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be the subject of the re-count constituted contraventions of the Act and thus illegal practices in connection with the election.

Those illegal practices are of the kind to which s 362(3) applies. That is, they were (as all parties accepted) "committed by [a] person other than the candidate and without the knowledge or authority of the candidate" and were not "bribery or corruption or attempted bribery or corruption".

It follows that, although s 362(3) applies only to the Court's powers to declare an election void and to declare that a person returned as elected was not duly elected, none of the orders sought by any petitioner can be made unless the Court is satisfied, first, that the result of the election was likely to be affected by one or more of the illegal practices and, second, that it is just that the candidates who were returned as elected should be declared not to be duly elected or that the election should be declared void. That is because no order could be made declaring that Mr Wang and Senator Pratt were duly elected (being an order outside the scope of s 362(3)) without first declaring that Mr Dropulich and Senator Ludlam were not duly elected.

Those illegal practices are also of the kind dealt with by s 365, thus engaging the proviso to that section. That is, the illegal practices constituted and occasioned by the loss of ballot papers were (as all parties implicitly or explicitly accepted) occasioned by the "omission [of an] officer". What evidence the Court can admit to determine whether the result of the election was affected by those illegal practices (at least in respect of claims for the avoidance of the election) therefore depends on whether the electors whose ballot papers were lost were "prevented from voting" within the meaning of s 365.

Three particular questions must then be considered.

First, must the Court deal first with the allegations made by Mr Wang and Mr Mead that there were wrong decisions made about reserved votes? Or, without dealing with those allegations, can the Court decide whether the loss of ballot papers was likely to have affected the result of the election?

Second, were electors whose ballot papers were lost on account of the error of, or omission by, an officer "prevented from voting" in the election? If those electors were prevented from voting, the Court cannot admit evidence of the way in which they "intended to vote" in determining whether the illegal practices affected the result of the election. And if the Court is prohibited from


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admitting such evidence, it must determine whether records about earlier scrutinies of the lost ballot papers amount to such evidence.

Third, if the likely effect on the result of the election must be determined without regard to those records, the Court must decide whether the records could and should be considered for some other purpose and, if they can be so considered, whether it is necessary to do so for the purposes of determining any of these petitions.

Mr Wang and Mr Mead both submitted that the Court must first deal with their allegations of wrong decisions about reserved votes. They submitted that once it was shown that wrong decisions were made, the difference between the relevant candidates at the 50th exclusion point would be so large (in favour of Mr Bow) that it would be obvious that the result of the election would have been different and that the lost ballot papers could not or would not have altered the result that the candidates who should have been declared elected were Mr Wang and Senator Pratt. Necessarily implicit in the submission was the proposition that altering the decisions which the petitioners challenged in respect of about 250 ballot papers would swamp the effect of losing 1,370 ballot papers. That implicit proposition could be established only by making some assumption about what voting intentions were validly recorded on the lost ballot papers (or by relying on records of those intentions).

Both Mr Wang and Mr Mead went so far as to submit that, if the Court first determined the challenges to decisions about reserved ballot papers, the illegal practices constituted and occasioned by the loss of ballot papers would be shown not to have affected the result of the election. The "result" of the election referred to in these submissions appears to have been the result which Mr Wang and Mr Mead submitted should have been reached rather than the result which was declared. As already explained, s 362(3) requires that no order be made declaring a person who was returned as elected not to have been duly elected, or declaring an election void, unless the Court is satisfied that the result which was declared was likely to be affected. And the whole point of both Mr Wang's petition and Mr Mead's petition was to challenge the result which was declared, and obtain either a declaration that Mr Dropulich and Senator Ludlam were not duly elected (coupled with a further declaration that Mr Wang and Senator Pratt were) or a declaration that the election was absolutely void.

To the extent to which Mr Wang and Mr Mead allege that the loss of ballot papers constituted and occasioned illegal practices entitling them to any of the relief they claim, they must demonstrate that those illegal practices were likely to have affected the result of the election. Neither Mr Wang nor Mr Mead abandoned reliance upon the loss of ballot papers as constituting and occasioning illegal practices.

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If, as the AEC submitted, the loss of ballot papers was likely to have affected the result of the election, it is not necessary to decide whether other illegal practices were committed which were likely to affect that result. The only relevant significance which other illegal practices could have would be in relation to what orders the Court should make.

Was the result of the election which was declared likely to have been affected by the loss of the ballot papers? In deciding whether the loss of ballot papers did or did not affect the result of the election, may the Court admit evidence of the records made about the lost ballot papers in the original and fresh scrutinies? That is, is the proviso to s 365 engaged?

The ballot papers which were lost were omitted from processes which the Act required to be followed to determine the result of the election. Although included in both the original and the fresh scrutinies, those lost ballot papers were not available at the re-count. The lost ballot papers were, therefore, excluded from the processes which, in the events that had happened, the Act required be undertaken to determine who should be returned as duly elected. As is apparent from the description which has been given of the Act's provisions about Senate elections, the Act provides for several distinct steps being taken before the result of the poll is ascertained and declared. In this case, after the original and fresh scrutinies, a re-count was directed. As the AEC rightly emphasised, when a re-count is directed, the result of that re-count is to be determined by scrutiny and it is this scrutiny (not any of the earlier scrutinies) which determines the result of the poll.

Were the electors who had submitted the lost ballot papers prevented from voting in the election?

Although it is the proviso to s 365 which is directly relevant to this question, it is necessary to set out the whole of the provision:

"No election shall be avoided on account of any delay in the declaration of nominations, the provision of certified lists of voters to candidates, the polling, or the return of the writ, or on account of the absence or error of or omission by any officer which did not affect the result of the election:

Provided that where any elector was, on account of the absence or error of, or omission by, any officer, prevented from voting in any election, the Court shall not, for the purpose of determining whether the absence or error of, or omission by, the officer did or did not affect the result of the


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 election, admit any evidence of the way in which the elector intended to vote in the election."

Mr Wang and Mr Mead, and the respondents to the AEC petition other than Senator Ludlam, all submitted that the electors who had submitted the lost ballot papers were not prevented from voting; the AEC and Senator Ludlam submitted that they were. The central difference upon which the submissions hinged was whether "voting" should be understood as complete at the point an elector put his or her ballot paper into the ballot-box or should instead be understood as extending to the point where the ballot paper was considered in the scrutiny conducted to ascertain the result of the polling.

It may readily be accepted that an elector would, "on account of the … error of, or omission by, any officer", be "prevented from voting in [the] election" if an officer prevented the elector receiving a ballot paper to which the elector was entitled, or prevented the elector depositing the ballot paper in the ballot-box. But does the notion of "prevented from voting" stop at the point where an elector has done all that he or she can do to submit a ballot paper for consideration in the poll?

The preferable construction of the Act is that the reference in the proviso to s 365 to an elector being prevented by error or omission of an officer from voting in any election includes a case such as this where 1,370 electors were prevented, through official error, from having their ballot papers be the subject of the determinative scrutiny (in this case the re-count). There are several reasons to prefer this construction.

First, this construction of the provision follows as a matter of ordinary language. As the first, third and fourth respondents to each of the petitions rightly pointed out, to "vote" means to express or signify a choice. But contrary to the submissions of those parties (and others who adopted their submissions), "voting", when used in the collocation "prevented from voting", extends to taking account of the expression or signification of choice. That is, ask whether an elector has voted and the answer will direct attention to whether that person has done those acts which, as far as the elector can, express or signify the elector's choice to those who will decide the outcome of the poll. Hence, as the first, third and fourth respondents rightly pointed out, many of the provisions of the Act use the word "voting" or cognate expressions in a way which directs attention only to the conduct of an elector. So, for example, when s 220(c) forbids admission of persons to a polling booth after six o'clock "for the purpose of voting", the provision is directed only to what the elector would do, if admitted. But ask


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whether an elector has been prevented by the error or omission of an officer from voting and the answer must look not only to what the elector has or has not done but also to what the officer has done. And what the officer has done is to be judged according to whether the expression or signification of choice has become available for consideration in determining the outcome of the poll.

Second, the preferred construction of the provision better reflects the constitutional purposes pursued by the Act than the competing construction would. As noted earlier, s 7 of the Constitution provides that "[t]he Senate shall be composed of senators for each State, directly chosen by the people of the State". Direct choice by the people is effected only by taking account of the choices expressed by "the people". If some of the choices expressed by the people are not taken into account in the determinative scrutiny, there is at least the possibility that the result determined does not give effect to the choice which the people sought to make.

"Choice" bears two faces. It refers to an elector's act of choosing. (And it is here that those parties who denied that electors had been prevented from voting would end the analysis.) But it also refers to those who are chosen. Direct choice by the people requires that the lawful expression of every voter's choice is taken into account in determining who has been chosen.

Reading the expression "prevented from voting" in the proviso to's 365 as encompassing cases such as the present reflects this understanding of the constitutional notion of direct choice. It does so by requiring the Court to determine whether official error affected the result of the election without regard to evidence of the voting intentions of relevant electors. More particularly, it requires the Court to decide whether the errors or omissions of an officer preventing consideration of the choices made by certain electors (regardless of what those choices were) were sufficiently numerous in the poll as a whole to have affected the outcome. By contrast, reading the proviso to's 365 as speaking only to cases where electors were prevented from depositing a ballot paper in the ballot-box would confine attention to only some of the cases in which, on account of official error, choices expressed by the people are not considered. And once the step has been taken (as it is in's 365) to require determination of the effect of official error on the result of an election without evidence about how electors intended to vote, its operation should not be confined to some cases where persons are denied the effective expression of their choice.


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 On his death, his brother Baldwin being still a boy, the barons looked about them for a stronger hand to rule the tottering state. They found the man they wanted in gallant old John de Brienne, the last of those who raised themselves from simple knightly rank to a royal palace. The House of Brienne in France ranked next to that of Montmorency, and with that noble House was among the most illustrious of those which graced the early mediæval period. They furnished marshals, constables, and generals for the crown of France; like the Courtenays, they went outre mer for crowns. Gauthier de Brienne was King of Sicily and Duke of Apulia. John himself, one of the last specimens of the great crusading heroes, was titular King of Jerusalem, having married Constance, daughter of Isabelle and granddaughter of Amaury. Philip Augustus himself selected John de Brienne as the most worthy knight to become the husband of Constance and the King of Jerusalem. He was now an old man of more than seventy years. His daughter, Yolande, was


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Author:Boris Souvarine

Works

 * The Third International (c. 1920)
 * Stalin: A Critical Survey of Bolshevism, tr. by Cyril Lionel Robert James (1939)

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Third, the preferred construction of the provision is consistent with its legislative history and what was, at the time of its enactment, its established meaning.

The provisions which now appear as s 365 of the Act were brought into their present form by amendments made by s 25 of the Commonwealth Electoral Act 1922 (Cth). Section 26 of the 1922 Act inserted what is now s 367 precluding admission of evidence of a witness that he or she was not permitted to vote unless the witness satisfies the Court (in effect) that he or she had claimed to vote and had complied with the requirements of the Act and the regulations relating to voting as far as permitted to do so.

These amendments to the Act were made after (and in consequence of) the decision of Isaacs J in Kean v Kerby. In that case, Isaacs J had admitted evidence from electors who through official error had not been permitted to submit a ballot paper that each had intended to vote for a particular candidate. But Isaacs J had admitted this evidence because the Act then provided that no election should be avoided on account of the error of any officer "which shall not be proved to have affected the result of the election". Isaacs J observed that in this respect the Act (as it then stood) differed from equivalent English electoral legislation which had been held to provide, in effect, that an election could be declared invalid if official error may have affected the result. Isaacs J concluded that, in order to prove that official error had affected the result, "[t]he error of refusing a vote to a qualified elector, if it is to have any weight at all, must be accompanied with proof as to how the elector intended to vote".

The 1922 Act amended the Act in the respects which have been described for the stated purpose of bringing the law into line with English law. The


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amendments which were made to what has now become s 365 hinged about the expression "prevented from voting".

In 1875, Lord Coleridge CJ had spoken of circumstances in which "an election is to be declared void by the common law applicable to parliamentary elections" as including cases where there was "no real electing at all" (original emphasis). His Lordship gave examples of there being "no real electing at all" where "a majority of the electors were proved to have been prevented from recording their votes effectively according to their own preference" by any of several specified causes. Those causes included cases of "fraudulent counting of votes or false declaration of numbers by a returning officer". And, of course, those cases are examples which depended upon the relevant electors having submitted their votes. That is, they are examples of cases in which, despite electors having submitted their votes, "a majority of the electors were proved to have been prevented from recording their votes effectively" (emphasis added). They were cases where (a majority of) electors were prevented from voting effectively by official error because the votes they submitted were not considered in determining the result of the election.

The first, third and fourth respondents to each of the petitions submitted that the reasons of Lord Coleridge CJ should be understood as distinguishing between "prevented from voting" and "prevented from voting effectively". Those respondents submitted that the former expression was used to refer only to cases in which an elector was not permitted to vote and that this, and this alone, was the meaning of the expression "prevented from voting" established by the decision.

There are two answers to these arguments. First, I greatly doubt that the reading of the reasons of Lord Coleridge CJ proffered by the first, third and fourth respondents is the preferable reading of what was written. Second, and more significantly, it is not how those reasons were understood in subsequent decisions of this Court. Those decisions, particularly Chanter v Blackwood and Bridge v Bowen, treated Woodward v Sarsons as establishing that an elector is


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Rh certainly rendered it practicable to collect materials from which a judgment might be formed of the state of the mental cultivation of the people. We have made geographical and agricultural surveys of our provinces; we have investigated their resources, and endeavoured to ascertain their population; but little or nothing has been done to learn the state of education. We have no record to show the actual state of education throughout the country. Partial inquiries have been made by individuals, but those have taken place at distant periods and on a small scale, and no inference can be drawn from them with regard to the country in general. There may be some difficulty in obtaining such a record as we want. Some districts will not, but others probably will, furnish it; and if we get it only from two or three it will answer, in some degree, for all the rest. It cannot be expected to be very accurate, but it will at least enable us to form an estimate of the state of instruction among the people. The only record which can furnish the information required is a list of the schools in which reading and writing are taught in each district, showing the number of scholars in each and the caste to which they belong. The Collectors should be directed to prepare this document according to the form which accompanies this paper. They should be desired to state the names of the books generally read at the schools; the time which scholars usually continue at such schools; the monthly or yearly charge to the scholars; and whether any of the schools are endowed by the public, and, if so, the nature and amount of the fund. Where there are colleges or other institutions for teaching theology, law, astronomy, &c., an account should be given of them. These sciences are usually taught privately, without fee or reward, by individuals, to a few scholars or disciples; but there are also some instances in which the native governments have granted allowances in money and land for the maintenance of the teachers.

“In some districts reading and writing are confined almost entirely to Brahmans and the mercantile class. In some they extend to other classes, and are pretty general among the potails of villages and principal ryots. To the women of Brahmans and of Hindus in general they are unknown, because the knowledge of them is prohibited and regarded as unbecoming the modesty of the sex and fit only for public dancers; but among the women of the Rujbundah and some other tribes of Hindus, who seem to have no prejudice of this kind, they are generally taught. The prohibition against women learning to read is probably, from various causes, much less attended to in some districts than in others, and it is possible that in every district a few females may be found in the reading schools. A column has been entered for them in the form proposed to be sent to the collector. The mixed and impure castes seldom learn to read; but as a few of them do, columns are left for them in the form.


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 not generated, but begets the Son, and produces the Holy Ghost. (p. 263.)

“(a) Entirely in a spiritual manner and consequently without any suffering, without any sensuous secretion: because the essence of God is immaterial and simple; (b) he begets and produces since eternity and for eternity: for there has been no time when the Father has not been the Father of the Son and the producer of the Holy Ghost, just as there was no time when he was not God, and what has never begun cannot be said ever to end; (c) he begets and produces in such a way as only he alone knows and he who is born from him and proceeds from him, but of the creatures none can comprehend it; (d) finally, beginninglessness and causelessness are exclusively appropriated by God the Father only in relation to the other persons of the Holy Trinity, but by their divinity the Son and the Spirit are also beginningless and causeless, or, rather, the whole Trinity is co-beginningless and co-causeless.” (pp. 263 and 264.)

“41. The personal attribute of God, the Holy Ghost.” (p. 267.)

A controversy of over fifty pages about the question from whom the Holy Ghost proceeds, whether from the Father and the Son, or from the Father alone. The dispute is settled by an analysis of external proofs. The proofs are as follows:

“Who, putting his hand on his heart, will have the courage to affirm that we, who believe that the Holy Ghost proceeds from the Father, have deviated from the truth? Who will dare, in all conscience, to rebuke us for observing a heresy? If we are rebuked for an error or a heresy, it would be just as right to rebuke for it all the holy fathers and teachers of the church; the same as to rebuke the Ecumenical Councils, not only locally, but altogether the whole ancient church; the same as to rebuke the Word of God itself for error and heresy.


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Rh supplies respecting the number and residence, the character, qualifications, and emoluments of the teachers, and the number, the payments, and the attainments of the scholars will come into constant requisition in the practical conduct of a system of popular instruction. Nor will the benefit to be derived stop here, for it is only by previously ascertaining the nature and amount of juvenile and adult instruction in a district or in a division that we can obtain a standard of comparison with the future condition of education in the same district or division after the experiment of a national system shall have been fully and fairly made.

A further measure indispensable to the working of the plan is the preparation of a small series of useful school-books in the language of the districts in which it is to be carried into effect. The entire subject of school-books in the native languages involves so many principles and details, both moral and literary, that to do justice to it would require a separate and full report. All that I shall attempt in this place is to indicate a few of the leading ideas connected with it that bear most directly upon my immediate object.

For the purposes of vernacular instruction in Bengal, school-books should be prepared in the Bengali language, and for the same purposes in Behar in the Hindi language. These two languages will bring the instruction within the reach of the whole Hindu population of those two provinces and also of the rural Musalman population. Hindi school-books will be occasionally required in Bengal, Bengali books never in Behar; and for a majority of the Musalman population in some of the principal cities and towns of both provinces, such as Calcutta, Moorshedabad, and Dacca, Patna, Behar, and Gya, school-books in Urdu or Hindusthani will probably be the most appropriate. For the purpose of giving a trial to a system of vernacular instruction in the few districts of a commissioner’s division Bengali school-books only will be required, and a translation of them into English should be simultaneously printed and published in order that the members of the Government and the European community generally may know the nature and amount of the instruction proposed to be communicated.

The question what shall constitute the subject-matter of school-books under a national system of instruction is one on which a great diversity of opinion may be expected to prevail; and unless large and catholic views preside over their preparation, evil instead of good may be expected to result from the attempt. I deem it proper to introduce and fortify my opinions on this subject by those of others whose sentiments and reasonings are more likely to obtain general assent.

Lord Moira, in the Minute of 2nd October 1815, from which I have already had occasion to quote, continuing to speak of the


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268 native system of education, says—“The general, the sad defect of this education is that the inculcation of moral principle forms no part of it. This radical want is not imputable to us. The necessities of self-defence (for all our extensions of territory have been achieved in repelling efforts made for the subversion of our power) and our occupation in securing the new possessions have allowed us, till lately, but little leisure to examine deliberately the state of the population which we had been gradually bringing beneath our sway. It was already vitiated. The unceasing wars which had harassed all parts of India left every where their invariable effects, a disorganization of that frame-work of habit and opinion which enforces moral conduct and an emancipation of all those irregular impulses which revolt at its restraint. The village school-masters could not teach that in which they had themselves never been instructed, and universal debasement of mind, the constant concomitant of subjugation to despotic rule, left no chance that an innate sense of equity should in those confined circles suggest the recommendation of principles not thought worthy of cultivation by the Government. The remedy for this is to furnish the village school-master with little manuals of religious sentiments and ethic maxims conveyed in such a shape as may be attractive to the scholars, taking care that, while awe and adoration of the Supreme Being are earnestly instilled, no jealousy be excited by pointing out any particular creed. The absence of such an objection and small pecuniary rewards for zeal occasionally administered by the magistrates would induce the school-masters to use those compilations readily.”

The Honourable in his report dated 25th October 1819, on the territories conquered from the Paishwa (Calcutta Edition, p. 74, re-printed in Revenue and Judicial Selections, Vol. IV., p. 187) after describing the moral character of the people of the Deccan, has the following remarks:—“I do not perceive any thing that we can do to improve the morals of the people except by improving their education. There are already schools in all towns and in many villages, but reading is confined to Brahmans, Banyans, and such of the agricultural classes as have to do with accounts. I am not sure that our establishing free schools would alter this state of things, and it might create a suspicion of some concealed design on our part. It would be more practicable and more useful to give a direction to the reading of those who do learn, of which the press affords so easily the means. Books are scarce and the common ones probably ill-chosen, but there exist in the Hindu languages many tales and fables that would be generally read and that would circulate sound morals. There must be religious books tending more directly to the same end. If many of these were printed and distributed, cheaply or gratuitously, the effect would without doubt be great and beneficial. It would, however, be indispensable that they should


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 what the Mâyâ Shakti of God is, by which all this world comes forth and appears and disappears, how he may (after practice of Yoga) merge himself into and become one with God and so gain Moksha.


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 aggression, began at once to seek concessions and "spheres of influence." In Africa the British faced a variety of problems, for the entire continent was being opened to foreign conquest. General Charles Gordon's death in the Sudan had not yet been avenged. French interests were being asserted throughout the North. German expansion was moving forward so rapidly toward the South that it threatened not only to prevent further British expansion, but to jeopardize the British colonies already established there.

Since Lord Salisbury proposed to prosecute an active foreign policy, it was necessary that he should meet all of these situations at once. But Great Britain was without allies; and every one of the nations which he would oppose was a member of one of the two great European alliances. Thus, Lord Salisbury was limited to a policy of diplomacy, for war could be justified only upon the greatest provocation. Into this crisis in British affairs an event of unusual significance was now projected.

On December 29, 1895, Dr. Leander Jameson made his famous raid into the Transvaal. This was followed on January 3, 1896, by a friendly note from the German foreign office to President Paul Kruger. A few days of frenzied activity on the part of the British Government followed, and the "Flying Squadron" was made ready for action. War seemed almost inevitable. Immediately promises of sympathy and support arrived from the principal British colonies. It had been understood for some time that Mr.


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HERE is one Infinite Eternal, Changeless Existence, the.

From all comes forth; to  all returns.

"One only, without a second."*

includes within Itself all that ever has been, is, and can be. As a wave rises in the ocean, a universe rises in the. As the wave sinks again into the ocean, a universe sinks again into the. As the ocean is water, and the wave a form or manifestation of the water, so is there one Existence, and the universe is a form, or manifestation, of the Existence. "All this verily (is) Brahman,"t

This is the primary truth of Religion. Men have given to the ALL many different names. The name in the Sanatana Dharma is. English-speaking people use the name God, adding, to make the meaning clear, God, in His own Ibid, III, zir-i, "This" is the technical name for a universe.
 * Chhandog yop, VI, ii-I.


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 had been engaged in investigating conditions in the colonies, and this event served as an opportunity ior him to announce both British dependence on colonial loyalty and his policy of imperial federation.

On January 21, 1896, a dinner was given m honour of Lord Lamington, who was leaving England to assume his duties as governor of the colony of Queensland. After having spoken of the greatness of the Australian colonies, Mr. Chamberlain called attention to the South African affair and to the significance of the assurances of colonial support in case of war. Then, quoting from Tennyson, he said, "let

Serious as the Anglo-German episode may have been it was exceedingly opportune in that it served to crystallize the policies of the new British Government and to reveal to the British people the fundamental weakness of their international position. This weakness having once been demonstrated, it became possible for Mr. Chamberlain to urge the second step in his foreign policy—the promotion of a "durable friendship" with the United States. His opportunity came when the Venezuelan boundary controversy was projected into the complication of British affairs in December, 1895.


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 The boundary line between the Republic of Venezuela and British Guiana had never been accurately determined. About 1840 settlers began to enter the disputed region and the two Powers concerned became determined to secure possession of as much territory as possible. The controversy which resulted was not an important one. There were no great theories of international law nor any delicate international agreements previously arranged to be disturbed, whatever might be the result of the boundary controversy. Considered from this latter standpoint, the Anglo-German affair in South Africa, or the protection of the Armenians was of far greater significance. A number of events, however, had recently occurred which stimulated both American and Venezuelan interest in the disputed area. European trade rivals, particularly Great Britain and Germany, had begun to encourage their trade in Venezuela. This fact led a few American merchants and consuls to investigate means of furthering American trade. In December, 1886, the United States, for the first time, officially offered arbitration in the boundary controversy if acceptable to both countries concerned. By 1891 the United States had definitely begun to abandon her attitude of disinterestedness and to urge upon Great Britain the need of arbitration. American concern in the boundary controversy seemed to develop in proportion to the efforts of American traders to encourage


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Rh be purely Hindu. We might silently omit all precepts of questionable morality, but the slightest infusion of religious controversy would insure the failure of the design. It would be better to call the prejudices of the Hindus to our aid in reforming them, and to control their vices by the ties of religion which are stronger than those of law. By maintaining and purifying their present tenets, at the same time that we enlighten their understandings, we shall bring them nearer to that standard of perfection at which all concur in desiring that they should arrive; while any attack on their faith, if successful, might be expected in theory, as is found in practice, to shake their reverence for all religion and to set them free from those useful restraints which even a superstitious doctrine imposes on the passions.” Mr. Elphinstone, when Governor of Bombay, reiterates the same sentiments in a Minute dated 6th April 1821 (Revenue and Judicial Selections, Vol. III., p. 695) on the Revenues and Survey of the Western Zillah north of the Myhee:—“In all discussions connected with the means of improving the situation of the people, our attention is drawn to the amendment of their education. This seems to be nearly in the same state here as in the Deccan. I should rather think there were more schools, but there are no books. The same plan I recommend in the Deccan may be adopted here, the circulation of cheap editions of such native books of those already popular as might have a tendency to improve the morals of the people without strengthening their religious prejudices. Passages remarkable for bigotry or false maxims of morality might be silently omitted, but not a syllable of attack on the religion of the country should be allowed.”

The late Mr. in his Notes on Indian Affairs, Vol. II., p. 1, asks —“Is a rational attempt to educate the people of this great country to be made? Or are they to be allowed to remain in their present state of ignorance? i. e., as far as relates to the assistance of their English masters. Is one great impediment to the due administration of justice to be removed? Or is it still to remain to the discredit of the British system of legislation? These, I grieve to say, are the two real questions into which this subject may be resolved. What has been, and what ought to have been, the course pursued by the British rulers? Certainly it was their duty first, to have ordained that the language and character of the country should be that of the courts of justice; secondly, to have established schools, or at least to have encouraged those that already existed, for the education of the people in their own language and character; thirdly to have promoted the translation of books of knowledge into the vernacular tongue; and fourthly to have afforded all who had leisure or inclination the means of acquiring that language in which the most general information is concentrated, the English. What has been the course hitherto pursued? We have actually imitated the example of a nation


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HEN Ishvara shines out on Prakriti and makes it fall into shapes, the first Forms that appear are those of the त्रिमूर्ति: Trimurtih, the three Aspects of Ishvara, manifested to cause a ब्रह्माण्ड Brahmândam, literally an Egg of Brahmâ, a universe, or orderly system of worlds. The aspect of Ishvara in which He creates the worlds is named Brahmâ; Brahma is the Creator. The aspect of Ishvara in which He preserves, takes care of, and maintains the worlds is named Vishnu; Vishnu is the Preserver. The aspect of Ishvara in which He dissolves the worlds, when they are worn out and of no further use, is named Shiva, or Mahadeva; Shiva is the Dissolver of the worlds. These are the first manifestations of Ishvara, His Supreme Forms, His three Aspects, or Faces. The, the Saguna Brahman, or the Supreme Îshvara, appears as Three.

Brahmâ, the Creator, shapes matter into seven तत्वानि Tattvani, Elements, as they have been called.* Different names are given to the first two;

but the old meaning is the one we are concerned with.
 * The western chemist uses the word in a different sense,


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 ''This chapter was prepared for the NIS by the Defense Intelligence Agency. Research was substantially completed by June 1973.''


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I.EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

On January 6, 2021, the world witnessed a violent and unprecedented attack on the U.S. Capitol, the Vice President, Members of Congress, and the democratic process. Rioters, attempting to disrupt the Joint Session of Congress, broke into the Capitol building, vandalized and stole property, and ransacked offices. They attacked members of law enforcement and threatened the safety and lives of our nation's elected leaders. Tragically, seven individuals, including three law enforcement officers, ultimately lost their lives.

Rioters were intent on disrupting the Joint Session, during which Members of Congress were scheduled to perform their constitutional obligation to count the electoral votes for President and Vice President of the United States and announce the official results of the 2020 election. Due to the heroism of United States Capitol Police ("USCP") officers, along with their federal, state, and local law enforcement partners, the rioters failed to prevent Congress from fulfilling its constitutional duty. In the early hours of January 7, the President of the Senate, Vice President Pence, announced Joseph Biden and Kamala Harris as the President-elect and Vice President-elect of the United States.

This report addresses the security, planning, and response failures of the entities directly responsible for Capitol security—USCP and the Capitol Police Board, which is comprised of the House and Senate Sergeants at Arms and the Architect of the Capitol as voting members, and the USCP Chief as a non-voting member—along with critical breakdowns involving several federal agencies, particularly the Federal Bureau of Investigation ("FBI"), Department of Homeland Security ("DHS"), and Department of Defense ("DOD"). The Committees also made a series of recommendations for the Capitol Police Board, USCP, federal intelligence agencies, DOD, and other Capital region law enforcement agencies to address the intelligence and security failures.

The Committees' investigation uncovered a number of intelligence and security failures leading up to and on January 6 that allowed for the breach of the Capitol. These breakdowns ranged from federal intelligence agencies failing to warn of a potential for violence to a lack of planning and preparation by USCP and law enforcement leadership.

The federal Intelligence Community—led by FBI and DHS—did not issue a threat assessment warning of potential violence targeting the Capitol on January 6. Law enforcement entities, including USCP, largely rely on FBI and DHS to assess and communicate homeland security threats. Throughout 2020, the FBI and DHS disseminated written documents detailing the potential for increased violent extremist activity at lawful protests and targeting of law enforcement and government facilities and personnel. Despite online calls for violence at the Capitol, neither the FBI nor DHS issued a threat assessment or intelligence bulletin warning law enforcement entities in the National Capital Region of the potential for violence. FBI and DHS officials stressed the difficulty in discerning constitutionally protected free speech versus actionable, credible threats of violence. In testimony before the Committees, officials from both


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 FBI and DHS acknowledged that the Intelligence Community needs to improve its handling and dissemination of threat information from social media and online message boards.

USCP's intelligence components failed to convey the full scope of threat information they possessed. Although USCP mainly relies on the FBI and DHS for intelligence and threat information, USCP has three components responsible for intelligence-related activities. These components, and the materials they produce, are supposed to inform USCP's security and operational planning. This, however, was not the case for January 6.

USCP's lead intelligence component—the Intelligence and Interagency Coordination Division ("IICD")—was aware of the potential for violence in the days and weeks ahead of January 6. It received information from a variety of sources about threats of violence focused on the Joint Session and the Capitol Complex and the large crowds expected to gather in Washington, D.C. on January 6. Yet, IICD failed to fully incorporate this information into all of its internal assessments about January 6 and the Joint Session. As a result, critical information regarding threats of violence was not shared with USCP's own officers and other law enforcement partners.

USCP's preparations for the Joint Session also suffered because of the decentralized nature of its intelligence components. On January 5, an employee in a separate USCP intelligence-related component received information from the FBI's Norfolk Field Office regarding online discussions of violence directed at Congress, including that protestors were coming to Congress "prepared for war." This report, similar to other information received by IICD, was never distributed to IICD or USCP leadership before January 6.

USCP was not adequately prepared to prevent or respond to the January 6 security threats, which contributed to the breach of the Capitol. Steven Sund, the USCP Chief on January 6, and Yogananda Pittman, who was designated as Acting Chief after Steven Sund announced his resignation on January 7, both attributed the breach of the Capitol to intelligence failures across the federal government. USCP leadership, however, also failed to prepare a department-wide operational plan for the Joint Session. Similarly, USCP leadership did not develop a comprehensive staffing plan for the Joint Session detailing, among other things, where officers would be located. USCP could not provide the Committees any documents showing where officers were located at the start of the attack and how that changed throughout the attack.

USCP leadership also failed to provide front-line officers with effective protective equipment or training. Although USCP activated seven specialty Civil Disturbance Unit ("CDU") platoons in advance of the Joint Session, only four of those platoons were outfitted with special protective equipment, including helmets, hardened plastic armor, and shields. The many other USCP officers who fought to defend the Capitol were left to do so in their daily uniforms. Many of those front-line officers had not received training in basic civil disturbance tactics since their initial Recruit Officer Class training. While some CDU officers were issued special protective equipment, the platoons were not authorized to wear the equipment at the beginning of their shifts. Instead, USCP staged equipment on buses near the Capitol. In at least one instance, when the platoon attempted to retrieve the equipment, the bus was locked, leaving the platoon without access to this critical equipment. USCP also failed to provide equipment


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 training to support the CDU platoons and did not authorize CDU platoons to use all available less-than-lethal munitions, which could have enhanced officers' ability to push back rioters.

These operational failures were exacerbated by leadership's failure to clearly communicate during the attack. USCP leadership gathered in a command center, blocks away from the Capitol building. Two incident commanders identified as responsible for relaying information to front-line officers were forced to engage with rioters during the attack, making it difficult for them to relay information. As a result, communications were chaotic, sporadic, and, according to many front-line officers, non-existent.

Opaque processes and a lack of emergency authority delayed requests for National Guard assistance. The USCP Chief has no unilateral authority to request assistance from the National Guard; the USCP Chief must submit a request for assistance to the Capitol Police Board for approval. Steven Sund never submitted a formal request to the Capitol Police Board for National Guard support in advance of January 6. Instead, Steven Sund had informal conversations with the House Sergeant at Arms, Paul Irving, and the Senate Sergeant at Arms, Michael Stenger, regarding the potential need for National Guard support. No one ever discussed the possibility of National Guard support with the Architect of the Capitol, the third voting member of the Capitol Police Board.

The members of the Capitol Police Board who were in charge on January 6 did not appear to be fully familiar with the statutory and regulatory requirements for requesting National Guard support, which contributed to the delay in deploying the National Guard to the Capitol. In their testimony before the Committees, Paul Irving and Steven Sund offered different accounts of when Steven Sund first requested National Guard assistance during the attack. Phone records reveal a number of conversations between Steven Sund and Paul Irving on January 6. However, because there is no transcription of the conversations, there is no way for the Committees to determine when the request was made. National Guard assistance was delayed while Steven Sund attempted to contact the Capitol Police Board members and obtain the required approvals. Regardless of what time the request was made, the need to await Capitol Police Board approval during an emergency hindered the ability to request District of Columbia National Guard ("DCNG") assistance quickly.

'''The intelligence failures, coupled with the Capitol Police Board's failure to request National Guard assistance prior to January 6, meant DCNG was not activated, staged, and prepared to quickly respond to an attack on the Capitol. As the attack unfolded, DOD required time to approve the request and gather, equip, and instruct its personnel on the mission, which resulted in additional delays.''' Prior to January 6, USCP informed DOD officials on two separate occasions that it was not seeking DCNG assistance for the Joint Session of Congress. The D.C. government, by contrast, did request unarmed troops for traffic support, and on January 6, 154 unarmed DCNG personnel were staged at traffic control points throughout the city. As the attack unfolded, USCP and the Metropolitan Police Department of the District of Columbia ("MPD") both pleaded with DOD officials for immediate assistance. DOD officials claimed they received a "workable" request for assistance from USCP at approximately 2:30 p.m. The request was presented to the Acting Secretary of Defense and approved at approximately 3:00 p.m. For the next ninety minutes, DOD officials ordered DCNG personnel to return to the Armory, obtain necessary gear, and prepare for deployment as leaders quickly


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 prepared a mission plan. Miscommunication and confusion during response preparations, demonstrated by conflicting records about who authorized deployment and at what time, contributed to the delayed deployment. DCNG began arriving at the Capitol Complex at 5:20 p.m.—nearly three hours after DOD received USCP's request for assistance and more than four hours after the barriers at the Capitol were first breached.

The Committees' Recommendations

Based on the findings of the investigation, the Committees identified a number of recommendations to address the intelligence and security failures leading up to and on January 6. Recommendations specific to the Capitol Complex include empowering the USCP Chief to request assistance from the DCNG in emergency situations and passing legislation to clarify the statutes governing requests for assistance from executive agencies and departments in nonemergency situations. To address the preparedness of the USCP, the Committees recommend improvements to training, equipment, intelligence collection, and operational planning.

The Committees further recommend intelligence agencies review and evaluate criteria for issuing and communicating intelligence assessments and the establishment of standing "concept of operation" scenarios and contingency plans to improve DOD and DCNG response to civil disturbance and terrorism incidents. These scenarios and plans should detail what level of DOD or DCNG assistance may be required, what equipment would be needed for responding personnel, and the plan for command-and-control during the response.

The Committees' Investigation

Two days after the January 6 attack, the Senate Committee on Rules and Administration and Senate Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs Committee announced a joint bipartisan oversight investigation to examine the intelligence and security failures that led to the attack. On February 23, 2021, the Committees held the first public oversight hearing on the attack. The hearing, entitled Examining the January 6 Attack on the U.S. Capitol, featured testimony from the USCP Chief, House Sergeant at Arms, and Senate Sergeant at Arms in charge on January 6. The Committees also heard testimony from the Acting Chief of MPD. One week later, on March 3, 2021, the Committees held a second oversight hearing, which included witnesses from DOD, DCNG, FBI, and DHS.

As part of their investigation, the Committees reviewed thousands of documents. The Committees also received written statements from more than 50 USCP officers about their experiences. In addition, the Committees interviewed numerous current and former officials from USCP, Senate Sergeant at Arms, House Sergeant at Arms, Architect of the Capitol, FBI, DHS, MPD, DOD, and DCNG. Most entities cooperated with the Committees' requests. There were notable exceptions, however: the Department of Justice and DHS have yet to fully comply with the Committees' requests for information, the Office of the House of Representatives Sergeant at Arms did not comply with the Committees' information requests, and a USCP Deputy Chief of Police declined to be interviewed by the Committees. The Committees will continue to pursue responses from those who have failed to fully comply. The oversight of events related to January 6, including intelligence and security failures, will continue.


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 whom we affect to consider barbarians and centuries behind us in civilization, and have attempted to inflict a foreign language on a hundred millions of people! We have even gone beyond our model. On the first conquest of India by the Mohammedans, one party at least—the conquerors—understood the language of the courts of justice; but it has been the pleasure of the English to carry on business and administer justice in a language alike foreign to themselves and to their subjects.” In the same volume, pp. 464-465, Mr. Shore describes the works that he recommends to be translated into the vernacular language and character. They should not, he says, be confined to works of a religious nature, “but the selection should include books of instruction and even amusement. History, geography, elementary works on arts and sciences, would be extremely acceptable to the people.” He proposes also “to prohibit any direct attempts at conversion in the schools established by Government, nor should the study of religious works be compulsory as school-books. Such books should, however, be placed within their reach for all who chose to consult them.”

I will add only one other authority on this subject. Mr., Resident in Nepal, in the preface to his letters addressed to the Editor of the Friend of India, on the pre-eminence of the vernaculars, p. 9, has the following remarks;—“In the most enlightened parts of Europe the general opinion now is that schools for teachers have in the present century created a new era in the practical science of education. Why then is Government inattentive to so noble and successful an experiment? Especially since there is about this method of normal instruction, or teaching of teachers, just that sort of definiteness which may be compassed by limited public funds, with yet a concomitant prospect of great and diffusive benefits to the country from the adoption of the measure. But workmen must have tools; and good workmen, good tools; wherefore, to a nursery for the regular supply of competent vernacular school-masters, should be added one for the equally regular supply of sound books in the three prime vulgar tongues of our presidency, books embodying the substance only of our really useful knowledge, with stimuli and directions for the various sorts of mental exertion; so that in the result there might exist for the people at large the easy and obvious bridge of the vulgar tongue leading from exotic principles to local practices, from European theory to Indian experience.” In support of the principle of drawing on Indian experience, of borrowing the precepts, examples, and illustrations of Indian literature, to recommend to general attention the substance of a higher knowledge, moral and social, as well as physical, Mr. Hodgson urges the following considerations"—“The elemental laws of thought,—including a designation of the necessary boundaries of human inquiry and the best rules of investigation within those limits—the law of population; the philosophy of wealth; the general principles


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264 as a means of throwing a strong light upon the moral and intellectual condition of native society, I trust they will be continued, pari passu, with every attempt to extend vernacular instruction. If the suggestions offered, or to be offered, in this report possess any value, it is derived from these inquiries conducted under the authority of Government, without which a whole life’s residence in India would not have given me the inwrought conviction I now possess of the unparalledunparalleled [sic] degradation of the native population, and the large and unemployed resources existing in the country applicable to the improvement of their condition and character; and it is only by the unwearied prosecution of such inquiries, and by the detailed publication of their results, that this conviction can be wrought out of the minds of the actual observers into the minds of the community at large, and especially into the minds of those members of the community who wield the powers and direct the measures of Government. I long entertained an opinion of the importance of such inquiries before I had undertaken, or had any prospect of undertaking, such a duty in person. In 1829 or 1830, at the request of Lord, I sent him a Memorandum on the subject of education, in which I pointed out an educational survey of the country as an indispensable preliminary to every other measure, and four years afterwards the adoption of the suggestion showed that the utility of such a course was appreciated by his Lordship’s Government. Experience has confirmed the opinion I then expressed, and in perusing the Revenue and Judicial Selections during the past year, I have discovered with pleasure that the advantage of inquiries into the actual state of native education is still further supported by the high authority of that truly great and good man Sir, the late Governor of Madras, and by that of the Court of Directors. The importance of this branch of the subject and the weight due to these authorities induce me to embody their views in full in this report from the Selections, Vol. III., page 588, omitting only the tabular form in which Sir Thomas Munro directed the information to be collected:—

“Much has been written, both in England and in this country, about the ignorance of the people of India and the means of disseminating knowledge among them; but the opinions upon this subject are the mere conjectures of individuals, unsupported by any authentic documents, and differing so widely from each other as to be entitled to very little attention. Our power in this country, and the nature of its own municipal institutions, have


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 Cromwell had awarded him a pension of £100 yearly, it is doubtful if he received it regularly. Certain it is that, after the Restoration, he was in great distress. He was now busily engaged with the project of a “Correspondence Agency,” which he wished to see established in London. This was to be a kind of Information Office, where any one might seek advice (gratis, if he were poor) on any subject. In addition, it was to further correspondence and learned intercourse between men of talent within and without England, and by this means the realisation of Bacon’s scientific and of Comenius’ pedagogic schemes was to be rendered easier. The scheme, however, a somewhat visionary one, was not carried out, and remained one of the blind alleys into which so many enthusiasts in England were led before their efforts culminated in the actual formation of the Royal Society in 1660.

A considerable portion of the school-books was now actually ready, and was despatched to Sweden at the beginning of 1647. This included the Methodus Linguarum Novissima, with its index and dedication, and part of the Janua. More Comenius refused to send until definite arrangements for publication had been made. The Janua was to be illustrated, and this caused additional delay. Considering that Comenius was now engaged on his treatise, Independentia confusionum origo, a work directly aimed against the sectarian tendency of religious bodies in England, it is difficult to imagine how he found time to busy himself with business arrangements at all.

A fresh page in his life was now to be turned, and, had the bulk of de Geer’s books not been completed, the chances are that they would have remained unfinished. The aged Bishop of the Unity, L. Justinius, had died at Ostrorog, and Comenius was elected to fill his place. His acquiescence in this choice meant that the connection with de Geer must to a large extent be broken, as pastoral duties would now take up much of his time. In spite, therefore, of his expectations from Sweden, he at length made up his mind to turn his back upon that country, and, leaving his


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266 “It is not my intention to recommend any interference whatever in the native schools. Every thing of this kind ought to be carefully avoided and the people should be left to manage their schools in their own way. All that we ought to do is to facilitate the operations of these schools, by restoring any funds that may have been diverted from them, and perhaps granting additional ones where it may appear advisable; but on this point we shall be better able to judge, when we receive the information now proposed to be called for.

The 25th June 1823.

“We think great credit is due to Sir Thomas Munro for having originated the idea of this inquiry. We shall be better able when we have seen specimens of the report to judge whether the prescribed inquiry is sufficient to bring forth all the useful information capable of being obtained. The proportion in which the great body of the people obtain the knowledge of reading and writing, the degree to which the means of obtaining them are placed within their reach, the extent to which the branches of knowledge esteemed of a higher kind are objects of pursuit and the means of instruction in them are afforded, are the most important points, and these appear to be fully embraced. The most defective part of the information which will thus be elicited is likely to be that which relates to the quality of the instruction which the existing education affords; but of this we shall be able to form a more correct opinion when we see what the reports contain. It was proper to caution the collectors against exciting any fears in the people that their freedom of choice in matters of education would be interfered with, but it would be equally wrong to do any thing to fortify them in the absurd opinion that their own rude institutions of education are so perfect as not to admit of improvement.”

The four volumes of Revenue and Judicial Selections which I have seen, and which are I believe all that have been published, do not contain any reference to the reports made in conformity with Sir Thomas Munro’s instructions. The utility of the statistical inquiries recommended by that sagacious and experienced statesman, and so explicitly approved by the Honorable Court with a distinct view to the improvement to be introduced into the existing rude institutions of education, is still further increased when they are regarded as introductory and auxiliary to a general system of popular instruction. The information thus collected is highly valuable in itself and for its own sake, for the insight it affords and the inferences to which it leads respecting the interior structure and condition of native society; but the details it


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 retreat at Elbing, once more took up his residence at Lissa. De Geer and Hartlib were both anxious that he should leave the books to be published by Elzevir in Amsterdam, but he thought it better to see them printed under his own eyes, and insisted on entrusting them to a local printer at Lissa. He was now settling for the second time in the town where his spurs as a schoolmaster and as an educationist had been won, and many things combined to make him enter on this new stage of his career with that melancholy to which the Slavonic temperament is ever prone. He was fifty-six years old. His life had been spent in exile and in the continual struggle against poverty. His hopes that the Evangelic religion would ultimately prosper must, by this time, have been a good deal shaken. The Pansophia was not completed, and, at his age, with his duties, and in a century when the duration of life was much shorter than at the present day, he could scarcely hope to finish it. True, he had produced his school-books, his Great Didactic, and his Treatise on language, but these were to him nothing but spinosa didactica. His life-work, the work for which he had wished to be remembered, existed but in his own fancy and in the loose sheets of uncoördinated information that he had been collecting for years. In addition, the death of his wife, for whose weak state of health the journey to Lissa had proved too much, made him more than ever in need of the sympathy that, as a Bishop, he was expected to extend to others.

To leave the author for a moment, and return to his writings. The printer at Lissa proved unsatisfactory, and, in 1650, Comenius sent the manuscripts to Amsterdam, washed his hands of them, and left their publication to de Geer. The works written between 1642 and 1650 constitute the second part of the Opera Didactica Omnia. Here we find the Methodus Linguarum Novissima, a couple of pages of the Vestibulum, in Latin and in German, and the same amount of the Janua, both left unfinished because, as he tells us, he brought out an improved edition later on, in


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 created the world not from eternity, but in time, or together with time.” (p. 360.)

The farther one reads the book, the more one has to marvel. It looks as though the problem and purpose of the book consisted in keeping out rational comprehension, not the comprehension of the divine mysteries, but simply the comprehension of what is being said. I can imagine a man who admits that God created the world. Well, what more do you want? He does not care to inquire any farther into the teaching. No, they demand of him that he should recognize that the world is created not from something, but from nothing, not from eternity, but in time. On this point there is a controversy, and it is proved to him that the world was created in time or, more correctly, with time. “Prescience or predetermination were in God before existence.” It says, “At one time the world did not exist,” that is, it says, if God’s prescience be admitted, that when there was no time, God knew the future. And when it says, “At one time the world did not exist,” and time did not exist, it says that there was time (for “at one time” means time) when there was no time. And when it says that “God created time,” it says (since the verb is used in the past tense), there was a time when God created time.

57. The world was created by all three persons. This is proved by Holy Scripture, and is expressed thus:

“The Father created the world through the Son in the Holy Ghost;” or “everything is from the Father through the Son in the Holy Ghost;” however, not in the sense that the Son and the Holy Ghost performed some instrumental and slavish service at the creation, but that constructively they performed the Father’s will. (p. 365.)

58. The manner of the creation. The world was created (1) through reason, (2) through willing, and (3) through the word:

“God created the world according to his eternal ideas


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 kers, or playing at primero with his chaplain,—would pose any mortal not let into the true secret;—and therefore 'tis worth explaining to the world, was it only for the encouragement of those few in it, who write not so much to be fed—as to be famous.

I own had John de la Casse, the archbishop of Benevento, for whose memory (notwithstanding his Galatea) I retain the highest veneration,—had he been, Sir, a slender clerk—of dull wit—slow parts—costive head, and so forth,—he and his Galatea might have jogged on together to the age of Methusalah for me,—the phænomenon had not been worth a parenthesis.—

But the reverse of this was the truth: John de la Casse was a genius of fine parts and fertile fancy; and yet with all these great advantages of nature, which should


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 have pricked him forwards with his Galatea, he lay under an impuissance at the same time of advancing above a line and an half in the compass of a whole summer's day: this disability in his Grace arose from an opinion he was afflicted with,—which opinion was this,—viz. that whenever a Christian was writing a book (not for his private amusement, but) where his intent and purpose was bonâ fide, to print and publish it to the world, his first thoughts were always the temptations of the evil one.—This was the state of ordinary writers: but when a personage of venerable character and high station, either in church or state, once turned author,—he maintained, that from the very moment he took pen in hand—all the devils in hell broke out of their holes to cajole him.—'Twas Term-time with them,—every thought, first and last, was captious;—how spe-


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 might be called a prophecy. By lifting a figure purely human over the heads of judges and warriors, we uttered in some symbolic fashion the abiding, if unreasoning, hope which dwells in all human hearts, that some day we may find a simpler solution of the woes of nations than the summons and the treadmill, that we may find in some such influence as the social influence of a woman, what was called in the noble old language of mediæval monarchy, "a fountain of mercy and a fountain of honour."

In the universal reverence paid to the Queen there was hardly anywhere a touch ot snobbishness. Snobbishness, in so far as it went out towards former sovereigns, went out to them as aristocrats rather than as kings, as heads of that higher order of men, who were almost angels or demons in their admitted superiority to common lines of conduct. This kind of reverence was always a curse: nothing can be conceived as worse for the mass of the people than that they should think the morality for which they have to struggle an inferior morality, a thing unfitted for a haughtier class. But

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 and good soever,—'twas all one;—in whatever form or colour it presented itself to the imagination,—'twas still a stroke of one or other of 'em levelled at him, and was to be fenced off.—So that the life of a writer, whatever he might fancy to the contrary, was not so much a state of composition, as a state of warfare; and his probation in it, precisely that of any other man militant upon earth,—both depending alike, not half so much upon the degrees of his —as his.

My father was hugely pleased with this theory of John de la Casse, archbishop of Benevento; and (had it not cramped him a little in his creed) I believe would have given ten of the best acres in the Shandy estate, to have been the broacher of it.—How far my father actually believed in the devil, will be seen, when I come to speak of my fa-


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 about it, quite freely, by the mere beck of his will. The plan of the world creation had been predetermined since eternity in his ideas; the free will determined to materialize this plan; the beck of his will actually materialized it.”

Particularly fine is here the word “ideas.”

59. The incitement toward the creation, and its purpose. God created the world for this reason:

“We must believe that God, being good and all-good, though all-perfect and all-glorious in himself, created the world out of nothing for the purpose that other beings, glorifying him, might partake of his grace.” (p. 370.)

The purpose of God is glory. Proofs from Holy Scripture and then:

60. The perfection of the creation and whence evil comes into the world. The question is, Whence comes the evil? and the answer is that there is no evil. And the proof for this is as follows:

“God is a supremely all-wise and omnipotent being, consequently he could not have created the world imperfect, could not have created a single thing in it which would be insufficient for its purpose and would not serve for the perfection of the whole. God is a most holy and all-good being, consequently he could not be the cause of evil, either physical or moral, and if he had created an imperfect world, it would have been so, because he was unable to create a more perfect one, or because he did not want to. But both assumptions are equally incongruous with the true concept of the highest being.” End of the article. (p. 376.)

There is no evil, because God is good. But how about our suffering from the evil? What sense was there in asking? How can there be any evil, when there is none?

61. The moral application of the dogma is that it is necessary to glorify God, and so forth.


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 ther's religious notions, in the progress of this work: 'tis enough to say here, as he could not have the honour of it, in the literal sense of the doctrine—he took up with the allegory of it;—and would often say, especially when his pen was a little retrograde, there was as much good meaning, truth, and knowledge, couched under the veil of John de la Casse's parabolical representation,—as was to be found in any one poetic fiction, or mystick record of antiquity.—Prejudice of education, he would say, is the devil,—and the multitudes of them which we suck in with our mother's milk—are the devil and all.—We are haunted with them, brother Toby, in all our lucubrations and researches; and was a man fool enough to submit tamely to what they obtruded upon him,—what would his book be? Nothing,—he would add, throwing his pen away with a vengeance,—nothing but a farrago of the clack of


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 nurses, and of the nonsense of the old women (of both sexes) throughout the kingdom.

This is the best account I am determined to give of the slow progress my father made in his Tristra-pædia; at which (as I said) he was three years and something more, indefatigably at work, and at last, had scarce compleated, by his own reckoning, one half of his undertaking: the misfortune was, that I was all that time totally neglected and abandoned to my mother; and what was almost as bad, by the very delay, the first part of the work, upon which my father had spent the most of his pains, was rendered entirely useless,—every day a page or two became of no consequence.—

—Certainly it was ordained as a scourge upon the pride of human wis-


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 of this patrician clement there was hardly a trace in the dignity of the Queen. Indeed, the degree to which the middle and lower classes took her troubles and problems to their hearts was almost grotesque in its familiarity. No one thought of the Queen as an aristocrat like the Duke of Devonshire, or even as a member of the governing classes like Mr. Chamberlain. Men thought of her as something nearer to them even in being further off; as one who was a good queen, and who would have been, had her fate demanded, with equal cheerfulness, a good washerwoman. Herein lay her unexampled triumph, the greatest and perhaps the last triumph of monarchy. Monarchy in its healthiest days had the same basis as democracy: the belief in human nature when entrusted with power. A king was only the first citizen who received the franchise.

Both royalty and religion have been accused of despising humanity, and in practice it has been too often true; but after all both the conception of the prophet and that of the king were formed by paying humanity

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 dom, That the wisest of us all, should thus outwit ourselves, and eternally forego our purposes in the intemperate act of pursuing them.

In short, my father was so long in all his acts of resistance,—or in other words,—he advanced so very slow with his work, and I began to live and get forwards at such a rate, that if an event had not happened,—which, when we get to it, if it can be told with decency, shall not be concealed a moment from the reader—I verily believe, I had put by my father, and left him drawing a sun-dial, for no better purpose than to be buried under ground.


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 that she stood, for the humblest, the shortest and the at random. This daring idea that a healthy human being, when thrilled by all the trumpets of a great trust, would rise to the situation, has often been tested, but never with such complete success as in the case of our dead Queen. On her was piled the crusbing load of a vast and mystical tradition, and she stood up straight under it. Heralds proclaimed her as the anointed of God, and it did not seem presumptuous. Brave men died in thousands shouting her name, and it did not seem unnatural. No mere intellect, no mere worldly success could, in this age of bold inquiry, have sustained that tremendous claim; long ago we should have stricken Cæsar and dethroned Napoleon. But these glories and these sacrifices did not seem too much to celebrate a hardworking human nature; they were possible because at the heart of our Empire was nothing but a defiant humility. If the Queen had stood for any novel or fantastic imperial claims, the whole would have seemed a nightmare; the whole was successful because she stood, and no one could deny

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 the supreme compliment of selecting from it almost most indestructible of human gospels, that when all troubles and troublemongers have had their say, our work can be done till sunset, our life can be lived till death.

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 end at the distance of half a digit. The balanced iron turns itself to the mass; do you with the same quickness draw back the mass in your hand in a circular path about the point of equilibrium of the suspension; the end of the balanced iron follows after it, and turns in an orbit.

VERY good and perfect piece of iron, if drawn out in length, points North and South, just as the loadstone or iron rubbed with a magnetical body does; a thing that our famous philosophers have little understood, who have sweated in vain to set forth the magnetick virtues and the causes of the friendship of iron for the stone. You may experiment with either large or small iron works, and either in air or in water. A straight piece of iron six feet long of the thickness of your finger is suspended (in the way described in the foregoing chapter) in exact æquipoise by a strong and slender silken cord. But the cord should be cross-woven of several silk filaments, not twisted simply in one way; and it should be in a small chamber with all doors and windows closed, that the wind may not enter, nor the air of the room be in any way disturbed; for which reason it is not expedient that the trial should be made on windy days, or while a storm is brewing. For thus it freely follows its bent, and slowly moves until at length, as it rests, it points with its ends North and South, just as iron touched with a loadstone does in shadow-clocks, and in compasses, and in the mariners' compass. You will be able, if curious enough, to balance all at the same time by fine threads a number of small rods, or iron wires, or long pins with which women knit stockings; you will see that all of them at the same time are in accord, unless there be some error in this delicate operation: for unless you prepare everything fitly and skilfully, the labour will be void. Make trial of this thing in water also, which is done both more certainly and more easily. Let an iron wire two or three digits long, more or less, be passed through a round cork, so that it may just float upon water; and as soon as you have committed it to the waves, it turns upon its own centre, and one end tends to the North, the other to the South; the causes


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list of the really serious, the really convinced, the really important and comprehensible people now alive includes, as most Englishmen would now be prepared to admit, the German Emperor. He is a practical man and a poet. I do not know whether there are still people in existence who think there is some kind of faint antithesis between these two characters; but I incline to think there must be, because of the surprise which the career of the German Emperor has generally evoked. When he came to the throne it became at once apparent that he was poetical; people assumed in consequence that he was unpractical; that he would plunge Europe into war, that he would try to annex France, that he would say he was the Emperor of Russia, that he would stand on his head in the Reichstag, that he

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 of which you will afterwards find in the laws of the direction. This too you should understand, and hold firmly in memory, that as a strong loadstone, and iron touched with the same, do not invariably point exactly to the true pole but to the point of the variation; so does a weaker loadstone, and so does the iron, which directs itself by its own forces only, not by those impressed by the stone; and so every ore of iron, and all bodies naturally endowed with something of the iron nature, and prepared, turn to the same point of the horizon, according to the place of the variation in that particular region (if there be any variation therein), and there abide and rest.

RON settles itself toward the North and South; not with one and the same point toward this pole or that: for one end of the piece of ore itself and one extremity also of a wrought-iron wire have a sure and constant destination to the North, the other to the South, whether the iron hang in the air, or float on water, be the iron large rods or thinner wires. Even if it be a little rod, or a wire ten or twenty or more ells in length; one end as a rule is Boreal, the other Austral. If you cut off part of that wire, and if the end of that divided part were Boreal, the other end (which was joined to it) will be Austral. Thus if you divide it into several parts, before making an experiment on the surface of water, you can recognize the vertex. In all of them a Boreal end draws an Austral and repels a Boreal, and contrariwise, according to the laws magnetical. Yet herein wrought iron differs from the loadstone and from its own ore, inasmuch as in an iron ball of any size, such as those used for artillery or cannon, or bullets used for carbines or fowling-pieces, verticity is harder to acquire and is less apparent than in a piece of loadstone, or of ore itself, or than in a round loadstone. But in long and extended pieces of iron a power is at once discerned; the causes of which fact, and the methods by which it acquires its verticity and its poles without use of a loadstone, as well as the reasons for all the other obscure features of verticity, we shall set forth in describing the motion of direction.


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 whereas that is the most valuable of all metals. You must make up your mind, therefore, to make room for him, and not be vexed about it; a god with a great gold nose like that must needs take precedence.

(Enter .)—Ven. (coaxingly to Mercury). Now then, Mercury dear, take and put me in a good place, please; I'm golden, you know.

Merc. Not at all, so far as I can see. Unless I'm very blind, you're cut out of white marble—from Pentelicus, I think—and it pleased Praxiteles to make a Venus of you, and hand you over to the people of Cnidus.

Ven. But I can produce a most unimpeachable witness—Homer himself. He continually calls me "golden Venus" all through his poems.

Merc. Yes; and the same authority calls Apollo "rich in gold" and "wealthy;" but you can see him sitting down there among the ordinary gods. He was stripped of his golden crown, you see, by the thieves, and they even stole the strings of his lyre. So you may think yourself well off that I don't put you down quite amongst the crowd.

(Enter the of .)—Col. Now, who will venture to dispute precedence with me—me, who am the Sun, and of such a size to boot? If it had not been that the good people of Rhodes determined to construct me of extraordinary dimensions, they could have made sixteen golden gods for the same price. Therefore I must be ranked higher, by the rule of


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 would become a pirate on the Spanish Main. Years upon years have passed; he has gone on making speeches, he has gone on talking about God and his sword, he has poured out an ever increased rhetoric and æstheticism. And yet all the time people have slowly and surely realised that he knows what he is about, that he is one of the best friends of peace, that his influence on Europe is not only successful, but in many ways good, that he knows what world he is living in better than a score of materialists.

The explanation never comes to them—he is a poet; therefore, a practical man. The affinity of the two words, merely as words, is much nearer than many people suppose, for the matter of that. There is one Greek word for "I do" from which we get the word practical, and another Greek word for "I do" from which we get the word poet. I was doubtless once informed of a profound difference between the two, but I have forgotten it. The two words practical and poetical may mean two subtly different things in that old and subtle language, but they mean the same in

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 English and the same in the long run. It is ridiculous to suppose that the man who can understand the inmost intricacies of a human being who has never existed at all cannot make a guess at the conduct of man who lives next door. It is idle to say that a man who has himself felt the mad longing under the mad moon for a vagabond life cannot know why his son runs away to sea. It is idle to say that a man who has himself felt the hunger for any kind of exhilaration, from angel or devil, cannot know why his butler takes to drink. It is idle to say that a man who has been fascinated with the wild fastidiousness of destiny does not know why stockbrokers gamble, to say that a man who has been knocked into the middle of eternal life by a face in a crowd does not know why the poor marry young; that a man who found his path to all things kindly and pleasant blackened and barred suddenly by the body of a man does not know what it is to desire murder. It is idle, in short, for a man who has created men to say that he does not understand them. A man who is a poet may, of course, easily

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176 mercy, but mercy, mercy is the thing she begs: she pleads not merit, but depends upon mercy; Have mercy upon me. Mercies to the children are mercies to the parents; favours to ours are favours to us, and are so to be accounted. Note, It is the duty of parents to pray for their children, and to be earnest in prayer for them, especially for their souls; "I have a son, a daughter, grievously vexed with a proud will, an unclean devil, a malicious devil, led captive by him at his will; Lord, help them." This is a case more deplorable than that of a bodily possession. Bring them to Christ by faith and prayer, who alone is able to heal them. Parents should look upon it as a great mercy to themselves, to have Satan's power broken in the souls of their children.

2. The discouragements she met with in this address: in all the story of Christ's ministry we do not meet with the like. He was wont to countenance and encourage all that came to him, and either to answer before they called, or to hear while they were yet speaking; but here was one otherwise treated: and what could be the reason of it? (1.) Some think tbat Christ showed himself backward to gratify this poor woman, because he would not give offence to the Jews, by being as free and as forward in his favour to the Gentiles as to them. He had bid his disciples not go into the way ofthe Gentiles, (ch. 10. 5.) and therefore would not himself seem so inclinable to them as to others, but rather more shy. Or rather, (2.) Christ treated her thus, to try her; he knows what is in the heart, knew the strength of her faith, and how well able she was, by his grace, to break through such discouragements; he therefore met her with them, that the trial of her faith might be found unto praise, and honour, and glory, 1 Pet 1. 6, 7. This was like God's tempting Abraham, (Gen. 22. 1.) like the angel's wrestling with Jacob, only to put him upon wrestling, Gen. 32. 24. Many of the methods of Christ's providence, and especially of his grace, in dealing with his people, which are dark and perplexing, may be explained with the key of this story, which is for that end left upon record, to teach us that there may be love in Christ's heart while there are frowns in his face, and to encourage us, therefore, though he slay us, yet to trust in him.

Observe the particular discouragements given her:

[1.] When she cried after him, he answered her not a word, v. 23. His ear was wont to be always open and attentive to the cries of poor supplicants, and his lips, which dropped as the honey-comb, always ready to give an answer of peace; but to this poor woman he turned a deaf ear, and she could get neither an alms nor an answer. It was a wonder that she did not fly off in a fret, and say, "Is this he that is so famed for clemency and tenderness? Have so many been heard and answered by him, as they talk, and must I be the first rejected suitor? Why so distant to me, if it be true that he hath stooped to so many?" But Christ knew what he did, and therefore did not answer, that she might be the more earnest in prayer. He heard her, and was pleased with her, and strengthened her with strength in her soul to prosecute her request, (Ps. 138. 3. Job 23. 6.) though he did not immediately give her the answer she expected. By seeming to draw away the desired mercy from her, he drew her on to be so much the more importunate for it. Note, Every accepted prayer is not immediately an answered prayer. Sometimes God seems not to regard his people's prayers, like a man asleep or astonished, (Ps. 44. 23. Jer. 14. 9. Ps. 22. 1, 2.) nay, to be angry at them; (Ps. 80. 4. Lam. 3. 8, 44.) but it is to prove, and so to improve, their faith, and to make his after-appearances for them the more glorious to himself, and the more welcome to them; for the vision, at the end, shall speak, and shall not lie, Hab. 2. 3. See Job 35. 14.

[2.] When the disciples spake a good word for her, he gave a reason why he refused her, which was yet more discouraging.

First, It was some little relief, that the disciples interposed on her behalf; they said, Send her away, for she crieth after us. It is desirable to have an interest in the prayers of good people, and we should be desirous of it. Yet the disciples, though wishing she might have what she came for, yet therein consulted rather their own ease than the poor woman's satisfaction; "Send her away with a cure, for she cries, and is in good earnest; she cries after us, and is troublesome to us, and shames us." Continued importunity may be uneasy to men, even to good men; but Christ loves to be cried after.

Secondly, Christ's answer to the disciples quite dashed her expectations; "I am not sent, but to the lost sheep of the house of Israel: you know I am not, she is none of them, and would you have me go beyond my commission?" Importunity seldom conquers the settled reason of a wise man; and those refusals are most silencing, which are so backed. He doth not only not answer her, but he argues against her, and stops her mouth with a reason. It is true, she is a lost sheep, and hath as much need of his care as any, but she is not of the house of Israel, to whom he was first sent, (Acts 3. 26.) and therefore not immediately interested in it, and entitled to it. Christ was a Minister of the circumcision; (Rom. 15. 8.) and though he was intended for a Light to the Gentiles, yet the fulness of time for that was not now come, the vail was not yet rent, nor the partition-wall taken down. Christ's personal ministry was to be the glory of his people Israel; "If I am sent to them, what have I to do with those that are none of them?" Note, It is a great trial, when we have occasion given us to question whether we be of those to whom Christ was sent. But, blessed be God, no room is left for that doubt; the distinction between Jew and Gentile is taken away: we are sure that he gave his life a ransom for many, and if for many, why not for me?

Thirdly, When she continued her importunity, he insisted upon the unfitness of the thing, and gave her not only a repulse, but a seeming reproach too; (v. 26.) It is not meet to take the children's bread and to cast it unto dogs. This seems to cut her off from all hope, and might have driven her to despair, if she had not had a very strong faith indeed. Gospel-grace and miraculous cures, (the appurtenances of it,) were children's bread; they belonged to them to whom pertained the adoption, (Rom. 9. 4.) and lay not upon the same level with that rain from heaven, and those fruitful seasons, which God gave to the nations whom he suffered to walk in their own ways; (Acts 14. 16, 17.) no, these were peculiar favours, appropriated to the peculiar people, the garden inclosed. Christ preached to the Samaritans, (John 4. 41.) but we read not of any cures he wrought among them; that salvation was of the Jews; it is not meet therefore to alienate these. The Gentiles were looked upon by the Jews with great contempt, were called and counted dogs; and, in comparison with the house of Israel, who were so dignified and privileged, Christ here seems to allow it, and therefore thinks it not meet that the Gentiles should share in the favours bestowed on the Jews. But see how the tables are turned; after the bringing of the Gentiles into the church, the Jewish zealots for the law are called dogs, Phil. 3. 2.

Now this Christ urgeth against this woman of Canaan; "How can she expect to eat of the children's bread, who is not of the family?" Note, 1. Those whom Christ intends most signally to honour, he first humbles and lays low in a sense of their own