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 papers by the cancellation of the first names upon a certain portion of them, and can report the result of such alteration,—that is to say, what additions are thereby made to the votes given for other candidates. Additions will continue to be made in like manner as the other quotas are completed, and thus the name of every candidate having the quota will soon be ascertained. The completion of such quotas must then be certified by the registrars to the returning officers of the several constituencies, where votes for such candidates have been polled.

The duty of the registrars, as well as of the returning officers, with regard to setting apart the voting papers appropriated to every candidate, as soon as the appropriation has been finally made, and also with regard to the cancellation of the names of the same candidates, wherever they occur, on the remaining voting papers, has already been prescribed. The same clause also points out the order in which the voting papers shall be taken, up to the point at which they cease to be under the jurisdiction of the returning officers. It is now necessary to prescribe other rules as to the order in which the votes shall be appropriated to the candidates, in cases which cannot be dealt with by any particular returning officer, because the representation of two or more constituencies is involved. In these arrangements,—after disposing of the votes of the particular constituency or constituencies for which a candidate has offered himself,—it is important that there should, in the subsequent appropriation, be a prescribed order to be followed without possibility


text: User:SnowyCinema/P/Pleased to Meet You

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: User:SnowyCinema/P/Pleased to Meet You


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Rh of jurisprudence, of judicature, and of reformative police! How are we to inculcate the elements of our knowledge upon these topics, which are at once infinitely more essential to the welfare of the people of India than mathematical and physical science, and infinitely more liable to the adverse influence of prejudice and prepossession? Physical science is almost unknown in India, and hence there will be little for us to undo: it stands almost wholly aloof from the turmoil of the passions and interests of men, and hence there will be little difficulty in removing obstructions to fair and patient attention. But the philosophy of life, however ill it is yet understood, has been an object of study in this land for 3,000 years—,in all which the falsest interests, and the most turbulent passions, and the most fantastic opinions have contributed the warp, as nature and experience have the woof, to its net-work. To leave the woof as it is, and to supply a new warp from the schools of European wisdom—hoc opus, hic labor est! To attempt to remove both warp and woof were, I believe, to disorganize society, and to insure our own destruction in its disorganization! Here it is certainly that the countenance and support, real or seeming, of established maxims and examples is most needed and most readily to be had,—most needed, because of the prejudices and passions that are indissolubly bound up with the topics; most easily to be had, because of that universal consciousness and almost universal experience which necessarily supply the ultimate evidence of such topics. High-dated and literary as is the character of Indian civilization, it could not be that their literature should have failed to gather ample materials for the just illustration, in some way or other, of most, if not of all, parts of the philosophy of life, and with respect to the fact, you Sir, need not be told that it has not failed to gather them.”

The following appears to be the substance of the views expressed by these authorities. The vernacular school-books prepared and issued under the authority of Government should embrace religious instruction as far as it can be communicated without engaging in religious controversy or exciting religious prejudice, without inculcating the peculiarities of any one religion or attacking those of another. Perhaps, the best way in which this might be effected would be, without employing any direct forms of religious inculcation, to cause the spirit of religion—its philanthropic principles and devotional feelings—to pervade the whole body of instruction on other subjects. On these other subjects, physical science, moral truths, and the arts and philosophy of civil and social life, the aim should be, not to translate European works into the words and idioms of the native languages, nor to adopt native works without the infusion of European knowledge, but so to combine the substance of European knowledge with native forms of thought and sentiment, and with the


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 But though it was necessary that Ulysses should be with strange Princes for several Years; yet it was not necessary that one of these Princes should be Antiphates, another Alcinous; nor that the Nymph Calypso, and the Enchantress Circe should be his Hostesses. One might have changed these Persons and States into others, without changing the Design and the Fable. Thus, though these Adventures were part of the Subject after the Poet's Choice of them, yet they were not proper to the Subject.

It is likewise necessary to the Subject, that Ulysses revenge himself, and punish his Wife's Courtiers; but 'tis neither proper nor necessary that he should kill them with Javelins, as they were at Supper in his House, at Night too, and none to assist him but his Son and two or three of his Domestics. He might have appear'd at the Head of an Army, and without the least Surprize have kill'd them with his drawn Sword at their own Houses, or in the open Field. But yet will any Man say, that his killing them with Javelins is not part of the Subject?

In a word, the Revenge he takes, and the punishing of these Miscreants, exprest in short, as we see it in the Model Aristotle has left us, is a simple Action proper and necessary to the Subject. It is not an Episode, but the Foundation and Soul of an Episode: and this same Punishment explain'd and amplified with all the Circumstances of Times, Places, and Persons, is not a simple and proper Action, but an Episodiz'd Action, and a true Episode: And though the Poet is left at his Freedom and Choice therein, yet it does not follow that the Episode is form'd upon a less proper and necessary Foundation.

'Tis in this last Sense, and of this only sort of Episodes, we shall generally speak.

ter what has been said, we may very well infer, That Episodes are necessary Parts of the Action, extended by probable Circumstances.

An Episode is but a part of an Action, and not an entire one; like that of Hypsipyle in Statius, which renders this Poem defective and Episodical.

That part of the Action which serves for a Foundation to the Episode, ought not to continue in its Simplicity; such as it is in the General related in the first Draught of the Fable. Aristo-


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 of deviation, that the result may of necessity be accepted without the possibility of complaint.

It should be observed that the proposed law is now framed in contemplation of the cases of candidates who are found to have, amongst the unappropriated voting papers of different constituencies, more than the quota of votes; and the simple point to be determined is, which of such votes shall be actually and finally appropriated to the several candidates having such excess of votes, and which of such votes shall go over to another candidate standing lower on the voting paper.


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 SIR WILLIAM JENNER,

HONOURED PRESIDENT OF THIS LEARNED COLLEGE,

BEFORE entering on the subject which now brings us here, I must ask you to accept my thanks for the distinction you have conferred on me, in selecting me for the office I have the honour to fill to-day, an honour, allow me to add, which carries with it a special gratification to myself, inasmuch as among the many distinctions conferred by this College on my grandfather, the late Dr. Henry Revell Reynolds, there was not one he prized more highly than that of having delivered, as he did, before the President and Fellows of this College, one hundred and eight years ago,* the

HARVEIAN ORATION.

MR. PRESIDENT, FELLOWS OF THIS COLLEGE, AND GENTLEMEN,

SIR THOMAS BROWNE has said, in one of his sadder moods, "Our fathers find their graves in our short memories, and sadly tell us how we may be buried in our survivors. The greater part must be content to be as though they had not been,-to be found in the register of God, not in the memory of man."

Munk, vol. ii., p. 300.
 * Roll of the Royal College of Physicians of London. Edited by Dr.


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The Rule B., which may perhaps be modified and rendered more complete, is designed to give due effect to all local


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 tle having recounted the Parts of the Odysseïs, says expresly, that they are proper: and in this Case distinguishes them from the Episodes. Thus in the Instance of Oedipus which we produc'd, we said, that the Cure of the Thebans is not an Episode, but only the Foundation and Subject of an Episode, which the Poet made no use of. And Aristotle (by saying that Homer in the Iliad has taken but a few Things for his Subject, but that he has made use of a great many Episodes) does inform us, that the Subject contains in it self a great many Episodes, which the Poet may or may not make use of. That is, it contains the Foundation of them, which one may leave in its general and simple Brevity, as Seneca has done the Cure of the Thebans; or which one may enlarge and explain, as the same Author has done the Chastisement of Oedipus. In this last way 'tis that the Poet makes use of them, and forms just Episodes out of them.

The Subject of a Poem may be long after two ways: the first is, when the Poet makes use of a great many of its Episodes: and the other is, when he gives to each a considerable Extent. 'Tis by this Method, that the Epick Poets extend their Poems a great deal more than the Dramatick.

We must likewise take notice, that there are some parts of an Action which of themselves do naturally present us but with one single Episode; as, the Death of Hector, that of Turnus, &c. There are likewise more fertile parts of the Fable, which oblige the Poet to form several Episodes of each part, though in the first Model they are exprest in as simple a manner as the rest. Such are, the Fight between the Trojans and the Grecians; the Absence of Ulysses; the Travels of Æneas, &c.

For the Absence of Ulysses from his own Country during so many Years together, does necessarily require his Presence elsewhere; and the Design of the Fable obliges him to be cast into several Dangers, and upon several States. Now each Danger, and each State, furnishes Matter for an Episode, which the Poet may make use of, if he please.

We conclude then, that Episodes are not Actions, but the parts of an Action: That they are not added to the Action, and the Matter of the Poem; but that they constitute this Action and this Matter, as the Members of the Body constitute the Matter of it: That upon this Account they are not deduc'd from any thing else, but the very Foundation of the Action: That they are not united and connected to the Action, but to one another: That all the parts of an Action are not so many Episodes; but only such as are amplified and extended by particular Circumstances, and in the manner whereby the Poet rehearses a Thing: And lastly, That this Union between each other, is necessary in the Foundation of the Episode, and probable in the Circumstances.


text: Monsieur Bossu's Treatise of the Epick Poem/Chapter 23


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 attachments and legitimate influences arising from family, traditional, territorial, or other causes. It will give to every landed proprietor the opportunity of connecting himself, or preserving his relation politically with the district in which his estates are chiefly situated, by enabling him to select a constituency embracing that portion of the country. There is no sound reason for any jealousy of such natural connections,—on the contrary, they are capable of being made the sources of some of the most inestimable of social benefits,—and which more than compensate for their occasional abuse,—an abuse which, there is reason to hope, will be constantly less and less frequent, and will cease altogether as interest and duty become obviously in harmony, and every proprietor feels that his influence depends upon the existence of an attached, a populous, and an instructed neighbourhood.

The voting papers liberated from the claim of one candidate, as his quota is completed, become votes for the next candidate who is mentioned upon them, and, being appropriated to him, will go to make up his quota. The same process of completion and cancellation will go on, according to the rules which have been stated,—hour by hour, with great rapidity, until the time comes when the remaining voting papers,—still taking only the names of the candidates which from time to time are thus made to stand first in every paper,—do not furnish enough to make up the quota for any remaining candidate. The process has been simply that of sorting the voting papers and arranging them under the several names which appear uncancelled at the head of every paper; and as each new quota has been completed and set apart, and a member thereupon returned, the name of such member has been cancelled on all other voting papers except those which are thus set apart.

At this stage of the election,—as a quota is no longer found for any candidate, and as no voting paper can be appropriated to any name standing below the first, so long as


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 the first is still unchosen and there is a possibility of his being elected, it becomes necessary to introduce another rule for ascertaining on which of the remaining candidates the choice of the remaining electors has fallen. Let it be supposed that 1,227,274 voters (the whole number on the register in 1857, as before stated) had polled at a general election,—that number being divided by 654, the quota would be 1,876; and let it also be supposed that by the process of appropriation of votes, up to this stage of the election, 300 candidates have received the quota and been returned. In this state of things 354 members are still wanting to complete the House; and as the election of 300 members has necessarily disposed of 562,800 votes, every elector of that number being represented by the man whom he has chosen,—there remain 664,474 votes unappropriated, and which are applicable to the election of the 354 members yet to be elected. Let it also be supposed that there were originally 1,800 candidates,—somewhat less than three for every seat, and therefore that of these candidates 1,500 still remain whose success or failure is undetermined.

To obtain as nearly as possible an equal quota for all, it is necessary to adopt a process for eliminating the names of the candidates having the smaller number of votes. This was first done by cancelling their names, one by one, and thus raising on every voting paper the next name in succession to the place of the cancelled candidate, and thereby at each step bringing some other and uncancelled candidate nearer to the attainment of the quota. Following out this idea, it was, in the first edition of this work, proposed, at this stage of the election, to cancel on the voting papers, first the name of every candidate who had not, on the unappropriated voting papers, a number of votes, including both actual or contingent votes, amounting to the quota; and if (as was most probable) the appropriation made after that process should still fail to complete the House, then to compute the number of all actual and contingent votes for


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 each of the remaining candidates on the unappropriated voting papers, and take out, one by one, those who had the smallest number, until none but the required number of favourite, and therefore selected, candidates should remain.

The term "elimination" may be used to describe the method by which the excluded candidates are withdrawn. If no more than a hundred are to be chosen out of a thousand, however the process be conducted, nine hundred must be eliminated. Whether we begin at the least popular names and proceed upwards, cancelling the names until the hundred only are left, or begin by electing the highest on the poll, and descend until the hundred shall be chosen, and the remaining nine hundred excluded, the result, if the name at the head of every voting paper be alone regarded, will be the same; but if the principle of contingent voting, the only method yet suggested for preventing uncertainty of action and an incalculable waste of the electoral power, be adopted, and the cancellation of each name be followed by giving the vote immediately to the next name on the voting paper, the result may be very different. It is convenient, therefore, to distinguish these methods by describing the upward process as one of elimination, and the downward process as one of selection. The result of discussion as well as of the experience gained in the tentative application of this system of voting, in the United States, and gathered also from the operation of the cumulative vote in this country, has led the author to return, with little variation, to the method of eliminating the candidates having the smallest number of votes, suggested in his earlier publications on this subject, notwithstanding the greater apparent complexity which had induced him to omit it in the later editions of the treatise. It is, however, desirable that each process should be stated and considered, the better


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 to test the comparative merits of the method of appropriation which has been ultimately adopted, and which is now proposed, as a rule not only superior to any other method which has yet been suggested, but possessing every quality that is practically needful.

1. The elimination of the candidates having less of public support, may commence with the candidate having the smallest number of votes actual or contingent,—or, in other words, the candidate whose name is mentioned on the smallest number of voting papers, whether at their head or in any other position upon them; and this being ascertained, by cancelling the name of such candidate throughout the voting papers; then that of the next candidate in like circumstances, and so on until only so many are left as shall complete the House.

This process gives an undue weight to mere aggregate numbers,—or to the multitude as compared with the few,—a preponderance which is the great danger of popular government. This effect is immediately seen when it is considered, that, by counting every name on every voting paper for the purpose of determining which candidate is the least popular that the elimination may begin by excluding him,—the effect of each paper is multiplied in the ratio of the number of names which it contains, and thereby a multiplied force is given to the combinations of large bodies of voters, or of parties, which would enable them, by the use of prepared or printed lists of candidates, to overpower the deliberate voices of the less numerous classes, and the more thoughtful electors. Although the party nominees could not be elected until their votes severally reached the quota, or placed them at the head of the poll, their success would indirectly, and scarcely less effectually, be promoted by the cancellation of the names of other candidates who were put forward by smaller numbers of voters, and who were, therefore, the first to be excluded.

2. Instead of computing the number of repetitions of each


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 name on all the voting papers, which perhaps for the most part remain with the local returning officers, it was in the first edition of this work proposed to diminish the labour of computation, by including in it none but the unappropriated voting papers after the first part of the election had been completed—namely, only the 664,474 remaining votes in the stage of the particular election now supposed. This, however, would be inequitable to the extent in which it gave an undue weight to the unappropriated over the appropriated voting papers. If, for example, one of the unappropriated voting papers should have upon it thirty uncancelled names, and it be referred to and counted thirty times on the computation which is to determine what candidates are to be excluded, it has obviously a far greater force than any appropriated paper, which, on the return of the candidate nominated upon it,—although there might have been fifty names below,—had been immediately allotted as one of the quota of the elected member, and thereafter referred to no more.

3. Every computation of actual and contingent votes which gives them an equal value, or which, in other words, permits a vote that may be in the middle or at the bottom of a list of thirty, forty, or fifty names, to have the same numerical weight in the election or rejection of a candidate that is given to the vote which the same elector has placed at the head of his voting paper, is radically inconsistent with the principle which it is the design of this system to embody,—that of giving to no vote more than a single voice, and that this voice should be the expression of the highest and most deliberate preference of the elector. The name which is placed first on every paper is that of the candidate for whom the elector votes. The subsequent names, however they may, for a contingent purpose, express relative preferences, are not to be regarded so long as a prior name remains uncancelled, and is capable of being chosen. If, therefore, the same weight be given to the name which is, say, the tenth, on the


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 voting paper of A, as is given to the name which is first on the voting paper of B, positive injustice is done by disregarding the will of B, to a far greater degree than the will of A can be said to be obeyed. The very moderate or faint appreciation of one is balanced against the highest expression of the preference of the other. To moderate this consequence it was first suggested that the value of every vote, for the purpose of determining the order of elimination, should be computed by its position on the voting paper. The computation would be very laborious, but that being a merely mechanical difficulty, would be overcome. A more serious objection is, that it is open to the vicious operation already referred to, of enabling numbers to obtain, by organization, an undue preponderance.

4. The method proposed in the last edition of this work was that of selection. It has been supposed that there are at this stage of the election, 664,474 unappropriated votes, and 1,500 unchosen candidates, which, if the votes were equally divided, would afford 442 for every candidate. They would be very unequally divided. Some names would probably not appear at the head of any of the voting papers, and some at the head of very few, and it will follow that some candidates will have many more than 442 votes. By merely sorting the voting papers, and placing together all those which have at their head the name of the same candidate, the number of actual votes for every candidate might be readily counted. The same process would be followed as to the candidate having the next greatest number, and so on, until the remaining 354 members had been thus selected. This method was recommended by its greater simplicity, and its tendency, therefore, to remove the objection that the proposed system of election was too complicated for its purpose. It is, however, in one important respect eminently defective. The result is that all the voting papers which have been appropriated to so many of the supposed 1,500 candidates as come after the 354, that by the


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 latest distribution have acquired the comparative majorities, are wholly thrown away and ineffectual,—howerer many subsequent and contingent votes there may be on such voting papers, below the unsuccessful candidate named at the head of each paper. One great purpose of the electoral system of a self-governing nation is to elicit from the voter, and encourage him to put forward, all the resources of his thought and knowledge in the choice of legislators in whom he has the most perfect confidence; and it is of essential importance that he should not be deterred from doing this by any apprehension that owing to the obscurity or the unpopularity of the candidate whom individually he knows and would trust, his vote would be lost if he ventured to place the name of such candidate at the head of his paper. This method of selecting the remaining candidates according to their comparative majorities, regarding only the names at the head of the voting papers, notwithstanding its simplicity, has therefore been abandoned.

5. The method which it has been resolved to pursue, as combining greater advantages than any other, is to reduce the number of candidates remaining at this stage of the election, by taking out the names of all those who have the smallest number of actual votes,—that is, who are named at the head of the smallest number of voting papers, and appropriating each vote to the candidate standing next in order on each paper, until only so many candidates are left as shall be sufficient to fill the House.

The process may be embodied in the following law:—


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In the last edition of this treatise, a clause was introduced for appropriating the votes of elector's that had been ineffectual owing to having the names of unsuccessful candidates at the head of their voting papers, by assigning them as part of the constituency of any member whom they had named lower on the voting paper, in order to compensate them in some measure for the loss. It was argued that if the voter were not represented by the man whom he would above all desire, because he could not procure a sufficient concurrence of opinion or sentiment for his election, he is yet represented by the man who stands highest in his favour for whom that concurrence can be obtained: that the variation in the numbers of the constituencies which the ultimate appropriation of votes might introduce, derogated in no degree from the true principle of representation, "A is not the less perfectly represented by Z because B and C have likewise chosen Z to represent


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 them. We do not refuse to confide our interests to a particular counsel or attorney because his eminence in character and ability has led a great number of other persons to appoint him as their counsel or attorney also. We rather expect his power to be of service to us, will be greater from that very cause." But it is clear, nevertheless, that the elector though thus represented, has not that due representative force to which he is entitled so far as it can be given to him, and which is far more perfectly secured in the manner now indicated.

If we suppose nothing more than the most ordinary degree of acquaintance with the names of a few public men, or even of one, coupled with that degree of interest in public affairs which would induce the voter to be at the pains of exercising his franchise, it is probable that under such a law every elector in the kingdom who may take the trouble to vote, will he represented by a candidate whom he has especially named and selected. An unrepresented voter will be a rare exception. By fixing on any candidate of high and general reputation, the elector will be morally certain of securing him, if no other, as his representative in the national councils; and where the elector does not rely exclusively on one name, but introduces different names, as so many alternatives, the system affords a practical application of that principle of compromise, the adaptation of the will, the pretensions, and the conduct to circumstances,—the yielding something of which we are less tenacious to secure that on which we set a still higher value,—which is of such potent influence and incalculable value in political as well as in social life. The voter expresses in effect his wish to be represented by the second person named on his paper if he cannot be by the first,—by the third if he cannot be by the second, and so on. Instead of crushing the opinions or sentiments of any elector, it leads him by a gentle and unresisted constraint to blend and harmonise them with those of others, until a voluntary unanimity is attained.


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 It is unnecessary to repeat the clause formerly introduced, for the verification of the declared results of the poll, and for the preservation of, and means of reference to the voting papers subsequent to the election. Provisions for all these purposes are to be found in the rules appended to the Ballot Act. The secrecy of the vote now renders most of the suggestions on this point, in the preceding editions, inapplicable.

It is proper finally to provide for the possibility of a candidate being elected by a sufficient number of voters to make up the quota, and who yet may not be in a position on the poll of any particular constituency to entitle him to require that the returning officer shall return him as elected by it. Suppose, for example, that there were 700 different constituencies, and a candidate had three votes in every constituency, he might have the quota, or a comparative majority, but not a majority in any place. The supposed state of things is of course highly improbable, but there ought to be no possible defect in the operation of machinery designed to act perpetually, and under all circumstances. If any cases should arise, such as has been supposed, it may be left to be dealt with by the House, upon a form of proceeding which the candidate, or any of the electors interested, may be allowed to imitate.


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In the above electoral law it has not been thought necessary thus far to depart from the form originally adopted to show in what way proportional representation might be established, or to borrow the more succinct phraseology in which rules of a like or analogous purport have been expressed in subsequent adaptations of the principle. With a view, however, to the practical introduction of the system, it is of great importance to show how much the form of an electoral law for that object may be simplified as well as abridged. The labours of other minds in England and in America, bringing to the task their varied experience in the work of legislation, have succeeded in framing in fewer words rules which effect substantially the same object. One example is given in the four simple rules which suffice for expressing what was to be done, on the nomination of overseers of Harvard University. The Proportional Representation Bill of the last session embodied every essential condition in the three following clauses:—


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 It is true that the division of England and Wales into sixty-nine constituencies, They are specified in the first Schedule. The principle of division was to give distinct representation to the larger towns, and include the smaller in the counties. It allots to the Universities of Oxford, Cambridge, and London, 5 members, and to cities and boroughs as follows:— Plymouth and Devonport, 3; Bristol, 4; Portsmouth and Southampton, 4; Greenwich, 4; Newcastle-on-Tyne, Tynemouth, and North Shields, 6; Wolverhampton, Wednesbury, and Walsall, 7; Lambeth, 8; Southwark, 4; Birmingham, 7; Kingston-upon Hull, 3; Leeds, 6; Sheffield, 5; Bradford, 3; Halifax, Huddersfield, and Dewsbury, 4; Liverpool, 11; Manchester and Salford, 11; City of London, 4; Finsbury, 9; Mary-le-bone, 10; Tower Hamlets, 8; Hackney, 8; Westminster and Chelsea, 11. The Schedule then distributes the county seats, exclusive of the foregoing boroughs, thus:—Bedfordshire, 3; Berkshire, 4; Buckingham-shire, 4; Cambridgeshire and Huntingdonshire, 5; Cheshire, 12; Cornwall, 8; Cumberland and Westmoreland, 6; Derbyshire, 8; Devonshire, 10; Dorsetshire, 4; Durham, 13; Essex, 10; Gloucestershire, 8; Hampshire and the Isle of Wight, 8; Herefordshire, 3; Hertfordshire, 4; Kent, 15; Lancashire, Northern Division, 6; Lancashire, North-Eastern Division, 7; Lancashire, South-Eastern Division, 16; Lancashire, South-Western Division, 9; Leicestershire, 6; Lincolnshire, 9; Middlesex, 6; Monmouthshire, 4; Norfolk, 9; Northamptonshire and Rutlandshire, 6; Northumberland, 5; Nottinghamshire, 7; Oxfordshire, 4; Shropshire, 5; Somersetshire, 10; Staffordshire, 11; Suffolk, 7; Surrey, 11; Sussex, 9; Warwickshire, 6; Wiltshire, 6; Worcestershire, 7; Yorkshire, North Riding, 6; Yorkshire, East Riding, and York, 4; Northern Division of West Riding of Yorkshire, 6; Eastern Division of West Riding of Yorkshire, 6; Southern Division of West Riding of Yorkshire, 9; North Wales, consisting of the counties of Anglesey, Carnarvon, Denbigh, Flint, and Montgomery, 10; South Wales, consisting of the counties of Brecon, Cardigan, Carmarthen, Glamorgan, Pembroke, and Radnor, 16. acting independently of one another, rendered unnecessary several of the provisions required where, as in the method herein contemplated, the existing constituencies would not only be much increased in number, but are so far connected that the electoral weight of the votes is measured by the same numerical standard, and individual voters may transfer themselves from one local constituency to another.

In the Proportional Representation Bill, from which the foregoing clauses are extracted, the number of members to be returned at the next general election by the several con-


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 stituencies in England and Wales, to which part of the United Kingdom it exclusively applied, are set forth in the schedule; but the numbers are to be subject to alteration according to the population at every decennial census. Such a distribution of seats was objected to in the debate, on the ground that the number of registered voters, and not population, should form the standard. The argument at once suggests the question whether the principle which is at the basis of the system advocated in this treatise might not be well introduced into any measure for a just apportionment of political power, however rigidly local the electoral districts may be framed. The election of members for Birmingham may be confined to the voters for Birmingham, and that for Warwickshire to the county voters, by whatever measure the number of members they are respectively entitled to elect shall be ascertained. The subject of exclusive local action in its general character and results is treated in an earlier chapter, but the possibility and advantage of measuring the political power of localities by a rational method—a method dependent on the part their inhabitants are willing or disposed to take in public affairs—should not be passed over while we are adverting to this recent and practical attempt to establish proportional representation, and the objections which it elicited.

It cannot be too often repeated that the constant statement that the author has neglected or ignored the local character of representation is entirely a mistake. He has sought, on the contrary, to develop the activity of our local system more completely than ever, making local divisions, as elsewhere said, "facilities and not fetters" of political action. He proposes for this purpose first, to determine the number


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 of members every county, city, or borough may return, not by the number of its electors on the register, but by the number of those electors who take the trouble to vote at the election. It is the same in effect as if the whole nation, all the adult and trusted of the people to whom the suffrage is given, had been summoned to meet on some great central plain, and the business of the assembly is then and there determined by those who obey the summons and attend, and not by those who are absent; in fact, every elector who does not go to the poll is absent from the great national conclave, and it is but just that he should be so regarded. This principle of the system might have formed part of the proposed measure of the last session, or might be adopted in any future Reform Bill. It cannot be doubted that it would operate as a powerful appeal to the public spirit and patriotism of every voter, to be careful not by his abstention to diminish the fair political influence of his town or county. It would in fact put all the people of Britain as it were on their mettle that they may not fall behind others in the performance of their electoral duties, and lose that influence in the state which is its consequence.

In working out the details of that phase of this system which equalizes and adjusts the comparative power of every voter, to whatever constituency he belongs, and liberates him at the same time from every restriction which at present abridges his opportunities of association with others of like sympathies, two things have been contemplated; first, this equality of numbers making up the quota sufficient to return a member, and which the foregoing explanation will show to be applicable to constituencies however rigidly localized; and secondly, the enlarged and vast extension of the field open to the individual elector by enabling him to carry his vote to the aid of those with whom he agrees, and whose candidate he would desire to see elected, whether within or without


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 the local boundary of his own constituency, and thus open to every voter full scope and exercise for his predilections, whether of birth or neighbourhood—from community of interest, thought, or opinion, or from any other governing sentiment—an opportunity which under the proportional system it must be remembered may be used as a means of help, but not of conflict or defeat. If a voter whose residence and qualification is in London, but whose early associations are with Cornwall or Devonshire, should prefer to preserve his connection with and vote in the county rather than in the city, he would in no degree interfere with the electoral power of the county voters. He might come to the aid of a minority or add one to the majority who vote for a county candidate; but when it is no longer a struggle on one side to exclude the other, the addition would be felt as purely beneficial in its tendency, as increasing the aggregate county influence without diminishing that of any party or section in it. The election with the proportional system is no longer a strife for mastery, but an exercise in which all are stimulated to do their best, allowing their neighbours to do the same. This character of the system, however, is not generally realised in the popular mind, and therefore it is desirable to show that the provisions introduced to effect the second of these objects are entirely distinct from those which relate to the first, and that the second may be omitted while the first is adopted.

Instead, therefore, of prescribing, as in the Proportional Representation Bill, that the number of members to be returned by the several constituencies in the schedule should be found by dividing the population, as ascertained at the census from time to time, by the number of members to be returned for England and Wales, and assigning to each so many members as the constituency contains entire multiples of the quotient, or even of making the number of registered


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 electors the dividend, as was contended for in the debate, the Clause XXXIII. of the Act, the draft of which is herein given, might be conveniently substituted, and by its self-acting force may reasonably be expected to have a far better effect than the penal denunciations of the Solonic table, awakening voluntary effort, and rendering compulsion needless.

The method formerly proposed for supplying occasional vacancies of seats, owing to the acceptance of office, resignation, or death of members, or other causes, is since the Ballot Act no longer possible. The clauses for this purpose are therefore omitted. The occurrence of these accidents has been mentioned by some writers as an objection to proportional representation. It is quite possible to regard them as increasing its advantages. Various adaptations of the system for the purpose of supplying such vacancies have been proposed. Perhaps, a better method than any other would be to allow them to continue until the number reaches four or five, and then to vest the election in the House itself under the same proportional system, which would enable any considerable party to introduce any known or rising politician, in whom it has confidence or hope. Such an opportunity of bringing into the national assembly, and thereby to prominent and public notice, minds of especial eminence or promise, who had not sought, or not obtained, the popular suffrage, would sometimes be of no small value.


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text: The European Magazine/Volume 87/March 1825


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Rh “That is n’t it.” Slade ran his fingers through his thick black hair and scowled fiercely at the fire¬ place. “That is n’t it at all. You ’re—you ’re awfully clean and decent. I’ve been watching you lots—oh, for a year. You ’re—you ’re different,” he finished lamely.

Hugh was beginning to understand. “Do you mean,” he asked slowly, “that you want me to keep straight—that—that, well—that you like me that way better?” He was really asking Slade if he admired him, and Slade got his meaning perfectly. To Hugh the idea was preposterous. Why, Slade had made every society on the campus; he had been given every honor that the students could heap on him—and he envied Hugh, an almost unknown sophomore. Why, it was ridiculous. “Yes, that’s what I mean; that’s what I was trying to get at.” For a minute Slade hesitated; he was n’t used to giving expression to his confused emotions, and he did n’t know how to go about it. “I’d—I’d like to be like you; that’s it. I—I did n’t want you to be like me. ., . Those women are awful bags. Anything might happen. ^

“Why didn’t you stop Carl Peters, too, then?”

"Peters knows his way about. He can take care of himself. You’re different, though. .. . . You’ve never been drunk before, have you?”

“No. No, I never have.” Hugh’s irritation was all gone. He was touched, deeply touched, by


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Rh was right. I know her better than you do. She’s an awfully good kid but not your kind at all. I think I feel as badly almost as you do about it.” He paused a moment and then said simply, “I was so proud of you, Hugh.”

"Don’t!” Hugh exclaimed. “I want to kill my¬ self when you say things like that.”

“You don’t understand. I know that you don’t understand. I’ve been doing a lot of thinking since Prom, too. I Ve thought over a lot of things that you’ve said to me—about me, I mean. Why, Hugh, you think I’m not human. I don’t believe you think I have passions like the rest of you. Well, I do, and sometimes it’s—it’s awful. I’m telling you that so you ’ll understand that I know how you feel. But love’s beautiful to me, Hugh, the most wonderful thing in the world. I was in love with a girl once—and I know. She did n t give a hang for me; she thought I was a baby. I suffered awfully; but I know that my love was beautiful, as beautiful as—” He looked around for a simile—“as to-night. I think it’s because of that that I hate mugging and petting and that sort of thing. I don’t want beauty debased. I want to fight when orchestras jazz famous arias. Well, petting is jazzing love; and I hate it. Do you see what I mean?”

Hugh looked at him wonderingly. He did n’t know this Norry at all. “Yes,” he said slowly;


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316 only got a little over two hours, Cynthia; I Ve gol to get the five-ten back. My folks will be in Hay densville to-morrow morning, and I Ve got to ge; back to meet them.”

Her face clouded for an instant, but she tuckec her arm gaily in his and marched with him acros: the rotunda to the checking counter. When Hug! had disposed of his bag, he suggested that they g( to a little tea room on Fifty-seventh Street. Sh< agreed without argument. Once they were in ; taxi, she wanted to snuggle down into his arm, bu she restrained herself; she felt that she had to pla fair.

Hugh said nothing. He was trying to think and his thoughts whirled around in a mad, drunke dance. He believed that he would be marriei before he took the train back, at least engaged, an what would all that mean? Did he want to ge married? God! he didn’t know.

When at last they were settled in a corner o the empty tea-room and had given their order, the talked in an embarrassed fashion about their recer letters, both of them carefully quiet and restrainec Finally Hugh shoved his plate and cup aside an looked straight at her for the first time. She wc thin, much thinner than she had been a year ag< but there was something sweeter about her, toe she seemed so quiet, so gentle.

“We are n’t going to get anywhere this way, Cy


text: The European Magazine/Volume 87/March 1825/Death Tokens


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 to learn the same word repeatedly in the same juxtaposition would wear out the patience of the most diligent pupil. A modern writer who wished to construct a book of this kind would proceed on the assumption that a very limited number of words must be repeated as often as possible, so that each, by dint of its perpetual recurrence, may impress itself on the mind. Of the great principle of iteration Comenius was well aware; indeed he lays special stress upon it, and it is therefore the more surprising that in this instance his practice runs directly contrary to his theory.

Whatever the shortcomings of the book may have been, and Comenius fully realised that it had many, its success was extraordinary. No one was more surprised than the author himself at the triumphal procession that it made through Europe. It was translated into twelve European languages—Latin, Greek, Bohemian, Polish, German, Swedish, Belgian, English, French, Spanish, Italian, and Hungarian, and even travelled as far eastward as Asia, where it appeared in Arabic, Turkish, Persian, and Mongolian. For the existence of many of these translations we have only the author’s word, but it is an undoubted fact that in every European country generations of children thumbed the Janua and no other book until they were sufficiently advanced to begin Terence or Plautus, and that for years after its publication Comenius’ name was familiar in every school-room. Even Bayle, who is little disposed to sympathise with Comenius, confesses that the


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 * "Death Tokens" translated by W. S. (1825)

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 Janua met with marvellous success. “Had Comenius written no other book than this he would have rendered himself immortal. The work was reprinted countless times, and was translated into I know not how many languages. There are several polyglot editions. I do not doubt that Comenius speaks sincerely when he admits that the success of the work surpassed anything that he anticipated, for who would not be surprised that such a book should have been translated into twelve European languages.”

The approval bestowed on the Janua was not quite universal. Some critics refused to believe that the new method of teaching Latin was a whit superior to the old, or, quite overlooking the educational value of the matter, directed their remarks against the style, which they said was bad, and the Latinity, which they considered faulty.

Milton in his Tractate on Education dismisses the book with a contemptuous remark, and Adelung, writing a hundred years later, quotes with approval the criticism, “In vain will the beginner look for the result that its author claims from the use of the Janua.” Adelung himself goes so far as to assert that its universal use would have been the surest way of restoring the barbarous Latin of the Middle Ages (die Barbarey der mittleren Zeiten).

In truth, these criticisms of Comenius’ Latinity are beside the point. Granted that he was no great scholar (in comparison with men like the Scaligers and Casaubon he was none at all), his claim on the historian of education lies in the fact that he rescued the boys of his generation from the sterile study of words and introduced them to the world of mechanics, politics, and morality.


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Rh there is a vast deal of bad. It was but a few nights ago that a little fellow, not more than thirteen at the very most, was quite drunk, and that for the second time in the last year. I do not know that there is here much of the low mean spirit (which I fear you have so much of), but it must be remembered that Rugby is far better off in this way than most schools.

1em

,— I was a little anxious about you, but little did I suspect what was the case.

A rebellion is a fearful thing, a dreadful, but it was sent for good. I cannot tell you how anxious I was when I began your letter, and as little can I tell you how overjoyed, how relieved, I was when I got through it. My dear dear George, God gave you the trial to settle your character, and I only wish that you had been more decided, as decided in your party as the boy you mention, and then how much happier you would have been. But as it is, the second temptation was resisted, and I only hope that the trial has given you strength to go on in the right way.

How glad I shall be, George, when this travelling about will be over, and we shall be all quiet at our home—the first time we shall have had one for many years. this is a delightful idea.

1em

The exhibitioners this year are Lake, Penrose, and Gell. We had an extremely pleasant time up at Rugby at the examination, as the Oxford Vacation was just beginning, and we had six or seven old Rugbeians down, and in so busy and exciting a time their company was a great relief. I had not been very well after Easter all along, but I believe that


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 The publication of the Janua and the success with which it met brought Comenius into contact with many of the most striking and influential men of the day. In England in particular the book had been well received, and an English version, brought out shortly after its publication at Lissa in 1631 under the title Janua Linguarum Trilinguis, at once attracted the attention of Samuel Hartlib. Of German origin, Hartlib resided in London, and took a keen interest in everything that savoured of intellectual progress. The friend of Milton and of Evelyn, he formed the centre of a circle of thinkers to which any foreigner who arrived in England readily found access, and, in spite of his many engagements at home, contrived to keep up a correspondence with men of mark in Europe. At the beginning of 1632, greatly struck by Comenius’ didactic venture, and especially by its Encyclopædic features, he sent him a friendly message with a copy of Streso’s Of the use and abuse of reason. He also hinted that it might be possible to procure him some monetary aid in England to enable him to carry on his work with greater ease.

Comenius, in answering, expressed his satisfaction at the approval with which his efforts had been received. Any pecuniary assistance would be useful. At the moment he was being aided by the Palatine of Belz, but, as he was travelling, the funds came in but slowly. He was getting on with his didactic works as fast as possible, as there would be much to do wh the Brethren were allowed to return to their labours in Bohemia.

As a matter of fact his scholastic work was to be interrupted. A Latin Grammar that he wrote in 1631 had not satisfied him, and for the next few years he devoted himself to history and physics. The Synod of the Brethren that sat in 1632 asked him to write an account of the events that had befallen the “Unity,” and this request caused him to compose his History of the Bohemian Brethren and


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Rh time did more to make me well than all the physic which has lengthened the doctor's bill to a most  size. I have been in one continued state of excitement for at least the last three years, and now comes the time of exhaustion. When you all come over next year, and I get home at last, I do think this will end.

I must send you our 'Rugby Magazine,' which I beg you will patronise with all your might, though I suppose your canvassing materials in America are rather small.

1em

Only remember—don't be indolent, George; you recollect what I told you about that family failing. Idle, I do not think you will be; but take care you never say, 'It is too much trouble,' 'I can't be bothered,' which are tolerably old favourites of yours, and, indeed, of all who have any Perfect blood in them.

No doubt you will feel very much the loss of any one to talk to about religion, but let this, my dear George, only make you keep more close to God; and if still—for I know that our weakness does often want more direct and visible aid than this, and that our minds are too imperfectly brought to righteousness and goodness to be continually talking even with our kind Father God, just as you would wish to talk to those of your own age sometimes, and not always to those above you only, however much you might love them—if you do still want some one to talk to, you have only to write to me, and I shall be sure to answer you within a week or two. Remember too, that if the school is bad, it is no reason, no excuse for you to do as they do. Remember, they are not many, and Jesus said that a little leaven leavens the whole lump: now, do not think that I am telling you to


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 his History of the persecutions of the Bohemian Church, the latter of which was not published till 1648.

But most of his attention was given to the composition of his treatise on physics. This work, which appeared at Leipzig in 1633, is a most curious publication, and, as Comenius always based his didactic laws on the operations of nature and on the fundamental principles that underlie the constitution of the universe, it is on this account worthy of special attention.

The scope of the work will be best illustrated by the headings of the individual chapters, twelve in number.

1. Sketch of the creation of the world.

2. Of the invisible principles of the world.

3. Of motions.

4. Of the qualities of things.

5. Of the changes of things.

6. Of the elements.

7. Of vapours.

8. Of concrete substances.

9. Of plants.

10. Of animals.

11. Of man.

12. Of angels.

In writing a Christian Cosmogony, Comenius was to a large extent following precedent. Valesius, Lambartus, Levinus, Oscalus, Kasmannus, and his own tutor Alsted had done so before him, and had made the same effort to combine the desire for scientific progress on inductive lines and the belief that the truth on every subject, scientific or otherwise, is to be found in the Scriptures.

For the production of works of this kind the curious conflict of ideas at the close of the sixteenth century was responsible. The spirit of free inquiry introduced by the reformed religion had to a large extent overthrown the authority of Aristotle, but the Christian philosophers of the


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 period merely substituted the Bible for the Aristotelian physics, based their theories on arguments drawn from the Mosaic account of the Creation, and, while they were half awake to the value of experimentation, had but little dealing with it in the actual development of their hypotheses.

The great representatives of these conflicting strains of thought were Campanella and Bacon, for both of whom Comenius had a profound admiration. The two books of the Novum Organum had appeared in 1620, and in the same year Campanella’s De sensu rerum et magia was published at Frankfort, where his Prodromus Philosophiae had been published three years previously. These three works were read with great interest by Comenius; but, while he had a great regard for Bacon and alludes to him continually, he remained in reality little affected by the Inductive Philosophy. Though dimly conscious that Bacon was on the right path, and attracted by the notion of penetrating to the inmost essence of things, he was but slightly impressed by the experimental side of the question. In his Great Didactic, which professes to be founded on an analysis of natural processes, he never mentions Bacon’s name, and his method of procedure is based almost entirely on analogy, often of a far-fetched nature.

While Bacon was not free from the fantastic notions of his age, Campanella is their representative, and with him Comenius has far more in common. “I could easily show that our Prometheus stole a large part of his false beacon-lights from Campanella’s heaven,” wrote Des Marets in 1668, and, though he was no friendly critic, it must be confessed that his appreciation was a just one. We need not be surprised, therefore, find Comenius dealing with essences, principles, and similar monstrosities of Physics.


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text: A View of the History, Literature and Mythology of the Hindoos


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 {| style="border-collapse:collapse; border: 1px solid black; max-width: 20em; margin: auto;" Fiction
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(with Don Marquis)

Essays

Poetry

Plays

 * }

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supposed it would come to this," said Frau Innsbruck. Her vigorous torso, tightly compressed in black, creaked a little with indignation.

The small sunny chamber where they lunched together showed nothing to suggest what deplorable condition "this" was. But it seemed to be something she saw through the window. From that outlying wing of the old building they could look across a well-trimmed lawn to the façade of the château. Over the roof of mossed crumbling tiles and conical towers floated a green and white banner which had just been raised.

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 "How are we to behave when he arrives," she continued, "and what are we to call him? Why, the man started life as a fishmonger. I never thought we'd see such doings in the Farniente Palace."

Her companion breathed heavily over the last of his roll and honey. Herr Romsteck was elderly, portly, and austere; his manner showed that he knew any attempt to express his feelings would be inadequate. A blob of honey had fallen on the lapel of his worn but immaculate tail coat. He removed it half-heartedly, as though such trifles hardly mattered now.

"It isn't a palace any longer," he said. "I had orders this morning from the Commissioner of Public Buildings—think of that, Public Buildings—that from now on this is officially known as the Executive Mansion. The Council of the League of Nations does not desire that any 'reactionary' sentiment be retained in our government names."

"What right, I should like to know, has the League of Nations to interfere" exclaimed the

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 housekeeper. "League of Nations, indeed! League of Barbarians. Do you know that when all those foreigners were here, English prime ministers and people like that, one of them actually smoked a pipe in his bedroom—the very room that was Duchess Liesel's boudoir. Oh, I know it is even harder for you, whose family have served here with honour for generations. But I thought that when the horrible war was over things would be better; and we've come to this. We might as well be a soviet."

"We shall have to be on our dignity," said Romsteck. "The future of Illyria is in our hands. It is the grand dukes and generals and statesmen, perhaps even the fishmongers, who get into the history books; but we are the real power behind the throne. It is we who see that their meals are suitably planned, their beds aired, their trousers ironed, their social precedences arranged. By sheer excellence of example we shall have to lift this unfortunate proletarian above his natural depravity. Let me point out to you also, it is dangerous to

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 speak lightly of the League of Nations. They might have wiped us off the map altogether."

"Ah, the good old days," sighed Innsbruck. "The Grand Duke with his Rolls Royce and his beautiful ladies and the laughter on the terrace. There was some satisfaction in serving in an elegant and vicious household like that. There was no talk then of economies and republics and debts. The bourgeois virtues are so dull."

There was a tap at the door and Karl the wine-steward came in. He was a grizzled little fellow in a green felt apron stained by years of grubbing among cobwebs and mildew.

"Your pardon, Herr Romsteck," he said, "but here is the cellar inventory you wanted. We are a bit short in the Burgundies; when the envoys from Geneva were here they absolutely demolished the 1911 Chambertin and Hospice de Beaune. The Musigny also is very low."

"The gentlemen from the League," observed Romsteck, "have a very genteel taste in wine."

"Except the Americans. When the American

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 commissioner was here to arrange our finances he would have nothing but champagne. However I worked off a cheap sparkling Chablis on him and he did not know the difference."

"Considering the habits of our late lamented Grand Duke," said the major domo, looking over the list, "your bins seem to be very fairly stocked."

"Plenty good enough, anyhow, for a republican administration. What a calamity!"

"It is a time of crisis," said Romsteck gravely. "There must be no nonsense about retrenchment or we shall all find ourselves retrenched out of existence. We are lucky to be here at all."

"Yes," cried Karl, "and what did it? If I had not had presence of mind to serve the 1865 cognac the evening the protocol was signed, we should have been annexed to Italy. I saw the hard hearts of those premiers begin to soften after the third glass."

"I hope you have plenty of it left," said Frau Innsbruck bitterly. "There may be need of it."

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 "But do you suppose there will be anyone in this new government who will appreciate the finer things?" There was the wistfulness of the connoisseur in the cellarer's voice. "These proletarians, will they have a taste for anything beyond beer?"

"We shall educate them," said Romsteck. "The tradition of our vanished aristocracy rests with us."

The door opened, admitting Pigalle, the chef, the only member of the staff who considered himself privileged to enter the major domo's sitting room without knocking. His tall white cap was furiously awry, his face engraved with irony.

"I see the flag of the republic has been raised," he said grimly. "Our chief magistrate arrives to-day. Pigs' trotters and sour kraut, I conceive, will be delicacies adequate to this evening's repast."

"Pigalle," said Romsteck, "my heart bleeds for you. I know the suffering of the great creator confronted by patrons unworthy of his art.

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 But a word with you in all gravity. We face a situation unparalleled. It is not with pigs' trotters and sour kraut that we can raise this new ministry to a sense of national dignity. None knows better than you the elevating influence of cultivated fare. It is with truffled quails or a turbot boiled in wine that we will strike the proper note."

"On this new budget you allow me!" exclaimed the chef. "Absurd! Besides I thought it best to refrain from fish. It might be considered an allusion."

"You, who are master of your art, will know best how to proceed," said Romsteck tactfully. "Strike terror into their hearts with the delicacy of your cuisine. It is the subtlest form of revenge."

"It is true," said the chef, "that my truffled quails au basilic, and a Strasbourg pâté in the shape of a prostrate nymph, did much to mollify the tyrants from Geneva. I attribute it to that pâté that we were not annexed to Jugoslavia."

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 "It may well be," said Romsteck. "And now, since the Herr President will soon be here, I think we should call the staff together and say a few words in regard to the etiquette we will pursue. Frau Innsbruck, if you will have the household assembled in the great hall I shall address them briefly."

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traveller in Illyria, whether a casual sightseer or one of the various commissioners, diplomats, and errants of fortune who found themselves there during the complications of After-War, has gazed through the high iron gates on the Pannonia Platz and admired the Farniente Palace at the end of its avenue of linden trees. Built long ago by a French architect for an Adriatic millionaire and occupied for generations by Austrian minor princes, it stands islanded in the loop of a little river and looks over the old city toward the opal horizon of the Carinthian alps. The town has the polyglot and cosmopolitan flavour appropriate to a region that has been a debatable ground among rival powers since the time of the Ostrogoths. The prime ministers and economic experts of the great powers carved out the republic of

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 Illyria from the relics of a fallen empire and encouraged the newly risen Labour Party to put one of its leaders in the chair as first President. They came from Geneva to Farniente, spread maps and agenda papers over the departed Grand Duke's vast dining table, and (as we have heard) polished off what was left of the Grand Duke's pre-War Burgundies. They allotted the infant republic a generous quota of war debts to pay, arranged for a bond issue and a loan from an American banker, and impressed upon the anxious parliament the necessity of a convincing show of republican enthusiasm. They spoke sternly of order, productivity, and a prompt stabilization of the florin. Then they departed, without having given much thought to the possible social embarrassments of the new President. They had more urgent matters to wrestle with, and all they wanted for the time being was to hear as little of Illyria as possible.

But these problems were sharply present to Herr Guadeloupe as he and his daughter Nyla drove in a rickety taxi to take up official resi-

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 dence in the palace he had never entered and which had been, only a few months before, so far beyond the horizon of his most fantastic dreams. The fishmongering that Frau Innsbruck resented was long in the past, but he remained what he had always been, a simple sturdy little man with the conscientious bonhomie of his peasant stock. He was quite aware that only the comedy of circumstance had thrust him into this position, and that both extremes of Illyrian politics would rejoice at his humiliation and downfall. He was correspondingly eager to tread softly and not make mistakes. There had been a great meeting of his supporters the night before, at which glowing forecasts were made of what the new republic would mean for the labouring classes. The New Freedom and the Folkvoice, very ill-printed proletarian journals, had come out with predictions which he knew were fallacious. A demonstration had been planned to celebrate his move to the palace. To avoid this uncomfortable publicity he sent out Nyla, two hours before

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 the time advertised, to call a cab. They slipped away from the modest home where Nyla had kept house for her widowed father. Now, in an elderly vehicle of Detroit lineage, they came clanking solemnly down the famous alley of lime trees.

Nyla, a handsome spirited girl of nineteen, was naturally elated.

"Now, Father," she said gaily, "you mustn't be nervous. Everything will be all right. Don't push your hat over one eye like that."

Guadeloupe fidgeted unhappily in the new outfit of cutaway coat and wing collar which she had insisted on his buying. Nyla had carefully observed the British foreign minister when that handsome creature was in Farniente, and had planned the President's attire on the same lines. It was less successful on his short thick figure. His hands flitted instinctively in search of his pipe, but the arrangement of pockets in a cutaway coat was unfamiliar.

"I am nervous," he said, and began to pull off his gloves.

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 "Nonsense! Anyone who can talk to political meetings as you can needn't be afraid. You mustn't forget that you're a great man. Don't you dare take off those gloves until I tell you. How all this would have surprised Mother."

He relapsed into dogged and wary silence. Political meetings are easy, he reflected, but this social racket is something quite different. If we're our natural selves, the aristocrats will sneer; if we put on airs, the populace will resent it. He thought wistfully of the little home where he and Nyla had been so comfortable.

The taxi-driver, a fiercely moustached and emotional mountaineer, was enormously excited at having been chosen to drive Ilyria's first President to the palace. This would be something to talk about for the rest of his life. His sense of the dignity of the occasion suggested a slow and stately progress with much unnecessary tooting on an old rubber bulb horn. This attracted a dog of no importance who was sunning in the broad Pannonia Platz. With a quick instinct for the unusual he accom-

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 panied the car down the sacred allée, bounding and yapping just under the fender.

"Tell the driver not to go so slow," Nyla said as they approached. "It looks more like a funeral than a President arriving. Oh see, Daddy, there's the new flag, the flag of the Republic. I'm so thrilled!"

"It will be a funeral, if that dog doesn't look out," said Herr Guadeloupe.

The driver, adjured to move faster, rather overdid it. He shot across the stone bridge, spun round the curved driveway, pulled up at the broad front steps with a squeal of brakes and sliding of tires on the gravel. Behind them, the dog, one of whose feet had been caught by surprise, yelled insult and reproach.

"Sit still," said Nyla hastily. "Probably there'll be a footman or somebody to open the door."

But the Executive Mansion seemed strangely deserted. The big doorway stood closed. The agitated taxi-man also remained nervously in his seat, afraid of doing something wrong.

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 "What do we do next?" said Herr Guadeloupe.

After a brief hesitation they got out, the taxi-man seized the Presidential portfolio, and they stood anxiously on the steps.

"Good God, I don't see any door-bell."

"Now, Father, don't get rattled. We've got a right to be here."

"I knew something like this would happen. If it gets into the papers"

The driver was peering through the pane of the door.

"Why, there's the whole crowd of 'em inside there," he said hoarsely. "Shall I bang on the glass?"

"For heaven's sake don't!" exclaimed Nyla.

But he was not going to miss his chance of a lifetime to create a sensation. Already he had opened the door and thrust his head in. Romsteck, not expecting the arrival so early, was just finishing his speech to the assembled household. They were all there, footmen, chambermaids, cooks, gardeners, sentries, the whole

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 staff of the palace, receiving their instructions. They stood respectfully grouped while Romsteck, on the third tread of the grand staircase, was explaining the ethics of domestic service under a republic.

"Hey, wake up there!" shouted the taxi-man. "Here's the President."

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Herr Guadeloupe, who was accustomed to the primitive ministrations of one peasant maid, it was hardly credible that these were all servants. For an instant, seeing so unexpectedly large a gathering, the notion occurred to him that this was a conspiracy of die-hard royalists, met for some final desperation in honour of the old régime. But Romsteck, advancing with episcopal mien, was a reassuring figure; so impressive indeed that the embarrassed President at first imagined him some dignitary of the League of Nations, left behind to supervise the installation. For the League he had a wholesome horror, having learned that all its dealings cost him toil and responsibility. There was no knowing when the Paris-Constantinople Express might not drop off, at the junction a few miles away, another committee of gentlemen with

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 brief-cases empowered to look into Illyrian affairs.

"Welcome, Herr President," said Romsteck solemnly. "You find the staff assembled to do you honour. I am the major domo."

"How do you do, Major," said Guadeloupe nervously. He removed his hat and bowed formally. Straightening again he found a tall figure in uniform holding out a hand, which he grasped with grateful cordiality.

"Your hat, Herr President," Romsteck explained.

The President tried to catch Nyla's eye, to know whether the time had come to remove his gloves.

"My gloves, Major. That is, I mean, my daughter."

"The Fräulein is worthy of this ancient house's tradition of beauty," said Romsteck gallantly. "I present Frau Innsbruck, the housekeeper."

"Also worthy of the ancient tradition," said the flustered President. Then, noticing the

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 lady's age, he attempted to improve on the remark. "We shall cohabit in friendly tranquillity, I'm sure."

"The Herr President does me too much honour," said Frau Innsbruck.

"Don't forget to pay the taxi," Nyla whispered in his ear.

A gloved hand is awkward in rummaging a trouser pocket. It came out with some bank notes but also with the toothbrush which he had remembered at the last moment.

"My luggage," he began.

"It shall be well cared for, Herr President. If you will entrust it"

Another open palm was ready; this time he knew enough not to shake it, but gave it the toothbrush instead. It was borne ceremoniously away.

"I mean to say my luggage will be here presently."

"The Herr President's portfolio," said the taxi-man officiously, coming forward with the brief-case, to which he had obstinately clung.

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 "Pardon, Major, but have you any change?" Herr Guadeloupe, thriftily examining his money, could find nothing less than a fifty florin note. It suddenly occurred to him to wonder whether Presidents have expense accounts. This was a point that had not been covered by the constitutionalists from Geneva.

"Health and happiness to the new Republic," ejaculated the taxi-man, "and perhaps at such a moment the Herr President"

"I will arrange the matter," said Romsteck severely.

Frau Innsbruck was already escorting Nyla upstairs, and the anxious statesman felt free to discard his gloves. He was more terrified than cheered by the grave politeness of the unknown official. All his democratic instincts prompted him to suggest some little friendly celebration. He felt an immense eagerness to catch all these observant eyes with a cordial nod; he would have liked to make a short speech on the future of Illyria and follow it by treating to a drink all round. In the rustic meetings to which he was

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 best accustomed this would have been enormously successful, but this company of maids in neat uniforms and footmen in white cotton stockings was an audience he did not understand. He was clearing his throat to make some general salutation when Romsteck advanced upon him sombrely with a whisk brush and dusted off his coat.

"The Herr President's trousers," he said sharply, and a footman knelt down to rearrange the drape of those garments.

"I'm afraid they're too long," said the President bashfully. "Please, Major, do not trouble yourself—I must shorten my suspenders." He looked round unhappily, almost fearing they would insist on his doing so immediately.

"The Grand Duke always liked to have his trousers adjusted when he came in from outdoors," said Romsteck.

"I believe I arrived sooner than you expected."

"It is of no consequence," said Romsteck. "Your apartments are in readiness. Now, Herr

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 President, if you please I will conduct you through the mansion." He gave a sign of dismissal, and the attendants dispersed. The younger chambermaids, who had been on the verge of nervous titters, fled hurriedly to talk it over. Guadeloupe wiped his forehead.

"You are very kind," he said. "This, you will understand, is something of an ordeal."

They stood in the great paved hall, where the beautiful stone stair, with its wrought-iron balustrade, runs up to a gallery overhead. Along the wall hung portraits of old seventeenth century Dukes of Farniente. The President had hardly realized yet that he was actually going to live in this place. He felt more like a visitor in a museum.

"I always wondered what the palace was like inside," he said politely. "It must be difficult to keep warm in winter."

"This is the Red Room," announced Romsteck, leading the way to an adjoining chamber. "This escritoire of rosewood and mother-of-pearl was a masterpiece of the great Venetian

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 cabinet-maker Belluno. The tapestry, with the monogram of the Hapsburgs, was given to the palace by the Emperor Maximilian. In this room the Grand Duke used to meet his ministers for business discussions, mainly to increase the taxes. Behind these curtains was where the anarchist concealed himself when he fired at the Grand Duke Moritz. You see, there is plenty of space for an assassin to hide." With a dramatic air he pulled the hangings aside. Guadeloupe was relieved to observe that the embrasure was empty. He wondered whether he and his cabinet could successfully discuss the rehabilitation of the florin—a subject involving much lively argument—sitting on those fragile gilt chairs.

"On this other side," continued the major domo, throwing open large glass doors, "is the grand salon. It overlooks the terrace and the rose garden. The stream, you notice, runs just beneath. We call it a moat, but of course it is really the river."

"There ought to be good fishing," said Guadeloupe cheerfully. "I dare say there are

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 carp in that water. I could catch one for supper some day. A carp, stuffed with chestnuts, is very good eating."

Romsteck tactfully avoided the subject of fish. "The carved panels over the mantel," he pointed out, "have three bullet holes, which have been carefully retained as a souvenir of the revolution in '48. This is known as the Blue Room; here you will receive the representatives of foreign governments. The American commissioner, for instance, desiring to know when the next installment will be paid."

The President skidded a little on the polished floor, but followed his guide without comment.

"At the north end of the palace, adjoining the tower, is the ballroom. In the north tower is the Purple Room. There the Grand Duke used to entertain specially favoured ladies."

The President brightened a little.

"There was once an underground passage from the cellar of the tower, beneath the moat, to a summerhouse in the park. It was there that the Duke escaped during the Terror."

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 "I hope it is still open," said Guadeloupe.

"The Yellow Room, a small parlour painted with Cupids, is between the ballroom and the salon. The Duke used to play cards there after dinner. The American ambassador often came down from Vienna to play poker with him."

"I think I have heard that the Duke was unlucky at cards," said the President.

"To be in debt to America is quite in the Farniente tradition," remarked the other. "The Dukes of Illyria always led lives full of romantic hazard. There is hardly a chamber in the palace that has not been the scene of some deed of violence. In the state dining room the crystal chandelier is chipped; that happened when His Grace was attacked by a demented footman who disliked his table manners. Beyond the dining room is the billiard room, and past that, in the south tower, the Dark Room."

"The Dark Room? Was the Duke a photographer?"

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 "He had a hobby that way. Not all his exposures were in the most delicate taste. It used to be His Grace's boast that in a different walk of life he could have prospered as a merchant of Parisian postal cards. In fact, very likely that is what he is doing now. But this is called the Dark Room with a double significance. It was there that Prince Oscar was murdered. They laid out the body on this billiard table."

The President was growing a little weary. He had had a difficult morning, and in the stress of packing and getting off he had gone without lunch.

"I suppose, Major," he suggested politely, "there is a room where we might sit down with a glass of beer and a pipe?"

"The Grand Duke, at this hour of the afternoon, would sometimes take a cup of tea, in the English fashion," said Romsteck firmly. "But he never smoked. His laxities, if I may be so candid, were quite of another sort. The British ambassador, who occasionally came here to

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 play tennis, was encouraged to confine his pipe to the garden."

Herr Guadeloupe had less than no enthusiasm for tea, but he dared not demur.

"It is kind of you, Major, to put me wise to these matters. I trust you will sit down with us and enjoy a cup. When must you return to Geneva?"

"To Geneva?" exclaimed Romsteck. "I have never visited Geneva."

"Oh? Well, then, which of the Great Powers do you represent?"

"And still I can't make him out," Guadeloupe complained to his daughter when he finally escaped upstairs to wash and prepare himself for tea. "If he's a major why doesn't he wear uniform? And how was I to know who he was? I thought he must be at least another Lloyd George."

"Never you mind, Daddy," she consoled him. "Isn't it all wonderful? It's like living in a fairy tale."

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 "Like living in a cemetery," he said morosely. "I've seen the places where all the Dukes were murdered or shot at."

"Wait till I get hold of that solemn old creature," she cried gaily. "I'll teach him not to bully you. And what do you think? I have a maid to look after me, a darling, called Lorli. And a bathroom all to myself—did you ever hear of such a thing?"

"Why, so have I," exclaimed the President, exploring. "It must be mine, for they've put my toothbrush here. Private bathrooms. Good heavens, they always said the Duke was a libertine, it must have been true."

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Nyla's confidence abated when she found that she had to pour the tea—a beverage little drunk in Ilyria—with two footmen standing attentively beside her. If they had not been there she could have studied and probably solved the complicated array of jugs, dishes, napkins, spirit lamps and other utensils; but those watchful figures frightened her. The obvious course was to use some of everything, and her father sat innocently drinking from a cup that contained both cream and lemon, unaware that this would have grieved the British foreign office. There was a generous assortment of rich but flimsy sandwiches and pastries, but the hungry President, conscious of scrutiny, was too uneasy to do them justice. He sat some distance from the source of supply, with an

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 anxious feeling that it would be unseemly to shift his chair. Each tidbit was less than a square mouthful, so the alert flunkeys were busy offering him a constant succession of dishes. He sipped in silence until the lemon, gradually warring against the cream, became unbearable.

"George," he said, "take this away and drink it for me. Don't tell that Major or he'll get me into trouble with the British government."

It required both servants, apparently, to remove the offending cup. When they had left the room Guadeloupe hitched his chair nearer the table and seized several sandwiches at once.

"I'll bet they've got some grand food in the pantry," he said dismally, "if I could only get at it. You know, this won't do. If any of the Labour members saw us in a lay-out like this, I'd be impeached.—What do you suppose we'll get for supper?" He thought sadly of the old kitchen in their vacated home in the Hirschgasse, the shining copper pots ranged on the

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 mantel above the tile stove, the larder that he always raided late at night.

"I wonder," he added, "if there's any chance of onion soup?"

For twenty years Herr Guadeloupe had had onion soup for supper almost every evening. In fact in his electoral campaign onion soup had become almost a political symbol. The cartoonists had seized upon it as an emblem of solid proletarian thrift and the traditional Illyrian simplicities. Drawings of Herr Guadeloupe dipping in his tureen and puffing his pipe, first intended for ridicule, had proved to be advantageous. The Labour Party had been borne to power, in a manner of speaking, on a tide of onion soup.

"We may as well find out," said Nyla. "And Daddy, you must remember they probably call it dinner, and it won't be until late, seven o'clock I dare say."

Summoned by the footmen, Romsteck appeared. He looked specially austere as he had not expected to be interrupted just then. He

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 and Frau Innsbruck had just sat down to compare notes over a private glass of beer. The President put away his unlit pipe, which he had been fingering hopefully, and rose politely from his chair.

"Pardon me, Major, for disturbing you. I just wished to know, so I can make my calculations, what time will supper be?"

"Dinner is served, Herr President, at eight o'clock. The Grand Duke preferred it at that hour, which gave him plenty of time to dress."

The President was painfully startled. "Good God, did the man stay in bed all day long?"

Romsteck preserved an offended silence, which continued until Nyla came to the rescue.

"My father is accustomed to having onion soup for dinner. He counts on it very much. I suppose the chef—the chef would not mind, occasionally that is, preparing it for him?"

The butler seemed very much shocked.

"Onion soup, Fräulein? Did I understand you to say onion soup?"

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 "Yes," said Guadeloupe. "You know, with toast in it, and plenty of cheese."

"Why, Herr President, I do not believe an onion has been served in the palace since the Reign of Terror."

Romsteck rang for the chef.

"Monsieur Pigalle," he said, "will you rehearse for the Herr President what dishes have been arranged for dinner this evening."

Pigalle, with a Frenchman's eye for a pretty girl, was in his element.

"With the greatest pleasure. To welcome the President and his daughter I have planned as follows. The menu is plain, in deference to a republican simplicity of taste, but I hope not displeasing. Hors d'œuvres varies, served in the Adriatic fashion. To follow, Homard Paprika. I thought that then a culotte de boeuf garnie, au vin de Madére; or if that seems a trifle rich we could substitute filets mignons piqués de truffes. Not to overload the stomach, Mademoiselle, I thought that some pancakes burning in raspberry brandy would be amusing; followed by a

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 soufflé, an ice, and some fruit. I feel sure that the Herr President and Mademoiselle will have no cause for complaint."

Herr Guadeloupe, to whom French was not only unfamiliar but an uncongenial tongue for political reasons, had no very clear idea of just what these phrases represented in the way of actual victuals.

"Any soup?" he asked.

"If desired, I can add a nice julienne aux pointes d'asperges," said Pigalle. "But I believe if the Herr President always knows in advance just what dishes are to be served, he deprives himself of much of the artistry of the table."

I don't want artistry of the table, I just want some onion soup, thought the President, but refrained from saying it. With an air of dignity that seemed to make further discussion impossible, Romsteck and the chef withdrew.

"Well, I don't know any more than I did before," said Guadeloupe. "I told you this was going to be terrible." He began hunting about the room.

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 "Marvellous old furniture," said Nyla.

"I'm not looking at the furniture. I'm hunting for a box of matches. I think I'll go out in the garden and have a smoke."

A stir in the hall caught Nyla's attention.

"Oh look, Daddy, our things have come." Through the tall glass doors she could see a troop of servants lined up respectfully to receive their very modest and shabby luggage, the portmanteaux and the battered tin trunk. She caught a glimpse of a familiar old brown satchel.

"I wish we had bought some new bags, it looks too absurd to see them all making such to-do over our poor old things. Your old satchel looks too awful."

"My satchel?" he said. "Is it there? Just what I need. There's a"

"Now Daddy, what are you going to do? You mustn't"

But he sped into the hall where he surprised the assembled flunkeys by seizing the bag. Muttering some unintelligible explanation, he

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 rushed into the salon with it. Two agitated footmen attempted to help, but he clung to the thing with feverish earnestness, opened it, rummaged among some socks and collars, and finally produced a packet of tobacco, a box of matches, and a bottle of brandy.

"There," he said. "By heaven, I've earned it."

He uncorked the bottle and sniffed it affectionately. With difficulty Nyla restrained him until one of the footmen had brought a tray and glasses. "Well," he said, pouring some out, "Now we can feel a little more at home."

"Your pardon, Herr President," objected Romsteck who had suddenly appeared, "but those are not brandy glasses. They are champagne goblets."

"Major," retorted the harassed man, "I drink to your Grand Duke. I am beginning to understand why he fled." And he raised his glass. But before he could place it to his lips he was halted by a cry, courteous but peremptory.

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 "Just a moment, Herr President!" exclaimed a young man, striding into the room. "It is my duty." He took the glass from the hand of the astonished President and drank off the contents himself.

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unannounced visitor was a man of about thirty, tall and sinewy, with curly auburn hair and jocular blue eyes. He was smartly dressed in excellently fitted brown tweeds. There was something engagingly droll in his brisk assurance and the sharp contour of his clean-shaven face. He stood holding the empty glass and pursed his lips with the thoughtful air of one critically considering some mooted nicety of degustation. Then he nodded approvingly and his severity relaxed. He smiled, bowed to Guadeloupe and Nyla, and brought forward a chair with practised grace.

"Be seated, Fräulein, I implore you," he said. "Young women have to be on their feet so much after they are married, I always urge them to take their ease while they can."

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 Nyla had a strong inclination to laugh, but conquered it. Romsteck, not less startled than the others, began to speak, but the stranger held up his hand with a commanding gesture.

"A thousand and one apologies, Herr President, for this lack of ceremony. Permit me." He took the bottle, chose a fresh glass, filled it and offered it with a charming obeisance. "I should, of course, have been here before your arrival. You were earlier than I expected."

Guadeloupe had a sagacious instinct of silence in perplexing situations. He contented himself by taking off the postponed dram.

"My name is Cointreau, from the Department of Public Safety. My credentials."

He took a card from his pocket.

"I am authorized to ask a few moments' private interview with you—and with the Fräulein, of course. Butler, remove this debris and the Herr President and I can talk without interruption."

Romsteck, to his own surprise, found himself helping the footmen to clear away tea. He had

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