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 32 psychiatrists that the lust to murder and inflict acute suffering is often an all-dominating motive in the conduct of a very large number of pathological individuals. That is to say that murdering, torturing and raping have been indulged in and systematically organised to a very great extent in both the French Revolution and the Russian Revolution. Among the conscious or unconscious motives in the scoundrels who perpetrate these crimes there exists in many of them the satisfaction afforded by indulging their perverted and diabolical tastes.

Such an individual was Jean Baptiste Carrier, a wholesale executioner in the French Revolution, and the willing tool of Marat, whom this little misshapen, hideous dwarf resembled in many ways.

Carrier enrolled companies of criminals, negroes and mulattos, one of which was called "The Company of Marat," just as Trotsky & Co. formed Terrorist Troop and Chinese gangs in Russia, and just as the troops of "Lenin Boys," under a homicidal Jew maniac called Szamuelly, were formed during the Communistic Terror in Hungary. These companies were used by Carrier to butcher men, women and children, chiefly of the peasant


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 the skin and then placing in the wound the fluff of the silk cotton tree.

The great point of agreement between all these West African secret societies lies in the methods of initiation.

The boy, if he belongs to a tribe that goes in for tattooing, is tattooed, and is handed over to instructors in the societies' secrets and formulæ. He lives, with the other boys of his tribe undergoing initiation, usually under the rule of several instructors, and for the space of one year. He lives always in the forest, and is naked and smeared with clay.

The boys are exercised so as to become inured to hardship; in some districts, they make raids so as to perfect themselves in this useful accomplishment. They always take a new name, and are supposed by the initiation process to become new beings in the magic wood, and on their return to their village at the end of their course, they pretend to have entirely forgotten their life before they entered the wood; but this pretence is not kept up beyond the period of festivities given to welcome them home. They all learn, to a certain extent, a new language, a secret language only understood by the initiated.

The same removal from home and instruction from initiated members is also observed with the girls. However, in their case, it is not always a forest-grove they are secluded in, sometimes it is done in huts. Among the Grain Coast tribes, however, the girls go into a magic wood until they are married. Should they have to leave the wood for any temporary reason, they must smear themselves with white clay. A similar custom holds good in Okÿon, Calabar district, where, should a girl have to leave the fattening-house, she must be covered with white clay. I believe this fattening-house custom in Calabar is not only for fattening up the women to improve their appearance, but an initiatory custom as well, although the main intention is now, undoubtedly, fattening, and the girl is constantly fed with fat-producing foods, such as fou-fou soaked in palm oil. I am told, but I think wrongly, that the white clay with which a Calabar girl is kept covered while in the fattening-house, putting on an extra coating of it should she come outside, is ta assist in the fattening process by preventing perspiration.

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This volume had its inception in a series of eight lectures delivered at Columbia University during the spring of 1905, and represents, in a much condensed form, the results of a decade of uninterrupted study of the Formicide, and of the works that have been written on these insects.

If an excuse were required for its publication, one might be found in the fact that for many years no comprehensive treatise on the ants has appeared in the English language. This may be regarded as a reproach to English and American zoölogists, since during all this time almost the only active contributors to myrmecology were to be found on the European continent. It must be admitted, however, that the methods of publication adopted by continental writers have not been such as to attract the attention of English-speaking students, since their works have not only been issued in a variety of languages—French, German, Swedish, Italian, Russian, etc.—but also in a great number of often very obscure, local or inaccessible journals and proceedings of learned societies. Moreover, most of the continental observers within recent years have been too busty with special lines of investigation to publish compendia on myrmecology. It thus happens that although ants are our most abundant and most conspicuously active insects, they have not, till very recently, received any serious attention from American systematists, and the descriptions of most of our species must still be sought in a lot of more or less fragmentary foreign contributions.

My work began in an endeavor to increase our systematic knowledge of the North American ants, but I was fascinated by the activities of these insects and soon saw the advantage of studying their taxonomy and ethology conjointly. This method, which was, indeed unavoidable, has greatly retarded the appearance of the present work, for it was impossible to write about the behavior of many of our most interesting forms till their taxonomic status had been definitely settled. On the other hand, I could find no satisfaction in devoting all my energies to collecting and labelling specimens without stopping to observe the many surprising ethological facts that were at the same time thrusting themselves upon my attention. My observations have now covered so much our fauna that I shall soon be able to publish a systematic

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 Rh class, as Prudhomme describes, during the terror at Nantes. It was Carrier who invented the famous "noyades" or wholesale drownings, which also took place at Nantes; when, according to the estimate of one of Carrier's own committee, 9,000 people, priests, peasants, and women with babies were herded into barges ,which were taken out and sunk in the Loire. Carrier's own declaration of the intense joy he experienced in seeing his victims suffer are recorded at his eventual trial after the downfall of Robespierre. "I have never laughed so much," he declared, "as when I saw the grimaces those priests made as they died." These incidents may help us to understand the psychology and the motives of at any rate some of these men.

Robespierre and Marat, like their ardent admirers, Lenin and Trotsky, at the present day, were animated by the same noble vision, not to relieve present distress and injustice by legislation, but only to annihilate all existing conditions, and "to exterminate all classes of the community except 'the people' over whom they hoped to rule supreme."

Is it without significance that Trotsky (alias Leiba Douvitz Bronstein, the son of a well-to-do merchant) is an epileptic? Or is it without historical precedent that, as Kuprin, the well-known Russian writer, describes him, "this bilious and dyspeptic chemist, anarchist, spy and plotter, whose speeches are full of such phrases as 'roast on a slow fire,' 'strangle,' 'inundate with blood,' 'cut off


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 34 their heads,' should be seized by a blind fate and placed in the seat of power, instead of ending his days as a 'sadist' in a ward for violent lunatics?"

The importance of 'sadism' as a revolutionary motive is widely recognised by psychologists. There is much evidence in the writings of revolutionaries and syndicalists that it exists as a motive in the unconscious, at times becoming wholly conscious and very plainly articulate; as, for instance, in the writings of those worshippers of "violence for the sake of violence" (e.g., M. Georges Sorel's Refléxion sur la Violence). In their vision of the "New Birth of Society," it is the blood of the Caesarian section they hope to practise on the expiring mother society, not the fate of the offspring which is their chief concern.

Medical men and psychologists may be referred to Dr. Iwan Bloch's very instructive contribution to the psychology of the Russian Revolution contained in Chapter XXI. of his book on the Sexual Life of Our Time. The part played by sadism as a revolutionary motive is revealed in the authentic journal of an "algolagnistic revolutionist" herein published.

Now that the terrorist period appears to have burned itself out to a very great extent in Russia, it is well that we should realise that it was an essential and deliberately designed phase of the Bolshevik plan, and that, as it was manifested with the same maniacal ferocity, wholesale butchery and bestiality, in Hungary, so would it be an inevitable prelude to any successful attempt to establish the same régime in any other European country. Mob licence and destruction would be encouraged and tolerated only as a means to preparing the way for the new dictators and for placing them in power.


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 Rh

Religion is regarded by the Bolshevists as "opium for the people" and a "tool of capitalist domination." The Russian Church is naturally regarded with special enmity by Bolshevism, as it is the embodiment and symbol of national life. Every effort has consequently been made in the last two years to extinguish it altogether, by persecution, and executions of priests. These very persecutions have, as has so often happened before, been the very means that have brought about a religious revival. In 1917–18 a remarkable National Assembly of the Orthodox Church sat in Moscow, reorganised the Church on an autonomous basis, and restored the Patriarchate. In the person of the heroic figure of the new Patriarch Archbishop Tykone—the embodiment of the national cause, the degrading cult of an international oligarchy endeavouring to set up material interest as the only Social bond, has met with a formidable opponent. The Red authorities are becoming increasingly uneasy at the growth of friendly relations between the "classes" under the influence of religion. In an interesting account by the one-time Professor of Law in the University of Moscow, which reached this country from Central Russia last January, an incident is described which occurred last year:

"One day the commissaries of Moscow 'nationalised' the auditorium of the Church of St. Barbara, where religious addresses were being given to the people. The 'orthodox' working men, who had founded the auditorium demanded the restitution of their property, insisting that they had a right to it as members of the proletariat. They were met with a formal refusal, the motives of which are


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 36 interesting. 'This auditorium,' they were told, 'has become a place for pacific meetings and for friendly intercourse between the bourgeois and the proletariat'; and from the revolutionary point of view nothing could be more inadmissible."

It is perhaps fair to point out that the religious movement, revived by the revitalised Russian Church, is a menace to Bolshevism, not merely because it calls itself Christian, but because it is national, spiritual, vigorous and integrating, and is incompatible with an anti-national, international, economic materialism. On the other hand, there was nothing which aided Bolshevism more thoroughly or effectively than the type of invertebrate Christianity (Tolstoyism), which a Russian author, writing from Ecaterinodar, refers to in the following excerpt: "Bolshevism," he says, "was fostered during the first six or nine months of the Revolution by the absurd idealism of the intelligentsia who quoted the text, "Do not overcome evil by evil!" This was the genuine spirit of the teaching of that quaint enthusiast, Leo Tolstoy, whose doctrine of non-resistance to evil suited the Bolsheviks so admirably, and which served to reconcile the teaching of the Great Nazarene so conveniently with the teaching of that other Hebrew Prophet, Karl Marx: a circumstance which no doubt greatly contributed to the popularity of that hybrid creed among the intelligentsia of Russia and Western Europe, before the war.

We can, at any rate, understand the very natural outburst of an educated Russian workman, witnessed and reported by an Englishman who escaped last year. "How


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 Rh I hate your intelligentsia," said the former to a lady. "Why?" she asked. "Because," was the answer, "because of their meekness. Why are they so Christian? Why cannot they hate? They make me sick with their fraternity. A student came to us the other day and preached that we are all brothers and must live in peace. How can a man of sense say that he—or that we—must be brothers with all this murderous canaille?"

The truth is that all over Russia the peasants and the workmen are now realising, too late, that by their apathy and ignorance, they had allowed the growing disaffection of a greedy and rapacious bourgeoisie (commercialists) to undermine a benevolent but weakly paternal and disorganised government. And so, after the inevitable fall of their hopelessly inefficient bourgeois-socialist successors—the Kerensky idealists—the way was prepared for the present despots; who have turned their quandam dupes, whom in their own jargon, they had named "wage slaves," into real slaves, working under conditions of forced labour at the bayonet point, without the wages necessary to buy sufficient food.

They now know, to their cost, what "communism" is and they want none of it. They know that "communism" which, as propaganda, is always designed to appeal to the acquisitive and covetous instincts (therefore egoistic and anti-communistic) of those who think they have least to lose and most to gain, but which as actual fact, has deprived them of everything that ever gave a zest to life for the privilege of being the bondsmen of Jews and international revolutionaries.


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 38 And among no class is this disillusionment more bitter than among the peasants who form 85 per cent. of the total population. They very naturally keenly resented the Bolshevik agrarian decrees by which they tried to take the land back from the peasants in order "to nationalise" it and turn it into communal property.

So the Bolsheviks countered their resistance by organizing committees of "poorest peasants," which included the waster and criminal dregs of the villages. And these were given power over their more industrious and thrifty neighbours.

Lenin himself, of course, knew well enough that the period of disillusionment, which would inevitably follow the initial breaking up period, must be reckoned for. He wrote a tract in 1905 (N. Lénine, Deux Tactiques de la Démocratie Socialiste dans la Révolution Démocratique. Published at Geneva), in which he wrote: "The time will come when the struggle against the Autocratic Government will be over. When that time comes it will be ridiculous to talk of the voluntary unity of the proletariat and the peasants, or of a 'democratic' dictatorship, etc. When that comes we shall have to think about: a socialistic dictatorship of the proletariat." Which latter—the dictatorship of the proletariat—means we see "of Lenin" tout seul and his alien friends. In spite of his prognostication Lenin was only accurate with reference to his own motives and intentions, for the peasants and the great majority of the workmen are heartily in accord in loathing the commissaries of the People appointed by the self-styled "Government of Workmen and Peasants."


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they waited for the night and crossed the Rhine. Never had heroes hunted worse. Noble maids bewept the game they slew. Forsooth many good warriors must needs atone for this in after days. Now ye may hear a tale of great overweening and dire revenge. Hagen bade carry Siegfried of the Nibelung land, thus dead, before the bower where Kriemhild lodged. He bade place him stealthily against the door, that she might find him when she went forth before the break of day to matins, which Lady Kriemhild full seldom missed through sleep.

Men rang the minster bells according to their custom. Lady Kriemhild, the fair, now waked her many maids and bade them bring a light and her vesture, too. Then came a chamberlain and found Siegfried there. He saw him red with blood, his clothes all wet. He wist not it was his lord, but with the light in his hand he hasted to the bower and through this Lady Kriemhild learned the baneful tale. As she would set out with her ladies for the minster, the chamberlain spake: “Pray stay your feet, there doth lie before the chamber a knight, slain unto death.”

Kriemhild gan make passing sore wail, or ever she heard aright that it was her husband. She began to think of Hagen’s question, of how he might protect him. Then first she suffered dole; she renounced all pleasure


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 Rh

It is not unnaturally claimed by Western Jews that Russian Jewry, as a whole, is most bitterly opposed to Bolshevism. Now although there is a great measure of truth in this claim, since the prominent Bolsheviks, who are preponderantly Jewish, do not belong to the orthodox Jewish Church, it is yet possible, without laying oneself open to the charge of anti-semitism, to point to the obvious fact that Jewry, as a whole, has, consciously or unconsciously, worked for and promoted an international, economic, material despotism, which, with Puritanism as an ally, has tended in an ever-increasing degree to crush national and spiritual values out of existence and substitute the ugly and deadening machinery of finance and factory. It is also a fact that Jewry, as a whole, strove every nerve to secure and heartily approved of the overthrow of the Russian monarchy, which they regarded as their most formidable obstacle in the path of their ambitions and business pursuits. All this may be admitted, as well as the plea that, individually or collectively, most Jews may heartily detest the Bolshevik régime, yet it is still true that the whole weight of Jewry was in the revolutionary scales against the Tzar's government. It is true their apostate brethren, who are now riding in the seat of power, may have exceeded their orders; that is disconcerting, but it does not alter the fact. It may be that the Jews, often the victims of their own idealism, have always been instrumental in bringing about the events they most heartily disapprove of; that maybe is the curse of the Wandering Jew.

Certainly it is from the Jews themselves that we learn


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 40 most about the Jews. It is possible that only a Jew can understand a Jew. Nay, more, it may be that only a Jew, can save us from the Jews, a Jew who is great enough, strong enough—for greater racial purity is a source of strength in the rare and the great—and inspired enough to overcome in himself the life-destructive vices of his own race. It was a Jew who said, "Wars are the Jews' harvest." But no harvests so rich as civil wars. A Jew reminds us that the French Revolution brought civil emancipation for the Jews in Western Europe. Was it a Jew who inspired Rousseau with the eighteenth century idea of the sameness of man according to nature? Dr. Kallen, a Zionist author, writes: "Suffering for a 1,000 years from the assertion of their difference from the rest of mankind, they accepted eagerly the escape from suffering which the eighteenth century assertion of the sameness of all men opened to them. … They threw themselves with passion into the republican emancipating movements of their fellow-subjects of other stocks." It was a Jew, Ricardo, who gave us the nineteenth century ideal of the sameness of man according to machinery. And without the Ricardian gospel of international capitalism, we could not have had the international gospel of Karl Marx. Moses Hess and Disraeli remind us of the particularly conspicuous part played by Jews in the Polish and Hungarian Rebellions, and in the republican uprising in Germany of '48, Even more conspicuous were they in the new internationalism logically deducible from the philosophy of Socialism. This we were taught by the Jew Marx and the Jew Ferdinand Lasalle, and they but developed the doctrine of the Jew David Ricardo.


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 Rh It was Weininger, a Jew—and also a Jew hater—who explained why so many Jews are naturally communists. Communism is not only an International creed, but it implies the abnegation of real property, especially property in land, and Jews, being international, have never acquired a taste for real property; they prefer money. Money is an instrument of power, though eventually, of course, communists claim that they will do away with money—when their power is sufficiently established to enable them to command goods, and exercise despotic sway without it! Thus the same motives prompt the Jew Communist and his apparent enemy, the financial Jew. When owners of real property in times of economic depression feel the pinch of straightened circumstances, it is the Jewish usurers who become most affluent and who, out of the goodness of their hearts, come to their assistance—at a price.

The complete failure of the Allied politicians even to grasp the meaning of the International-Communistic-Futurist-Sadistic movement, vaguely called Bolshevism, has resulted in a complete absence of policy in dealing with the situation. By attempting to fight against a movement they failed either to understand or guess the nature of, they directly fostered the very conditions upon which it thrived.

Two conditions are necessary in fighting any movement. It is first of all essential to know exactly what is being fought, and secondly, a perfectly definite and positive principle must be opposed to it. This positive principle has never been used to oppose it, see § VII. p. 15–17. No mere "anti" movement has ever triumphed. The struggle


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 42 in Russia has been a three-cornered one. The initial phase saw the overthrow of the forces of national solidarity by the combined forces of Social-Revolutionary-bourgeois-commercialism (the middle) and the revolutionary-international-communistic-Jewish (the extreme) group.

Power quickly passed from the middle to the extreme. The middle, the Kerensky party, was the party of compromise, indecision, vacillation, greedy opportunism, inept utopianism and hopeless incompetence. The middle was aided by the extreme in the initial stage for the latter's own purpose, and cast aside as soon as it had served its purpose. In the same way the extreme was also aided by Germany, who hoped thereby to score against the Allies.

From the time of the overthrow of the middle by the Bolsheviks, the armed struggle has been between these two, that is to say, between the first revolution and the second revolution. Now at last the middle, the party of invertebrate incompatibles, has finally been submerged, in spite of the vacillating and bewildered assistance that the middle has received from England and the Allies.

From the very first we characteristically backed the "wrong horse," and the sooner we recognise that fact the better. Had we backed Korniloff in April, 1917, against the forces of anarchy and disruption, even if that assistance had been purely "moral" assistance, it might already have been too late; on the other hand, it might have turned the scales and preserved Russia for herself and also for us, her Allies. Instead we chose to throw the weight of our support, moral, financial, and eventually in armed forces, on the side of the feeblest traitor who ever ruined his country. And why should this revolutionary solicitor of the German firm of "Kunst and Alberst"


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Rh at his death. To the earth she sank, not a word she spake, and here they found lying the hapless fair. Passing great grew Kriemhild’s woe. After her faint, she shrieked, that all the chamber rang. Then her meiny said: “Perchance it is a stranger knight.”

The blood gushed from her mouth, from dole of heart; she spake: “’Tis Siegfried, mine own dear husband. Brunhild hath counseled this and Hagen hath done the deed.”

The lady bade them lead her to where the hero lay. With her white hand she raised his head, and though it was red with blood, she knew him soon. There lay the hero of the Nibelung land in piteous guise. The gracious queen cried sadly: “Oh, woe is me of my sorrow! Thy shield is not carved with swords, thou liest murdered here. Wist I who hath done the deed, I’d ever plot his death.”

All her maids made mourn and wailed with their dear lady, for they grieved full sore for their noble lord whom they had lost. Hagen had cruelly avenged the wrath of Brunhild.

Then spake the grief-stricken dame: “Go now and wake with haste all Siegfried’s men. Tell Siegmund also of my grief, mayhap he’ll help me bewail brave Siegfried.”

A messenger ran quickly to where lay Siegfried’s warriors from the Nibelung land, and with his baleful tidings stole their joy. They could scarce believe it, till they heard the weeping. Right soon the messenger came to where the king did lie. Siegmund, the lord, was not asleep. I trow his heart did tell him what had happed. Never again might he see his dear son alive.


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 Rh (whose members were interned as German Agents by the Russian Government at the beginning of the war), why should this incompetent intriguer have received our support? Was it only because he lent his hand to the overthrow of monarchy—monarchy, which Englishmen appear to regard as a crime in any country except their own? And yet it is only a monarchy restored, purified, and constitutionally established, which can restore to Russia her national life and soul, and which alone can protect her, and indirectly us too, from the exploitation, both of International anarchists, and revengeful Germany.

The time is now past when Russia can be assisted by armed forces from outside in regaining control of her own national life. The regeneration must come from inside. It will be well for us if it does not come in the person of another Napoleon burning with a bitter sense of wrong against the Allies who deserted Russia in the hour of her downfall. What do the Russian people, caught in the meshes of an alien and international conspiracy, think now of those "fine" words of the Allied spokesman in the beginning of 1918: "The whole heart of our people is with the people of Russia in the attempt to free themselves and to become the master of their own life." And again, when at the Peace Conference, the same spokesman, speaking of his own people, said: "They came as crusaders, not merely to win a war, but to win a cause; … and I, like them, must be a crusader for these things, whatever it costs, and whatever it may be necessary to do, in honour, to accomplish the object for which they fought."—(President Wilson at Paris, Jan. 25th, 1919.) If he has won a cause, it is Lenin's cause, whose contempt and derision he has earned in winning it!


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138 “Awake, Sir Siegmund; Kriemhild, my lady, bade me go to fetch you. A wrong hath been done her that doth cut her to the heart, more than all other ills. Ye must help her mourn, for much it doth concern you.”

Siegmund sat up; he spake: “What are fair Kriemhild’s ills, of which thou tellest me?”

Weeping the messenger spake: “I cannot hide them from you; alas, bold Siegfried of Netherland is slain.”

Quoth Siegmund: “For my sake let be this jesting and such evil tales, that thou shouldst tell any that he be dead, for I might never bewail him fully before my death.”

“If ye will believe naught of what ye hear me say, then you may hear yourself Kriemhild and all her maids bewailing Siegfried’s death.”

Siegmund then was sore affrighted, as indeed he had great need. He and a hundred of his men sprang from their beds and grasped with their hands their long sharp swords. In sorrow they ran toward the sound of wail. Then came a thousand men-at-arms, bold Siegfried’s men. When they heard the ladies wail so pitifully, some first grew ware that they should dress them. Forsooth they lost their wits for very sorrow. Great heaviness was buried in their hearts.

Then King Siegmund came to where he found Kriemhild. He spake: “Alas for the journey hither to this land! Who hath so foully bereft me of my child and you of your husband among such good friends?”

“Oh, if I knew him,“ spake the noble wife, “neither my heart nor soul would ever wish him well. I would


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 44 Now the time has come when Russia, left to her own resources, must regenerate herself from within, if she would free herself from the crazy paranoiacs and parasites who are sucking her life's blood. We can only try to understand her troubles and help her, where we can, in regaining her national life. Though we have helped her little enough, she may yet have helped us, by teaching us to look to our own health, and to take early precautions against the disease through which she is passing. Thus we may learn to distinguish between the empty catch-words and decoy-cries and the motives and ills that cause them to become the powerful agents of destruction. There is no smoke without fire. Let us pay heed to the cries, not to the crazy remedies wrung from distracted brains.

The pages of history are blackened with the records of the misery and suffering men have created for themselves, of countless human holocausts as horrible and senseless as those of Dahomey, whose tortured victims have been destroyed—self-immolated, for the most part—on the altars raised to vain words and meaningless symbols. And still their crazy priests and fanatical votaries, mad with frenzy and drunk with blood, shriek for ever more victims, never content until the whole world is infected with their madness and rocks helpless in an orgy of self-destruction.


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viii monograph, which will, I hope, enable the student to form a rapid acquaintance with our ants, without recourse to the scattered and often very meager descriptions that have hitherto served as the taxonomy of the North American species.

I frankly admit that in writing the following pages I have endeavored to appeal to several classes of readers—to the general reader, who is always more or less interested in ants; to the zoölogist, who cannot afford to ignore their polymorphism or their symbiotic and parasitic relationships; to the entomologist, who should study the ants if only for the purpose of modifying his views on the limits of genera and species, and to the comparative psychologist, who is sure to find in them the most intricate instincts and the closest approach to intelligence among invertebrate animals. Of course, the desire to interest so many must result in a work containing much that will be dull or incomprehensible to one class of readers; thus the technical terms and descriptions, which are full of significance to the entomologist, are merely so much dead verbiage to the general reader, and the laboratory zoölogist, who shrinks at the mention of psychological matters, will care little about ant behavior beyond its physiological implications.

With the exception of the appendices and the first chapter, which serves as an introduction, my account of the ants falls naturally into two parts: a first, which is largely morphological, and comprises Chapters II to X; and a second, devoted to ethological considerations and embracing the remaining chapters. To some it may seem that too much space has been devoted to the relations of ants to other organisms and to other ants (Chapters XVI-XXVII), but I justify my procedure on the ground that this subject is the one in which I have been most interested, the one in which most advancement has been made within recent years, and the one that has been fraught with the greatest differences of interpretation.

The series of appendices has been added largely as an aid to the beginner in the study of myrmecology. The tables for the identification of our North American ants are very incomplete, but could not have been extended to embrace the species, subspecies and varieties, and the different castes, as well as the genera, without unduly increasing the size of the book. I hope to make good this defect in the monograph to which I have alluded. In the meantime, I shall be glad to identify ants for anyone who is interested in their study, especially if the specimens are collected in America north of Mexico. The identification of such material serves a double purpose: that of increasing our knowledge of the geographical distribution of our species, and of spreading throughout the country collections of correctly identified

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Rh plan such ill against him that his kin must ever weep because of me.”

Around the prince Lord Siegmund threw his arms. So great grew the sorrow of his kin, that the palace, the hall, and the town of Worms resounded from the mighty wail and weeping. None might now comfort Siegfried’s wife. They stripped off the clothes from his fair body; they washed his wounds and laid him on the bier. Woe were his people from their mighty grief. Then spake his warriors from the Nibelung land: “Our hands be ever ready to avenge him; he liveth in this castle who hath done the deed.”

All of Siegfried’s men hasted then to arms. These chosen knights came with their shields, eleven hundred men-at-arms, whom Lord Siegmund had in his troop. He would fain avenge the death of his son, as indeed he had great need. They wist not to whom they should address their strife, unless it be to Gunther and his men, with whom Lord Siegfried had ridden to the hunt.

Kriemhild saw them armed, which rued her sore. However great her grief and how dire her need, yet she did so mightily fear the death of the Nibelungs at the hands of her brothers’ liegemen, that she tried to hinder it. In kindly wise she warned them, as kinsmen do to loving kin. The grief-stricken woman spake: “My Lord Siegmund, what will ye do? Ye wot naught aright; forsooth King Gunther hath so many valiant men, ye will all be lost, and ye would encounter these knights.”

With their shields uncovered, the men stood eager for the fight. The noble queen both begged and bade


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Rh specimens. The dearth of such collections, both of ants and of all other groups of insects, excepting, perhaps, the Coleoptera and Lepidoptera, has not ceased to be a great drawback to the study of entomology in America.

The bibliography (Appendix E), which has been carried down to the close of the year 1908, is unfortunately very voluminous and includes many titles of unimportant works. Like all such compilations, it is necessarily incomplete, and undoubtedly contains positive errors. A serious attempt has been made, however, to reduce these to a minimum, and I shall be glad to receive any additions or corrections.

For portions of the text and many of the figures I have drawn rather freely on my previously published papers. A few entire chapters, in fact, such as those on polymorphism, have been reproduced with only slightl verbal alterations. Others, like Chapters XVIII and XX, are abridgments of longer accounts of the fungus-growing and honey ants recently published in the Bulletin of the American Museum of Natural History.

I am under lasting obligations to Professor H. C. Bumpus for the interest he has shown in the progress of my work, and the aid which I received in its prosecution while I was Curator of Invertebrate Zoölogy in the American Museum of Natural History. To Mr. Roy W. Miner, Assistant Curator of Invertebrate Zoölogy in that institution, I am deeply indebted for much assistance in making out the table of contents, and especially in arranging and verifying the bibliography. Many of the illustrations have been made by Miss Ruth B. Howe. My friend, Professor Oliver S. Strong, of Columbia University, has most generously permitted me to use a number of the remarkable photographs which he and Mr. J. G. Hubbard took of living colonies of various ants in the possession of Miss Adele M. Fields. Three of my former pupils, Messrs. A. L. Melander, C. T. Brues and C. G. Hartman, have contributed several interesting figures, and Mr. Brues has aided me in reading the proof.

 * October 30, 1909.
 * October 30, 1909.

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140 that the lusty knights avoid it. When they would not give it over, sorely it grieved her. She spake: “Lord Siegmund, ye must let it be until more fitting time, then I’ll avenge my husband with you. An’ I receive proof who hath bereft me of him, I’ll do him scathe. There be too many haughty warriors by the Rhine, wherefore I will not counsel you to fight. They have full well thirty men to each of ours. Now God speed them, as they deserve of us. Stay ye here and bear with me my dole. When it beginneth to dawn, help me, ye lusty knights, to coffin the dear husband of mine.”

Quoth the knights: “That shall be done.”

None might tell you all the marvel of knights and ladies, how they were heard to wail, so that even in the town men marked the sound of weeping. The noble burghers hasted hither. With the guests they wept, for they, too, were sore aggrieved. None had told them of any guilt of Siegfried, or for what cause the noble warrior lost his life. The wives of the worthy burghers wept with the ladies of the court. Men bade smiths haste to work a coffin of silver and of gold, mickle and strong, and make it firm with strips of good hard steel. Sad of heart were all the folk.

The night was gone, men said the day was dawning. Then the noble lady bade them bear Lord Siegfried, her loved husband, to the minster. Whatever friends he had there were seen weeping as they went. Many bells were ringing as they brought him to the church. On every side one heard the chant of many priests. Then came King Gunther with his men and grim Hagen also toward the sound of wail. He spake:


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It is a matter of common observation that the higher animals—those, namely, that in structure and behavior are most like ourselves—are also the ones which arouse our keenest interest, for besides the interest prompted by purely æsthetic of gastronomic motives, or by that atavic love of the chase, so universal among healthy men, there is a more intellectual interest which zoölogists and layman alike experience when they contemplate in the nearest of their animal kindred the vague byt unmistakable prototypes of the human body and its activities. The only lower animals that from immemorial time have retained a like interest for man, are certain insects—the social bees and wasps, the termites and the ants. And among these what appeals so forcibly to the imagination is not the structure or activities of the individuals as such, but the extraordinary instincts which compel them to live permanently in intimate consociations. In this case also our interest is aroused by an undeniable resemblance to our own condition. Reflection shows that this resemblance cannot be superficial, but mut depend on a high degree of adaptability and plasticity common to man and the social insects, for in order to live in permanent commonwealths, an organism must be not only remarkably adaptive to changes in its 2

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 Rh

The author has, as the subject requires, attempted to deal with it openly, fearlessly, and without ambiguity or veiled allusions. Vague allegations against unnamed individuals (where the names were relevant) have been avoided, but, on the other hand, the anonymity of information has had to be respected where this, for obvious reasons, has been necessary.

The author will, however, be very glad to receive comments and criticism (addressed to him c/o The ), or to answer questions, where he can do so without betraying confidences, on the subject of this pamphlet.


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 The duration of the period of seclusion varies somewhat. San Salvador boys are six months in the wood. Cameroon boys are twelve months. In most districts the girls are betrothed in infancy, and they go into the wood or initiatory hut for a few months before marriage. In this case the time seems to vary with the circumstances of the individual; not so with the boys, for whom each tribal society has a duly appointed course terminating at a duly appointed time; but sometimes, as among some of the Yoruba tribes, the boy has to remain under the rule of the presiding elders of the society, painted white, and wearing only a bit of grass cloth, if he wears anything, until he has killed a man. Then he is held to have attained man’s estate by having demonstrated his courage and also by having secured for himself the soul of the man he has killed as a spirit slave.

The initiation of boys into a few of the elementary dogmas of the secret society by no means composes the entire on of the society. All of them are judicial, and taken on the whole they do an immense amount of good. The methods are frequently a little quaint. Rushing about the streets disguised under masks and drapery, with an imitation tail swinging behind you, while you lash out at every one you meet with a whip or cutlass, is not a European way of keeping the peace, or perhaps I should say maintaining the dignity of the law. But discipline must be maintained, and this is the West African way of doing it.

The Egbo of Calabar is a fine type of the secret society. It is exceedingly well developed in its details, not sketchy like Yasi, nor so red-handed as Poorah. Unfortunately, however, I cannot speak with the same amount of knowledge of Egbo as I could of Poorah.

Egbo has the most grades of initiation, except perhaps Poorah, and it exercises jurisdiction over all classes of crime except witchcraft. Any Effik man who desires to become an influential person in the tribe must buy himself into as high a grade of Egbo as he can afford, and these grades are expensive, £1,500 or £1,000 English being required for the higher steps, I am informed. But it is worth it to a great trader, as an influential Effik necessarily is, for he can call out his own class


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 Mr. Blackwell has published from time to time a series of pamphlets, written by experts on a wide range of subjects, from which the following List is a selection.

RELATIVITY—AN INTRODUCTORY SKETCH BASED ON EINSTEIN'S ORIGINAL WRITINGS.

By M.A., 1s. 6d. Net: (Fourth Impression).

¶ "May well serve as a starting off point for interested readers."—Discovery.

THE REVIVAL OF CRITICISM.

By (Professor of Humanity in the University of Glasgow). 1s. 6d. Net.

¶ "Pleads wisely and wittily for the true cannons of textual criticism."—The Spectator.

OXFORD AFTER THE WAR AND A LIBERAL EDUCATION.

By (White's Professor of Moral Philosophy in the University of Oxford). 1s. 6d. Net.

¶ "Strikes at the very heart of what is evil in our Educational tests of to-day."—The Times Educational Supplement.

A WORLD'S ASSIZE.

By 1s. 6d.) Net.

¶ "A brilliant, deeply interesting, and occasionally provocative essay."—The Oxford Chronicle.

RECONSTRUCTORS AND RECONSTRUCTION.

By 1s. Net.

¶ "Many of the glib fallacies of the day are crisply and effectively exposed."—The Globe.


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 crew and passengers, should be alive and lurking in this country, where there was no longer any reason why he should not openly shew himself, since the present government favoured his party in politics. When Lord Evandale reluctantly brought himself to communicate these doubts to the chaplain, in order to obtain his opinion, he could only obtain a long lecture on dæmenology, in which, after quoting Delrio, and Burthoog, and De L'Ancre, on the subject of apparitions, together with sundry civilians and common lawyers on the nature of testimony, the learned gentleman expressed his definite and determined opinion to be, either that there had been an actual apparition of the deceased Henry Morton's spirit, the possibility of which he was, as a divine and a philosopher, neither fully prepared to admit or to deny; or else, that the said Henry Morton, being still in rerum natura, had appeared in his proper person that morning; or, finally, that some strong deceptio cisum, or


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 striking similitude of person, had deceived the eyes of Miss Bellenden and of Thomas Halliday. Which of these was the most probable hypothesis, the Doctor declined to pronounce, but expressed himself ready to die in the opinion that one or other of them had occasioned that morning's disturbance.

Lord Evandale soon bad additional cause for distressful anxiety. Miss Bellenden was declared to be dangerously ill.

"I will not leave this place," he exclaimed, "till she is pronounced to be in safety. I neither can nor ought to do so; for whatever may have been the immediate occasion of her illness, I gave the first cause for it by my unhappy solicitation."

He established himself, therefore, as a guest in the family, which the presence of his sister as well as of Lady Margaret Bellenden, (who, in despite of her rheumatism, caused herself to be transported thither when she heard of her grand-daughter's illness,) rendered a step equally natural and


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 delicate. And thus he anxiously awaited, until, without injury to her health, Edith could sustain a final explanation ere his departure on his expedition.

"She shall never," said the generous young man, "look on her engagement with me as the means of fettering her to union, the idea of which seems almost to unhinge her understanding."


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It is not by corporeal wants and infirmities only, that men of the most distinguished talents are levelled, during their lifetime, with the common mass of mankind. There are periods of mental agitation when the firmest must be ranked with the weakest of his brethren; and when, in paying the general tax of humanity, his distresses are even aggravated by feeling that he transgresses, in indulgence of his grief, the rules of religion and philosophy, by which he endeavours in general to regulate his passions and his actions. It was during such


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 a paroxysm that the unfortunate Morton left Fairy-knowe. To know that his long-loved and still-beloved Edith, whose image had filled his mind for so many years, was on the point of marriage to his early rival, who had laid claim to her heart by so many services, as hardly left her a title to refuse his addresses, bitter as the intelligence was, yet came not as an unexpected blow. During his residence abroad he had once written to Edith. It was to bid her farewell for ever, and to conjure her to forget him. He had requested her not to answer his letter, yet he half hoped, for many a day, that she might transgress his injunction. The letter never reached her to whom it was addresedaddressed [sic], and Morton, ignorant of its miscarriage, could only conclude himself laid aside and forgotten, according to his own self-denying request. All that he had heard of their mutual relations since his return to Scotland, prepared him to expect that he could only look upon Miss Bellenden as the betrothed bride


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 of Lord Evandale; and, even if freed from the burthen of obligation to the latter, it would still have been inconsistent with his generosity of disposition to disturb their arrangements, by attempting the assertion of a claim, prescribed by absence and barred by a thousand circumstances of difficulty. Why then did he seek the cottage which their broken fortunes had now rendered the retreat of Lady Margaret Bellenden and her grand-daughter? He yielded, we are under the necessity of acknowledging, to the impulse of an inconsistent wish, which many might have felt in his situation.

Accident apprised him, while travelling towards his native district, that the ladies, near whose mansion he must necessarily pass, were absent, and, learning that Cuddie and his wife acted as their principal domestics, he could not resist pausing at their cottage, to learn, if possible, the real progress which Lord Evandale had made in the affections of Miss Bellenden—alas!


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 no longer his Edith. This rash experiment ended as we have related, and he parted from the house of Fairy-knowe, conscious that he was still beloved by Edith, yet compelled, by faith and honour, to relinquish her for ever. With what feelings he must have listened to the dialogue between Lord Evandale and Edith, the greater part of which he involuntarily overheard, the reader must conceive, for we dare not attempt to describe them. An hundred times he was tempted to burst upon their interview, or to exclaim aloud—"Edith, I yet live!"—and as often the recollection of her plighted troth, and of the debt of gratitude which he owed Lord Evandale, (to whose influence with Claverhouse he justly ascribed his escape from torture and from death) withheld him from a rashness which might indeed have involved all in further distress, but gave little prospect of forwarding his own happiness. He repressed forcibly these selfish emotions, though with an agony which thrilled his every nerve.


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 "No, Edith!" was his internal oath, "never will I add a thorn to thy pillow—That which Heaven has ordained let it be, and let me not add, by my selfish sorrows; one atom's weight to the burden that thou hast to bear, I was dead to thee when thy resolution was adopted; and never—never shalt thou know that Henry Morton still lives!"

As he formed this resolution, diffident of his own power to keep it, and seeking that firmness in flight which was every moment shaken by his continuing within hearing of Edith's voice, he hastily rushed from his apartment by the little closet and the sashed door which led to the garden.

But firmly as he thought his resolution was fixed, he could not leave the spot where the last tones of a voice so beloved still vibrated on his ear, without endeavouring to avail himself of the opportunity which the parlour window afforded to steal one last glance at the lovely speaker. It was in this attempt, made while Edith


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 seemed to have her eyes unalterably bent upon the ground, that Morton's presence was detected by her raising them suddenly. So soon as her wild scream made this known to the unfortunate object of a passion so constant, and which seemed so ill-fated, he hurried from the place as if pursued by the furies. He passed Halliday in the garden without recognizing, or even being sensible that he had seen him, threw himself on his horse, and, by a sort of instinct rather than recollection, took the first by-road rather than the public route to Hamilton.

In all probability this prevented Lord Evandale from learning that he was actually in existence, for the news that the Highlanders had obtained a decisive victory at Killiecrankie, had occasioned an accurate look-out to be kept on all the passes, for fear of some commotion among the Lowland Jacobites. They did not omit to post centinels on Bothwell Bridge, and as these men had not seen any traveller pass


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 westward in that direction, and as, besides, their comrades stationed in the village of Bothwell were equally positive that none had gone eastward, the apparition, in the existence of which Edith and Halliday were equally positive, became yet more mysterious in the judgment of Lord Evandale, who was finally inclined to settle in the belief that the heated and disturbed imagination of Edith had summoned up the phantom she stated herself to have seen, and that Halliday had, in some unaccountable manner, been infected by the same superstition.

Meanwhile, the by-path which Morton pursued, with all the speed which his vigorous horse could exert, brought him in a very few seconds to the brink of the Clyde, at a spot marked with the feet of horses who were conducted to it as a watering-place. The steed, urged as he was to the gallop, did not pause a single instant, but, throwing himself into the river, was soon beyond his depth. The plunge


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 which the animal made as his feet quitted the ground, with the feeling that the cold water rose above his sword-belt, were the first incidents which recalled Morton, whose movements had been hitherto mechanical, to the necessity of taking measures for preserving himself and the noble animal which he bestrode. A perfect master of all manly exercises, the management of a horse in water was as familiar to him as when upon a meadow. He directed the animal's course somewhat down the stream towards a low plain, or holm, which seemed to promise an easy egress from the river. In the first and second attempt to get on shore, the horse was frustrated by the nature of the ground, and nearly fell backwards on his rider. The instinct of self-preservation seldom fails, even in the most desperate circumstances, to recal the human mind to some degree of equipoize, unless when altogether distracted by terror, and Morton was obliged to the danger in which he was placed for complete recovery of his


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 154 words, he still expects the revolutionary movement to develop with steadily increasing intensity and to reach such a point that it will be helpful to the Soviets, even economically, before the lapse of many years.

Referring to the question of world revolution, Lenin said:


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 self-possession. A third attempt at a spot more carefully and judiciously selected, succeeded better than the former, and placed the horse and his rider in safety upon the further bank of the Clyde.

"But whither," said Morton, in the bitterness of his heart, "am I now to direct my course? or rather, what does it signify to which point of the compass a wretch forlorn betakes himself? I would to God, could the wish be without a sin, that these dark waters had flowed over me, and drowned my recollection of that which was, and that which is."

The sense of impatience, which the disturbed state of his feelings had occasioned, scarcely had vented itself in these violent expressions, ere he was struck with shame at having given way to such a paroxysm. He remembered how marvellously the life, which he now held so lightly in the bitterness of his disappointment, had been preserved through the almost


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 Rh Surely all this is a far cry from "abandoning the world revolution!"

It was as late as July, 1920, that the Third Internationale declared that "in nearly every country of Europe and America the class struggle is entering upon the phase of civil war—while as late as December (1920) it converted the French Socialist majority to that view. Discouraging and encouraging events have taken place since that time, but the total result of all revolutionary movements during recent months is far from such as to discourage visionary fanatics like the Bolshevists. At the meeting of March 15 Kameneff made a report on foreign policy to the Tenth Congress of the Russian Communist Party:

The words italicized again give a very satisfactory portrayal of the precise state of the Bolshevist mind as regards world revolution. The rest of this speech develops the grounds for the Bolshevist hopes. While indicating the usual state of extreme ignorance, these remarks are important as showing the pro-German prejudices, the hatred of America and England, the expectation of the Bolshevists that they will participate in future wars (it is strange that the pacifist extremists


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 156 insist upon continuing their support of these militaristic and imperialistic fanatics) and also the willingness of the Soviets to arm the Asiatic against the European races.

Kameneff continues:

In a long communication to the Independent Labor Party the Third Internationale last summer outlined another war—this time it was a war of the world against


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 Rh Great Britain and America. This also is a war from which the Bolshevists hoped to gain:

The pro-German tendency of the propaganda is always in evidence. The Bolshevists are particularly friendly to the Germans in the attack on the Versailles Treaty. We may see an illustration of this in a speech of Lenin's early in 1920:

This friendliness to the German junkers is also seen in a statement of Trotzky when he was at the Polish front:

It is said that the Russian communists were the serfs of the Prussian junkers, but that must not weigh with us. It must not be forgotten that organized Germany constitutes a danger to world imperialism, and nothing must oppose an understanding with Germany for the destruction of the imperialist governments of Europe.


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 158 We prefer such an understanding to fraternization with the so-called free countries.

At the same time the Bolshevists have endeavored to line up for war upon England and France, alongside the junkers, the junkers' bitter enemies, the German communists.

The revolutionary German socialist leader Crispien, just returned from a visit to Russia at the invitation of the Soviets declared:

While the Soviets rely largely upon wars out of which revolutions are expected to arise, they rely still more upon the direct results of revolutionary propaganda and organization through the Third Internationale. Their complicity in the German revolutionary movement of March, 1921, for example, is proved by the open assertions of the Moscow communist organ in Berlin, Die Rote Fahne.

In spite of such absolutely conclusive evidence and of innumerable other instances of equally stupid Bolshevist duplicity several entirely conservative non-Bolshevist newspapers in America and England insisted that it was incredible that Moscow could at the same time be instigating revolutions and seeking trade by governmental agreements!


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At the Second Congress of the Communist Internationale held, at Moscow in August, 1920, the following resolution was passed:

In his report to the Congress, President Zinoviev further explained the dictatorial powers possessed by the Moscow Executive:

The Congress has also emphasized the need of a united Communist International organization and has worked out its statute, according to which the executive committee of the III International is given very wide powers,


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 160 including that of expelling from the International a whole party for violation of discipline.

Another resolution passed unanimously by the Congress indicated that the control of the Russian Communist Party over this world revolutionary movement is absolute. This resolution declared:

Although there are "only" five Russians on the International Executive Committee, as a matter of fact, all the other ten members were practically appointed by the Russian Bolshevists and their names indicate absolute subserviency, since with one or two exceptions they have little or no representative capacity. For example, the late John Reed was selected to represent America! With the sole exception of Italy, only the most extreme of extremists were chosen. Moreover the permanent bureau or directing body of the Executive Committee consists of three Russians out of five members: Zinoviev, Bukharin and Radek.

This body now claims to have the sole right to represent the proletariat of the world and in their name proposes to overthrow all governments! Revolutionists who do not obey orders, such as d'Arragona, head of the Confederation of Labor of Italy, are immediately branded as traitors to the working-class.

The application of this principle of the divine right of the Russian Bolshevists to control "the world revolution" was amusingly represented at the Congress in the


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Trade Act of 1974/Title I/Chapter 6

{{SECTION|SEC. 161.|SEC. 161}}. CONGRESSIONAL DELEGATES TO NEGOTIATIONS.

 * (a) At the beginning of each regular season of Congress, the Speaker of the House of Representatives, upon the recommendation of the chairman of the Committee on Ways and Means, shall select five members (not more than three of whom are members of the same political party) of such committee, and the President pro tempore of the Senate, upon the recommendation of the chairman of the Committee on Finance, shall select five members (not more than three of whom are members of the same political party) of such committee, who shall be accredited by the President as official advisers to the United States delegations to international conferences, meetings, and negotiation sessions relating to trade agreements.

 * (b) (1) The Special Representative for Trade Negotiations shall keep each official adviser currently informed on United States negotiating objectives, the status of negotiations in progress, and the nature of any changes in domestic law or the administration thereof which may be recommended to Congress to carry out any trade agreement.
 * (2) The chairmen of the Committee on Ways and Means and the Committee on Finance may designate members (in addition to the official advisers under subsection (a)) and staff members of their respective committees who shall have access to the information provided to official advisers under paragraph 1.

{{SECTION|SEC. 162.|SEC. 162}}. TRANSMISSION OF AGREEMENTS TO CONGRESS.

 * (a) As soon as practicable after a trade agreement entered into under chapter 1 or section 123 or 124 has entered into force with respect to the United States, the President shall, if he has not previously done so, transmit a copy of such trade agreement to each House of the Congress together with a statement, in the light of the advice of the International Trade Commission under section 131(b), if any, and of other relevant considerations, of his reasons for entering into the agreement.

 * (b) The President shall transmit to each Member of the Congress a summary of the information required to be transmitted to each House under subsection (a). For purposes of this subsection, the term "Member" includes any Delegate or Resident Commissioner.

{{SECTION|SEC. 163.|SEC. 163}}. REPORTS.

 * (a) The President shall submit to the Congress an annual report on the trade agreements program and on import relief and adjustment assistance for workers, firms, and communities under this Act. Such report shall include information regarding new negotiations; changes made in duties and nontariff barriers and other distortions of trade of the United States; reciprocal concessions obtained; changes in trade agreements (including the incorporation therein of actions taken for import relief and compensation provided therefor); extension or withdrawal of nondiscriminatory treatment by the United States with respect to the products of a foreign country; extension, modification, withdrawal, suspension, or limitation of preferential treatment to exports of developing countries; the results of action taken to obtain removal of foreign trade restrictions (including discriminatory restrictions) against United States exports and the removal of foreign practices which discriminate against United States service industries (including transportation and tourism) and investment; and the measures being taken to seek the removal of other significant foreign import restrictions; and other information relating to the trade agreements program and to the agreements entered into thereunder. Such report shall also include information regarding the number of applications filed for adjustment assistance for workers, firms, and communities, the number of such applications which were approved, and the extent to which adjustment assistance has been provided under such approved applications.

 * (b) The International Trade Commission shall submit to the Congress, at least once a year, a factual report on the operation of the trade agreements program.

title: Trade Act of 1974/Title I/Chapter 6


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 Offly, Thomas, s. John, of Madeley, co. Stafford, arm. , matric. 5 May, 1668, aged 16; brother of John 1667, perhaps father of Charles, Edward, and of the next-named.  Offley, Walter, s. Tho., of Crew, Cheshire, gent. ., matric. 15 July, 1699, aged 17; B.A. 1703, M.A. 1709, rector of Barthomley, Cheshire, 1704, and of Muccleston, co. Stafford, 1721, domestic chaplain to the baron of Chirbury, canon of Lichfield 1715, and dean of Chester 1718, until his death 22 July (or 18 Aug.), 1721. See Rawl. iv. 62; Gutch MS. 216; & Foster's Index Ecclesiasticus.  Offley, William, "Schol. fac. Art." ., B.C.L. 28 Oct., 1652, D.C.L. 27 June, 1657; of Woodley in Sunning parish (son of William, of Putney); died 10 April, 1702, buried in the church of Middleton Stoney, Oxon. See Fasti, ii. 202.  Offley, William, fellow ., Cambridge, B.A. 1682-3, M.A. 1687, admitted ad eundem, or incorporated, 5 May, 1690, canon of Lincoln 1689; died 26 Sept., 1724. See Foster's Index Ecclesiasticus.  O'Fihely, Donald, of co. Cork. See Ath. i. 9.  [5]

[O'Fihely, Maurice, a Franciscan, archbishop of Tuam 1506; died at Galway 25 May, 1543. See Ath. i. 16; and Cotton's ''Fasti Eccl. Hib''. iv. 11.]  Ofspring, Charles, s. Thomas, of Kent: B.A. from ., Cambridge, 1605-6, M.A. 1609, incorporated 14 July, 1612, rector of St. Antholin London, 1617. See Foster's Index Eccl.  Ogden, Aston, gent. ., matric. 30 July, 1670, aged 16.

Ogden, Peter, s. Peter, of Christ Church, co. Lancaster, pleb. ., matric. 28 Nov. 1634, aged 18; B.A. 26 June, 1638.

Ogden, Samuel, s. Abraham, of Oldham, co. Lancaster, pleb. ., matric. 24 Oct., 1688, aged 16; B.A. 1692, vicar of Wherwell, Hants, 1698. See Foster's Index Eccl.
 [10]

Oge, Owen, of Cork, province of Munster, gent. , matric. 3 Feb., 1601-2, aged 19.

Ogilvy, Michael, "ser." ., matric. 10 March, 1656-7, B.A. 1659, rector of St. Martin Orgars in London 1662, vicar of Hanningdown, alias West Wycombe, Bucks, 1668, rector of Bideford, Devon, 1674. See Foster's Index Ecclesiasticus.

Oglander, George, of Southants, militis fil. , matric. 16 Dec., 1608, aged 16; student of Inner Temple 1611, as of Nunwell, Isle of Wight, gent. (s. Sir William, knighted 30 Aug., 1606); brother of John 1603. See Foster's Inns of Court Register.

Oglander, George, 2s. John, of Nunwell, Isle of Wight, Hants, militis. , matric. 4 May, 1627, aged 17; student of Middle Temple 1626; died 1632; brother of John 1633. See Foster's Inns of Court Reg.

Oglander, (Sir) John, of Southants (i.e. Isle of Wight), arm. fil. ., matric. 8 July, 1603, aged 18; of Nunwell, Isle of Wight, student of Middle Temple 1604 (as son and heir of William, of West Deane, Sussex, esq.); deputy-governor of Portsmouth and of the Isle of Wight, knighted 22 Dec., 1615; M.P. Yarmouth (Isle of Wight) 1625, 1626, and 1628-9; died 28 Nov., 1655; father of George and John. See Foster's Inns of Court Reg.
 [15]

Oglander, John, 3s. John, of Nunwell, Isle of Wight, militis. ., matric. 28 June, 1633, aged 21; B.A. 18 April, 1634, fellow, M.A. 18 Jan., 1637-8, vicar of Marshfield, co. Gloucester, 1642, deserted it when the city of Bath was last taken by the parliament forces (1645), and sequestered 1646 by the Westminster assembly; brother of George 1627. See Foster's Index Eccl.; & ''Add. MSS''. 15,669, p. 219, 15,670, p. 203.

Oglander, John, gent. ., matric. 14 Nov., 1650.

Oglander, (Sir) John, arm. fil. ., matric. 8 Dec., 1658; student of Middle Temple 1660 (as son and heir of William, of Nunwell, Isle of Wight), 2nd bart.; father of the next. See Foster's Inns of Court Reg.

Oglander, (Sir) William, s. John, of Isle of Wight, bart. , matric. 11 April, 1695, aged 15; 3rd bart., died Aug. 1734.

Ogle, Cuthbert, of Northumberland, gent. ., matric. 9 Nov., 1582, aged 13; B.A. 14 Dec., 1586.
 [20]

Ogle, Edward, s. Henry, of Whitston, co. Lancaster, arm. ., matric. 12 Oct., 1638, aged 17; B.A. 28 April, 1642.

Ogle, Henry, of co. Lancaster, gent, ., matric. 11 March, 1602-3, aged 16; father of Edward last-named.

Ogle-Archer, James, of. 1682. See, p. 29.

Ogle, John, of Northumberland, arm. ., matric. 25 Oct., 1583, aged 23.

Ogle, John, s. J., of Bradford, Northumberland, gent. ., matric. 4 April, 1691, aged 20; B.A. 23 May, 1691, vicar of Holme Cultram-with-Newton, Cumberland, 1695. See Foster's Index Eccl.
 [25]

Ogle, Roger; B.A. 19 Feb., 1543-4.

Ogle, Thomas, from. 8 July, 1613; perhaps student of Lincoln's Inn 1614, as son and heir of Martin, late of "Trithington," Northumberland. See Foster's Inns of Court Reg.

Ogle, William; B.A. from. 1 April, 1628; one Sir William Ogle M.P. Winchester April-May, 1640, and 1640 till disabled in June, 1643; was created Viscount Ogle in Ireland 1645, and died 1670. See Foster's Parliamentary Dictionary.

Oglethorpe, Andrew (Ogelthroppe), of Yorks, gent. ., matric. entry under date circa 1581, aged 15.

Oglethorpe, Edward (Ogelthroppe), of Oxon, arm. ., matric. entry under date circa 16 Oct., 1581, aged 14; student of Inner Temple 1585, as of Newington, Oxon (1s. Sir Owen O.) See Foster's Inns of Court Reg.
 [30]

Oglethorpe, James (Edward), y.s. Theoph., of St. James, London, eq. aur. ., matric. 8 July, 1714, aged 16; created M.A. 31 July, 1731; of Cranham Hall, Essex, a general in the army 1765, founder and governor of the colony or settlement in Georgia 1732, deputy governor of the African company 1734, served with the duke of Cumberland against the rising of 1745, M.P. Haslemere in 5 parliaments 1722-54; born in London 22 Dec., 1696, died 30 June, 1785. See Rawl. vi. 34; Foster's Parliamentary Dictionary; & Gent's. Mag. 1785, ii. 517, 572.

Oglethorpe, Lewis, 1s. Theo(philus), of London, equitis. ., matric. 16 March, 1698-9, aged 15; student of Middle Temple 1698, M.P. Haslemere 1702, equerry to Q. Anne, A.D.C. to the duke of Marlborough, killed at the battle of Schellenberg 30 Oct., 1704; brother of James Edward. See Foster's Inns of Court Reg.
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Rh mind. Adequately civilized, the gorilla will beat his enemy's breast and let that creature do the roaring.

Certain advantages of urban life — an invention of civilization — ought to be comparatively easy of exposition in an attractive way. The practice of abolishing the hours of rest by means of lights and rattling vehicles; of generating sewer-gas and conducting it into dwellings; of loading the atmosphere with beautiful brown smoke and assorted exhalations before taking it into the lungs; of drinking whisky, or water from cow pastures; of eating animals that have been a long time dead, — of all these and many other blessings of civilization the monkeys can acquire knowledge, desire and, eventually, possession. Doubtless we shall have some small difficulty in explaining the advantages of the incaudate state (for civilization implies renunciation of the tail), the comfortableness of the stiff hat and shirt collar (for civilization entails clothing), the grace of the steel-pen coat, the beauty of the skin-tight sleeve and the sanitary effect of the corset; but if the monkey language, unlike that of the Houyhnhnms, supplies facilities for "saying the thing that is not" we shall eventually convince our arboreal pupils that


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 bearings. We must not always take that for moral courage, which induces some persons to speak directly to a point considered by others of more delicacy as unapproachable; because this is too often done simply from an absence of feeling, and thus too often obtains a degree of credit of which it is wholly unworthy, as being the result of candor and a love of truth.

Neither must we call that moral courage which leads vulgar-minded and prejudiced persons to speak in a summary way of liking or disliking certain people and things, without any sufficient reason; though this mode of speakine is apt to gain very much upon children, whose passions, affections, and sympathies, are more easily awakened than their reasoning powers. Fond as they are, then, of pronouncing that decisive sentence — "I like," or, "I dislike," they ought to be encouraged to suspend the one, but more especially the other, until they have some idea what are the grounds upon which they pass such decided judgment.

A want of moral courage lies at the root of almost all the falsehoods which are told in early youth. There is in later life sometimes a love of falsehood for its own sake, which belongs to a degree of depravity not properly taken into account in these pages. And there is also occasionally found a strange propensity to tell voluntary and aimless untruths, a case which so nearly borders upon insanity, as to be almost beyond the reach of moral principle. With such a natural phenomenon, there are happily few directors of youth who have anything to do.

The mother's great duty is to endeavor so to fortify the moral character, as that children shall not be afraid to tell the truth — that they shall learn to love truth for its own sake, and to hate a lie. And here it may not be out of place to observe, that, so far as is practicable, we ought, in the training of youth, to search out and make use of all those faculties and propensities of human nature, which are capable of being turned to good account. It has been said by a popular writer of the present day, that "he who can not hate, can not love;" and without altogether coinciding with this extreme view of the case, we must allow that those persons who are most cordial in their affections, are generally the warmest in their feelings of indignation and abhor-

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 rence, where they believe they see just cause for such feelings. What then is to be done with this propensity to hate, or to abhor? Is it possible that so powerful an impulse should have been given for the sole purpose of being subdued; or rendered utterly extinct? That it should so often be abused, and directed to the worst purposes, by aiming at individual character, and opposing itself to the kindly charities of life, is no proof of its being incapable of good; because there is no propensity of our nature, not even that of loving, which may not be converted into a means of producing misery rather than happiness — evil rather than good.

Let us think well on this subject, then, and try if we can not find some wholesome and beneficial exercise for the impetuous warmth of those feelings, which expend themselves in hating what is abhorrent to their nature, as well as in loving what is in harmony with it. Let us ask whether there may not be a righteous indignation — a contempt of what is mean — a hatred of what is bad, which may be lawfully indulged? I confess that to me it appears that there is - that without such feelings, little would be done in the world for the correction of abuse, or the rescue of the oppressed; and I believe if we would examine deeply the mo- tives of some of those noble and magnanimous efforts by which the helpless have been torn from the grasp of cruelty, the weak protected from the aggressions of the strong, the slave set free from bondage, and the doors of the dungeon thrown open, we should find that the active impulse most immediately in operation, was a well-directed hatred of injustice, oppression, and cruelty of every kind.

Let us begin, then, by endeavoring to make use of this impulse, by directing it against whatever is unkind, unfair, or untrue. Let us, in plain words, teach children to hate falsehood; and to hate it not only when spoken, but also when acted. It is a lamentable fact, that many a little child brought up under parental care, with a cordial hatred of falsehood, and as cordial a love of truth, sent early to school to be tried by new tests, and subjected to new temptations, is there, for want of moral courage, literally startled into falsehood, though loathing and hating it all the time. The loud authoritative demand made in the midst of tmmbers — "Who has one this?" or, "What naughty

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 Rh speeches of Lenin dealing with, the revolutionary movement in Great Britain. Here are some passages, as reported in the Bolshevist press:

Lenin protests against the supposition that the peculiar situation of the English labor movement requires that the decision as to the line of conduct of the British Socialist Party should be left in the latter's free judgment. Lenin does not understand why in such a case this Congress and this International are necessary.

Such tactics should be considered one of the worst traditions left by the activity of the II International. The 2nd Congress of the III International will, of course, act differently and will discuss in detail in the proper committee all the conditions of the English labor movement and the tasks resulting therefrom. …

Despite the opinion of Comrade MacLean, the Labor Party does not express the political state of mind of the working class of England as organized in trade-unions; it expresses the views and state of mind of its leaders, who are the most bourgeois, reactionary handmaid of British Imperialism. It is necessary that the party should effectively represent the ideology and interests of the proletariat. …

Furthermore, these traitors are at the head of the Labor Party which presents an unprecedented situation, for the latter expresses the political will of 4,000,000 workmen organized in its ranks. …

You are constantly speaking of the differences between the conditions in England and those in other countries. In so far as you enter the Communist International, you must remember that you must be guided not only by the experience of England but also by general revolutionary experience.

After the speech of Comrade Lenin the theses are put to a vote. Comrade Zinoviev proposed to vote first, and separately, on the thesis relating to the entrance of the


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 162 British Socialist Party into the Independent Labor Party of England. This Thesis is adopted by a majority of 48 to 34 with two abstaining.

This amazing act of coercion against the left wing of British labor, as the vote shows, was almost too much even for the hand-picked and thoroughly disciplined delegates of the Communist Internationale. Lenin's plan to capture the Independent Labor Party in this manner was, doubtless, not quite so wild as the plan of the British Communist delegates who were voted down. These latter wished to attack not only the British Labor Party, though it is pro-Soviet in its foreign policy, but also the revolutionary Independent Labor Party which expresses the warmest admiration for Sovietism—in Russia, but does not wish to have it in England and will not take orders from Moscow further than leaving the Second and Socialist Internationale at Moscow's suggestion. Lenin's tactics on the surface were somewhat less impractical. But they were futile in any event as the Independent Labor Party, at its succeeding congress, repudiated Communism by an overwhelming majority, leading to the secession of the small minority of Communists—as ordered by Lenin for all countries. Whether, from the Communist-revolutionary standpoint, this outcome in Great Britain justified Lenin's tactics or not, the British Communists were allowed little to say on the subject.

The autocratic control of Moscow is the key to the tactics of the Third Internationale. The Communists are unanimously agreed that if it is to succeed their revolution must be a world revolution. They are unanimously agreed that it must therefore have a highly


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Rh spurs and he bounded forward with such a spring that only a rider like myself could have sat him. I gave him his head and let him go—it did not matter to me where, so long as we left this inn far behind us. He thundered away across the vineyards, and in a very few minutes I had placed miles between myself and my pursuers. They could no longer tell in that wild country in which direction I had gone. I knew that I was safe, and so, riding to the top of a small hill, I drew my pencil and note-book from my pocket and proceeded to make plans of those camps which I could see and to draw the outline of the country.

He was a dear creature upon whom I sat, but it was not easy to draw upon his back, for every now and then his two ears would cock, and he would start and quiver with impatience. At first I could not understand this trick of his, but soon I observed that he only did it when a peculiar noise — “yoy, yoy, yoy” — came from somewhere among the oak woods beneath us. And then suddenly this strange cry changed into a most terrible screaming, with the frantic blowing of a horn. Instantly he went mad — this horse. His eyes blazed. His mane bristled. He bounded from the earth and bounded again, twisting and turning in a frenzy. My pencil flew one way and my note-book another. And then, as I looked down into the valley, an extraordinary sight met my eyes. The hunt was streaming down it. The fox I could not see, but the dogs were in full cry, their noses down, their tails up, so close together that they might have been one great yellow and white moving carpet. And behind them rode the horsemen — my faith, what a sight! Consider every type which a great army could show. Some in hunting dress, but the most in uniforms: blue dragoons, red dragoons, red-trousered hussars, green riflemen, artillery men, gold-slashed lancers, and most of all red, red, red, for the infantry officers ride as hard as the cavalry. Such a crowd, some well mounted, some ill, but all flying along as best they might, the subaltern as good as the general, jostling and pushing, spurring and driving, with every thought thrown to the winds save that they should have the blood of this absurd fox! Truly, they are an extraordinary people, the English!

But I had little time to watch the hunt or to marvel at these islanders, for of all these mad creatures the very horse upon which I sat was the maddest. You understand that he was himself a hunter, and that the crying of these dogs was to him what the call of a cavalry trumpet in the street yonder would be to me. It thrilled him. It drove him wild. Again and again he bounded into the air, and then, seizing the bit between his teeth, he plunged down the slope and


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Rh “Alas for thy wrongs, clear sister, that we may not be free from this great scathe. We must ever lament for Siegfried’s death.”

“That ye do without cause,” spake the sorrow-laden wife. “Were this loth to you, it never would have happed. I may well aver, ye thought not on me, when I thus was parted from my dear husband. Would to God,” quoth Kriemhild, “that it had happed to me.”

Firmly they made denial. Kriemhild gan speak: “Whoso declareth him guiltless, let him show that now. He must walk to the bier before all the folk; thereby one may know the truth eftsoon.”

This is a great marvel, which oft doth hap; whenever the blood-stained murderer is seen to stand by the dead, the latter’s wounds do bleed, as indeed happed here, whereby one saw the guilt was Hagen’s. The wounds bled sore, as they had done at first. Much greater grew the weeping of those who wailed afore.

Then spake King Gunther: “I’d have you know that robbers slew him; Hagen did not do the deed.”

“I know these robbers well,” quoth she. “Now may God yet let his friends avenge it. Certes, Gunther and Hagen, ’twas done by you.”

Siegfried’s knights were now bent on strife. Then Kriemhild spake again: “Now share with me this grief.”

Gernot, her brother, and young Giselher, these twain now came to where they found him dead. They mourned him truly with the others; Kriemhild’s men wept inly. Now should mass be sung, so on every side, men, wives, and children did hie them to the minster. Even those who might lightly bear his loss, wept then


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 action; or, if I should not succeed, to convince myself, by my own experience, of Volkert's supernatural skill.

I interrogated the woman about several circumstances, which had appeared to me rather suspicious; and asking her, at last, whether she had any reason to think that the lover of her daughter had really been a son of her deceased husband, she was prevented, by her tears and sobs from answering that question, I therefore dismissed her, with the firm resoJution to make the strictest inquiries at her neighbours, which I did the same day, but all my endeavours to unfold that mysterious transaction proved abortive; they could tell me no more than what I had known already, repeating the unhappy widow's tale without any material alterations; I was left in the dark and found myself necessitated to check my ardent curiosity.

I now waited with impatience for an opportunity of witnessing Volkert's skill, being


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142 for Siegfried. Gernot and Giselher spake: “Sister mine, now comfort thee after this death, as needs must be. We’ll try to make it up to thee, the while we live.”

Yet none in the world might give her comfort. His coffin was ready well towards midday. From the bier whereon he lay they raised him. The lady would not have that he be buried, so that all the folk had mickle trouble. In a rich cloth of silk they wound the dead. I ween, men found none there that did not weep. Uta, the noble dame, and all her meiny mourned bitterly the stately man. When it was noised abroad that men sang in the minster and had encoffined him, then rose a great press of folk. What offerings they made for his soul’s sake! He had good friends enow among these foes. Poor Kriemhild spake to her chamberlains: “Ye must now be put to trouble for my sake, ye who wished him well and be my friends. For Siegfried’s soul shall ye deal out his gold.”

No child, however small, that had its wits, but must go to service, or ever he was buried. Better than a hundred masses were sung that day. Great throng was there of Siegfried’s friends.

When that mass was sung, the folk went hence. Then Lady Kriemhild spake: “Pray let me not hold vigil over the chosen knight this night alone. With him all my joys have come to fall. I will let him lie in state three days and nights, until I sate me with my dear lord. What if God doth bid that death should take me too. Then had ended well the grief of me, poor Kriemhild.”

The people of the town returned now to their lodg-


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Rh ings. She begged the priests and monks and all his retinue, that served the knight, to stay. They spent full evil nights and toilsome days; many a man remained without all food and drink. For those who would partake, it was made known that men would give them to the full. This Sir Siegmund purveyed. Then were the Nibelungs made acquaint with mickle toil. During the three days, as we hear tell, those who knew how to sing, were made to bear a deal of work. What offerings men brought them! Those who were very poor, grew rich enow. Whatever of poor men there were, the which had naught, these were bid go to mass with gold from Siegfried’s treasure chamber. Since he might not live, many thousand marks of gold were given for his soul. She dealt out well-tilled lands, wherever cloisters and pious folk were found. Enow of gold and silver was given to the poor. By her deeds she showed that she did love him fondly.

Upon the third morning at time of mass, the broad churchyard by the minster was full of weeping country folk. They served him after death, as one should do to loving kin. In the four days, as hath been told, full thirty thousand marks or better still were given to the poor for his soul’s sake. Yet his great beauty and his life lay low. When God had been served and the chants were ended, much people fought ’gainst monstrous grief. Men bade bear him from the minster to the grave. Those were seen to weep and wail who missed him most. With loud laments the people followed hence; none was merry, neither wife nor man. They sang and read a service before they buried him. Ho, what good priests were present at his burial! Ere


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 Evans, Richard; B.A. from. 19 March, 1618-19.  Evans, Richard, s. David, of Carnarvon town, pleb. ., matric. 14 July, 1637, aged 17; B.A. from. 6 July, 1641.  Evans, Richard, s. David, of Beckington, co. Montgomery, pleb. pp., matric. 5 April, 1639, aged 16; B.A. 29 Nov., 1642; created M.A. 18 July, 1643, "because he had lately done the king service in the western parts of England, and for that he was now to go into Ireland." See Fasti, ii. 60.  Evans, Richard, s. Richard, of Halkin, co. Flint, minister. ., matric. 15 July, 1663, aged 19.  Evans, Richard, s. Jones, of Llangerney, co. Denbigh, pp. ., matric. 7 April, 1671, aged 19; perhaps B.A. 1681.  [5]

Evans, Ritharch, of, in and before 1568.  Evan, Robert (Enan), chaplain. B.A. (sup. 1 July), 1511.  Evan, Robert B.A.; B.Can.L. 17 May, 1534; B.D. Cambridge, 1544, rector of Llantrissant, Anglesey, 1526-34, dean of Bangor 1534, and again 1557, rector of Llaneingan in Llyn 1534-5, vicar of Terrington St. John, Norfolk, 1540, and of Llanllechid, co. Carnarvon, 1555; first master of ., Cambridge, 1542-6; son of Evan ap Riaulte, etc., died about March, 1570. See Foster's Index Eccl.; Cooper, i. 284; Fasti, i. 97

Evans, Robert (Evons), student residing in the town in July, 1562; tutor, Davie Hwes, of White Hall. See O.H.S. i. 250.

Evans, Robert, of ., in and before 1564.
 [10]

Evans, Robert, of co. Merioneth, pleb. , matric. 12 April, 1583, aged 21.

Evans, Robert, of co. Montgomery, pleb. , matric. 7 Dec. 1610, aged 19; B.A. 4 July, 1614, M.A. 25 June, 1617; one of these names rector of West Wycombe, Bucks, 1624, until sequestered 1644. See ''Add. MS''. 15,670, p. 233.

Evans, Robert, s. "Evan Price," of Bodvari, co. Denbigh, pleb. ., matric. 25 Jan., 1627-8, aged 21; B.A. 14 Feb., 1628-9, possibly a student of Gray's Inn 1631. See Foster's Gray's Inn Reg.

Evans, Robert, subscribed 10 April, 1635; possibly a student of the Inner Temple 1633, as son and heir of Edward, of Crickett, Salop. See Foster's Inns of Court Reg.

Evans, Robert, s. "Evan Lloyd," of Llandwrog, co. Carnarvon, gent. , matric. 24 April, 1635, aged 17; B.A. 20 Feb., 1638-9, M.A. 8 July, 1642.
 [15]

Evans, Robert, s. Mich., of London, gent. , matric. 16 July, 1679, aged 16; of the Middle Temple 1681, as of All Hallows, London, gent. See Foster's Inns of Court Reg.

Evans, Robert, s. Ric., of Llanlifny, co. Caermarthen, pleb. ., matric. 22 March, 1707-8, aged 18; B.A. 1711.

Evans, Robert, s. Evan, of Bala, co. Merioneth, pleb. ., matric. 21 Oct., 1712, aged 17; B.A. from. 1716.

Evans, Roger, fellow of. 1553-6, B.A. (sup. April), 1555; fellow of. 1556-9, M.A. (sup. 8 April), 1559, rector of Bridestowe, Devon, 1571. See Boase, 40; & Foster's Index Ecclesiasticus.

Evans, Rowland, student residing in the town in July, 1562.
 []

Evanes, Rowland, of co. Montgomery, pleb. , matric. 9 Nov., 1621, aged 20; B.A. 21 Feb., 1622-3.

Evans, Roland, s. "Evan Griffiths," of Llanrhisted, co. Cardigan, pleb. ., matric. 28 Feb., 1639-40, aged 18.

Evans, Samuel, of Oxon, cler. fil. ., matric. 15 Oct., 1619, aged 18; B.A. 17 Oct., 1621.

Evans, Samuel, s. David, of Bierton, Bucks, sacerd. ., matric. 11 March, 1624-5, aged 18; B.C.L. 11 Oct., 1632, incorporated at Cambridge 1635, rector of Syresham, Northants, 1637; his father vicar of Bierton 1596-1624. See Foster's Index Eccl. & ''Add. MS''. 15,670, p. 84.

Evans, Simon, s. Richard, of Exeter, Devon, gent. ., matric. 5 April, 1639, aged 15.
 [25]

Evans, Simon, s. "Ev. Sym.," of Cloakhanmore (? Clocaenog), co. Denbigh, pleb. ., matric. 27 March, 1710, aged 21; B.A. from 1713; perhaps M.A. from ., Cambridge, 1729, rector of Llandegla, co. Denbigh, 1718-31, vicar of Llanarmon in Yale, co. Denbigh, 1731-53. See Foster's Index Eccl. & Thomas, 626.

Evans, Thomas, B.C.L. (sup. 24 Jan.), 1520-1.

Evans, Thomas, of co. Carmarthen, pleb. ., matric. 15 May, 1584, aged 20.

Evans, Thomas, of co. Merioneth, pleb. ., matric. 15 May, 1584, aged 18.

Evans, Thomas, B.A. from ., Cambridge, 1580, incorporated 11 July, 1585.*
 [30]

Evans, Thomas, of ., sup. for B.A. 15 April, 1586. See O.H.S. xii. 138.

Evans, Thomas, B.A. from. 2 March, 1593-4.

Evans, Thomas, B.A. from. 14 July, 1596.

Evanes, Thomas, of co. Denbigh, pleb. , matric. 16 June, 1598, aged 18; B.A. from 17 Dec., 1601.

Evans, Thomas, of co. Flint, gent. ., matric. 20 March, 1606-7, aged 18.
 [35]

Evance, Thomas, of Salop, arm. , matric. 18 June, 1610, aged 17.

Evans, Thomas, B.A. from 27 Feb., 1610-11.

Evans, Thomas, s. "Evan Davies," of Hill Croome, co. Worcester, sacerd. ., matric. 13 Feb., 1624-5, aged 17; perhaps B.A. from 6 March, 1627-28, M.A. 18 June, 1631; one of these names rector of Welland, co. Worcester, 1636, until his death in 1671, aged 65. See Foster's Index Eccl.

Evans, Thomas, pleb. , matric. 8 Feb., 1627-8, aged 18; perhaps B.A. 1 April, 1628.

Evans, Thomas, s. Thomas, of Ashton, Devon, pleb. ., matric. 2 Dec., 1636, aged 18; B.A. 11 June, 1640.
 [40]

Evans, Thomas, "serv." ., matric. 9 Dec., 1653.

Evans, Thomas, "serv." ., matric. 2 July, 1658, B.A. 1660, M.A. 1663.

Evance, Thomas, s. Richard, of Oswestry, Salop, pleb. ., matric. 6 April, 1666, aged 17; B.A. 1669, M.A. 1672.

Evans, Thomas, s. "Evan Thomas," of Llantrisant Misken, co. Glamorgan, pp. ., matric. 26 March, 1669, aged 21; B.A. 1673.

Evans, Thomas s. "Evan Williams," of Eglwysvach, co. Denbigh, pp. ., matric. 3 May, 1672, aged 19; B.A. 5 Feb., 1675-6; one of these names rector of Llandogget, co. Denbigh, 1699. See Foster's Index Eccl.

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