a generation or two since. Nâning and Rĕmbau were children of Sungei Ûjong, and when the former of them came moro directly under Dutch. influence, Sri Mĕnanti, or more correctly Hûlu Moar, which had asserted independence of Johol, took its place in the confederation.

About the middle of last century, the Dutch, in conjunction with the sovereign of Johor, Sultan, who was suzerain


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466 cloud overhead was very remarkable. The sky was blue all around the horizon, but overhead a cumulostratus grew early; it seemed to be drifting to the south and later to the east. The broken cumulus slowly changed to a uniform stratus, which seems to be thinning as the sun gains power. There is a very thin, light fall of snow crystals, but the surface deposit seems to be abating the evaporation for the moment, outpacing the light snowfall. The crystals barely exist a moment when they light on our equipment, so that everything on and about the sledges is drying rapidly. When the sky was clear above the horizon we got a good view of the distant land all around to the west; white patches of mountains to the W.S.W. must be 120 miles distant. During the night we saw Discovery and the Royal Society Range, the first view for many days, but we have not seen Erebus for a week, and in that direction the clouds seem ever to concentrate. It is very interesting to watch the weather phenomena of the Barrier, but one prefers the sunshine to days such as this, when everything is blankly white and a sense of oppression is inevitable.

The temperature fell to −15° last night, with a clear sky; it rose to 0° directly the sky covered and is now just +16° to +20°. Most of us are using goggles with glass of light green tint. We find this colour very grateful to the eyes, and as a rule it is possible to see everything through them even more clearly than with naked vision.

The hard sastrugi are now all from the W.S.W. and our cairns are drifted up by winds from that direction; mostly, though, there has evidently been a range of snow


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Without any training in the diagnosis of the mentally diseased and without any apparatus for exact diagnosis of the mentally defective, I can simply record a number of amateur observations which may be of interest to the specialist interested in the possibilities of studying the pathology of primitive peoples. In the Manu'a Archipelago with a population of a little over two thousand people, I saw one case which would be classed as-idiocy, one imbecile, one boy of fourteen who appeared to be both feeble-minded and insane, one man of thirty who showed a well-systematised delusion of grandeur, and one sexual invert who approximated in a greater development of the breasts, mannerism and attitudes of women and a preference for women's activities, to the norm of the opposite sex. The idiot child was one of seven children; he had a younger brother who had walked for over a year, and the mother declared that there were two years between the children. His legs were shrunken and withered, he had an enormous belly and a large head set very low on his shoulders. He could neither walk nor talk, drooled continually, and had no command over his excretory functions. The imbecile girl lived on another island and I had no opportunity to observe her over any length of time. She was one or two years past puberty and was pregnant at the time that I saw her. She could talk and perform the simple tasks usually performed by children of five or six. She seemed to only half realise her condition and giggled foolishly or stared vacantly when it was


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 mentioned. The fourteen-year-old boy was at the time when I saw him definitely demented, giving an external picture of catatonic dementia præcox. He took those attitudes which were urged upon him, at times, however, becoming violent and unmanageable. The relatives insisted that he had always been stupid but only recently become demented. For this I have only their word as I was only able to observe the boy during a few days. In no one of these three cases of definite mental deficiency was there any family history which threw any light upon the matter. Among the girls whom I studied in detail only one, Sala, discussed in Chapter X, was sufficiently inferior to the general norm of intelligence to approximate to a moron.

The man with the systematised delusion of grandeur was said to be about thirty years of age. Gaunt and emaciated, he looked much older. He believed that he was Tufele, the high chief of another island and the governor of the entire archipelago. The natives conspired against him to rob him of his rank and to exalt an. usurper in his stead. He was a member of the Tufele family but only very remotely so that his delusion bore no relation to reality as he would never have had any hope of succeeding to the title. The natives, he said, refused to give him food, mocked him, disallowed his claims, did their best to destroy him, while a few white people were wise enough to recognise his rank. (The natives instructed visitors to address him in the chief's language because he consented to dance, a weird pathetic version of the usual style, only when so opportuned.) He had no outbreaks of violence, was morose, recessive, only able to work at times and never able to do heavy work or to be trusted to carry through any complicated task. He was treated with universal gentleness and toleration by his relatives and neighbours.

From informants I obtained accounts of four cases on Tutuila which sounded like the manic stage of manic depressive insanity. All four of these individuals had been vio-


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 lently destructive, and uncontrollable for a period of time, but had later resumed what the natives considered normal functioning. An old woman who had died some ten years before was said to have compulsively complied with any command that was given her. There was one epileptic boy in Tau, a member of an otherwise normal family of eight children. He fell from a tree during a seizure and died from a fractured skull soon after I came to Manu'a. A little girl of about ten who was paralysed from the waist down was said to be suffering from an overdose of salvarsan and to have been normal until she was five or six years old.

Only two individuals, one a married woman of thirty or so, the other a girl of nineteen, discussed in Chapter X, showed a definite neurasthenic constitution. The married woman was barren and spent a great deal of time explaining her barrenness as need of an operation. The presence of an excellent surgeon at the Samoan hospital during the preceding two years had greatly enhanced the prestige of operations. On Tutuila, near the Naval Station, I encountered several middle-aged women obsessed with operations which they had undergone or were soon to undergo. Whether this vogue of modern surgery, by giving it special point, has added to the amount of apparent neurasthenia or not, it is impossible to say.

Of hysterical manifestations, I encountered only one, a girl of fourteen or fifteen with a bad tic in the right side of her face. I only saw her for a few minutes on a journey and was unable to make any investigations. I neither saw nor heard of any cases of hysterical blindness or deafness, nor or any anesthesias nor paralyses.

I saw no cases of cretinism. There were a few children who had been blind from birth. Blindness, due to the extremely violent methods used by the native practitioners in the treatment of "Samoan conjunctivitis," is common.

The pathology which is immediately apparent to any visitor


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 in a Samoan village is mainly due to the diseased eyes, elephantiasis, and abscesses and sores of various sorts, but the stigmata of degeneration are almost entirely absent.

There was one albino, a girl of ten, with no albinism in the recorded family history, but as one parent, now dead, had come from another island, this was not at all conclusive data.


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 of the Nine States, appointed Daïng Kambôja, a Bugis Prince, as their chief.

His rule, however, was not approved of, and the Pĕnghûlus of Sungei Ûjong, Johol, Rĕmbau and Hûlu Moar invited, with the assistance of the Dutch and the consent of Johor, the Princes of the Měnangkâbau dynasty to come over as their chiefs. Daing Kambôja, however, found support with some of the Penghalus, and for a time hostilities ensued between the rival parties, but in the end Raja Mělâwar, the Měnangkâbau Prince, prevailed, and Daïng Kambôja withdrew to Rîau, where he died in 1778. Thenceforward Johor, by common consent, had nothing more to do with the Nĕgri Sĕmbilan.

Râja Mĕlâwar was then duly installed as Yang-di-pĕrtûan Bĕsar by the four Pĕnghûlus of Sungei Ûjong, Johol, Rĕmbau and Hûlu Moar (who were styled the Pĕnghûlu Bĕlantik from their office of installing the suzerainty in Rĕmbau, which was thenceforth called "Tânah Kĕrjaan," i.e., the place where the business of installation is performed, not "karâja-an," so it is said.

Thonce the suzerain proceeded to Sri Mĕnanti, his place of residence, so named from the chief and Batins there waiting to receive him in state, and it was called "Tânah Mĕngandong."

The bâleis erected for the suzerain on his visits to the different States were constructed of peculiar form, which must not be altered. That in Sungei Ûjong was called "Bâlei Mĕlintang" according to the best account, figuratively speaking from its Pĕnghûlu being in a position to oppose any innovations attempted by the Yam Tûan; that in Johol "Bâlei Bĕrtingkat" in the same way, being as it were, a third story on Sungei Ûjong and Rĕmbau, and being next door to Sri Mĕnanti, would bring their representations right up to the Astana.


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 the part of the country in which they live, their skill with their hands, will combine to dictate choice perhaps between the job of cash girl in a department store or of telephone operator, or of clerk or miner. But small as is the number of choices open to them in actuality, the significance of this narrow field of opportunity is blurred by our American theory of endless possibilities. Moving picture, magazine, newspaper, all reiterate the Cinderella story in one form or another, and often the interest lies as much in the way cash girl 456 becomes head buyer as in her subsequent nuptials with the owner of the store. Our occupational classes are not fixed. So many children are better educated and hold more skilled positions than their parents that even the ever-present discrepancy between opportunities open to men and opportunities open to women, although present in a girl's competition with her brother, is often absent as between her unskilled father and herself. It is needless to argue that these attitudes are products of conditions which no longer exist, particularly the presence of a frontier and a large amount of free land which provided a perpetual alternative of occupational choice. A set which was given to our thinking in pioneer days is preserved in other terms. As long as we have immigrants from non-English-speaking countries, the gap in opportunities between non-English-speaking parents and English-speaking children will be vivid and dramatic. Until our standard of education becomes far more stable than it is at present, the continual raising


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 causes of our adolescents' difficulty are the presence of conflicting standards and the belief that every individual should make his or her own choices, coupled with a feeling that choice is an important matter. Given these cultural attitudes, adolescence, regarded now not as a period of physiological change, for we know that physiological puberty need not produce conflict, but as the beginning of mental and emotional maturity, is bound to be filled with conflicts and difficulties. A society which is clamouring for choice, which is filled with many articulate groups, each urging its own brand of salvation, its own variety of economic philosophy, will give each new generation no peace until all have chosen or gone under, unable to bear the conditions of choice. The stress is in our civilisation, not in the physical changes through which our children pass, but it is none the less real nor the less inevitable in twentieth-century America.

And if we look at the particular forms which this need for choice takes, the difficulty of the adolescent's position is only documented further. Because the discussion is principally concerned with girls, I shall discuss the problem from the girls' point of view, but in many respects the plight of the adolescent boy is very similar. Between fourteen and eighteen, the average American boy and girl finish school. They are now ready to go to work and must choose what type of work they wish to do. It might be argued that they often have remarkably little choice. Their education,


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 The real power in these States is vested with the Pĕnghûlu, that of the suzerain being nominal only. , from whose writings I have taken much of the account here given, states that, on the elevation of Râja Mĕlâwar to the office of Yang-di-pĕrtûan, the following arrangement was agreed to between him and the Pĕnghûlus: that he should assemble them on affairs of State and subunit to a majority; that his maintenance be furnished equally by the inhabi- tants of the four States, each house contributing annually a gan- tang of padi, two cocoa-nuts and one suku (i.e., $13 1⁄2$ cts.).

On the occasion of a death, marriage, or circumcision in the Royal Family, each Pĕnghûlu was to send three buffaloes and to furnish a certain sum for distribution (probably for the benefit of the various officers who took part in the ceremonies).

In the case of a war also, the Pĕnghûlu was expected to come forward with a certain contribution of men, arms, ammunition, and provisions.

The Pĕnghûlu derived his revenue from his power of inflicting fines, and from contributions in kind made by the peoplo of his State; he was said, too, to have the power, in other Malay countries reserved to the sovereign, of enforcing gratuitous labour, but I doubt if the power has been exercised, except to a very limited extent. The respective positions of Yang-di-pĕrtûan and Pĕnghûlu are also defined by the following verbal Mĕnangkâbau traditions:—

Alam nen běrâju, lûhak nen berpĕnghûlu, sûku bĕrtûha, anak bûah berîbu bâpa.

The kingdom is under the Râja, the district under the Pĕnghûlu, the suku under the elder, and the members of the sûku


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 social attitude testified to a crisis past. They were told not to make kava while menstruating, but the participation in a restriction they'd known about all their lives. was unimpressive. Some of them had made kava before puberty, others had not. It depended entirely upon whether there was an available girl or boy about when a chief wished to have some kava made. In more rigorous days a girl could not make kava nor marry until she menstruated. But the former restriction had yielded to the requirements of expediency. The menstruating girl experienced very little pain which might have served to stress for her her new maturity. All of the girls reported back or abdominal pains which, however, were so slight that they seldom interfered in any way with their usual activities. In the table I have counted it unusual pain whenever a girl was incapacitated for work, but these cases were in no sense comparable to severe cases of menstrual cramps in our civilisation. They were unaccompanied by dizziness, fainting spells, or pain sufficient to call forth groaning or writhing. The idea of such pain struck all Samoan women as bizarre and humorous when it was described to them. And no special solicitude for her health, mental or physical, was shown to the menstruating girl. From foreign medical advice they had learned that bathing during menstruation was bad, and a mother occasionally cautioned her daughter not to bathe. There was no sense of shame connected with puberty nor any need of concealment. Pre-adolescent children


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 took the news that a girl had reached puberty, a woman had had a baby, a boat had come from Ofu, or a pig had been killed by a falling boulder with the same insouciance—all bits of diverting gossip; and any girl could give accurate testimony as to the development of any other girl in her neighbourhood or relationship groups. Nor was puberty the immediate forerunner of sex experience. Perhaps a year, two or even three years would pass before a girl's shyness would relax, or her figure appeal to the roving eye of some older boy. To be a virgin's first lover was considered the high point of pleasure and amorous virtuosity, so that a girl's first lover was usually not a boy of her own age, equally shy and inexperienced. The girls in this group were divided into little girls like Lua, and gawky overgrown Tolo, who said frankly that they did not want to go walking with boys, and girls like Pala, who while still virgins, were a little weary of their status and eager for amorous experience. That they remained in this passive untouched state so long was mainly due to the conventions of love-making, for while a youth liked to woo a virgin, he feared ridicule as a cradle-snatcher, while the girls also feared the dreaded accusation of tautala laititi ("presuming above one's age"). The forays of more seasoned middle-aged marauders among these very young girls were frowned upon, and so the adolescent girls were given a valuable interval in which to get accustomed to new work, greater isolation and an unfamiliar physical development.


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 ing always their greater relationship to the new civilisation, calling Ioane's wife, Mrs. Johns, building up a pitiable platform of papalagi (foreign) mannerisms as a springboard for future activities.

There was one other girl church member of Siufaga, Ana, a girl of nineteen. Her motives were entirely different. She was of a mild, quiescent nature, highly intelligent, very capable. She was the illegitimate child of a chief by a mother who had later married, run away, married again, been divorced, and finally gone off to another island. She formed no tie for Ana. Her father was a widower, living in a brother's house and Ana had been reared in the family of another brother. This family approximated to a biological one; there were two married daughters older than Ana, a son near her age, a daughter of fourteen and a crowd of little children. The father was a gentle, retiring man who had built his house outside the village, "to escape from the noise," he said. The two elder daughters married young and went away to live in their husbands' households. Ana and her boy cousin both lived in the pastor's household, while the next younger girl slept at home. The mother had a great distrust of men, especially of the young men of her own village. Ana should grow up to marry a pastor. She was not strong enough for the heavy work of the average Samoan wife. Her aunt's continuous harping on this strain, which was prompted mainly by a dislike of Ana's mother and a fear of the daughter's leaving home to follow in her


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 mother's footsteps, had convinced Ana that she was a great deal too delicate for a normal existence. This theory received complete verification in the report of the doctor who examined the candidates for the nursing school and rejected her because of a heart murmur. Ana, influenced by her aunt's gloomy foreboding, was now convinced that she was too frail to bear children, or at least not more than one child at some very distant date. She became a church member, gave up dancing, clung closer to the group of younger girls in the pastor's school and to her foster home, the neurasthenic product of a physical defect, a small, isolated family group and the pastor's school.

These girls all represented the deviants from the pattern in one direction; they were those who demanded a different or improved environment, who rejected the traditional choices. At any time, they, like all deviants, might come into real conflict with the group. That they did not was an accident of environment. The younger girls in the pastor's group as yet showed fewer signs of being influenced by their slightly artificial environment. They were chaste where they would not otherwise have been chaste, they had friends outside their relationship group whom they would otherwise have viewed with suspicion, they paid more attention to their lessons. They still had not acquired a desire to substitute any other career for the traditional one of marriage. This was, of course, partly due to the fact that the pastor's school was simply one influence in their lives. The girls


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Author:Linda N. Geng

Works

 * Characterization of autonomic symptom burden in long COVID- A global survey of 2,314 adults (2022) with Nicholas W. Larsen, Lauren E. Stiles, Ruba Shaik, Logan Schneider, Srikanth Muppidi, Cheuk To Tsui, Hector Bonilla and Mitchell G. Miglis
 * New Alcohol Sensitivity in Patients With Post-acute Sequelae of SARS-CoV-2 (PASC)- A Case Series (2023) with Anushri Tiwari, Ella F. Eastin, Tom C. Quach, Hector F. Bonilla, Mitchell G. Miglis and Phillip C. Yang

title: Author:Linda N. Geng


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 a reputation and then rest upon it or another claimant to the same title will take advantage of his indolence and pass him in the race. One good catch of fish does not make him a fisherman nor one housebeam neatly adzed, a carpenter; the whole emphasis is upon a steady demonstration of increasing skill which will be earnest of the necessary superiority over his fellows. Only the lazy, the shiftless, the ambitionless fail to respond to this competition. The one exception to this is in the case of the son or heir of the high chief who may be made the manaia at twenty. But here his high rank has already subjected him to more rigorous discipline and careful training than the other youths, and as manaia, he is the titular head of the Aumaga, and must lead it well or lose his prestige.

Once having acquired a matai name and entered the Fono, differences in temperament prevail. The matai name he receives may be a very small one, carrying with it no right to a post in the council house, or other prerogatives. It may be so small that matai though he is, he does not try to command a household, but lives instead in the shadow of some more important relative. But he will be a member of the Fono, classed with the elders of the village, and removed forever from the hearty group activities of the young men. Should he become a widower and wish to court a new wife, he can only do so by laying aside his matai name and entering her house under the fiction that he is still a youth. His main preoccupation is the affairs of the village; his


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 main diversion, hours spent in ceremonious argument in some meeting. He always carries his bundle of -beaten cocoanut fibre and as he talks, he rolls the fibres together on his bare thigh.

The less ambitious rest upon this achievement. The more ambitious continue the game, for higher titles, for greater prestige as craftsmen or orators, for the control of more strings in the political game. At last the preference for the most able, the very preference which, in defiance of laws of primogeniture or direct descent, may have given a man his title, takes it away from him. For should he live beyond his prime, fifty-five or sixty, his name is taken from him and given to another, and he is given a "little matai name," so that he may still sit with the other matais and drink his kava. These old men stay at home, guard the house while the others. go inland to the plantations, superintend the children, braid cinet and give advice, or in a final perverse assertion of authority, fail to give it. One young chief who had been given his father's name during his father's lifetime, complained to me: "I had no old man to help me. My father was angry that his title was given to me and he would tell me nothing. My mother was wise but she came from another island and did not know well the ancient ways of our village. There was no old one in the house to sit with me in the evening and fill my ears with the things from the olden time. A young matai should always have an old man beside him, who,


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 under the ibu bâpa, (lit., father and mother) title of subordinate elder.

Sabingkah tânah tĕrbâlik, so hĕlei ûrat kâyu yang pitus undang yang punya.

Every clod of earth upturned, every slip of root snapped, is the Pĕnghûlu's.

Deri hûlu âyĕr mĕnyencheng sampei kahîlir ombak měmĕchah, To' Bandar yang punya.

From the trickling source of the stream to the mouth when the waves break is the To' Bandar's.

Di pîjak tânah, di langkah akar undang yang punya.

All the soil and roots under foot belong to the Pĕnghûlu.

Di sauk âyĕr, di pâtah ranting sa champak gâtah di tĕpi tĕbing To' Bandar yang punya.

All water taken, or boughs broken within reach of a punting-pole from the banks, belong to the To' Bandar.

Adat itu di anjak lâyu, di âlih mâti.

Neglect of these customs will bring decay on the country, and if they are changed, destruction will result.

Adapun Râja itu tiâda mĕmpûnyai nĕgri dan tiâda bûleh menchâkei kharajat, mĕlainkan bĕrkaâdilan sahaja sĕrta pĕrmâkananya duti sasûku, bĕras dûa gautang, nior salâli.

Now the Raja does not own the country, nor can he levy taxes on its produce, but with him lies the final award of justice only, and he obtains a maintenance of a "sûku" (12 cents), two gantangs (gallons) of rice and a string of (i.e., 2) cocoa-nuts. [A contribution from every householder.]

Karna s̆sar ikan kabělat sĕsar bělat katĕbing.

For the fish (being pressed) rest against the weir and the weir is attached to the bank, (i.e., the Lĕmbâga look to the Pĕnghûlu, and the Pĕnghûlu to the Râja).

Jika runtoh těbing, binâsa lah bělat.

If the bank gives way the weir is destroyed (i.e., if the Râja is without justice, the Pĕnghûlu is undang-less, and the four


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 The third element in the Samoan pattern of lack of personal relationships and lack of specialised affection, is the case of friendship. Here, most of all, individuals are placed in categories and the response is to the category, "relative," or "wife of my husband's talking chief," or "son of my father's talking chief," or "daughter of my father's talking chief." Consideration of congeniality, of like-mindedness, are all ironed out in favour of regimented associations. Such attitudes we would of course reject completely.

Drawing the threads of this particular discussion together, we may say that one striking difference between Samoan society and our own is the lack of the specialisation of feeling, and particularly of sex feeling, among the Samoans. To this difference is undoubtedly due a part of the lack of difficulty of marital adjustments in a marriage of convenience, and the lack of frigidity or psychic impotence. This lack of specialisation of feeling must be attributed to the large heterogeneous household, the segregation of the sexes before adolescence, and the regimentation of friendship—chiefly along relationship lines. And yet, although we deplore the prices in maladjusted and frustrated lives, which we must pay for the greater specialisation of sex feeling in our own society, we nevertheless vote the development of specialised response as a gain which we would not relinquish. But an examination of these three causal factors suggests that we might accomplish our desired end, the development of a consciousness of


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 personality, through coeducation and free and unregimented friendships, and possibly do away with the evils inherent in the too intimate family organisation, thus eliminating a part of our penalty of maladjustment without sacrificing any of our dearly bought gains.

The next great difference between Samoa and our own culture which may be credited with a lower production of maladjusted individuals is the difference in the attitude towards sex and the education of the children in matters pertaining to birth and death. None of the facts of sex or of birth are regarded as unfit for children, no child has to conceal its knowledge for fear of punishment or ponder painfully over little-understood occurrences. Secrecy, ignorance, guilty knowledge, faulty speculations resulting in grotesque conceptions which may have far-reaching results, a knowledge of the bare physical facts of sex without a knowledge of the accompanying excitement, of the fact of birth without the pains of labour, of the fact of death without the fact of corruption—all the chief flaws in our fatal philosophy of sparing children a knowledge of the dreadful truth—are absent in Samoa. Furthermore, the Samoan child who participates intimately in the lives of a host of relatives has many and varied experiences upon which to base its emotional attitudes. Our children, confined within one family circle (and such confinement is becoming more and more frequent with the growth of cities and the substitution of apartment houses with a transitory population for a neighbourhood of house-


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 child of her age, but Fitu felt that their mother and their home were unusual and demanded more than the average service and devotion. She and her mother were like a pair of comrades, and Fitu bossed and joked with her mother in a fashion shocking to all Samoan onlookers. If Fitu was away at night, her mother went herself to look for her, instead of sending another child. Fitu was the eldest daughter, with a precocity bred of responsibility and an efficiency which was the direct outcome of her mother's laissez-faire attitude. Ula showed equally clearly the effect of being the prettier younger sister, trading upon her superior attractiveness and more meagre sense of duty. These children, as did the children in all three of the biological families in the three villages, showed more character, more sharply defined personality, greater precocity and a more personal, more highly charged attitude towards their parents.

It would be easy to lay too much stress on the differences between children in large households and children in small ones. There were, of course, too few cases to draw any final conclusions. But the small family in Samoa did demand from the child the very qualities which were frowned upon in Samoan society, based upon the ideal of great households in which there were many youthful labourers who knew their place. And in these small families where responsibility and initiative were necessary, the children seemed to develop


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 them much earlier than in the more usual home environment in which any display of such qualities was sternly frowned upon.

This was the case with Malui and Meta, Ipu and Vi, Mata, Tino and Lama, little girls just approaching puberty who lived in large heterogeneous households. They were giving over baby-tending for more productive work. They were reluctantly acquiring some of the rudiments of etiquette; they were slowly breaking their play affiliations with the younger children. But all of this was an enforced change of habits rather than any change in attitude. They were conscious of their new position as almost grown girls who could be trusted to go fishing or work on the plantations. Under their short dresses they again wore lavalavas which they had almost forgotten how to keep fastened. These dragged about their legs and cramped their movements and fell off if they broke into a sprint. Most of all they missed the gang life and eyed a little wistfully the activities of their younger relatives. Their large impersonal households provided them with no personal drives, invested them with no intriguing responsibilities. They were simply little girls who were robust enough to do heavy work and old enough to learn to do skilled work, and so had less time for play.

In general attitude, they differed not at all from Tolo, from Tulipa, from Lua, or Lata, whose first menstruation was a few months past. No ceremony had marked the difference between the two groups. No


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Rh *47 U. S. C. §§554(b) and (c) (Cable Communications; Equal Employment Opportunity)
 * 47 U. S. C. §555a(c) (Cable Communications; Limitation of Franchising Authority Liability)
 * 48 U. S. C. §1542(a) (Virgin Islands; Voting Franchise; Discrimination Prohibited)
 * 48 U. S. C. §1708 (Discrimination Prohibited in Rights of Access to, and Benefits From, Conveyed Lands)
 * 49 U. S. C. §306(b) (Duties of the Secretary of Transportation; Prohibited Discrimination)
 * 49 U. S. C. §5332(b) (Public Transportation; Nondiscrimination)
 * 49 U. S. C. §40127 (Air Commerce and Safety; Prohibitions on Discrimination)
 * 49 U. S. C. §47123(a) (Airport Improvement; Nondiscrimination)
 * 50 U. S. C. §3809(b)(3) (Selective Service System)
 * 50 U. S. C. §4842(a)(1)(B) (Anti-Boycott Act of 2018)


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 sûkus are without their Lĕmbâga, the waris get no inheritance, and the country is destroyed).

The following table gives a view of the Yang-di-pĕrtûans Bĕsar and Mûda from the time of their first introduction to 1832, from which it will be soon that up to the time of Râja Ali's appearance on the scene, the Yang-di-pěrtûans came over regularly from Mĕnangkâbau. He was called in by the Rĕmbau people to help in the conduct of hostilities against Yam Tûan Mûda Râja Asil, and his son Râja Haji, who had given offence by a marriage that was considered unlawful.


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 Râja Ali intrigued himself into the position of Yam Tûan Mûda, and after the defeat and retirement from the country of Râja Lâbu, the last Mĕnangkâbau prince, he succeeded in obtaining the object of his ambition, the position of Yam Tûan Bĕsar, to which, as to that of Yam Tûan Mûda, he had no real claim at all.

From the time of his advent till quite lately, Rĕmbau and the neighbouring States have continued to be troubled by a series of intrigues.

He appointed Syed Saban, his son-in-law, Yam Tûan Mûda, who was ultimately unable to hold his own, and after the Nâning war became a pensioner of the Government, living alternately in Malacca and Tampin, which latter place has, from the time of the first Yam Tûan Mûda Râja Asil, been assigned to the prince holding that position for his maintenance.

Syed Saban's son, Tengku Syed Hamid, though he has long endeavoured to obtain the position of Yam Tûan Mûda, has never succeeded in securing the needful recognition, and now rules in Tampin only, which may be now considered to be as completely severed from Rĕmbau, as that State is from any further connection with a Yam Tûan either Bĕsar or Mûda.

The following account embodies those traditions which have been handed down in Rĕmbau regarding the origin of the Pĕnghûlu, of some of the chiefs, and of some of the sûkus, and will be found, as might have been expected, to differ in some points from others on the same subject already referred to and obtained from different sources.

Among the "Lĕmbâga" or eight chiefs of "sûku" the two highest are the Gĕmpa Maharâja, and Mĕrah Bangsa.

This is because, on the decease of a Sĕdîa Râja Pĕnghûlu, when the chiefs are assembled for the election of his successor, the Dato' Gĕmpa Maharâja's duty is to install him and notify it to the people. And on the decease of a Lêla Maharâja Pĕnghûlu the Dato' Měrah Bangsa discharges similar functions.

The four Lĕmbâga in the low country are held senior to the four inland, and when one of the former dies, his insignia are half those displayed on the death of a Pĕnghûlu, while those of an inland


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 chief are slightly less; money, for instance, is not scattered on the way, nor are cloths spread on the path. The story of the origin of Dato' Gĕmpa, Dato' Pěrba, and Dato' Pâtih is as follows: There was a chief named Dato' Bĕndahâra Sakûdei (his wife was a Jakun, daughter of Bâtin Sarîbu Jâya, she was called Princess Long-hair), who came from Johor with his followers to open Rĕmbau. After him came a man from Mĕnangkâbau named Dato' Lĕteh, and he and his party became trusted to the Dato' Bĕndahâra, and supported the people from Johor: they all settled at a place called Kĕbun Lâda (Pepper Garden). After a time Bĕndahâra Sakûdei had three children (female) the eldest named Dato' Bungkal, the next Dato' Mûdek, and the youngest Dato' Mĕngkûdu. Later on he removed to Sungei Ûjong, but he left his eldest child Dato' in Rĕmbau with Dato' Lĕteh. Dato' Lěteh belonged to the Mandîling branch of the Bâtu Hampar Sûku, and at the time all those of the Bâtu Hampar Sûku who came over from Mĕnangkâbau to Rĕmbau put themselves under him.

There were five branches of the Bâtu Hampar Sûku from Mĕnangkâbau who adhered to Dato' Lěteh, viz., the Mandîling, the Chĕniâga, the Pâya Bidâra, the Pagar Chinchang, and the Agam.

In course of time Dato' Lĕteh looked round for a suitable husband for the daughter of the Bĕndahâra, and while he was considering the matter, there came a Mĕnangkâbau man of the Chĕniâga branch of the Bâtu Hampar Sûku named Dato' Lêla Bâlang, to ask for Dato' Bungkal as a wife; all the family were agreed to it, and they were married.

In due course Dato' Lêla Bâlang became father of a son, whom he named Lêla Maharâja.

When he was about six years old, and the country had become populous, Dato' Lĕteh consulted with Dato' Lêla Bâlang, and suggested that it would be advisable for the latter to go to Johor and make over the country, for it belonged to the Dato' Bĕndahâra


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Rh matters is perhaps very nearly expressed in the striking anecdote which he puts, in this dialogue, into the mouth of the Epicurean.

"If you ask me what the Deity is, or what his nature and attributes are, I should follow the example of Simonides, who, when the tyrant Hiero proposed to him the same question, asked a day to consider of it. When the king, on the next day, required from him the answer, Simonides requested two days more; and when he went on continually asking double the time, instead of giving any answer, Hiero in amazement demanded of him the reason. 'Because,' replied he, 'the longer I meditate on the question, the more obscure does it appear.'"

The position of Cicero as a statesman, and also as a member of the College of Augurs, no doubt checked any strong expression of opinion on his part as to the forms of popular worship and many particulars of popular belief. In the treatise which he intended as in some sort a sequel to this Dialogue on the 'Nature of the Gods'—that upon 'Divination'—he states the arguments for and against the national belief in omens, auguries, dreams, and such intimations of the Divine will. He puts the defence of the system in the mouth of his brother Quintus, and takes himself the destructive side of the argument: but whether this was meant to give his own real views on the subject, A. C. vol. ix.

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194 we cannot be so certain. The course of argument employed on both sides would rather lead to the conclusion that the writer's opinion was very much that which Johnson delivered as to the reality of ghosts—"All argument is against it, but all belief is for it."

With regard to the great questions of the soul's immortality, and a state of future rewards and punishments, it would be quite possible to gather from Cicero's writings passages expressive of entirely contradictory views. The bent of his mind, as has been sufficiently shown, was towards doubt, and still more towards discussion ; and possibly his opinions were not so entirely in a state of flux as the remains of his writings seem to show. In a future state of some kind he must certainly have believed that is, with such belief as he would have considered the subject-matter to admit of—as a strong probability. In a speculative fragment which has come down to us, known as 'Scipio's Dream,' we seem to have the creed of the man rather than the speculations of the philosopher. Scipio Africanus the elder appears in a dream to the younger who bore his name (his grandson by adoption). He shows him at vision of heaven; bids him listen to the music of the spheres, which, as they move in their order, "by a modulation of high and low sounds," give forth that harmony which men have in some poor sort reduced to notation. He bids him look down upon the earth, contracted to a mere speck in the distance, and draws a lesson of the poverty of all mere earthly fame and glory. "For all those who have preserved, or

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 part of the country was agreed on by three chiefs from Mĕnangkâbau; one Dato' Laut of Pâya Kumboh selected a stream called Lâyang; from him Dato' Si Maharâja is descended: another Dato' Pûtih from Sri Lĕmak took the stream called Lûbok Rûsa; from him is descended Dato' Sinda Maharâja: another Dato' Inda Pĕtrâ, a man of Bâtu Bâlang took the stream of Bintongan; he was the ancestor of Dato' Andîka.

These three all began planting in the places named. They claimed from the sources of the streams to their junction with the main stream. While engaged in clearing, they heard the sound of many trees falling down stream within the range of their claims, on going to see the cause, they found one Dato' Pûteh Kĕpâla a Sri Mělěnggang man of Mĕnangkâbau occupied in clearing. (Dato Mandělîka descends from him.) The place was called Bâta Hampar. Then there was a dispute between the three chiefs and Dato' Pûteh Kĕpâla, the former claiming from the gullies to the mouths of their streams, saying they had settled there first; the latter claimed the same, and their claims were equally strong, for they had been all recognised from Johor. Later on authority came from the Pĕnghûlu dividing the land between them, and making the boundary from Bâtu Mĕnunggul to Tunggâl Mĕrbau in the Bâtu Bĕsar jungle, and thence to Tunggâl Châchar, on to Kwâla Ânak Âyĕr Hîtam in the Sêpri stream; whoever went up the Leng stream must be under Dato' Si Maharâja, whoever went up the Lûbok Rûsa stream must be under Dato' Sinda Maharâja, and any one settling up the Bintongan stream must be under Dato' Andîka. So the Tîga Bâtu people under Nang Bĕsar, who went up the Bintongan, were under the jurisdiction of Dato' Andîka. So likewise in the case of the Sĕprî, Dato' Pĕnghûlu Uban brought two men from Johor, Dato' Chindei Luâtan (a Bĕduauda, from whom descends Dato' Sĕtir Maharâja), and a Mĕnangkâbau man of the Pâya Bidâra brauch of the Bâtu Hampar, (from whom Sûtan Bĕndahâra is descended), and told them to settle on the Sěprî. They worked


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 Dato' Pĕrba up to the present time, because Dato' Lěteh brought up Dato' Bangkal, and Dato' Pûtih is descended from Dato' Lĕteh, and Dato' Pĕrba is descended from Dato' Bungkal.

The following account is given of the origin of the name "Lîma Saku" in the low country:— In the time of Pĕnghûlu Kâsir a woman of the Dato' Pĕrba's people was taken to wife by a man of the Mungkar tribe in Tampin, but his peoplo did not pay the marriage dowry. On this the Dato' Pĕrba and Dato' Pûtih after consultation summoned their people together and went to Tampin to demand the dowry; they kept up the attack for about a fortnight, but without success; then Dato' Pûtih and Dato' Pěrba called to their aid Dato' Maharâja Sĕnâra, Dato' Lêla Angsa, and Dato' Ganti Maharâja: these three agreed to help them in the affair they were engaged in, and assembled all their people and attacked Tampin, which was defeated at their first attempt; the Mungkar people admitted the dowry claim, and the matter was settled. Then the five Dato' returned to Rĕmbau, and there they agreed to act together always, and they had a feast and slaughtered buffaloes, and Pĕnghûlu Kâsir romoved to a place called Mesjid Bâtu Pûtih, where there was a great assembly and the five chiefs mentioned registered an oath with the spilling of blood and under the Korân, that they would remain five elders with one Lĕmbâga, cach with his own people, but of one mind, whether advantago or injury should accrue, they should share it as long as the sun and moon, which cannot change, endure. Whichever of the fire chiefs should change or depart from the above solemn agreement, he would be punished by the testimony of the thirty books of the Korân, the Majesty of Pagar Rûyong would fall upon him, and the weapon Kâwi would make an end of him. This was the origin of the five sûkus, and thenceforth Dato' Pĕnghûlu Kâsir spoke of the four and five sûkus, in the low country, with respect to the "bĕrampat berlîma sûku,” and the "bĕrampat bĕrsĕmbilan sûku" inland. It is said that the first settling of this


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 (Sakudei), the two Dato' thought that no one else could rule the country but Lêla Maharâja, for he was the grandson of the Dato' Bĕndahâra.

Then Dato' Lêla Bâlang went with Dato' Laut Dâlam who was a Mĕnangkâbau man with a Javanese wife, to Johor and there the son of Dato' Lêla Bâlang was appointed Pĕnghûlu Lêla Maharâja, but while he was in his minority Dato' Lêla Balang undertook the duties, and was given the title of Dato' Gĕmpa Maharâja.

Then came Dato' Laut Dâlam complaining to Dato' Lěla Bâlang that he had obtained the Pĕnghûluship for his son and the administration of it for himself with a title, while he, Dato' Laut Dâlam had got nothing for his trouble (the journey to Johor?). Then Dato' Lêla Bûlang returned to the presence the same day and represented the state of matters. The Râja asked whether Dato' Laut Dâlam had any daughters, and finding he had, decided that when he grew up Lêla Maharâja should marry Dato' Laut Dâlam's daughter, and if he got a child, that child should be Pĕnghûlu Sĕdîa Râja, whose duties should be undertaken by Dato' Laut Dâlam, and Dato' Laut Dâlam had the title of Dato' Mĕrah Bangsa conferred on him. They then returned to Rĕmbau.

It was subsequently decided, in consultation with Dato' Lĕteh, that all the Chěniâga branch of the Bâtu Hampar Sûku should be handed over to the charge of the Dato' Gĕmpa Maharâja, i.e., Dato' Lela Bâlang. The other four branches of the sûku remained under Dato' Lěteh, who was Dato' Putih, and have so continued to this day.

The descendants of Dato' Laut Dâlam became the "waris" of the Pĕnghûlu Sĕdia Râja, because of the mother having been Javanese, and when the "waris" of both Pĕnghûlus had become numerous, an elder was put over them with the name of Dato' Pĕrba, who was chosen alternately from each side, being at one time Jakun and the next Jawa.

Dato' Pûtih has always been considered to be connected with the