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 PIDGIN-ENGLISH VOCABULARY.

In this Vocabulary C.V. indicates that the word is taken from a Chinese vocabulary of Pidgin-English, M. that it is Mandarin-Chinese, and Canton, from the Canton dialect. These Chinese words are seldom or never heard in pure Pidgin, but their utility in certain cases is manifest. For the Mandarin words I am indebted to "Chinese Without a Teacher," by H. A. Giles; for those from the Chinese Vocabulary, to a MS. version by Prof. R. K. Douglas; and for many other terms, as well as for much kind assistance and suggestion, not only to these gentlemen, but also to Ng Choy, Esq., of Lincoln's Inn, to Mr Th. A. Arnett, and Mr R. Scott Walker. I have in this collection also given many Anglo-Indian and other words not strictly Pidgin, but as they are constantly occurring in it, or are used by Englishmen and Americans in China, they have a certain relation to the dialect.

 * Ah-kwan-tsae,
 * gentleman.

 * Ai! Hai!
 * a very common interjection. It frequently precedes yah. Hai yah! fan-kwei lo! Ha, foreign devils! (foreigners.)

 * Allo, áll-o,
 * all; every. "Allo man talkee my so-fashion."

 * All-plopa,
 * quite right.

 * All-same,
 * like; as; similar; identical; agreeing with.

 * Amah,
 * a Chinese nurse. Hindu, ayah. In Mandarin dialect, lowmur.


text: Index:Journal of the Straits Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society (IA journalofstra13141884roya).pdf

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/


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 TABLE OF CONTENTS.


text:
Presidential Decree No. 27 (Marcos)

Decreeing The Emancipation of Tenant From The Bondage of The Soil, Transferring To Them The Ownership of The Land They Till And Providing The Instruments and Mechanism Therefor.

Inasmuch as the old concept of land ownership by a few has spawned valid and legitimate grievances that gave rise to violent conflict and social tension,

The redress of such legitimate grievances being one of the fundamental objectives The New Society,

Since Reformation must start with the emancipation of the tiller of the soil from his bondage,

Now, Therefore, I, Ferdinand E. Marcos, President of the Philippines, by virtue of the powers in me vested by the Constitution as Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces of the Philippines, and pursuant to Proclamation No. 1081, dated September 21, 1972, and General Order No. 1 dated September 22, 1972 as amended do hereby decree and order the emancipation of all tenant farmers as of this day, October 21, 1972;

This shall apply to tenant farmers of private agricultural lands primarily devoted to rice and corn under a system of sharecrop or lease-tenancy, whether classified as landed estate or not,

The tenant farmer, whether in land classified as landed estate or not, shall be deemed owner of a portion constituting a family-size farm of five (5) hectares if not irrigated and three (3) hectares if irrigated;

In all cases, the landowner may retain an area of not more than seven (7) hectares if such landowner is cultivating such area or will now cultivate it,

For this purpose of determining the cost of the land to be transferred to the tenant-farmer pursuant to the Decree, the value of the land shall be equivalent to two and one-half (2$1/2$) times the average harvest of three normal crop years immediately preceding the promulgation of the Decree,

The total cost of the land, including interest at the rate of six (6) percentum per annum, shall be paid by the tenant in fifteen (15) years of fifteen (15) equal annual amortizations;

In case of default, the amortizations due shall be paid by the farmers' cooperative in which the defaulting tenant-farmer is a member, with the cooperative having a right of recourse against him;

The government shall guaranty such amortizations with shares of stock in government-owned and government-controlled corporations,

No title to the land owned by the tenant-farmers under this Decree shall be actually issued to a tenant-farmer unless and until the tenant-farmer has become a full-pledged member of a duly recognized farmers' cooperative,

Title to land acquired pursuant to this Decree or the Land Reform Program of the Government shall not be transferable except by hereditary succession or to the Government in accordance with the provisions of the Decree, the Code of Agrarian Reforms and other existing laws and regulations,

The Department of Agrarian Reform through its Secretary is hereby empowered to promulgate rules and regulations for the implementation of the Decree.

All laws, executive orders, decrees and rules and regulations, or parts thereof, inconsistent with this Decree are hereby repealed and or modified accordingly.

Done in the City of Manila this 21st day of October, in the year of Our Lord, nineteen hundred and seventy-two.

title: Presidential Decree No. 27 (Marcos)


text: The Melodist/Beneath the Willow Tree

title: The Melodist/Beneath the Willow Tree


text: The Melodist/The Auld Man's Mare's Dead

title: The Melodist/The Auld Man's Mare's Dead


text: The Melodist/The Girl I Love

title: The Melodist/The Girl I Love


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title: Page:Bent Petrels and Pelicans.djvu/21


text:
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 scale divided into equal parts, so that the divisions do not correspond as they ought to do with the numbers which express specific gravities.

In the aræometer of Fahrenheit, the uncertainty arising from the erroneous division of the scale is obviated, no division being required. The form of the instrument is the same as that just described, only at the top there is a small cup, into which weights are put, so as to bring the surface of the denser liquid to a fixed mark on the stalk; when the instrument is placed in a liquid of jess density, some of the weights are taken out till the mark again comes to the surface.

Suppose the weight of the instrument and of the weights in the cup together equal to 1000, when sunk to the mark in distilled water at a certain temperature; the instrument is now taken out of the water and immersed in a liquid, where 10 must be taken out of the cup in order to bring the mark to the surface; the immersion in water indicates that a volume of water weighs 1000; the immersion in the second liquid, shows that an equal volume of this liquid weighs 990; when the volumes of bodies are equal, the specific gravities are directly as the absolute weights $$\frac{G}{g}=\frac{W}{w}$$, consequently the specific gravity of the second liquid is 990, that of water being 1000. To save computation, it is convenient that the whole weight of the apparatus, when in distilled water, at a certain temperature, should be represented by 1000; for this purpose, the instrument-maker divides the weight of the apparatus into 1000 parts, and forms small weights consisting of one, two, three, &c. of these thousandth parts, the relation of which to the ounce or pound, does not require to be known; the weights thus formed are to be used with the instrument.

The aræometer of Nicholson is like that of Fahrenheit, with the addition of an immersed cup, whereby it is rendered proper for ascertaining

the specific gravity of solids. Suppose that it requires 400 grains in the exterior cup to sink the instrument to the mark in distilled water, at 60 degrees of Fahrenheit’s thermometer; 1st, The body under examination is put into the exterior cup, and weights (say 300 grains) are taken out till the mark again stands at the surface; this gives the absolute weight of the body 300 grains. 2dly, The body is then put into the immersed cup S, taking care to brush off any air-bubbles with a hair pencil, and in order to bring the mark to the surface, a weight (say 100 grains) must be put into the exterior cup, that is, the weight of a volume of water equal to the body, is 100 grains. The first part of the process gave the absolute weight of the body 300 grains, and the volumes being equal, the specific gravities are as the absolute weights, consequently the specific gravity of the body is 300, that of water being 100. This aræometer may be used to find the specific gravity of liquids; the process, in that case, is the same as that described above in speaking of the aræometer of Fahrenheit. The aræometer of Nicholson is useful to the mineralogist for ascertaining the specific gravity of minerals; the specific gravity being a convenient character for distinguishing one kind of mineral from another. It is sometimes made of tinned iron, but where more accuracy is required, copper is the material employed. When put together, it does not exceed a foot in length, and therefore is suited to form a part of the travelling mineralogist’s apparatus.

Some aræometers have been constructed with the exterior cup C placed underneath, and supported by a stirrup, whose upper part is fixed to the stalk of the aræometer, as represented on the margin; this is done in order to place the centre of gravity low, that the aræometer may thereby float mere steadily. The aræometer floats in a cylindrical vessel fitted to the size of the stirrup, and this vessel is supported on a stand so formed as not to interfere with the free motion of the stirrup.

The aræometer of Deparcieux is like the common hydrometer, only the ball is much more voluminous; this renders it capable of indicating the small difference which exists in the specific gravity of the water of different springs, for which purpose Deparcieux proposed it. The dilatation of the large glass bulb by heat, has a considerable effect on the operation of this instrument, and this dilatation being differont in different instruments, renders the results inaccurate. The different aræometers above-mentioned, have the advantages of being easily made and easily carried about; but where the specific gravity of a body is required with the greatest accuracy, recourse must be had to the hydrostatic balance, which ought to be constructed with the utmost care by the most skilful artist.

The following algebraic expressions may serve to elucidate some of the properties of the aræometers hitherto spoken of:

$$g$$ is the specific gravity of water, which is 1000 ounces when the ounce and foot are taken as unities, 1000 ounces avoirdupois being the weight of a cubic foot of water.

$$z$$ is the diameter of the wire-stalk of the aræometer.

$$\pi$$ is 3.1415, &c. the number expressing the periphery of a circle whose diameter is 1. Rh


text: The Melodist/The Done-over Taylor

title: The Melodist/The Done-over Taylor


text: Page:Bent Petrels and Pelicans.djvu/22

title: Page:Bent Petrels and Pelicans.djvu/22


text: The Threat to the Labor Movement

title: The Threat to the Labor Movement


text: The Melodist/The Heaving of the Lead

title: The Melodist/The Heaving of the Lead


text:
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vi CONTENTS.

Chapter 1.

Rh A Simplified Grammar of the Polish Language/Phonology—The Polish Alphabet

A Simplified Grammar of the Polish Language/The Doctrine of Forms Nouns Adjectives Numerals Pronouns Verbs

A Simplified Grammar of the Polish Language/Conjugation of Auxiliary Verbs Być, ‘to be.’ Mieć, ‘to have.’

A Simplified Grammar of the Polish Language/Conjugation of Regular Verbs First Conjugation Second Conjugation Być, ‘to be.’ Mieć, ‘to have.’ Third Conjugation Fourth Conjugation Passive Voice


text: The Melodist/The Flower of Dunblane

title: The Melodist/The Flower of Dunblane


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88


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HE question of organizing the many millions of unorganized workers is the most vital matter now before the American labor movement. The future progress of the working class depends upon the solution of this great problem.

The organization of the unorganized is a life and death question for the labor movement. To bring the millions into the unions is necessary not only for the protection of the of the unorganized workers, and to further class ends in general, but also to safeguard the life of the existing organizations. Many of the trade unions are now under such heavy attacks from the employers that their very existence is threatened. These struggles can be resolved favorably to the workers only by drawing to their support the great mass of unorganized.

The Miners' Union is a case in point. The bituminous coal industry is shifting from the organized fields of Illinois, Ohio, Indiana and Pennsylvania, into the southern unorganized districts, with consequent heavy unemployment among the union miners. The coal operators are taking advantage of this fact by smashing the union in the organized districts. Unless the southern fields are unionized, the United Mine Workers of America is doomed.

To a greater or lesser extent similar menacing conditions exist among the unions of Railroad Workers, Metal Workers, Needle Workers, etc. They are not only seriously weakened, but they cannot even exist with such large sections of their industries working under non-union conditions.


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 The organization of the unorganized masses will mean a tremendous step forward to the general revolutionizing of the labor movement. At present the unions have only 3,500,000 workers out of a total of at least 20,000,000 who are organizable. Doubling or tripling the total number of organized workers will, merely by the increased weight of organized labor alone, enormously enhance its power and stimulate all its institutions.

But, bringing the masses into the unions means much more than simply to add them numerically to the number of organized workers. Far more important will be the consequent changing in the composition of the unions and the shifting of their centers of gravity into the heavy and key industries.

The overwhelming bulk of the unorganized masses are semi-skilled and unskilled. They are the most proletarian and revolutionary section of the working class. Of the 3,500,000 organized workers, fully one-half are highly skilled. They dominate the whole movement and color it and restrict it with their craft prejudices and petty bourgeois conceptions. A great influx of the at present unorganized semi-skilled and unskilled workers will drown out these unhealthy tendencies and start the movement in the direction of revolutionary development. The newly organized workers, with no craft interests to preserve, will tend strongly in the direction of industrial unionism—the organization of the unorganized will mean a great surge forward towards the amalgamation of the existing organizations.

It will also mean a powerful development of the Labor Party movement, partly through the increased class consciousness given to the movement by the addition of the masses of semi-skilled and unskilled, partly because of the intensification of the class struggle accompanying the organization of the unorganized, and partly because the increased size of the labor movement will furnish a better foundation for the Labor Party—where the unions are only skeleton in form, the existence of a powerful Labor Party is almost out of the question.

Also, the very progress of bringing the millions of semi-skilled and unskilled into the unions will provoke a whole series of struggles against the employers and will enormously increase


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 the militancy of the labor movement. The present epoch of militancy and class conscious development in the British movement was hastened very much by infusing into the old conservative skilled workers' craft unions many hundreds of thousands of semi-skilled and unskilled workers. And a similar result will be produced on the unions in the United States by bringing in the unskilled.

A further vital consideration is that the organization of the unorganized masses will tend to revolutionize the labor movement by establishing its foundations in the basic and other important industries. At the present time the trade unions are strongest in the lighter indsutriesindustries [sic], such as building, printing, clothing, etc. Where they touch the basic industries, as on the railroads, in the coal mines, they are either confined largely to the skilled workers, or their hold on the masses in general is weak.

The big industries present a deplorable lack of trade union organization: railroads 35%, coal mining 40%, general metal 5%, general transport 10%, metal mining 5%, steel 3%, textiles 10%, leather 15%; while practically no organization exists at all in the meat packing, automobile, electrical supplies, lumber, agricultural machinery, etc. A trade union movement so weak in the big and basic industries of the country cannot possibly make an effective struggle against capitalism. The firm establishment of the unions in these industries by organizing the great masses will enormously increase the strength of the labor movement and throw it at the very heart of capitalism. It will imbue the entire organization with a new understanding and a new fighting spirit.

The organization of the unorganized is of tremendous importance to the left wing. It tends to revolutionize the labor movement, to make it more responsive to left wing slogans, and to generally create a more favorable situation in which the left wing can operate. Moreover, in the organization process, by taking an active lead in the campaign, the left wing will win direct leadership over large sections of the newly organized masses, for whoever organizes the workers leads them. It will also give the left wing invaluable experience in mass work and leadership.


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 The administrative or police official to whom the arrestee has been delivered may place the arrestee under custody or provisionally release him. When the arrest was conducted by virtue of a warrant, a report shall further be made to the authority issuing the warrant. If the authority issuing the warrant wants the arrestee, the arrestee shall be delivered to him.

If the arrest was conducted by a citizen, the name, occupation, and address of the arrester, as well as the information and circumstances about the arrest, shall be recorded, and the arrester shall then be required to give a countersignature.

In the event of necessity, the official or citizen conducting the arrest may have the arrestee medically treated before delivering him according to this section.

The official conducting an arrest or receiving the delivery of an arrestee has the power to search the body of the alleged offender and seize all the articles which may be used as evidence.

Such search must be conducted politely. If a woman is to be searched, another woman must be engaged to conduct the search.

The official has the power to retain any seized article until the finality of the case. Upon finish of the case, it shall be returned to the alleged offender or to another person who has the right to claim the return thereof, save where the court orders otherwise.

title: Page:กม ร ๘ - ๒๔๗๘ fixed.pdf/1170


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 We must realize the vital importance of the great campaign of organization and the leading role the left wing has to play in it.

The present period presents an exceptionally favorable time to bring the unorganized masses into the unions. Industry is going ahead at a relatively high rate. The workers are bitterly exploited, their standards of living are not advancing. In fact, in many industries such as textile, mining, shoe—in spite of the prosperity of the employers, the workers are facing wage cuts. There is much discontent in their ranks. The situation is ripe for a great drive for organizaitonorganization [sic]. The present period of "prosperity" cannot last indefinitely. Already there are signs of its weakening. We must take the fullest advantage of the situation now. The workers are in a mood to organize. We must take the lead and show them ho.

Failure of the union to strengthen their ranks now by the inclusion of vast masses of the unorganized, will expose them to the most deadly dangers in the slack industrial period that is not far ahead, when the employers will renew their "open shop" campaign of destruction against the unions with redoubled vigor.

The Trade Union Educational League is fundamentally correct when it places as "Point 1" in its Program of Action, the initiation of a general campaign to organize the millions of unorganized workers.


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 labor of working men and working women in factories and shops.

The family consumes but no longer produces. The essential labors of the housekeeper are now four in number: matters of cleanliness (cleaning the floors, dusting, heating, care of lamps, etc.), cooking (preparation of dinners and suppers), washing, and the care of the linen and clothing of the family (darning and mending).

These are painful and exhausting labors; they absorb all the time and all the energies of the working woman, who must in addition furnish her hours of labor in a factory. But it is nevertheless certain that the task of our grandmothers included a much greater number of operations. And, in addition, they possessed a quality which is completely lacking in the household labors of the working woman of our days: the latter having entirely lost their quality of being useful to the State fro the standpoint of national economy, for these labors do not create any, new values; they do not contribute to the prosperity of the country.

The working woman would in vain spend all the day from morning to evening cleaning her home, washing and ironing the linen, using herself up in ceaseless efforts to keep her worn-out clothing in order, she might kill herself preparing with her modest resources such food as might please her, and there would nevertheless at nightfall remain not a material result of all her day's work, and she would have created with her indefatigable hands nothing that could be considered as a commodity on the commercial market. Even if a working woman should live a


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 thousand years there would never be any change for her. There would always be a new layer of dust to be removed from the mantelpiece and her husband would always come in hungry at night and her little tots would always bring in mud on their shoes. … The work of the housekeeping woman is becoming more useless day by day, more unproductive.

The individual household has passed its zenith. It is being replaced more and more by collective housekeeping. The working woman will sooner or later need to take care of her own dwelling no longer; in the Communist society of tomorrow this work will be carried on by a special category of working women who will do nothing else. The wives of the rich have long been freed from these annoying and tiring duties. Why should the working woman continue to carry out these painful duties? In Soviet Russia the life of the working woman should be surrounded with the same ease, with the same brightness, with the same hygiene, with the same beauty, which has thus far surrounded only the women of the richer classes. In a Communist society the working women will no longer have to spend her few, alas, too few hours of leisure, in cooking, since there will be in Communist society public restaurants and central kitchens to which everybody may come to take his meals.

These establishments have already been on the increase in all countries, even under the capitalist regime. In fact, for half a century the number of restaurants and cafes in all the great cities of Europe increased day by day; they sprang up like mushrooms after an autumn rain. But while under the cap-


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 italist system only people with well-lined purses could afford to take their meals in a restaurant, in the Communist city, anyone who likes may come to eat in the central kitchens and restaurants. The case will be the same with washing and other work: the working woman will no longer be obliged to sink in an ocean of filth or to ruin her eyes in darning her stockings or mending her linen; she will simply carry these things to the central laundries each week, and take them out again each week already washed and ironed. The working woman will have one care less to face. Also, special clothes-mending shops will give the working women the opportunity to devote their evenings to instructive readings, to healthy recreations, instead of spending them as at present in exhausting labor. Therefore, the four last duties still remaining to burden our women, as we have seen above, will soon also disappear under the triumphant Communist regime. And the working women will surely have no cause to regret this. Communist society will only have broken the domestic yoke of woman in order to render her life richer, happier, freer, and more complete.

But what will remain of the family after all these labors of individual housekeeping have disappeared? We still have the children to deal with. But here also the state of the working comrades will come to the rescue of the family by substituting for the family; society will gradually take charge of all the formerly was on parents. Under the capitalist regime, the instruction of the child has ceased to be the duty of the parents. The children were taught in schools. Once the child had attained school age, the parents


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 breathed more freely. Beginning with this moment the intellectual development of their child ceased to be an affair of theirs. But all the obligations of the family toward the child were not therefore finished. There was still the duty of feeding the child, buying it shoes, clothing it, making skilled and honest workers of them, who might be able when the time came to live by themselves and to feed and support their parents in their old age. However, it was very unusual when a worker's family was able to fulfil entirely all these obligations towards their children; their low wages did not permit them even to give the children enough to eat, while lack of leisure prevented the parents from devoting to the education of the rising generation the full attention which it demanded for this duty. The family was supposed to bring up the children. But did it really? As a matter of fact, it is the street which brings up the children of the proletariat. The children of the proletarians are ignorant of the amenities of family life, pleasures which we still shared with our own fathers and mothers.

Furthermore, the low wages of the parents, insecurity, even hunger, frequently bring it about that when hardly ten years of age, the son of the proletarian already becomes in his turn an independent worker. Now, as soon as the child (boy or girl) begins to earn money, he considers himself the master of his own person to such an extent that the words and counsels of his parents cease having any effect upon him, the authority of the parents weakens and obedience is at an end. As the domestic labors of the family die out one by one, all obligations of support and training will be filled by society in place of the parents. Under the capitalist regime the children were frequently, too frequently, a


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 heavy and unbearable burden to the proletarian family.

Here also the Communist society will come to the aid of the parents. In Soviet Russia, owing to the care of the Commissariats of Public Education and of Social Welfare, great advances are being made, and already many things have been done in order to facilitate for the family the task of bringing up and supporting the children. There are homes fer very small babies, day nurseries, kindergardens, children's colonies and homes, infirmaries, and health resorts for sick children, restaurants, free lunches at school, free distribution of text books, of warm clothing, of shoes to the pupils of the educational, establishments—does all this not sufficiently show that the child is passing out of the confines of the family and being placed from the shoulders of the parents on those of collectivity?

The care of children by the parents consisted of three distinct parts: (1) the care necessarily devoted to the very young babies; (2) the bringing up of the child; (3) the instruction of the child. As for the instruction of children in primary schools and later in gymnasiums and universities, it has become a duty of the State, even in capitalist society. The other occupations of the working class, its conditions of life, imperatively dictated, even to capitalist society, the creation for the purposes of the young, of playgrounds, infants' schools, homes, etc., etc. The more the workers became conscious of their rights, the better they were organised in any specific State, the more society would show itself to be concerned with relieving the family of the care of the children. But


text: The Melodist/Tweed-side

title: The Melodist/Tweed-side


text:
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 bourgeois society was afraid of going too far in this matter of meeting the interests of the working class, lest it contribute in this way to the disintegration of the family. The capitalists themselves are not unaware of the fact that the family of old, with the wife a slave and. the man responsible for the support and well-being of the family, that the family of this type is the best weapon to stifle the proletarian effort toward liberty, to weaken the revolutionary spirit of the working man and working woman. Worry for his family takes the backbone out of the worker, obliges him to compromise with capital. The father and the mother, what will they not do when their children are hungry? Contrary to the practice of capitalist society, which has not been able to transform the education of youth into a truly social function, a State work, Communist society will consider the social education of the rising generation, as the very basis of its laws and customs, as the corner stone of the new edifice. Not the family of the past, petty and narrow, with its quarrels between the parents, with its exclusive interests in its own offspring, will mould for us the man of the society of to-morrow. Our new man, in our new society, is to be moulded by Socialist organisations such as playgrounds, gardens, homes, and many other such institutions, in which the child will pass the greater part of the day and where intelligent educators will make of him a Communist who is conscious of the greatness of this sacred motto: solidarity, comradeship, mutual aid, devotion to the collective life.

But now, with the bringing up gone and with the instruction gone, what will remain


text: The Melodist/Honest Men and Bonny Lasses


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RV 12 (Rh)


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 Illegal Activity.

In accordance with the decision of the Congress, in which it is pointed out that a number of important parties in all probability will be compelled for a time to adopt illegality, it is the duty of the Presidium to give its utmost attention to the training of the respective parties for their illegal work. Immediately after the close of the Congress the Presidium shall commence negotiations with the parties in question.

International Women's Secretariat.

The International Women's Secretariat remains. The Executive appoints a women's secretary, and, in consultation with the latter, carries out all the further organisational work.

Representation in the Young Communist Executive.

The Congress instructs the Executive to arrange for regular representation of the Comintern in the Young Comintern. The Congress considers it to be one of the most important tasks of the Executive to promote the work of the Youth movement.

Representation in the Profintern.

The Congress instructs the Executive, in conjunction with the Executive of the Profintern, to work out the form of mutual relations of the Comintern and Profintern. The Congress further points out that now more than ever is the economic struggle closely bound up with the political campaign, and consequently a special internal co-ordination of forces of all the revolutionary organisations of the working class must be effected.

Revision of the Statutes.

The Congress confirms the Statutes as adopted by the Second Congress, and instructs the Executive, on the basis of the newly-adopted resolutions, to revise and to perfect these statutes. This work must be carried out in proper time, distributed for preliminary consideration to all the parties, and finally endorsed by the Fifth World Congress.

1. The most pressing task of the Party is to organise the resistance of the proletariat against the capitalist offensive which is developing in France as in every other large industrial country. The defence of the eight-hour day, the maintenance and increase of the present salaries, the struggle for the immediate economic demands of the proletariat, this is the best platform to reunite the disorganised proletariat, and give it confidence in its strength and its future. The Party must immediately take the initiative in every mass action capable


text: The Melodist/The Tankard of Ale

title: The Melodist/The Tankard of Ale


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 of opposing the offensive of capital and instilling the working class with the sense of its unity.

2. The Party must undertake a campaign to show the workers the interdependence of the eight-hour day and of wages, and the inevitable effect of one of these demands upon the other. It must use as a weapon of agitation, not only the activities of the employers, but also the attacks of the State against the immediate interests of the workers, as, for instance, the tax on wages, and every economic question which interests the working class, such as the increase in rents, the tax on consumption, social insurance, etc. The Party must undertake an active propaganda campaign among the workers for the creation of factory councils, uniting all the workers in each enterprise, irrespective of whether they are already organised economically and politically or not, in order to exercise workers' control on the conditions of work and production.

3. The slogans for the immediate economic demands of the proletariat must serve as means to realise the United Front against the economic and political reaction. The United Working Class Front must be our governing rule for every mass action. The Party must create the favourable conditions for the success of this policy by undertaking seriously the education of its own members and of sympathetic elements by every means of propaganda at its disposal. The Press, the pamphlets, the books, meetings of all sorts, everything must be used in this work of education which the Party must carry on in every proletarian group where there are Communists. The Party must appeal to the important rival political and economic organisations of the workers; it must always publicly state its proposals and those of the reformists, and give the reasons for its acceptance of some proposals and the rejection of others. In no case must it renounce its complete independence, its right to criticise all the participants in the action. It must always seek to take and maintain the initiative of those movements, in the sense of this programme.

4. To be able to take part in the action of the workers in all its forms, to help in the orientation of this action or in certain circumstances, to fulfil a decisive rôle in them, the Party must immediately create its organisation for activity among the unions. The formation of Trade Union committees in the federations and the sections (decided upon at the Paris Congress) and of Communist nuclei in every factory and large capitalist or state enterprise will permit the Party to penetrate right into the masses of workers, and enable it to spread its slogans and increase Communist influence in the proletarian movement. The trade union committee, whatever the degree of organisation of the Party of the trade union may be, will maintain connections with the Communists who, with the permission of the Party, have remained in the reformist C.G.T., and will guide their opposition to the policy of the official


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 Again,

My Lord Hallifax's Muse hath been very indulgent to Monosyllables, and no Son of Apollo will dare to dispute his Authority in this Matter. Speaking of the Death of King Charles the Second, and his Improvement of Navigation, and Shipping; he says,

Again,

Again,

And again,

In Charles, so good a Man and King, we see, A double Image of the Deity. ''Oh! Had he more refembled it! Oh why'' Was he not still more like; and cou’d not die?

My Lord Landfdown's Muse, which may claim her Seat in the higheft Posnt of Parnassus, gives us the'e Instances of her Sentiments in our Favour;

Again


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 leaders; they will register every trade union member of the Party, control his activities and transmit to him the directives of the Party.

5. Communist agitation in all trade unions without exception shall consist primarily in agitating re-establishment of trade union unity, indispensable for the victory of the proletariat. The Communists must make use of every opportunity to show the harmful effects of the present division, and advocate fusion. The Party must combat every tendency to dispersed action to decentralised organisation, to local or craft exclusiveness and to anarchistic ideology. It must propagate the necessity of a centralised movement, of the formation of large organisations by industry, of co-ordination of strikes in order to substitute mass actions which will instil the workers with confidence in their strength, for localised actions which are doomed to failure. In the C.G.T.U. the Communists must combat every tendency opposing the adhesion of the French trade unions to the Red International of Labour Unions. In the reformist C.G.T. they must denounce the Amsterdam International and the leaders' policy of class collaboration. In both federations they must advocate joint action, demonstrations and strikes, the United Front, organic unity, and the integral programme of the R.I.L.U.

6. The Party must take advantage of every large movement, spontaneous or organised, to show the political character of every class conflict, and use them as favourable conditions for the propagation of its political slogans, such as political amnesty, the annulment of the Versailles Treaty, the evacuation of the left bank of the Rhine, etc.

7. The struggle against the Treaty of Versailles and its results must be the first task. We must effect the union of the proletariat of France and Germany against the bourgeoisie of the two countries which profit by the war and the peace treaty. It is the urgent duty of the French Party to inform the workers and the soldiers of the tragic situation of their German brothers, crushed by the burden of the economic difficulties resulting directly from the Peace Treaty. The German government can satisfy the demands of the Allies only by increasing the burdens of the German working class. The French bourgeoisie spares the German bourgeoisie, treats with it to the detriment of the working class, helps them to take possession of the public utilities, and guarantees them aid and protection against the revolutionary movement. The two bourgeoisies are ready to accomplish the alliance of French iron and German coal; they are coming to an understanding on the question of the occupation of the Ruhr, which signifies the enslavement of the German miners. But the German workers are not the only ones menaced; the French workers will be made to feel the competition of German labour, reduced to such cheapness by the depreciation of the currency. The French Party must explain this situation to the French working class


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 No measure of custody shall be applied to an arrestee in excess of the mere necessity to prevent his abscondment.

No arrestee shall be placed under custody in excess of the necessity of the circumstances of the case. In the event that the case concerns a petty offence, the arrestee can only be placed under custody for the period of time for interrogating him and for ascertaining who he is and where his residence is, save where an official finds that he would abscond if he is released.

No arrestee shall be placed under custody over forty-eight hours from the time of his arrival at the office of an administrative or police official, but the time of travelling to bring him to the court shall not be included in those forty-eight hours. In the event of necessity for the conduct of an inquiry or other necessity, the period of forty-eight hours may be extended to the extent necessary, but not over fifteen days.

If it becomes necessary to place the arrestee under custody over the period of time according to the previous paragraph so as to allow the inquiry to be finished, the arrestee shall be sent to the court and a public prosecutor or inquiry official shall move to the court for a warrant of his detention.

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 and warn it against the danger which menaces it. The Communist press must constantly describe the sufferings of the German proletariat, the victim of the Versailles Treaty, and show the impossibility of carrying out the Treaty. Special propaganda must be carried on in the devastated regions to denounce the two bourgeois classes as responsible for the sufferings of both countries, and to develop the spirit of solidarity among the workers of the two countries. The Communist slogan must be, "Fraternisation of the French and German soldiers and workers on the left bank of the Rhine!" The Party must maintain close ties with its brother party in Germany in order successfully to conduct this struggle against the Treaty of Versailles and its results. The French Party must combat French Imperialism, not only in Germany, but all over the world, especially as it appears in the St. Germain, Neuilly, Trianon, and Sevres Peace Treaties.

8. The Party must undertake systematic permeation of the army. Our anti-militarist propaganda must differ radically from the hypocritical pacifism of the bourgeoisie, and must be based on the disarmament of the bourgeoisie and the arming of the proletariat. In their press, in parliament, on all favourable occasions, the Communists must defend the interests of the soldiers, advocate the recognition of their political rights, etc. Our revolutionary anti-militarist propaganda must be intensified everywhere when there is a menace of war. This propaganda must be placed in the hands of a special organ of the Party, in which the Communist Youth must participate.

9. The Party must take in hand the interests of the exploited colonial people oppressed by French Imperialism, support the nationalist demands which constitute a step towards the liberation from the yoke of the foreign capitalists, and defend unreservedly their right to autonomy and independence. The immediate task of the Party is to fight for the political and trade union liberties of the natives, and against native levies. The Party must combat ruthlessly every reactionary tendency existing even among certain working class elements in the form of a prejudice against the natives. It must create a special organ within the Central Executive to carry on Communist agitation in the colonies.

10. Our propaganda among the peasantry to win over the majority of the agricultural workers, tenant farmers and poor peasants to the revolution and gain the sympathies of the small landowners must be accompanied by action for the amelioration of the conditions of life and work of the peasant workers and of the tenants dependent upon the large landowners. Such action demands that the district organisations of the Party establish and propagate programmes of immediate demands corresponding to the peculiar conditions in each district. The Party must favour the agricultural associations and co-operatives which help to destroy the individualism of the


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 peasants. More especially, it must exert its efforts to create and develop trade unions among the agricultural workers.

11. The Communist propaganda among the working-class women is of the greatest importance, and requires a special organisation. A central committee within the Executive, with a permanent secretariat, more and more numerous local commissions and a journal devoted to propaganda among the women are necessary. The Party must demand the unification of the economic demands of the men and workers, equal pay for equal work without distinction of sex, the participation of the exploited women in the campaigns and the struggles of the workers.

12. We must make more efforts than in the past in the development of the Communist Youth. In every branch of both organisations reciprocal relations must be established between the Party and the Youth. The Youth must be represented on every Commission formed in the Central Executive. The federations, sections and propagandists of the Party must help the existing groups of young Communists, and help to create new ones. The Central Committee must take an interest in the Press of the Youth, and assure to that organisation a forum in the Party Press. In accordance with this programme, the Party must represent the demands of the young workers in the trade unions.

13. In the co-operatives, the Communists must defend the principle of unified national organisation, and create national groups attached to the co-operative section of the Comintern through a commission formed in the Executive. In every federation a special commission must be created for propaganda among the co-operatives. The Communists must transform the co-operatives into a branch of the working-class movement.

14. Our members in the Chamber, in the municipal councils, etc., must conduct an energetic struggle in connection with the struggles of the working-class and the campaigns conducted by the Party and the trade unions outside of Parliament. In accordance with the theses of the Second Congress of the Comintern, the Communist representatives must be controlled and directed by the Executive of the Party, the municipal, general, and district councillors, controlled and directed by the sections and the federations, and must serve the Party as agents of propaganda and agitation.

15. To be able to accomplish the tasks developed in its programme and the national and International Congresses, the Party must perfect and strengthen its organisation following the example of the large Communist Parties of other countries, and the rules of the Comintern. We require a strict centralisation, an inflexible discipline, the subordination of every member of the Party to his branch, of each branch to the organisation immediately above it. Furthermore, we must develop the Marxism education of our militants by a


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 $$\tfrac{1}{4}\pi z^2$$ is the surface of a transverse section of the wire-stalk.

$$v$$ is the volume of the bulb or body of the aræometer.

$$w$$ is the whole weight of the aræometer.

$$x$$ is the length of the stalk that is plunged in the water.

$$\tfrac{1}{4}x \pi z^2$$ is the volume of the immersed portion of the stalk.

When the aræometer floats in equilibrio, it displaces a volume of water equal to its own weight, therefore, $$w = g (v + \tfrac{1}{4}x \pi z^2)$$, and, $$g = \frac{w}{v + \tfrac{1}{4}x \pi z^2}$$, $$x = \frac{4(w - gv)}{2g \pi z^2}$$; $$w-gv$$ is the difference between the quantity of water displaced by the whole aræometer, and the quantity displaced by the bulb alone, $$w-gv$$, therefore, is the volume af water displaced by the immersed portion of the stalk, as the diameter of the stalk $$z$$ is very small, the cylinder of water $$w-gv$$, which has $$z$$ for its diameter, is likewise very small, and does not exceed a few grains in weight; therefore, a small variation in $$w$$ (the weight of the aræometer), or in $$g$$ (the density of the liquid), occasions a great variation in $$x$$ (the length of the immersed part of the stalk). The value of $$x$$ changes rapidly, when $$z$$ (the diameter of the stalk) is changed, because the value of $$x$$ is divided by $$z^2$$, which is the square of a very small quantity.

When the aræometer is immersed in a liquid of another specific gravity $$g^1$$, then the equation is $$x^1 = \frac{2(w-g^1 v)}{g^1 \pi z^2}$$; subtract the value of $$x^1$$ from that of $$x$$, and there results $$x-x^1 = \frac{2w(g-g^1)}{g g^1 \pi z^2}$$; this is the diminution in the length of the immersed part of the stalk, which takes place when the aræometer is transferred to a liquid of a greater density. By this formula, it is seen, that the sensibility of the aræometer, that is, the length of the portion of the stalk which emerges upon transferring the aræometer to a denser liquid, is augmented, in the first place, by increasing $$w$$ (the weight of water displaced by the aræometer), that is, by increasing the volume of the body of the aræometer; secondly, by diminishing $$z$$ (the diameter of the stalk), which is in the denominator of the value of $$x-x^1$$. Consequently, the faculty of the aræometer to show the different densities of liquids is, in general, expressed by the fraction $$\frac{w}{z^2}$$.

With regard to the vertical mobility of the aræometer, when put in motion by placing a small weight ($$s$$) in its exterior cup, substitute $$w+s$$ for $$w$$, then, $$x^1 = \frac{4(w+s-gv)}{2g \pi z^2}$$, take the difference between this and $$x = \frac{4(w-gv)}{2g \pi z^2}$$; this difference is $$x^1-x = \frac{4s}{g \pi z^2}$$. Which shows that the length of the portion of the stalk that a small weight causes to immerge, is proportional to $$\frac{s}{z^2}$$, or in the direct ratio of the small weight, and in the inverse ratio of the square of the diameter of the stalk.

When the small weight, the density of the liquid, and the length of that part of the stalk which is submerged on adding the small weight, are known, then this equation will give the diameter of the stalk in known quantities $$z = 2 \sqrt{\frac{s}{g \pi (x^1-x)}}$$.

When the weight of the whole aræometer is known in ounces, &c., and the specific gravity of one of two liquids (water for instance) is known, the difference of specific gravity between that liquid and another liquid may be had in known quantities.

$$g$$ is the specific gravity of water.

$$g^1$$ is the specific gravity of the second liquid, which is here supposed more dense.

$$w$$ is the weight of the volume of water displaced by the aræometer.

$$s$$ is a small additional weight placed on the exterior cup to keep the aræometer, when placed in the denser liquid, at the same point of immersion as when it floated in water.

$$w+s$$ is the whole weight of the apparatus when floating in the denser liquid. ws

The equation $$g^1 = \frac{w+s}{v + \tfrac{1}{4} x \pi z^2}$$ is obtained by substituting $$g^1$$ for $$g$$, and $$w+s$$ for $$w$$ in the equation, $$g = \frac{w}{v + \tfrac{1}{4} x \pi z^2}$$, which was given above. Divide by $$g = \frac{w}{v + \tfrac{1}{4} x \pi z^2}$$, and there results $$\frac{g^1}{g} = \frac{w+s}{w}$$, which gives the proportion of the density of the second Iiquid to the density of water. By subtraction there results $$\frac{g^1-g}{g} = \frac{s}{w}$$ and $$g^1-g = \frac{sg}{w}$$, that is, the difference between the density of the second liquid, and the density of water is found by multiplying the small weight by 1000 ounces, and dividing this product by the number of ounces, &c., which denote the weight of the aræometer uncharged.

Small bodies, whose specific gravities are known, serve to indicate the specific gravity of a liquid in which they just remain suspended. In this way, beads of glass, three or four tenths of an inch in diameter, are employed, each of which remains suspended in spirit of a certain specific gravity. The density of each of these beads, or rather bubbles, is regulated by the proportion between the quantity of glass and the cavity which the glass incloses. A piece of boes-wax, whose specific gravity, by the addition of lead, is such, that the body is just suspended in brine of a known density, is used as an aræometer In some salt works. The fresh egg of a common fowl is just sustained by brine of a certain specific gravity, and is employed as an aræometer.

The aræometer of Homberg, consists of a phial, with a slender neck and glass-stepper, so made, that it may be filled with the same volume of different liquids. It is employed in finding the specific gravity of liquids in the following way: 1st, The phial is filled with distilled water, and then weighed in a balance; 2dly, The phial is emptied, and again filled with the liquid, whose specific gravity is sought, and weighed in a balance, the proportion of the weight of the contents of the phial in the second process to the weight of its contents in the first, is the specific


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 systematic increase of theoretical courses in the sections, by the opening of Party schools. These courses and these schools must be placed under the direction of a Central Commission of the Executive.

(a) Executive Committee.—As an exception, under the circumstances of the acute crisis provoked by the Paris Congress, the Executive Committee shall be constituted on a proportional basis, taking, as a basis the voting of the Congress for members of central bodies.

The proportions of the different factions will be as follows:

Centre: 10 members and 3 substitutes.

Left: 9 members and 2 substitutes.

Renoult Faction: 4 members and 1 substitute.

Renaud-Jean Minority: 1 member.

Communist Youth: 2 representatives with an advisory vote.

The political bureau will be formed on the same basis, the various tendencies being represented as follows: Centre, 3; Left, 3; Renoult Faction, 1.

The members of the Executive Committee, as well as those of the Political Bureau and other important central bodies, will be nominated by the French members of the various factions now in Moscow, in order to avoid all personal disagreements which might tend to aggravate the crisis. The list of candidates is to be submitted by the Delegation to the Fourth World Congress, and the delegation will undertake to defend it before the Party. The Fourth Congress makes this declaration in the conviction that this method is the only possible one for solving the Party crisis.

The list of the new Executive elected by the various factions now follows:—

Members:—

Frossard, General Secretary of the Party and delegate on the Executive.

Louis Sellier, temporary secretary.

Marseil Cachin.

Jacob, secretary of the Textile Federation.

Garchery, municipal councillor of Paris.

Lucis Leiciague, stenographer.

Marrane, mechanic, secretary of the Federation of the Seine.

Ocurdeaux, employee in the Paris Post Office.

Laguesse, discharged teacher, secretary of the Federation of the Seine-et-Marne.


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 Paquereaux, turner, secretary of the Federation of Seine-et-Oise.

Substitutes:—

Members:—

Substitutes:—

Members:—

Substitute:—

A National Conference with the power of the Party Congress, shall ratify this list not later than the last fortnight in January.

Until that time the provisional Executive Committee nominated by the Party Congress will remain in power.

(b) The Press.—The Congress confirms the rule for the Press which has already been decided: (1) The management of the papers shall be turned over to the Political Bureau; (2) there shall be a daily unsigned editorial giving the readers the opinion of the party; (3) prohibition of Party journalists contributing to the bourgeois press.

Editor of l'Humanitte: Marcel Cachin.

General Secretary: Amedee Dunois.

Both of these have equal powers, and any disagreement between them must be brought before the Political Bureau and settled by them.

Editorial Secretariat: One from the Centre and one from the Left.

The editorshop of the Bulletin Communiste will be given to a comrade of the Left.


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 The resigned editors will reassume their positions.

In order to prepare for the National Conference, the Party page will be re-established, in which each tendency will have the right to express its point of view.

(c) General Secretariat.—This position will be occupied on a party basis by one comrade from the Centre and one from the Left; all disagreements to be settled by the Political Bureau.

Member, Frossard. Substitutes, Louis Sellier and Treint.

(d) Delegates of the Executive.—This Congress considers it absolutely necessary, in order to establish normal and cordial relations between the Executive Committee of the Communist International and the French Party, that the two most important tendencies be represented in Moscow by those comrades best qualified and authorised by their respective factions. That is to say, that they shall be represented by Comrades Frossard and Souvarine for at least three months, until the end of the crisis within the French Party.

The fact that the French Party will be represented at Moscow by Frossard and Souvarine, will give complete certainty that every suggestion of the International Executive, arrived at in agreement with these two comrades will receive the support of the whole party.

(e) Appointment of Party Officials.—With regard to the appointment of Party officials, editors, etc., the Party will set up a special commission composed of comrades possessing the complete confidence of the Party, in order to regulate this question from two points of view: (1) The elimination of all possibility of one comrade filling two or more paid posts, which provokes legitimate indignation among the members of the Party; (2) Those comrades whose work is absolutely necessary for the Party, shall be given appointments which will permit them to give their whole time to the service of the Party.

(f) Committees—(1) Administrative Committee of l'Humanité, 6. Centre, 5. Left, 2. Renoult Faction.

The French Commission states that proportional representation is used here also purely as an exceptional measure for the important committees.

(2) Trade Union Secretariat.—There shall be a secretary from the Centre and one from the Left; all misunderstandings to be settled by the Political Bureau.

(g(g) [sic] Cases in Litigation.—Those cases which came out of the decisions taken in Moscow, and their application, will have to be regulated by a special committee composed of one representative of the Centre, one representative of the Left, and the delegate of the Executive as President.

(h) Positions forbidden to former Masons.—By this we understand those posts where the holders have the power of representing more or less independently, on their own re-


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 sponsibility, the ideas of the party before the working masses, by voice or by pen.

If there is any uncertainty with regard to the allocation of these posts, between the two factions, it must be submitted to the Committee above mentioned.

In case of technical difficulties for the reinstatement of those editors who have resigned, the Committee above described will settle these difficulties.

All resolutions that do not concern the constitution of the Executive Committee are immediately applicable.

Besides those provisions mentioned in the resolutions, the Renoult Faction has asked to have a substitute at the Executive with Comrades Frossard and Souvarine, during a period of three months.

The Commission has unanimously granted this request of the Renoult Faction.

The motion is adopted, with two votes against, namely:—

Brancon (France).

Antonio B. Caneiian (Brazil).

There is one abstention.

The second and Third World Congresses of the Communist International had to devote much time to the Italian problem. The Fourth Congress is now able to summarise the whole matter.

At the end of the Imperialist World War, the situation in Italy was objectively revolutionary. The reins of government had fallen from the hands of the bourgeoisie. The apparatus of the bourgeois state had become disrupted. The ruling class felt insecure, the whole of the working class was aroused against the war, and in many parts of the country was in a state of open insurrection. Considerable numbers of the peasantry were rising against the large landowners and the government, they were willing to support the working class in its revolutionary struggle. The soldiers were against the war and ready to fraternise with the workers.

The objective conditions for a victorious revolution were at hand. But the most important subjective factor was lacking,—namely, a determined, trained, prepared, alert, revolutionary working-class party, i.e., a real Communist Party ready to take over the leadership of the masses.

Such was the situation in almost all belligerent countries at the end of the war. That the workers did not accomplish the revolution in the years 1919–20 was due to the lack of a revolutionary working-class party. This was demonstrated with particular clearness in Italy, a country where the


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 revolution seemed nearest, and which has now been plunged into the most fearful horrors of the counter-revolution.

The occupation of the factories by the Italian workers in autumn, 1920, was a most decisive moment in the development of the class struggle in Italy. Instinctively, the Italian workers sought for a revolutionary solution of the crisis. But the absence of a revolutionary proletarian party decided the fate of the working class, sealed their defeat, and prepared the present victory of the Fascists. The working class owing to this lack of revolutionary leadership, did not find the necessary strength to take the power into its own hands. And so it happened that after a short time, the bourgeoisie conquered the proletariat and established the dictatorship of its most radical wing, the Fascists. The example of Italy is of great importance. Nowhere is the proof of the importance of the historical mission of the Communist Party so evident as in Italy, where, as a result of the absence of such a party, events were turned to the advantage of the bourgeoisie.

It is not that there were no working-class parties in Italy in this decisive hour. The old Socialist Party had a large membership, and to all appearances exercised a great influence. But it contained in its ranks the reformist elements that paralysed every revolutionary action. In spite of the first split in 1912 (expulsion of the extreme Right) and of the second secession in 1914, there were still a great number of reformists and Centrists in the Socialist Party of Italy. These reformists and Centrists acted as a dead weight upon the Party at every decisive moment. Nowhere did it become so clear as in Italy that the Reformists were the most dangerous agents of the bourgeoisie amongst the working class. They did not leave any means untried to betray the working class to the bourgeoisie. Such treachery as that of the reformists during the occupation of the factories has often been demonstrated in the history of reformism, which is in reality nothing but a long unbroken chain of betrayals. The real forerunner of Fascism was Reformism. The treachery of the reformists is primarily responsible for the great sufferings of the Italian proletariat. If the Italian working class has to begin over again the difficult road which leads to revolution, it is because the reformists have been tolerated so long in the Italian Party.

At the beginning of 1921 the breach of the majority of the Socialist Party with the Communist International took place. In Livorno, the centre showed itself willing to split away from the Comintern and from 58,000 Italian Communists formed an independent organisation with 16,000 members. Two parties were created. The young Communist Party was resolute in its struggle against the bourgeoisie and its reformist accomplices, but in spite of all its courage, too weak to lead the working class to victory; and the old Socialist Party, where, after Livorno, the influence of the reformists


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 In the event that the maximum rate of punishment carried by the criminal offence committed is imprisonment of not over six months, or a fine of not over five hundred baht, or both the imprisonment and fine, the court has the power to detain him once for a period of not over fifteen days.

In a different case, the court has the power to detain him on several and successive occasions not over fifteen days each and not over three months in total at most.

In the event that the period of detention ends, the court shall issue a warrant of release for the alleged offender, save where a public prosecutor has submitted a charge against the alleged offender or a public prosecutor or inquiry official applies for continuation of his detention.

From the time an accused detained by virtue of a court warrant is charged, the court may continue to detain him or provisionally release him.

A warrant of detention or warrant of imprisonment must be executed in the territory of the court issuing it.

When any person is claimed to be under custody or detention which is contrary to the law or imprisonment which is contrary to the judgment of a court, the following persons have the power to move to the court for his release, namely—

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reign of ʿOthmān lasted twelve years. It is usual to say that the first six were popular, and the last six the reverse ; in other words, that during his later years the tide turned, and, discontent ripening into sedition, the storm burst with gathered fury upon the aged Caliph. This is true to some extent; but in reality the causes of unpopularity were busily at work from the very first. They were two-fold, as has been already noticed; first, antagonism between the Arab nation at large and Ḳoreish; and second, jealousy among Ḳoreish themselves,—namely, between the house of Hāshim and that of Umeiya, to which latter ʿOthmān and Muʿāwiya belonged.

The Arab soldiery, flushed with the glory and fruits of victory, were spread all over the Empire. In Syria, they were held in check by the powerful hand of Muʿāwiya, strengthened by the large body of influential Citizens from Mecca and Medīna settled there. But in other lands, conscious of their power, the Arab tribes were rapidly getting the bit between their teeth. Their arrogant and factious spirit had its focus in Al-Kūfa and in Al-Baṣra; in both these cities, indeed, it had already under ʿOmar shown itself; for even he had not been able effectually to curb their insolence. The Arabs were impatient of control, partly because the success of Islām was due to their arms; partly because, in the brotherhood of the Faith, all Believers, specially those of Arab blood, stood on equal ground. The power of the Caliph, indeed, as successor to the Prophet, was absolute, uncontrolled by any constitutional authority whatever. But even he, yielding to popular sentiment, not only 199


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 200 took counsel on critical occasions with the leading men around him, but, as a rule, held himself bound by the same, and enjoined the like on his lieutenants. And so it was that in the concessions which he made to the clamour of the citizens of Al-Baṣra and Al-Kūfa, ʿOmar had already set a baneful lesson to his successor, and given to those con-stituencies a foretaste of power which they were not slow to take advantage of. Thus the turbulent spirit grew from day to day—a spirit of opposition to authority, and impatience of Ḳoreishite rule.

The second cause, less threatening to Islām at large, was more insidious and fraught with greater danger to the Caliphate, and to the person of ʿOthmān himself. Had Ḳoreish rallied loyally around the throne, they might have nipped the Arab faction in the bud. But the weakness of ʿOthmān, and the partiality with which he favoured his own relations, stirred the jealousy of the house of Hāshim, which began now to vaunt the claims of ʿAlī and the Prophet's family, and to depreciate the Umeiyad branch to which the Caliph belonged. That branch, unfortunately for the Umeiyads, had been the tardiest to recognise the mission of the Prophet; and those on whom ʿOthmān now lavished his favour were amongst the earliest and most inveterate opponents of Islām. Every expression uttered by Moḥammad during that period of bitter enmity was now raked up and used to blacken their names, and cast discredit on a Government which promoted them to power and honour. Thus Ḳoreish were divided; rivalry paralysed their influence, and ʿOthmān lost the support which would otherwise have enabled him to crush the machinations of the Arab malcontents. Still worse, ʿAlī and his party lent themselves to the disloyal policy of the Bedawi faction, which was fast sapping the foundations of the Caliphate, and which, as ʿAlī should have foreseen, would in the end, if he succeeded to the throne, recoil against himself.

It was not, however, till later on that these influences, though early at work, assumed dangerous prominence. This was in great measure due to the military operations which, busily pursued in all directions throughout the twelve years of ʿOthmān's caliphate, served to divert attention from domestic trouble. Expeditions,as we have seen, had been


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Page:ISC-China.pdf/144

CHINA CCC. Overt acquisition routes have been welcomed by HMG for economic reasons, regardless of risks to national security. The threat to future prosperity and independence was discounted in favour of current investment. This was short-sighted, and allowed China to develop significant stakes in various UK industries and Critical National Infrastructure.

DDD. Without swift and decisive action, we are on a trajectory for the nightmare scenario where China steals blueprints, sets standards and builds products, exerting political and economic influence at every step. Such prevalence in every part of the supply chain will mean that, in the export of its goods or services, China will have a pliable vehicle through which it can also export its values. This presents a serious commercial challenge, but also has the potential to pose an existential threat to liberal democratic systems.

title: Page:ISC-China.pdf/144


text: The Melodist/Every Body's Song

title: The Melodist/Every Body's Song


text:
Page:William Muir, Thomas Hunter Weir - The Caliphate; Its Rise, Decline, and Fall (1915).djvu/230

644–56] from time to time directed towards the East, and the various provinces brought more or less under tributary subjection. Shortly after the death of ʿOmar, a general rising took place in Persia, and so, in order to restore Muslim supremacy, a series of enterprises were, by command of ʿOthmān, set on foot. Ibn ʿĀmir, governor of Al-Baṣra, having first reduced the adjoining province of Fars, inaugurated a great campaign in the north and east. The land was overrun, and the strongholds, after they had been either stormed or had surrendered at discretion, were ordinarily left in the hands of native Princes on condition of a heavy tribute. Nīsāpūr, taken by the treachery of one of the Marzubāns who were over the quarters of the town, was assessed at a million, and Merv at a million and a quarter pieces; and so on with the other States. Sarakhs surrendered on quarter being given for a hundred lives; but in furnishing the list of names, the Marzubān forgot his own, and so was beheaded with the rest of the fighting men. A great battle was fought at Khwarizm on the Oxus, and the country as far as Balkh and Ṭukhāristān forced to acknowledge the Caliph's suzerainty. Having achieved these splendid victories, in which were taken 40,000 captives, Ibn ʿĀmir set out for Mecca, on a pilgrimage of thanksgiving. The Lieutenants whom he left to prosecute the campaign restored authority at the point of the sword in the revolted parts of Kirmān and Sijistān, and brought under obedience the chiefs as far as Herāt, Kābul, and Ghazna. The control must, however, as yet have been but slight and desultory; for long years after, we find these outlying provinces continually rising against Muslim rule, and again for the time asserting independence. Kirmān, however, and the nearer parts were held under a more substantial sway; forts were erected, water-courses dug, and the land divided among the conquerors; and so settled rule gradually extended eastward. It was not till the eighth year of ʿOthmān's reign that Yezdejird died. There are


text: The Melodist/The Bush aboon Traquair

title: The Melodist/The Bush aboon Traquair


text:
Page:William Muir, Thomas Hunter Weir - The Caliphate; Its Rise, Decline, and Fall (1915).djvu/231

 202 various accounts of his wanderings in the East after the battle of Nihāvend, destitute and helpless; but they all agree in the fact that about this time, taking shelter in a miller's hut he was there assassinated, and that he was buried with reverence by the Metropolitan of Merv. The knowledge that the line of Anūsharwān was now at an end, tended no doubt to the pacification of the East.

Although upon the whole the progress of the Muslims was steadily forward, there were still reverses, and these not seldom of a serious kind. An arduous campaign was carried on during this reign against the hordes of Turks and Khazar, to the west of the Caspian Sea. In the year 32 these gained so signal an advantage in the mountainous passes of Azerbījān, that in the discomfiture which followed the Arab leaders and a great body of the veterans were slain. To retrieve the disaster, ʿOthmān ordered levies from Syria to reinforce the Kūfan army. Bad blood bred between the two; the Syrians refused to serve under a General commanding troops from Al-Kūfa; and altercation ensued which nearly led to bloodshed. This, adds the historian, was the first symptom of the breach between the Kūfans and the men of Syria, which subsequently broke out into prolonged hostility. About the same time, a whole army was lost in deep snow upon the heights of Kirmān, only two men escaping to tell the tale. There were also some alarming losses in Turkestân. But Arabia continued to cast forth its swarms of fighting tribes in such vast numbers, and the wild fanaticism of the Faith still rolled on so rapidly, that such disasters soon disappeared in the swelling tide of conquest.

Syria had by this time come entirely under Muʿāwiya. On the death of his brother Yezīd, ʿOmar gave him the government of Damascus; and as the other governors passed away, their districts fell successively into his hands; till at last, early in the reign of ʿOthmān, to whom as of the Umeiyad line Muʿāwiya was closely related, the entire Province came


text:
Page:A simplified grammar of the Polish language.djvu/7

vi Rh A Simplified Grammar of the Polish Language/Prepositions Adverbs:—Primary, Derived, and Compounded Of Time, Place, and Manner Interrogative and Affirmative A Simplified Grammar of the Polish Language/Conjunctions

CHAPTER III.

A Simplified Grammar of the Polish Language/Syntax:— Cases of Nouns Adjectives Pronouns and Verbs Arrangement of Words in a sentence


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Page:กม ร ๘ - ๒๔๗๘ fixed.pdf/1173

 the suffering person himself;

his husband, wife, or relative, or an interested person;

a public prosecutor;

the prison governor or warder.

Upon receipt of such motion, the court shall summons the official or other person who causes the custody, detention, or imprisonment to happen and the person subject to the custody, detention, or imprisonment to appear at the same time. If the court is satisfied that the custody or detention is contrary to the law or the imprisonment is contrary to the judgment, the court shall order his release.

The provisions of section 81(2) shall apply mutatis mutandis to searches.

No search shall be conducted in a private place without a warrant of search, save where it is conducted by an administrative or police official and is in the following events:

when a cry for help comes out from within the private place;

title: Page:กม ร ๘ - ๒๔๗๘ fixed.pdf/1173


text:
Page:Supplement to the fourth, fifth, and sixth editions of the Encyclopaedia Britannica - with preliminary dissertations on the history of the sciences - illustrated by engravings (IA gri 33125011196181).pdf/758

  required. The inconveniences which have prevented this method from being generally used, are; the difficulty of completely cleaning the phial from the liquid which it previously contained; the difficulty of filling the phial exactly with the same volume of each liquid; and the variation of the volume of the phial from changes of temperature.

The pressure of the atmosphere supports columns of different fluids, whose height is inversely as the densities of the fluids. An aræometer has been constructed on this principle. It is a curved tube, one leg of which has its extremity immersed in water, and the other in the spirit whose density is to be tried. On rarifying the air in the tube, by means of a pump fixed at the upper part of the tube, the water ascends in one leg, and the spirit in the other; the height of the column of each liquid being measured by a scale of equal parts applied to each branch of the tube. This instrument has never come into use, probably on account of the difficulty of ascertaining, with precision, the points at which the surfaces of the columns are terminated. See Encyclopædia, Art. , Part I. ch. 2. sect. 2. for some farther notice of Aræometers.

 ARAUCANIA, a territory on the western coast of South America, extending 186 miles in length, between the rivers Biobio and Valdivia, and penetrating 420 miles inland to the foot of the Andes. The lower parts of these mountains are included within its limits, and the whole superficies which is bounded by 36° 44′ of south latitude on the north, and 39° 50′ on the south, occupies about 78,120 square miles. Originally, Araucania was of smaller dimensions, not reaching above 300 miles from the sea-shore; but it received a great accession by the union of another territory belonging to the tribe Puclches, in the course of the seventeenth century.

This is a pleasant and fertile country, partly consisting of wide and extensive plains, partly mountainous, with spacious valleys interposed. It contains two considerable lakes, Laquen, called Villarica by the Spaniards, 72 miles in circuit, with a conical islet in the centre; and Nahuelguapi, 80 miles in circuit, which also has an islet towards one side covered with trees. The latter is the source of a river of the same name, which, after a long course, falls into the ocean, near the Straits of Magellan; and the Talton, which discharges itself farther north into the sea, rises from the latter. A great volcanic mountain, fourteen miles in circumference at the base, and visible at the distance of 150, stands near the lake Villarica. Its eruptions are not violent, though it is always in an active state. The summit is covered with snow, but lower down, perpetual verdure is intermixed with woods, and besides mineral springs, several streams flow from it. Sulphur and Salt are plentiful on the eastern confines; and quantities of Amber-grease are thrown up on the coast. Mines of Gold, formerly yielding immense revenues, are said to exist in the southern parts, but ever since the natives expelled their Spanish invaders, they have prohibited resorting to them under pain of death. Possibly all remembrance of their site is lost, and the Araucanians are sufficiently prudent to avoid awakening the cupidity of neighbouring nations by discovering it. This precious metal is not rare beyond their confines. We are acquainted with the vegetable productions of this territory, only in common with those of the surrounding country; they are numerous, useful, and afford a copious supply for the sustenance of mankind. The beauty and utility of a tree called the Pehnen, probably a kind of breadfruit, or of some analogous species, is particularly celebrated, as uniting the properties of the Pine, Chesnut and Frankincense. It is of spontaneous growth, requiring no culture, and rises 80 feet in height, by about 8 in circumference; the whole tree at full size being of a pyramidal figure. The flowers are conical, and its fruit, which is as large as the human head, is divided into cells, containing kernels resembling chesnuts. These are ate in the same way, or sometimes reduced to flour, and preserved by boiling. A yellowish odoriferous gum exudes through the bark. The sea abounds in fishes, and various phocæ frequent the shores. Of these the sea Elephant is the largest, often being 22 feet in length, and 15 around the breast; it produces more oil than the rest; and is so fat, that undulations under the skin are perceptible during its motion. Furious combats ensue among the males for possession of the females, which latter always retire until their issue; and that for the most part is in the death of one or other of them. Their skins are generally covered with scars; yet notwithstanding the great size of the animal, and its warfare among its own species, a smart blow near the nose is invariably fatal. A species of Hippopotamus is said to inhabit some of the lakes and rivers of Araucania, different from that of Africa, but its existence is not sufficicntly authenticated. However, it is only of late years that Naturalists have become acquainted with the real Hippopotamus, whose figure and habits were long considered to be fabulous. One of the most useful animals in this country is the Chilihueque, a species of diminutive camel, greatly resembling the sheep, about 4 feet high, of various colours, grey, brown or black, and bearing very soft wool, which is employed solely in manufacturing the finest cloths. Formerly, it was used as a beast of burden; now it ts highly prized by the inhabitants, by whom it is never killed except at festivals, or on occasion of solemn sacrifices.

The natives of the country now described, are called Araucans or Araucanians from the province of Arauco, which forms a small portion of it. They denominate themselves Auca, which signifies free, or unsubdued, though some European authors have affirmed, that both Auca and Araucanian originated with the Spaniards, as a name of reproach, signifying rebel or savage banditti; and others, such as Falkner, says, that they denominate themselves generally moluches or warriors. Whatever may be the truth, they are a


text: The Melodist/The Turtle Dove

title: The Melodist/The Turtle Dove


text:
Page:William Muir, Thomas Hunter Weir - The Caliphate; Its Rise, Decline, and Fall (1915).djvu/232

 645–56] to be administered by him. Excepting raids of little import, Syria had for some time enjoyed rest, when suddenly in the second year of ʿOthmān's caliphate, Muʿāwiya was startled by the approach of an army from Asia Minor, which he had not the means to oppose. Help was ordered from the eastern provinces, and 8000 volunteers soon joined the Syrian army. Thus reinforced, the Arabs repulsed the Byzantine attack. Following up the success, they overran Asia Minor, and passing through Armenia, reached Ṭabaristān, thus forming a junction with their comrades, on the eastern shore of the Caspian. Then turning north, they marched as far as Tiflis, and reached even to the Black Sea. Thereafter hostilities with the Greeks were renewed every summer, and eventually, aided by naval expeditions from the ports of Africa, the Syrian generals pushed forward their conquests in the Levant and Asia Minor, strengthened their border, and enlarged their coasts. A few years before the death of ʿOthmān, Muʿāwiya, accompanied by his Bedawi wife, Meisūn, headed one of these expeditions along the coast to the very precincts of Constantinople; and returning by ʿAmmūriya (Amorion), destroyed many fortresses on the way.

In Africa, I have already noticed the desperate attack made early in this reign on Alexandria from seaward; the Byzantine forces on that occasion actually regained possession of the City, but were shortly after driven out by ʿAmr; and against the Muslim power in Egypt no further attack was for the present made. Farther to the west, however, the Byzantine arms remained long in force; and along the shores washed by the Mediterranean strong Arab columns were still actively engaged against them. Among the chiefs who had joined the Egyptian army was ʿAbdallah ibn Saʿd ibn abi Sarḥ, already noticed as the foster-brother of ʿOthmān. He bore no enviable reputation in Islām. Employed by Moḥammad to record his revelations, he had proved unfaithful to the trust; and on the capture of Mecca, was by the Prophet proscribed from the general amnesty, and only at the intercession of ʿOthmān escaped death. An able administrator, he was appointed by ʿOmar to the government of Upper Egypt, when he advanced on Nubia. But some years after, he fell out with ʿAmr, in whom was


text:
Author talk:Margaret St. Clair

Wilton Hazzard
I have removed these:

 * Slayer by Stealth (novelette, 1948 - probably written by Nelson S. Bond for the Wilton Hazzard pseudonym, and not Margaret St. Clair)
 * Witch's Moon (novelette, 1948 - probably written by Nelson S. Bond for the Wilton Hazzard pseudonym, and not Margaret St. Clair)
 * Tomtom Tragedy (novelette, 1948 - probably written by Nelson S. Bond for the Wilton Hazzard pseudonym, and not Margaret St. Clair)

If probably not her, I don't think they should be listed. -- Beardo (talk) 15:03, 1 October 2023 (UTC)

Known renewals
The links in the known renewals don't work. -- Beardo (talk) 15:05, 1 October 2023 (UTC)

title: Author talk:Margaret St. Clair


text:
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 204 vested the supreme control. Each appealed to ʿOthmān, who declared ʿAmr to be in fault, and deposed him from the revenue and civil control. ʿAmr objected. "To be over the army," he said, "and not over the revenue, was like holding the cow's horns while another milked her." He repaired angrily to ʿOthmān, who, after some words of bitter altercation, transferred the whole administration into the hands of Ibn abi Sarḥ. The act was unfortunate for the Caliph. It threw ʿAmr into the ranks of the disaffected; while the bad repute of Ibn abi Sarḥ, "the renegade," as they called him, gave point to the charges of partiality and nepotism now rife against ʿOthmān.

Ibn abi Sarḥ, left thus in sole command, carried his arms vigorously along the coast beyond Tripoli and Barḳa, and even threatened Carthage. Gregory, as its governor, reinforced by the Emperor, advanced against him with an army, we are told, of 120,000 men. ʿOthmān, warned of the danger, sent a large contingent to Ibn abi Sarḥ's help, with which marched a numerous company of "Companions." The field was long and hotly contested; and Ibn abi Sarḥ, to stimulate his troops, promised the hand of Gregory's daughter with a large dower, to the warrior who should slay her father. The enemy was at last discomfited with great slaughter, and a citizen of Medīna gained the lady for his prize. He carried her off on his camel to Medīna; and the martial verses which he sang by the way are still preserved. In this campaign, ʿOthmān incurred much odium by granting Ibn abi Sarḥ a fifth part of the royal fifth of booty as personal prize. The rest was sent as usual to Medīna; and here again ʿOthmān is blamed for allowing Merwān his cousin to become the purchaser of it at an altogether inadequate price.

It is, however, as the first commander of a Muslim fleet that Ibn abi Sarḥ is chiefly famous, in which capacity he


text: The Melodist/Jocky's Far Awa'

title: The Melodist/Jocky's Far Awa'


text:
Page:กม ร ๘ - ๒๔๗๘ fixed.pdf/1174

 when it appears that a flagrant offence is being committed within the private place;

when a person who has committed a flagrant offence has absconded into the private place whilst being pursued or is firmly suspected to have taken refuge therein;

when it is reasonably suspected that an article obtained from the commission of an offence is hidden or is in such place and it is also reasonably believed that the article would be removed because of the delay in obtaining a warrant of search;

when the private place is owned by the person who is to be arrested and the arrest is based upon a warrant of arrest or is conducted in accordance with section 78.

When a superior administrative or police official conducts a search in person, no warrant of search is required, but it must be an event in which a warrant of search can be issued or a search can be conducted according to this Code.

No person shall be searched in a public place, save where the search is conducted by an administrative or police official when the person is reasonably believed to possess an article for use in the commission of an offence, or which has been obtained through the commission of an offence, or of which the possession constitutes an offence.

title: Page:กม ร ๘ - ๒๔๗๘ fixed.pdf/1174


text: Supplement to the Fourth, Fifth, and Sixth Editions of the Encyclopædia Britannica/Aræometer


text: The Melodist/Our bonny Scotch Lads

title: The Melodist/Our bonny Scotch Lads


text:
Page:ISC-China.pdf/143

Methodology: Overt 'standard essential patents' necessary to implement the technical standards in question, all other companies will have to license the patent. As well as an immediate commercial gain, such influence can also have long-term, strategic consequences, as future technology development may rely on the same or similar patented technology, thereby helping to embed a commercial and strategic advantage. In other words, if China has influence over the technical standards, it can influence the long-term direction of travel for technology development—with all the economic and national security implications that this would have for the UK and its allies.

One example of this is the use of Chinese technology in so-called 'smart cities' (or, as the NCSC has referred to them, 'connected places') which rely on Information and Communication Technology and the Internet of Things devices to collect and analyse data to improve municipal services. The online forum 'Just Security' has reported that smart cities are an integral part of what it describes as China's "AI-driven domestic repression, with highly escalated surveillance capacities" and that China is shaping the international debate around normalising the use of such technology "by flooding the zone of multi-lateral tech-related diplomacy". It cites China's "ability to exert influence at tech-standard setting bodies, like the International Telecommunications Industry (ITU) where interoperability standards for the future are set [and where China's] aim has been to push China's preferred protocols as the global default for Internet of Things and other emerging technologies".

MI5 told the Committee that Chinese dominance of technical standards would *** create opportunities for China to influence the future of the internet:

"if China, say, were to be in a position to substantially influence or even control the future generations of technical standards, with large parts of the globe then essentially following a Chinese technological agenda … that would inevitably … ***, because at the moment the global standards essentially were set in the US in the 70s around the internet protocols and so forth.

If gradually over the next few decades you were to shift to a model where states control the internet, that has huge obligations for freedom of speech and very long-term national security implications in that sense, because … China could be in a position to persuade a lot of other states to side with it around having a more kind of authoritarian view, not just on the standards of how the internet runs technically, but what control states are able to have over content within their own borders."

BBB. China's joined-up approach can be clearly seen from its use of all possible legitimate routes to acquire UK technology, Intellectual Property and data from buy-in at the 'front end' via Academia, to actual buying-in through licensing agreements and Foreign Direct Investment, to the exertion of control over inward investments and standards-setting bodies. Each represents an individual threat, but it is the cumulative threat that can now be clearly seen.

title: Page:ISC-China.pdf/143


text:
Page:ISC-China.pdf/140

CHINA of the ministerial-level UK-China Joint Economic and Trade Commission, which had not met since 2018.

While foreign investment is often positive, it also provides a legitimate route through which the CCP can acquire technology to which it may not otherwise have had ready access, and which it can transfer to China and use in ways which may be against the interests of the UK and its allies. When proposed investments are in high-tech industries with potential 'dual-use' (i.e. civilian and military) applications, this is of particular concern from a national security perspective.

In 2020, the JIC assessed that the main potential threats from foreign investment were that: our adversaries' defence and intelligence capabilities are thereby developed; CNI and related supply chains are interrupted; and ***. Investment can also enable espionage and be used to gain influence, credibility and leverage over the UK.

All of these considerations are relevant to Chinese investment in the UK. The assessment acknowledged that the majority of Chinese investment in the UK is almost certainly in non-sensitive sectors, but noted significant investments in sensitive sectors including ***. Furthermore, investments in areas not traditionally considered sensitive can also have national security implications.

The CCP views investment in UK companies as a legitimate means to access and transfer "strategically important knowledge" to China. This information is not restricted to the design of the technology in question, but often includes the knowledge needed to manufacture the product, including "physical skills (e.g. machine use), labour organisation, factory and machine design and construction, research skills and quality assurance procedures". As a consequence, "acquisitions by Chinese companies of UK defence and aerospace companies often include a plan to improve the production capability of the Chinese company and the construction of a new factory in China".

This is the 'added value' that China obtains from its legitimate investments. A 2019 Intelligence Community assessment paper noted:

"Foreign Direct Investment allows Chinese entities to master the complex interconnected systems involved in manufacturing a product from concept to production. There is a remote chance individual human experts or data acquisition alone could provide this level of insight in most cases."

While Chinese acquisitions in a broad range of sectors could be of potential national security concern, the risk is most acute in the defence sector. The Intelligence Community told the Committee that acquisitions of UK defence companies by Chinese companies

title: Page:ISC-China.pdf/140


text:
Page:The plastic age, (IA plasticage00mark).pdf/198

178 into the fireplace and immediately lighted another one. Then he looked at his shoes and muttered, “I’m a pretty bad egg myself.”

“So I Ve heard.” Hugh was frankly sarcastic.

“Well, I am.” Slade looked up defiantly. “I guess it’s up to me to explain—and I don’t know how to do it. I’m a dumbbell. I can’t talk decently. I flunked English One three times, you know.” He hesitated a moment and then blurted out, “I was looking for those bags myself.” “What?” Hugh leaned forward and stared at him, bewildered and dumfounded. “You were looking for them?” Yeah ... You see, I’m a bad egg—always been a bad one with women, ever since I was a kid. Gotta have one about every so often. . . . I—I’m not much.”

But what made you stop me ?” Hugh pressed his hand to his temple. His head was aching, and he could make nothing out of Slade’s talk.

“Because—because. . . Oh, hell, Carver, I don t know how to explain it. I’m twenty-four and you ’re about nineteen, and I know a lot that you don’t. I was brought up in South Boston and I ran with a gang. There was n’t anything rotten that we did n t do. ., . I’ve been watching you. You ’re different.” “How different?” Hugh demanded. women just as much as you do.”

“I want