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705-706] imperial official, and enjoyed a large measure of republican freedom. Here he made no secret of his intention to seek restoration, and the citizens, fearing the Emperor's vengeance, determined either to kill him or to send him to Constantinople. He had however friends in the town, who informed him of their purpose, and, fleeing to Dora, in the south-east of the Crimea, he asked to be allowed to visit the Khan of the Chazars, who ruled in the neighbourhood. The Khan granted the request, received him with honour, and gave him his sister in marriage, to whom in memory of the wife of Justinian I he gave the name of Theodora. He then settled at Phanagoria.

Tiberius in alarm promised the Khan many gifts if he sent him either Justinian himself or his head; and the Khan, agreeing to this, sent him a guard under pretence of protection, while instructing his representative at Phanagoria and the governor of Bosporus to kill him as soon as orders should be received. Of this Theodora was informed by a slave of the Khan and told Justinian, who sent for the two officials separately and strangled them. Sending Theodora back to her brother, he embarked on a fishing-boat and sailed to Symbolum near Cherson, where he took his friends from the city on board, one of whom bore the Georgian name of Varaz Bakur. He then asked the aid of the Bulgarian ruler, Tervel, promising him liberal gifts and his daughter in marriage. To this he agreed; and, accompanied by Tervel himself and an army of Bulgarians and Slavs, Justinian advanced to Constantinople (705). Here the citizens received him with insults; but after three days he found an entrance with a few followers by an aqueduct, and the defenders, thinking the walls were undermined, were seized with panic and made no resistance. Tiberius fled across the Propontis to Apollonia, but was arrested and brought back, while Heraclius was seized in Thrace and hanged on the walls with his chief officers. Tervel was invited into the city, seated by Justinian's side as Caesar, and dismissed with abundance of presents, while Varaz Bakur was made a proto-patrician and Count of Obsequium. Tiberius and Leontius were exhibited in chains all over the city, and then brought into the circus, where Justinian sat with a foot on the neck of each, while the people, playing on the names "Leontius" and "Apsimar," cried, "Thou hast trodden upon the asp and the basilisk (kinglet), and upon the lion and the dragon hast thou trampled." They were then taken to the amphitheatre and beheaded. Of the rest of Justinian's enemies some were thrown into the sea in sacks, and others invited to a banquet and, when it was over, arrested and hanged or beheaded; but Theodosius the son of Tiberius was spared, and afterwards became celebrated as bishop of Ephesus. Callinicus was blinded and banished to Rome, and Cyrus, a monk of Amastris, made patriarch (706). On the other hand 6000 Arab prisoners were released and sent home. As soon as his throne was secure, Justinian fetched his wife, who had in the meantime borne him a son, whom he named Tiberius and crowned as his colleague.


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232 thing's a pure Moretto—and to declare as much, moreover, with all the weight of his authority, to Bender himself, who of course made a point of seeing him."

"So that Bender"—she followed and wondered—"is, as a consequence, wholly off?"

It made her friend's humour play up in his acuteness. "Bender, Lady Grace, is, by the law of his being, never 'wholly' off—or on!—anything. He lives, like the moon, in mid-air, shedding his silver light on earth; never quite gone, yet never all there—save for inappreciable moments. He would be in eclipse as a peril, I grant," Hugh went on—"if the question had struck him as really closed. But luckily the blessed Press—which is a pure heavenly joy and now quite immense on it—keeps it open as wide as Piccadilly."

"Which makes, however," Lady Grace discriminated, "for the danger of a grab."

"Ah, but all the more for the shame of a surrender! Of course I admit that when it's a question of a life spent, like his, in waiting, acquisitively, for the cat to jump, the only thing for one, at a given moment, as against that signal, is to be found one's self by the

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Rh animal in the line of its trajectory. That's exactly," he laughed, "where we are!"

She cast about as intelligently to note the place. "Your great idea, you mean, has so worked—with the uproar truly as loud as it has seemed to come to us here?"

"All beyond my wildest hope," Hugh returned; "since the sight of the picture, flocked to every day by thousands, so beautifully tells. That we must at any cost keep it, that the nation must, and hang on to it tight, is the cry that fills the air—to the tune of ten letters a day in the Papers, with every three days a gorgeous leader; to say nothing of more and more passionate talk all over the place, some of it awfully wild, but all of it wind in our sails."

"I suppose it was that wind then that blew me round there to see the thing in its new light," Lady Grace said. "But I couldn't stay—for tears!"

"Ah," Hugh insisted on his side for comfort, "we'll crow loudest yet! And don't meanwhile, just don't, those splendid strange eyes of the fellow seem consciously to plead? The women, bless them, adore him, cling


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412 One of the first objects to which the restored Emperor turned his attention was the establishment of an understanding with Rome as to the Trullan synod. Having learned that coercion was useless, he tried another plan. He sent the Acts to John VII, asking him to hold a synod and confirm the canons which he approved and disallow the rest; but John, fearing to give offence, sent them back as he received them. His second successor, Constantine, however consented to come to Constantinople and discuss the matter (710). Landing seven miles from the capital, he was met and escorted into the city by the child Tiberius and the senators and patriarch; and Justinian, who was then at Nicaea, met him at Nicomedia, and, prostrating himself before him, kissed his feet. A satisfactory compromise (of what nature we do not know) was made, and the Pope returned to Rome (Oct. 711).

In the time of Tiberius the Arabs had never been able to cross the Taurus; but with the removal of Heraclius Asia Minor was again laid open to their ravages. A raid by Hishām the son of 'Abd-al-Malik in 706 produced no results: but in 707 Maslama, accompanied by Maimūn the Mardaite, advanced to Tyana (June). A rash attack by Maimūn cost him his life; and the Caliph Walīd sent reinforcements under his son, 'Abbās. All the winter the Arabs lay before Tyana, which was stoutly defended; and Justinian, who had fallen out with Tervel and required the Asiatic troops in Europe, sent an army mostly of rustics to its relief. The generals however quarrelled, and the rabble was easily routed by the Arabs, who pressed the siege of Tyana until it surrendered (27 Mar. 708). The inhabitants were removed to Arab territory. Maslama then raided the country to the north-east as far as Gazelon near Amasia, while 'Abbās after defeating a Roman force near Dorylaeum, which he took, advanced to Nicomedia and Heraclea Pontica, while a small detachment of his army entered Chrysopolis and burnt the ferry-boats. In 709 Maslama and 'Abbās invaded Isauria, where five fortresses were taken; but at sea the Romans captured the admiral Khālid, whom however Justinian sent to the Caliph, and attacked Damietta in Egypt. In 710 an unimportant raid was made by Walīd's son, 'Abd-al-'Azīz: but in 711 Maslama took Camacha, as well as Taranta and two other fortresses in Hexapolis, which was now annexed; and, as Sisium was the same year occupied by Othman, the frontier was advanced to the Sarus. On the other hand a Roman army sent to recover Lazica, where Phasis only remained in Roman hands, after besieging Archaeopolis was compelled to retreat.

After a defeat by the Bulgarians (708) and the restoration of peace, Justinian turned his energies to exacting vengeance from the Chersonites, who had now accepted a Chazar governor. In 710 he collected ships of all kinds, for the equipment of which he raised a special contribution from all the inhabitants of the capital, and sent them to Cherson under the patrician Stephen Asmictus, whose orders were to kill the ruling men


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234 to him, and there's talk of a 'Ladies' League of Protest'—all of which keeps up the pitch."

"Poor Amy and I are a ladies' league," the girl joylessly joked—"as we now take in the 'Journal' regardless of expense."

"Oh then you practically have it all—since," Hugh added after a brief hesitation, "I suppose Lord Theign himself doesn't languish uninformed."

"At far-off Salsomaggiore—by the papers? No doubt indeed he isn't spared even the worst," said Lady Grace—"and no doubt too it's a drag on his cure."

Her companion seemed struck with her lack of assurance. "Then you don't—if I may ask—hear from him?"

"I? Never a word."

"He doesn't write?" Hugh allowed himself to insist.

"He doesn't write. And I don't write either."

"And Lady Sandgate?" Hugh once more ventured.

"Doesn't she write?"

"Doesn't she hear?" said the young man,


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Rh treating the other form of the question as a shade evasive.

"I've asked her not to tell me," his friend replied—"that is if he simply holds out."

"So that as she doesn't tell you"—Hugh was clear for the inference—"he of course does hold out." To which he added almost accusingly while his eyes searched her: "But your case is really bad."

She confessed to it after a moment, but as if vaguely enjoying it. "My case is really bad."

He had a vividness of impatience and contrition. "And it's I who—all too blunderingly!—have made it so?"

"I've made it so myself," she said with a high headshake, "and you, on the contrary—!" But here she checked her emphasis.

"Ah, I've so wanted, through our horrid silence, to help you!" And he pressed to get more at the truth. "You've so quite fatally displeased him?"

"To the last point—as I tell you. But it's not to that I refer," she explained; "it's to the ground of complaint I've given you." And then as this but left him blank, "It's time—it was at once time—that you should know," she


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710-711] with all their families and establish Elijah the spatharius (military chamberlain) as governor. With him was sent a certain Vardan, who in spite of his Armenian name (probably derived from his mother's family) was son of the patrician Nicephorus of Pergamum who had commanded in Africa and Asia under Constans, and, having been banished to Cephallenia by Tiberius and recalled by Justinian, was to be again exiled to Cherson. The city was unable to resist, the chief magistrate, Zoilus, and forty of his principal colleagues with their families and the Tudun (the Chazar governor), were sent in chains to Justinian, seven others were roasted over a fire, twenty drowned in a boat filled with stones, and the rest beheaded. The children were however spared for slavery; and Justinian, furious at this, ordered the fleet to return (Oct.).

Off Paphlagonia the fleet was almost destroyed by a storm; but he threatened to send another to raze Cherson and the neighbouring places to the ground and kill every living person in them. The citizens then strengthened their defences and obtained the help of the Khan, while Elijah and Vardan made common cause with them. Justinian sent 300 men under George, the public logothete, John the praefect, and Christopher, turmarch of the Thracesii, with orders to replace the Tudun and Zoilus in their positions, and bring Elijah and Vardan to Constantinople (711). The citizens, pretending to accept these terms, admitted the small force; but immediately shut the gates, killed George and John, and handed the rest over to the Chazars, and the Tudun having died on the way, the Chazars avenged him by killing them. The Chersonites then proclaimed Vardan emperor, and he assumed the Greek name of Philippicus. Justinian, more enraged than ever, had Elijah's children killed in their mother's arms and compelled her to marry her negro cook, while he sent another fleet with powerful siege-engines under the patrician Maurus Bessus with the orders which he had before threatened to give. Philippicus fled to the Chazars, and Maurus took two of the towers of the city, but, Chazar reinforcements having arrived, was unable to do more, and, afraid to return, declared for Philippicus and asked the Khan to send him back, which he did on receiving security in money for his safety. The fleet then sailed for Constantinople. Justinian's suspicions had been aroused by the delay; and, thinking himself safer in the territory of the Obsequian theme, commanded by Varaz Bakur, he took with him the troops of that theme, some of the Thracesii, and 3000 Bulgarians sent by Tervel, and, having crossed the Bosporus and left the rest in the plain of Damatrys about ten miles east of Chalcedon, proceeded with the chief officers and the Thracesian contingent to the promontory of Sinope, which the fleet would pass. After a time he saw it sail by, and immediately returned to Damatrys. Meanwhile Philippicus had entered Constantinople without opposition. The Empress Anastasia took the little Tiberius to the church of the Virgin at Blachernae, where he sat with amulets hung


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236 pursued; "and yet if it's hard for me to speak, as you see, it was impossible for me to write. But there it is." She made her sad and beautiful effort. "The last thing before he left us I let the picture go."

"You mean—?" But he could only wonder—till, however, it glimmered upon him. "You gave up your protest?"

"I gave up my protest. I told him that—so far as I'm concerned!—he might do as he liked."

Her poor friend turned pale at the sharp little shock of it; but if his face thus showed the pang of too great a surprise he yet wreathed the convulsion in a gay grimace. "You leave me to struggle alone?"

"I leave you to struggle alone."

He took it in bewilderingly, but tried again, even to the heroic, for optimism. "Ah well, you decided, I suppose, on some new personal ground."

"Yes; a reason came up, a reason I hadn't to that extent looked for and which of a sudden—quickly, before he went—I had somehow to deal with. So to give him my word in the dismal sense I mention was my only


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Rh way to meet the strain." She paused; Hugh waited for something further, and "I gave him my word I wouldn't help you," she wound up.

He turned it over. "To act in the matter—I see."

"To act in the matter"—she went through with it—"after the high stand I had taken."

Still he studied it. "I see—I see. It's between you and your father."

"It's between him and me—yes. An engagement not again to trouble him."

Hugh, from his face, might have feared a still greater complication; so he made, as he would probably have said, a jolly lot of this. "Ah, that was nice of you. And natural. That's all right!"

"No"—she spoke from a deeper depth—"it's altogether wrong. For whatever happens I must now accept it."

"Well, say you must"—he really declined not to treat it almost as rather a "lark"—"if we can at least go on talking."

"Ah, we can at least go on talking!" she perversely sighed. "I can say anything I like so long as I don't say it to him!" she almost


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238 wailed. But she added with more firmness: "I can still hope—and I can still pray."

He set free again with a joyous gesture all his confidence. "Well, what more could you do, anyhow? So isn't that enough?"

It took her a moment to say, and even then she didn't. "Is it enough for you, Mr. Crimble?"

"What is enough for me"—he could for his part readily name it—"is the harm done you at our last meeting by my irruption; so that if you got his consent to see me"

"I didn't get his consent!"—she had turned away from the searching eyes, but she faced them again to rectify: "I see you against his express command."

"Ah then thank God I came!"—it was like a bland breath on a feu de joie: he flamed so much higher.

"Thank God you've come, yes—for my deplorable exposure." And to justify her name for it before he could protest, "I offered him here not to see you," she rigorously explained.

"'Offered him'?"—Hugh did drop for it. "Not to see me—ever again?"


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Rh She didn't falter. "Never again."

Ah then he understood. "But he wouldn't let that serve?"

"Not for the price I put on it."

"His yielding on the picture?"

"His yielding on the picture."

Hugh lingered before it all. "Your proposal wasn't 'good enough'?"

"It wasn't good enough."

"I see," he repeated—"I see." But he was in that light again mystified. "Then why are you therefore not free?"

"Because—just after—you came back, and I did see you again!"

Ah, it was all present. "You found you were too sorry for me?"

"I found I was too sorry for you—as he himself found I was."

Hugh had got hold of it now. "And that, you mean, he couldn't stomach?"

"So little that when you had gone (and how you had to go you remember) he at once proposed, rather than that I should deceive you in a way so different from his own"

"To do all we want of him?"

"To do all I did at least."


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240 "And it was then" he took in, "that you wouldn't deal?"

"Well"—try though she might to keep the colour out, it all came straighter and straighter now—"those moments had brought you home to me as they had also brought him; making such a difference, I felt, for what he veered round to agree to."

"The difference"—Hugh wanted it so adorably definite—"that you didn't see your way to accepting?"

"No, not to accepting the condition he named."

"Which was that he'd keep the picture for you if you'd treat me as too 'low'?"

"If I'd treat you," said Lady Grace with her eyes on his fine young face, "as impossible."

He kept her eyes he clearly liked so to make her repeat it. "And not even for the sake of the picture—?" After he had given her time, however, her silence, with her beautiful look in it, seemed to admonish him not to force her for his pleasure; as if what she had already told him didn't make him throb enough for the wonder of it. He had it, and let her see by his high flush how he made it his


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Rh own—while, the next thing, as it was but part of her avowal, the rest of that illumination called for a different intelligence. "Your father's reprobation of me personally is on the ground that you're all such great people?"

She spared him the invidious answer to this as, a moment before, his eagerness had spared her reserve; she flung over the "ground" that his question laid bare the light veil of an evasion. "'Great people,' I've learned to see, mustn't—to remain great—do what my father's doing."

"It's indeed on the theory of their not so behaving," Hugh returned, "that we see them—all the inferior rest of us—in the grand glamour of their greatness!"

If he had spoken to meet her admirable frankness half-way, that beauty in her almost brushed him aside to make at a single step the rest of the journey. "You won't see them in it for long—if they don't now, under such tests and with such opportunities, begin to take care."

This had given him, at a stroke, he clearly felt, all freedom for the closer criticism. "Lord Theign perhaps recognises some such


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242 canny truth, but 'takes care,' with the least trouble to himself and the finest short cut—does it, if you'll let me say so, rather on the cheap—by finding 'the likes' of me, as his daughter's trusted friend, out of the question."

"Well, you won't mind that, will you?" Lady Grace asked, "if he finds his daughter herself, in any such relation to you, quite as much so."

"Different enough, from position to position and person to person," he brightly brooded, "is the view that gets itself most comfortably taken of the implications of Honour!"

"Yes," the girl returned; "my father, in the act of despoiling us all, all who are interested, without apparently the least unpleasant consciousness, keeps the balance showily even, to his mostly so fine, so delicate sense, by suddenly discovering that he's scandalised at my caring for your friendship."

Hugh looked at her, on this, as with the gladness verily of possession promised and only waiting—or as if from that moment forth he had her assurance of everything that most concerned him and that might most inspire. "Well, isn't the moral of it all simply that


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Rh what his perversity of pride, as we can only hold it, will have most done for us is to bring us—and to keep us—blessedly together?"

She seemed for a moment to question his "simply." "Do you regard us as so much 'together' when you remember where, in spite of everything, I've put myself?"

"By telling him to do what he likes?" he recalled without embarrassment. "Oh, that wasn't in spite of 'everything'—it was only in spite of the Mantovano."

"'Only'?" she flushed—"when I've given the picture up?"

"Ah," Hugh cried, "I don't care a hang for the picture!" And then as she let him, closer, close to her with this, possess himself of her hands: "We both only care, don't we, that we're given to each other thus? We both only care, don't we, that nothing can keep us apart?"

"Oh, if you've forgiven me—!" she sighed into his fond face.

"Why, since you gave the thing up for me," he pleadingly laughed, "it isn't as if you had given me up!"

"For anything, anything? Ah never, never!" she breathed.


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244 "Then why aren't we all right?"

"Well, if you will!"

"Oh for ever and ever and ever!"—and with this ardent cry of his devotion his arms closed in their strength and she was clasped to his breast and to his lips.

The next moment, however, she had checked him with the warning "Amy Sandgate!"—as if she had heard their hostess enter the other room. Lady Sandgate was in fact almost already upon them—their disjunction had scarce been effected and she had reached the nearer threshold. They had at once put the widest space possible between them a little of the flurry of which transaction agitated doubtless their clutch at composure. They gave back a shade awkwardly and consciously, on one side and the other, the speculative though gracious attention she for a few moments made them and their recent intimate relation the subject of; from all of which indeed Lady Grace sought and found cover in a prompt and responsible address to Hugh. "Mustn't you go without more delay to Clifford Street?"

He came back to it all alert. "At once!"


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Rh He had recovered his hat and reached the other door, whence he gesticulated farewell to the elder lady. "Please pardon me"—and he disappeared.

Lady Sandgate hereupon stood for a little silently confronted with the girl. "Have you freedom of mind for the fact that your father's suddenly at hand?"

"He has come back?"—Lady Grace was sharply struck.

"He arrives this afternoon and appears to go straight to Kitty—according to a wire that I find downstairs on coming back late from my luncheon. He has returned with a rush—as," said his correspondent in the elation of triumph, "I was sure he would!"

Her young friend was more at sea. "Brought back, you mean, by the outcry—even though he so hates it?"

But she was more and more all lucidity—save in so far as she was now almost all authority. "Ah, hating still more to seem afraid, he has come back to face the music!"

Lady Grace, turning away as in vague despair for the manner in which the music might affect him, yet wheeled about again, after


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246 thought, to a positive recognition and even to quite an inconsequent pride. "Yes—that's dear old father!"

And what was Lady Sandgate moreover but mistress now of the subject? "At the point the row has reached he couldn't stand it another day; so he has thrown up his cure and—lest we should oppose him!—not even announced his start."

"Well," her companion returned, "now that I've done it all I shall never oppose him again!"

Lady Sandgate appeared to show herself as still under the impression she might have received on entering. "He'll only oppose you!"

"If he does," said Lady Grace, "we're at present two to bear it."

"Heaven save us then"—the elder woman was quick, was even cordial, for the sense of this—"your good friend is clever!"

Lady Grace honoured the remark. "Mr. Crimble's remarkably clever."

"And you've arranged?"

"We haven't arranged—but we've understood. So that, dear Amy, if you understand—!" Lady Grace paused, for Gotch had come in from the hall.


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Rh "His lordship has arrived?" his mistress immediately put to him.

"No, my lady, but Lord John has—to know if he's expected here, and in that case, by your ladyship's leave, to come up."

Her ladyship turned to the girl. "May Lord John—as we do await your father—come up?"

"As suits you, please!"

"He may come up," said Lady Sandgate to Gotch. "His lordship's expected." She had a pause till they were alone again, when she went on to her companion: "You asked me just now if I understood. Well—I do understand!"

Lady Grace, with Gotch's withdrawal, which left the door open, had reached the passage to the other room. "Then you'll excuse me!"—she made her escape.

 II

, reannounced the next instant from the nearest quarter and quite waiving salutations, left no doubt of the high pitch of his


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78 on the basis of the monuments of the past. But the literature now produced was of a wholly different character from that of the Middle Ages, inasmuch as it was not popular but bore the impress of the learned period. The first eminent writer in this new field was the Dean (1568-1648), the progenitor of the celebrated Vidalins, one of the most prominent families of modern Iceland. The difference between the manner and attitude with which the old memories were now approached and that which characterizes the bloom epoch of popular literature, appears conspicuously in the circumstance that Arngrim was called "hinn lærdi" (the learned) by his contemporaries, while on the other hand Sæmund and Are were surnamed "hinn fróði " (the wise). Arngrim is justly styled "the restorer of Icelandic literature," and he gained great honor by collecting manuscripts and facts in regard to the antiquity of Iceland. The results of his investigations published in Latin marked in some respects a new era in the study of northern antiquities. He also translated old documents (e.g. the Jomsvikinga Saga) into Latin or epitomized them, and laid upon the whole an excellent foundation for other scholars and investigators to build upon. The interest for the old literature thus awakened in Iceland spread rapidly over the other countries of the North, and the study of antiquities, which again resulted in a thorough study of Iceland's ancient history and language, and for which all means had hitherto been wanting, was now pursued by a whole school of learned men in the North. There was also a great rivalry between Denmark and Sweden, in which latter country the zeal was so great that people would lie in wait to intercept Icelanders who were on their way to Denmark with manuscripts, etc. Thus it came to pass that Jon Rugman, who in 1658 was on his way from Iceland to Copenhagen, was intercepted by the Swedes and brought to Upsala, where he received an appointment. Afterward he secured several Icelandic manuscripts for the Upsala university.


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Rh The study of northern antiquities was, of course, prosecuted in the northern lands by the aid of constant communication with Iceland. Here, too, Arngrim had pointed out the way, for he carried on a lively correspondence with the Danish antiquary, Ole Worm, sent him the manuscript of the Younger Edda, and contributed materially in various other ways to promote the studies of this eminent man in this field. His example was followed by other Icelanders. Thus the translator of the Icelandic Bible, Bishop (1597-1656), communicated to Ole Worm the earliest investigations in regard to Icelandic poetry. Bishop (1605-1675) was also in constant communication with Ole Worm and other scholars, and is famous as the discoverer of important manuscripts, particularly of that of the.

While these studies were being pursued, a few efforts were made to take up again and continue in the Icelandic tongue the writing of history which had been so long neglected. Such an effort was made by the peasant, of Skardsá, who wrote the annals of the time from 1400 to 1646, which, from the home of the author, are called the Skardsá-annals. In this connection it is proper to mention that the learned investigations gave the impulse to the reawakening, in the seventeenth century, of popular, traditional literature, independent of the strictly historical field. Even at the present time oral traditions circulate, which must be accepted with the greatest caution, since their pretended claim to genuineness and trustworthiness will, on a careful examination, be found unfounded. The same is largely true of modern manuscripts of sagas, poems, laws, etc., since such manuscripts have been made, even in very recent times, partly for the purpose of deception, partly without any sinister motive, they being simply the result of the strange coöperation of an extravagant fancy and a tendency to produce poetry.

An important work, one which must be done if the study


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80 of the literary remains of Iceland's antiquity was not to remain limited to the scholars of that island, was a supply of, and in the furnishing of these the Icelanders also, and as a matter of course especially those who lived in Denmark, took an active and praiseworthy part. Thus published the first Icelandic grammar in 1651, and, from Laufóss (1573-1636), compiled an Icelandic dictionary, published by Ole Worm in 1650, in which the Icelandic words were printed in runes, they being at that time regarded as the original manuscript alphabet in the North. Another Icelandic dictionary, of which (died 1654) is the author, appeared in 1683. Gudmund was also the first scholar who wrote on the poems of the Elder Edda. His work on the Vala's Prophecy and Odin's High Song, accompanied by a Latin translation, was published in Denmark in the same volume as the first edition of the Younger Edda.

The Danish government took great pains to make the Icelandic manuscripts more widely accessible to the world of scholars, and from the time of King Frederik III (1648- 1670) it appointed royal antiquaries who were charged with this duty. Naturally enough, Icelanders were chiefly called to fill this office. Of these antiquaries there is, however, only one who was of any great importance,, 1636-1719, and by him the whole subject of archæology was raised to the highest point of excellence and scholarship. In 1660 he was appointed "interpres regius" in the royal service, in which capacity he translated under the very eyes of Frederik several sagas and other manuscripts into Danish. Then he was sent to Iceland to make a search for parchments, of which he brought with


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Page:History of the Literature of the Scandinavian North.djvu/99

Rh him a considerable number back to Denmark. After that he was appointed "antiquarius regius," an office which he had to resign because he had committed manslaughter in self-defence. He went to Norway, where in 1682 he was made the royal historiographer of this country. In this position he developed his great and important literary activity, from which came a series of works on northern antiquities, written in Latin, and, when viewed in the light of their time, of inestimable value. His chief work is a large history of Norway in four folio volumes, which, in connection with his "Icelandic hypothesis" (a succession of Danish kings compiled from Icelandic sources and varying from the one established by Saxo, the Grammarian), made a great stir in the learned world and laid the foundation of his great fame. His other works also (contributions to the history of the Fareys, the Orkneys, Vinland, Greenland, etc.) secured him deserved recognition. His works are remarkable for their great learning, and, although they are perceptibly lacking in criticism,—Torfæus was, upon the whole, incapable of distinguishing between myth and history,—still they are not only superior in value to all other works that his age produced in this field, but they are even at the present time of importance to the historian, and Holberg did not without reason characterize the history of Norway, which is written in elegant Latin, as "one of the most noteworthy and excellent historical works that have ever seen the light of the world."

A younger contemporary and countryman of Torfæus, (1663-1730), made his name famous less by his writings—for he has scarcely written anything in book form, although he left behind him a great number of memoranda, which not only bear evidence of his incredible industry and comprehensive knowledge of the old literature, but


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82 which also in many ways have been of help to later antiquarian scholars—than by the remarkable zeal with which he collected manuscript chronicles, correspondences, and other original documents for elucidating the history of the North. For accomplishing this he had the most excellent opportunity, as he was sent to Iceland as member of a commission whose duty it was to make a new register of the lands in reference to taxation, and he employed his sojourn of nearly ten years there hunting up old documents with an indefatigableness which is unparalleled. He was armed with a royal letter commanding the Icelanders to deliver to him whatever they might possess in the form of old manuscripts. He did not content himself with simply publishing this royal order, but he travelled himself from farm to farm gathering in each place all that could be discovered in the shape of valuable records, and it was found that in spite of the large number which had been sent to Denmark and Sweden in the seventeenth century there still remained a vast aftermath. Thus he carried off to Copenhagen a collection of manuscript which was unique in the North. Unfortunately the greater part of it perished in the flames of the disastrous fire in Copenhagen, in the year 1728. What was rescued and what he afterward was able to collect, he left by will to the University of Copenhagen, and when we look at this ""—which still is the largest ever made by one man—in its present condition and consider that it is but a third part of what there was before the fire, then we are able to form some idea of the loss which science here suffered. His property he also donated to the university in the form of a legacy to be employed in the publication of the contents of the library, and as a result of this beneficence several important antiquarian volumes have made their appearance.

Another distinguished contemporary of Torfæus was


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Rh (1667-1727), the grandson of the above-mentioned Arngrim Jonsson, eminent both as linguist and poet, and especially renowned on account of critical, linguistic and archæological inquiries into ancient jurisprudence. His great work in this field, for which he prepared more than a hundred essays, and which was in all respects his chief undertaking, remained unfinished on account of his too early death.

Throughout the eighteenth century the enthusiasm for antiquities continued, and with it the linguistic and historical studies whose chief representatives in the learned epoch we have mentioned. During the last century a large number of books on antiquities, language and history, were written, but many of them have never appeared in print. All of them, both those published and the unpublished ones, furnish the most gratifying evidence of the great care with which all relics of the past were preserved, and of the zeal and untiring industry with which the scholars labored to make them available, though of course many works that in the time of their production were worthy of unstinted praise have now lost much of their value. The Icelanders have also taken a laudable part in the efforts of the nineteenth century to advance the science of northern philology and antiquities, which, after the national movement at the beginning of the century had permeated all the Scandinavian North, has continued to be studied with ever increasing zeal to this day in every northern land. Of the great number of men who have distinguished themselves by comprehensive learning and by the publication of valuable works in this field we can only mention some of the most eminent. The bulk of 's (1726-1767) works were lost in the shipwreck which he suffered in Broad Firth, and in which he himself lost his life; but that part which remains is sufficient to establish his reputation as one of the most eminent antiquaries and also as one of the ablest linguists and jurists of his nation. His brother (1731


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>>{{<<<sc|Courtney, Parl. Rep. Cornwall,
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 * 0065 Page:An Essay on the Life and Genius of Samuel Johnson.djvu/32 /// Nile; and on {sc|Namara>>>}}<<<, which is, indeed,
 * 0066 Page:Ante-Nicene Fathers volume 1.djvu/470 /// (King James)/Galatians#6:14|Gal. vi. 14.>>>}}<<<</ref> And He really
 * 0067 Page:Appletons' Cyclopædia of American Biography (1900, volume 1).djvu/18 /// Young, Alexander,
 Miscellaneous Writer.>>>}}<<<
 * 0068 Page:Battle of Prestonpans (2).pdf/5 /// (some standing round {illegible>>>}}<<<in riog man)

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 * 0070 Page:Beauties of Burn's poems.pdf/85 /// that glib-tongu'd A{long dash>>>}}<<< . My very
 * 0071 Page:Best Russian Short Stories.djvu/88 /// how have I deserved{bar|2>>>}}<<<' 'No, no, you
 * 0072 Page:Bonny Mally Stewart (1).pdf/6 /// fountains,
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 * 0073 Page:Bridefrombush00horn.pdf/257 /// No Name127 Poems—Series II.>>>}}<<< BROWNING, ROBERT
 * 0074 Page:Bridefrombush00horn.pdf/259 /// Earle Lytton Bulwer|LYTTON, ]]>>>}}<<< :{{smaller|{{fsp}}27 [[The Last
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 * 0076 Page:Comic reciter.pdf/7 /// case:- D against D{[sc|ishclout>>>}}<<<-Daniel was groom in
 * 0077 Page:Cream of Scottish song (2).pdf/8 /// unfaulds her robes,
 {em>>>}}<<<and there they langest
 * 0078 Page:Dictionary of National Biography volume 03.djvu/171 /// party of religionists’ ({sc|Eadie's>>>}}<<< Ecclesiastical Cyclopædia), and
 * 0079 Page:Dictionary of National Biography volume 05.djvu/285 /// Cambridge, in 1483 ({sc|Harwood>>>}}<<<, Alumni Eton. 119)
 * 0080 Page:Dictionary of National Biography volume 09.djvu/127 /// after finishing ‘Cromwell’ ({sc|Froude>>>}}<<<, iii. 369). In
 * 0081 Page:Dictionary of National Biography volume 13.djvu/182 /// court of chancery ({sc|Whitelocke>>>}}<<<, Memorials, ff. 621–627).
 * 0082 Page:Dictionary of National Biography volume 23.djvu/246 /// Walter Hussey|Walter Hussey Burgh>>>}}<<< [q. v.] (she
 * 0083 Page:Dictionary of National Biography volume 39.djvu/85 /// school along with d|John|Evelyn|(1620-1706)>>>}}<<< [q. v.] In
 * 0084 Page:Dictionary of National Biography volume 47.djvu/226 /// Record Soc.]}}{ {DNB WH>>>}}<<<

 * 0085 Page:Dictionary of National Biography volume 51.djvu/432 /// Luttrell}} [q. v.] ({sc|Collier>>>}}<<<, Bibliogr. Catalogue, pp.
 * 0086 Page:Dictionary of National Biography volume 52.djvu/109 /// 677, 810.]}} {DNB EIC>>>}}<<<

>>}}<<< river Hodder. He
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 * 0098 Page:History of Duncan Campbell, and his dog Oscar (1).pdf/2 /// He was fo{illegible text>>>}}<<< of the ride,
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 * 0100 Page:History of the wicked life and horrid death of Dr John Faustus (1).pdf/17 /// how now good {illegible>>>}}<<<ow, saith Faustus, what

missing after
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 * 0104 Page:1882. The Prince and The Pauper. A Tale for Young People of All Ages.djvu/87 /// This gentleman came way, and conducted Tom
 * 0105 Page:1888 Cicero's Tusculan Disputations.djvu/58 /// softness of our nations, so that, should
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band<ref>See [[author:Thomas
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 * 0109 Page:A Biographical Dictionary of the Celebrated Women of Every Age and Country (1804).djvu/621 /// about 1627, the press was inconsolable. She
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 * 0111 Page:A book of the Cevennes (-1907-).djvu/54 /// the name and age of some saint.
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 * 0114 Page:A Brief History of South Dakota.djvu/163 /// as possible he took its execution. His
 * 0115 Page:A Brief History of South Dakota.djvu/25 /// of the timbered try about the lakes
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 * 0120 Page:A complete course in dressmaking, (Vol. 1, Introduction) (IA completecoursein01cono).pdf/69 /// dresses you have.
haps it
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 * 0127 Page:A History and Defence of Magna Charta.djvu/61 /// his commiſſioners to claim and keep the
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 * 0139 Page:A Study of Mexico.djvu/230 /// peal of indignant test and sullen defiance.
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 * 0151 Page:A Wayfarer in China.djvu/360 /// other, the blue-eyed sacks in white caps
 * 0152 Page:A Wayfarer in China.djvu/369 /// is driving the gol to the wall,
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 * 0154 Page:About Mexico - Past and Present.djvu/151 /// make the messengers stand that the Spaniards
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 * 0162 Page:Ambassador Morgenthau's Story.djvu/129 /// It is also parent that German ruthlessness
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 * 0169 Page:Armistice Day.djvu/121 /// of victory, kissed, braced, covered with flowers,
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 * 0171 Page:Arthur Stringer - The Door of Dread.djvu/195 /// with any Washington . I have just
 * 0172 Page:Association Football and How to Play It (1908) by John Cameron.djvu/85 /// make a complete cuit or travel the
 * 0173 Page:Astounding Stories of Super Science (1930-02).djvu/119 /// anyone else is mitted. If the patrolmen
 * 0174 Page:Athletics and Manly Sport (1890).djvu/34 /// that a strong, ward, ignorant man would
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 * 0177 Page:Australian Emigrant 1854.djvu/25 /// Sir," continued this nicative gentleman, "so am
 * 0178 Page:Avon Fantasy Reader 10.djvu/105 /// there was a storm of "extras" over
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 * 0180 Page:Babyhood of Wild Beasts.djvu/76 /// liked the sound mensely and soon learned
 * 0181 Page:Bailey - Call Mr Fortune (Dutton, 1921).djvu/132 /// see us in . That was a
 * 0182 Page:Bailey - Call Mr Fortune (Dutton, 1921).djvu/204 /// of course, that  was going to
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 * 0184 Page:Ballinger Price--Fortune of the Indies.djvu/270 /// how the space tween them was traversed.
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 * 0186 Page:Bat Wing 1921.djvu/77 /// Wootton in person behind the counter. “Time,
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 * 0190 Page:Ben-Hur a tale of the Christ.djvu/29 /// in all useful edge. From his arms
 * 0191 Page:Ben-Hur a tale of the Christ.djvu/499 /// too; you cannot turn to Jerusalem. What
 * 0192 Page:Ben-Hur a tale of the Christ.djvu/544 /// him,&quot; Simonides replied, ing, after a pause
 * 0193 Page:Bentley- Trent's Last Case (Nelson, nd).djvu/204 /// at the vigorous  in her telling
 * 0194 Page:Betty Gordon at Boarding School.djvu/175 /// had the door locked for me to-night,
 * 0195 Page:Bierce - Collected Works - Volume 01.djvu/28 /// giving a misleading pearance of public order.
 * 0196 Page:Biggers and Ritchie - Inside the Lines.djvu/293 /// and would depart, —yes, convinced—that the task
 * 0197 Page:Biggers and Ritchie - Inside the Lines.djvu/297 /// to the youth's . Sherman leaned far
 * 0198 Page:BirdWatchingSelous.djvu/148 /// and watch unobserved. over, as there is
 * 0199 Page:Black Beauty (1877).djvu/193 /// more exhausting than thing else. If the
 * 0200 Page:Bob Chester's Grit.djvu/61 /// he wanted, and times had he promised
 * 0201 Page:Book of Ighan (1915).djvu/72 /// God! Notwithstanding their knowledgment of this tradition,
 * 0202 Page:Boys Life of Mark Twain.djvu/38 /// Main Street at day. He saw them
 * 0203 Page:Boys of the Fort.djvu/136 /// skirting a small course. They went on
 * 0204 Page:Boys of the Fort.djvu/46 /// Joe reached some brush and rocks, with
 * 0205 Page:CAB Accident Report, Alaska Airlines Flight 779.pdf/11 /// of his last class medical examination was
 * 0206 Page:Can Germany Invade England?.djvu/139 /// anchor, off the places assigned to them,
 * 0207 Page:Can Germany Invade England?.djvu/42 /// it, since her service personnel, trained from
 * 0208 Page:Canterbury Papers.djvu/22 /// for, from the prize gradually engaged in
 * 0209 Page:Cape Cod (1865) Thoreau.djvu/198 /// fleet than the  at the wharves
 * 0210 Page:Cape Cod (1865) Thoreau.djvu/214 /// the Ichthyophagi. "Hardouin  that the Basques
 * 0211 Page:Care and Management of Rabbits.djvu/177 /// and that their grees be sent you.
 * 0212 Page:Carroll - Game of Logic.djvu/42 /// is evidently the tribute belonging to the
 * 0213 Page:Cassell's Illustrated History of England vol 1.djvu/461 /// the cruel and temptuous manner in which
 * 0214 Page:Cassell's Illustrated History of England vol 1.djvu/474 /// by Henry VIII. bishop Bradwardine founded a
 * 0215 Page:Cassell's Illustrated History of England vol 1.djvu/601 /// Gloucester, notwithstanding a conduct from the king,
 * 0216 Page:Cassell's Illustrated History of England vol 1.djvu/604 /// expected no ordinary . Suffolk does not
 * 0217 Page:Cassell's Illustrated History of England vol 2.djvu/314 /// names excited much inadversion and some censure.
 * 0218 Page:Cassell's Illustrated History of England vol 3.djvu/209 /// end to those agreements which had arisen
 * 0219 Page:Cassell's Illustrated History of England vol 3.djvu/367 /// and was violently posed by the French
 * 0220 Page:Cassell's Illustrated History of England vol 3.djvu/373 /// oppressions of the chambers and High Commission
 * 0221 Page:Cassell's Illustrated History of England vol 3.djvu/389 /// of the British wealth are now become
 * 0222 Page:Cassell's Illustrated History of England vol 3.djvu/434 /// of our boundless fusion commences. Before this
 * 0223 Page:Cassell's Illustrated History of England vol 3.djvu/463 /// to their conscience, upon the mayor said,
 * 0224 Page:Cassell's Illustrated History of England vol 3.djvu/582 /// the throne and fore a convention in
 * 0225 Page:Cassell's Illustrated History of England vol 3.djvu/605 /// passions or imagination self, and steering bis
 * 0226 Page:Cassell's Illustrated History of England vol 4.djvu/278 /// solicitor-general. Messieurs James hope, Robert Walpole, Spencer
 * 0227 Page:Cassell's Illustrated History of England vol 4.djvu/290 /// attempted. Labourlie de card was generous, enthusiastic
 * 0228 Page:Cassell's Illustrated History of England vol 4.djvu/403 /// to answer their ships, on the plea
 * 0229 Page:Cassell's Illustrated History of England vol 4.djvu/520 /// Highlanders had been armed by an act
 * 0230 Page:Castlemon--Joe Wayring at Home.djvu/216 /// Yale's window that  to look at
 * 0231 Page:Cesare Battisti and the Trentino.djvu/12 /// summer evenings he joyed taking her aside
 * 0232 Page:Character of Renaissance Architecture.djvu/130 /// of mediæval organic position, but has no
 * 0233 Page:Character of Renaissance Architecture.djvu/178 /// which belong to ferent periods ranging from
 * 0234 Page:Chesterton - A Short History of England.djvu/111 /// to a bankrupt washer would be a
 * 0235 Page:Chesterton - The Club of Queer Trades.djvu/83 /// a flash from  to respect. We
 * 0236 Page:Chesterton - Twelve Types (Humphreys, 1902).djvu/167 /// to believe the whelming majority of mankind,
 * 0237 Page:Child-life in Japan and Japanese child stories (Ayrton, Matilida Chaplin., 1901).djvu/16 /// slender divisions the handle, the wood-block engraver's
 * 0238 Page:China and the Manchus.djvu/88 /// pecuniary assistance was coming when the same
 * 0239 Page:Church Politics and Church Prospects.djvu/17 /// not altogether a like pile, is one
 * 0240 Page:Cihm12428.djvu/30 /// least mark of versality about them. ''Par
 * 0241 Page:Colymbia (1873).djvu/172 /// became the most popular of ministers. This
 * 0242 Page:Colymbia (1873).djvu/40 /// shipwrecked crew of men and women emigrating
 * 0243 Page:Completeconfectioner Glasse 1800.djvu/253 /// small stick of rice and a few
 * 0244 Page:Confederate Military History - 1899 - Volume 2.djvu/32 /// the mayor of more in front, the
 * 0245 Page:Confederate Military History - 1899 - Volume 3.djvu/574 /// inner line—a low work in the suburbs
 * 0246 Page:Congressional Government.djvu/40 /// who had won ence for their native
 * 0247 Page:Conventional Lies of our Civilization.djvu/146 /// title to his spring, yet he can
 * 0248 Page:Conventional Lies of our Civilization.djvu/251 /// operations of the able laws of nature,
 * 0249 Page:Conventional Lies of our Civilization.djvu/87 /// he would place self under the ægis
 * 0250 Page:CooperBull1(3).djvu/2 /// black specks, sometimes most obscuring the ground


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84 1811), was also an antiquary, and has become famous chiefly on account of his exhaustive work on the old Norse poetry, which is still one of the best authorities in this field. Bishop (1704-1789) produced in a large work written in Latin a splendid ecclesiastical history of Iceland.  (1728-1787) developed a marked activity not only as an independent author of archaeological works, but also as editor of similar works by older writers.  (1724-1798) compiled an Icelandic-Latin lexicon, which was published after his death by the Danish linguist Rasmus Rask in the year 1814, and which was the most important lexicographical aid to the study of old Norse until it recently was replaced by 's great Danish-Icelandic dictionary (1851) and by the Old Norse dictionary by Erik Jonsson (1863). The latter is supplemented in reference to the difficult language of the poetry by 's magnificent old Norse-Latin dictionary, the "Lexicon poeticum antiquæ linguæ septentrionalis" (1860). Among the eminent Icelandic scholars (1781-1847), one of the most thorough and profound students of northern antiquities, occupies the front rank. In almost every branch of northern antiquities he has produced works of great importance and value, which partly are to be found in countless essays published in various journals, and which partly appeared in stout, separate volumes. His greatest learning is embodied in his work on northern mythology, which he discussed in connection with the mythologies of other peoples (comparative mythology). In many of the details this work furnishes most valuable interpretations, though his theory that Norse mythology is nothing but symbolic expressions of the forces and phenomena of nature, among which symbols the astronomical element predominates, must, when rigidly applied, be considered a failure. 's (1769-1836) annals, which in twelve large quartos (Copenhagen 1821-1855) contain the history of Iceland from 1261 to 1832, furnish excellent proof of the zeal of inquiry and of the deep interest in the


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Rh events of the past, which are so characteristic of the Icelanders from the oldest time to this very day. The author, a district judge in Skage Firth, gathered in his isolated home, with untiring industry, all obtainable reports of events and persons from the above period and recorded them in narrative form, without the slightest prospect that his great work would ever be printed. Then the was organized in 1816, and a few years later this society undertook the publication of Espolin's voluminous work, which otherwise doubtless would have had the same fate as so many other works written in former times in that far off island, and which, though being the fruit of many years' persistent and thorough study, never have seen the light of the world.

We fear that we already have wearied our readers by this survey or summary of what the Icelanders of modern times have contributed to the knowledge of the history, antiquities and language of their own country and of the whole Scandinavian North, and yet the list of scholars who have labored efficiently in this field would have to be very much amplified before it could lay any claim to being even tolerably exhaustive. This whole school of writers with its profound and comprehensive study of all the ancient documents has its root in a remarkably intense patriotism which has burned in the bosoms of the Icelanders with no less steady flame in the evil days than in the good, and which has manifested itself in many other ways in their literature, and that not alone in high-sounding phrases, but in efficient work for the weal of their country.

The patriotism of the Icelanders has now and then been roused to extraordinary heights, and has especially manifested itself in loud complaints of their relations with Denmark. On account of an almost total ignorance on the part of the Danish government in regard to the affairs of Iceland, its


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 tremely anxious she was that she should let it remain feasible for Tietjens to take her back. Then, in the golf club-house, to which she found herself fiercely hurrying in order to pay her bill and get her clubs, she overheard the conversation of two players that left no doubt in her mind that Perowne had been de- tected in little meannesses of moving his ball at golf or juggling with his score This was almost more than she could stand. And, at the same moment, her mind, as it were, condescended to let her remember Christopher's voice as it had once uttered the haughty opinion that no man one could speak to would ever think of divorcing any woman. If he could not defend the sanctity of his hearth he must lump it unless the woman wanted to divorce him

At the time when he had said it her mind—she had been just then hating him a good deal—had seemed to take no notice of the utterance. But now that it pre- sented itself forcibly to her again it brought with it the thought: Supposing he wasn't really only talking through his hat!

She dragged the wretched Perowne off his bed where he had been lost in an after-lunch slumber and told him that they must both leave that place at once, and, that as soon as they reached Paris or some larger town where he could find waiters and people to under- stand his French, she herself was going to leave him for good. They did not, in consequence, get away from the air-resort until the six o'clock train next morning. Perowne's passion of rage and despair at the news that she wished to leave him took an inconvenient form, for instead of announcing any intention of committing suicide, as might have been expected, he became gloomily and fantastically mur-


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Love and Learn

 * Love and Learn (1945), a novel by Emily Noble
 * Love and Learn (1924), a novel by Harry Charles Witwer

title: Love and Learn


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length the young lady awoke. She was startled at the sudden sight of the stranger, and somewhat terrified at the first perception of her position. But she soon recovered her self-possession, and, extending her hand to the offered hand of Mr. Chainmail, she raised herself up on the tree, and stepped on the rocky bank.


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Live and Learn

 * Live and Learn (1914), a book by Washington Gladden
 * Live and Learn: A Guide for All, Who Wish to Speak and Read Correctly (1855), a British book published anonymously
 * "Live and Learn" ("When I was little and good"), an erotic poem published anonymously by The Pearl

title: Live and Learn


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86 administration of the island has frequently been very oppressive. Among the great Icelandic patriots, who especially, or at least largely, have striven to serve their country by their literary labors, the above named holds a conspicuous place. His chief work is a description of Iceland, written by him and, the result of a journey undertaken by them in 1751-1757 throughout the island for the purpose of investigating its physical and economic condition. By the publication of a number of works on practical and economic questions, (1733-1812) and his son  (1762-1833), and particularly the latter, who was one of the most eminent representatives of the period of enlightenment in Iceland, labored zealously and efficiently for the introduction of many important reforms in the administration and in the economic conditions of the country. (1811-1879), who is deservedly famous on account of his extensive labors in the field of Icelandic history and antiquities, became the standard bearer of the movement that finally resulted in the law of January 2, 1871, which led to the satisfactory settlement of Iceland's political relations to Denmark.

The art of which played so conspicuous a part in mediæval Iceland, also awoke to new life after its long slumber. The exuberantly growing Latin poetry of the learned period we will not discuss, but confine ourselves to the remark that the Icelanders here also held their own as compared with other peoples, and several scholars could be mentioned who ranked high for skill in writing Latin verses.

The production of poetry in the vernacular was never wholly interrupted, but after the ancient literature had ceased to bloom it continued in that peculiar form of ballads called the Rima, of which we made mention in connection with the old skaldic lays. From the fifteenth to the beginning of the eighteenth century we meet with the singular phenomenon that a large number of Icelandic skalds busied themselves with a sort of reproduction of the sagas, a "trans-


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Rh versing" of them, or changing them from prose to verse, and embodying their contents in so-called rimas (rhymes or ballads). This was done even before the fifteenth century, but in the above epoch it developed into great prominence.

We may take this opportunity of giving a more accurate description of these transversings. The rimas were produced according to a set of fixed rules. There is first a prelude containing a general expression of erotic sentiments. Then follows the story in a series of cantos, of which each has its own metre. This is always strophic, and the strophe generally has four lines of which each couple are alliterated, while the lines are connected by final rhymes in every conceivable way. The style in the most of the rimas is very heavy and full of metaphors either borrowed from the skaldic poetry or an imitation of it. But few specimens of rimas have been printed, but in written copies or produced with monotonous melodies, they have given pleasure to many successive generations, though the taste for them now seems to have passed away.

Both the domestic family sagas (e.g., Njala) and the romantic ones which were in part imported from foreign lands (the Karlamagnus Saga and others) were transversed in this manner. A natural result of this peculiar literary development is the interesting fact that occasionally the poetic materials have passed through all the three phases possible under the circumstances described; that is, they have first been used in ancient lays, then the lays have been transprosed into sagas, and finally the sagas have again been transversed into rimas.

The composition of rimas was followed by a long line of purely lyrical poets extending down to the present. The Icelandic language during these many hundred years has been twisted and forced into the greatest variety of metrical


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 Mr. Chainmail solicited permission to attend her to her home, which the young lady graciously conceded. They emerged from the woody dingle, traversed an open heath, wound along a mountain road by the shore of a lake, descended to the deep bed of another stream, crossed it by a series of stepping-stones, ascended to some height on the opposite side, and followed upwards the line of the stream, till the banks opened into a spacious amphitheatre, where stood, in its fields and meadows, the farm-house of Ap Llymry.

During this walk, they had kept up a pretty animated conversation. The lady had lost her hat, and, as she turned towards Mr. Chainmail, in speaking to him, there was no envious projection of brim to intercept the beams of those radiant eyes he had been so anxious to see unclosed. There was in them


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 a mixture of softness and brilliancy, the perfection of the beauty of female eyes, such as some men have passed through life without seeing, and such as no man ever saw, in any pair of eyes, but once; such as can never be seen and forgotten. Young Crotchet had seen it; he had not forgotten it; but he had trampled on its memory, as the renegade tramples on the emblems of a faith, which his interest only, and not his heart of his reason, has rejected.

Her hair streamed over her shoulders; the loss of the black feather had left nothing but the rustic costume, the blue gown, the black stockings, and the ribbon-tied shoes. Her voice had that full soft volume of melody which gives to common speech the fascination of music. Mr. Chainmail could not reconcile the dress of the damsel, with her conversation and manners. He threw out a


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88 phrases, and has thus become exceedingly flexible. It has a great abundance of grammatical forms, and, consequently, gives the poet great liberty in the arrangement of his words; furthermore, there is such a wealth of rhymes, and particularly of alliterations in the language, that they come as it were spontaneously even to an inexperienced writer of verses.

In connection with this universal taste and talent for verse-making we find an equally widespread respect for, and gratitude toward, those who in a wider and profounder sense deserve the name of poets, who not only have the gift of uniting words in rhyme and metre, but who also know how to express the thoughts and feelings of the race and to paint in true and graphic colors pictures of popular life.

In few countries in the whole world is the talent for poetry in the true sense of the word so universal as in Iceland, and nowhere else is the true poet so highly honored by his people as here. The gift of poetry is in Iceland in reality a patent of nobility which is recognized wherever the poet comes both among the rich and among the poor, and by the common peasant not less than by the scholar. In these peculiarly favorable circumstances we must certainly look for the chief explanation of the fact that this small nation during centuries of want and suffering has been able to produce a line of poets, many of whom really have claim to a prominent position in the poetic galleries of the civilized world. This opinion will be approved by every one who does not shrink from conquering the obstacles which he will meet with in a tongue which is but little known, and in the very peculiar character of that poetry, a character which is so new and strange to all who are not born Icelanders, and which in some respects is a result of the never perfectly interrupted connection with the strongly marked culture of the poetry of antiquity. These obstacles are in fact so great, that the translation of modern Icelandic poems into a modern tongue, so as to preserve not only the spirit but also the peculiar phrases and the charac-


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 remote question or two, with the hope of solving the riddle, but, receiving no reply, he became satisfied that she was not disposed to be communicative respecting herself, and, fearing to offend her, fell upon other topics. They talked of the scenes of the mountains, of the dingle, the ruined castle, the solitary lake. She told him, that lake lay under the mountains behind her home, and the coracle and the pass at the extremity, saved a long circuit to the nearest village, whither she sometimes went to inquire for letters.

Mr. Chainmail felt curious to know from whom these letters might be; and he again threw out two or three fishing questions, to which, as before, he obtained no answer.

The only living biped they met in their walk, was the unfortunate Harry Ap-Heather, with whom they fell in by the stepping-stones, who, seeing the girl of his heart


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 hanging on another man's arm, and, concluding at once that they were "keeping company," fixed on her a mingled look of surprise, reproach, and tribulation; and, unable to control his feelings under the sudden shock, burst into a flood of tears, and blubbered till the rocks re-echoed.

They left him mingling his tears with the stream, and his lamentations with its murmurs. Mr. Chainmail inquired who that strange creature might be, and what was the matter with him. The young lady answered, that he was a very worthy young man, to whom she had been the innocent cause of much unhappiness.

"I pity him sincerely," said Mr. Chainmail; and, nevertheless, he could scarcely restrain his laughter, at the exceedingly original figure which the unfortunate rustic lover had presented by the stepping-stones.


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 The children ran out to meet their dear Miss Susan, jumped all round her, and asked what was become of her hat. Ap Llymry came out in great haste, and invited Mr. Chainmail to walk in and dine: Mr. Chainmail did not wait to be asked twice. In a few minutes the whole party, Miss Susan and Mr. Chainmail, Mr. and Mrs. Ap Llymry, and progeny, were seated over a clean homespun tablecloth, ornamented with fowls and bacon, a pyramid of potatoes, another of cabbage, which Ap Llymry said "was poiled with the pacon, and as coot as marrow," a bowl of milk for the children, and an immense brown jug of foaming ale, with which Ap Llymry seemed to delight in filling the horn of his new guest.

Shall we describe the spacious apartment, which was at once kitchen, hall, and diningroom,—the large dark rafters, the pendent


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 bacon and onions, the strong old oaken furniture, the bright and trimly arranged utensils? Shall we describe the cut of Ap Llymry's coat, the colour and tie of his neckcloth, the number of buttons at his knees,—the structure of Mrs. Ap Llymry's cap, having lappets over the ears, which were united under the chin, setting forth especially whether the bond of union were a pin or a ribbon? We shall leave this tempting field of interesting expatiation to those whose brains are high-pressure steam engines for spinning prose by the furlong, to be trumpeted in paid-for paragraphs in the quack's corner of newspapers: modern literature having attained the honorable distinction of sharing with blacking and Macassar oil, the space which used to be monopolized by razor-strops and the lottery; whereby that very enlightened community, the read-


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 ing public, is tricked into the perusal of much exemplary nonsense; though the few who see through the trickery have no reason to complain, since as "good wine needs no bush," so, ex vi oppositi, these bushes of venal panegyric point out very clearly that the things they celebrate are not worth reading.

The party dined very comfortably in a corner most remote from the fire; and Mr. Chainmail very soon found his head swimming with two or three horns of ale, of a potency to which even he was unaccustomed. After dinner, Ap-Llymry made him finish a bottle of mead, which he willingly accepted, both as an excuse to remain, and as a drink of the dark ages, which he had no doubt was a genuine brewage, from uncorrupted tradition.

In the meantime, as soon as the cloth


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Rh teristic form in which they are written, must be regarded as exceedingly difficult or even as impossible. It is a no more easy task than the translation of the ancient and mediæval Icelandic poetry. In the matter of form the Icelanders have preserved very many of the peculiarities of the ancient poetry, and thus they still consider alliteration necessary to good poetry. But modern forms of versification have also found their way to Iceland, and so we find here a strange union of the old and the new, the old alliteration blended with the modern rhymes in the same poem.

The number of Icelandic poets who have justly been held in high esteem by their people is so extraordinarily large that we cannot here give even approximately a full list of them. A catalogue of modern Icelandic poets would embrace everybody who in any way has been conspicuous in Iceland. On the one hand it is true that Iceland has not a single poet who has made poetry the chief avocation of his life, but on the other hand all the literary men of that island have also been poets. The psalmist (1614-1674) and the lyric poet  (1620-1688) must be considered the fathers of modern Icelandic poetry. Of the former, one of the greatest psalmists that ever lived, and that not only in Iceland, we have already given some account in our description of religious literature. Of Olafsson's numerous poems many are remarkable for their sparkling wit and rugged humor, while in others idyllic sentiments predominate. The above-mentioned Eggert Olafsson (1726-1767), who distinguished himself in so many other literary fields, was also a poet of decided merit, and in the eighteenth century he may be said to have had only one rival for the first place as Icelandic poet, and that was Jon Thorlaksson (1744-1819), whose original poems are marvellous for their freshness and keen wit, and who also gave the Icelanders a masterly translation of Milton's "Paradise Lost," and of Klopstock's "Messias." The greatest Icelandic poet of the present century, and perhaps in the whole field of modern Icelandic poetry is -


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90 (1786-1841), who in many of his poems displays a startling brilliancy, while he is at the same time exceedingly profound, touching, and tender.

The fact must not be forgotten that the strongly marked, original, Icelandic poetry has not in any way lessened the people's taste for the poetry produced in other forms and in other lands. Besides the chief works of Milton and Klopstock, already mentioned, there are also fine Icelandic translations of Homer's "Iliad" and "Odyssey," of a series of Shakespeare's dramas, of Tegnér's Fridthjof's Saga, and of other works.

In other branches of poetry than that of lyrics but little of note has been produced in Iceland, excepting, of course, translations. Epic poetry is represented only by the novel, "Piltur ok Stulka" (the Boy and the Girl), a fresh and charming book in the style of Auerbach's and Björnson's peasant stories, giving an interesting picture of modern life in Iceland, and a romance, "Maður ok Kona" (Man and Wife), both by Josr Thordarson. That the conditions in Iceland are about as unfavorable for the development of dramatic literature as it is possible, is evident when we consider that the whole island has not more than 70,000 people, and that only 2,000 live in its metropolis, Reykjavik. Nevertheless, several remarkable efforts have been made during the present century in the field of the drama, especially by, who produced a few comedies (e.g., "Narfi," a satire on the Danish party in Iceland), and recently by and , who have written beautiful and original dramas on the basis of Icelandic popular tales.


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A. G. Rudelbach: Dänische Literatur und Sprache (Ersch und Gruber's Encyclopædie).

A. Strodtmann: Das geistige Leben in Dänemark. Berlin, 1873.

Marmier: Histoire de la Literature en Danemarc et en Swede. Paris, 1839.

W. and M. Howitt: The Literature and Romance of Norway and Europe. London, 1852.

N. M. Peterson: Bidrag til den danske Literaturs Historie, I-V. Copenhagen, 1853-61.

Nyerup og Rahbek: Bidrag til den danske Digtekuntsts Historie, I-VI. Copenhagen, 1800-28.

J. L. Heiberg: Udsigt over den danske skjönne Literatur. Copenhagen, 1831.

Fr. Winkel Horn: Den Danske Literaturs Historie. Copenhagen, 1879.

L. Diethrichsen: Laredigtet i Nordens poetiske Literatur. Stockholm, 1860.

L. Dietrichsen: Indledning i Studiet af Danmark's Literatur: vort Aarhundrede. Upsala, 1860.

Kr. Arentsen: Danske digtere i det syttende Aarhundrede. Copenhagen, 1864.

L. Dietrichsen: Omrids af den norske Literaturs Historie. Copenhagen, 1866-69.

P. Hansen: Nordiscke Digtere i vort Aarhundrede. Copenhagen, 1879.

Bibliotheca Danica, by Kr. Bruun. Copenhagen, 1872.

Worm. Lexikon over danske, norske og islandske lærde Mænd. I—III. Copenhagen, 1771-94.

R. Nyerup og J. E. Kraft: Almindeligt Literaturlexikon for Danmark, Norge og Island. Copenhagen, 1820.

T. H. Erslew: Almindeligt Forfatterlexikon for Danmark og Bilande (with Supplement), 1814-53, I-VI. Copenhagen, 1843-68.

J. E. Kraft: Norsk Forfatterlexikon, 1814-56. Christiania, 1863.

P. Botten Hansen: La Norvège litteraire. Christiania, 1868.


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The following paper was originally written for “The Moravian,” the weekly journal of the Moravian Church, and appeared in its issue of the 30th of November, 1855.


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We have been repeatedly asked to give a critical account of the Episcopate of the Moravians. It forms an interesting subject of inquiry. In the popular histories of the Church its origin is set forth, but an examination into its validity would have been foreign to their purpose. An history whose province it would be to discuss this point, and, in general, to bring forward the authorities which exist for the current narratives of the founding of the Church and the institution of her ministry, has not yet appeared in the English language. Indeed it is well that a work of this kind remains to be written, for in recent times only have the most important records come to light, and but a few years ago, through the researches and publications of Bohemian antiquaries, have they been made more generally available than they were when first discovered.

We need scarcely say that this article is not meant to subserve the interests of exclusivism, nor based upon the idea that episcopal ordination only is valid. The founders of the Moravian Church in the fifteenth century secured what is commonly called “the apostolical succession” because they believed that an episcopal form of government would be the best for them, would give them stability and unity, and, above all, would help them maintain their protesting position over against the Romish Hierarchy and the National Church of Bohemia; but they did not hesitate to fraternize with the Reformers of Germany. On the contrary, it was one of their highest aims to bring about a union among all evangelical Christians. As they were the leaders of the Protestant world in translating the Bible into a vernacular and publishing hymns and introducing a holy discipline, so also in the furtherance of this great duty. And such has remained the principle of the Church to the present day. Her episcopacy is essential to her existence; it


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 is the historic form of her organic life; it enabled her to come forth from a time in which her visible structure was destroyed with the stream of that life uninterrupted; it conferred upon her the right to renew her ecclesiastical constitution and reoccupy her ancient place in Christendom. But, at the same time, she glories in the catholic standpoint of her fathers; and instead of presuming to unchurch other bodies of believers who have no episcopacy, upholds a close fellowship with them.

Nor do we intend to give a polemic treatise, although we shall take notice of a paper against the validity of the Moravian episcopacy written, in 1835, by Rev. A. P. Perceval, of England, and occasioned by a pamphlet published in 1833, entitled “Apostolical Succession Examined,” in which the episcopate of the Moravians was exalted above that of the Anglican Church. We shall do this, first, because it is, in so far as we know, the only critical attempt ever made to disprove with a show of ancient authorities the lawfulness of our episcopacy, and, second, because it has lately been republished in this country. Our chief purpose, however, will be to meet the wishes of members of the Church desiring information upon this subject, as expressed to us long before the appearance of that republication.

In order to a proper comprehension of our narrative, it will be necessary to present a somewhat detailed statement of the sources of early Moravian history.

In the very nature of the case some obscurity with regard to that history must be expected. This will be manifest from the following considerations:

In the first place, the Bohemian and Moravian Brethren were an oppressed and persecuted people; the rack and the stake beset them on every side. These were not circumstances favorable to the


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(R:) On the state of the iron manufacture in Sweden at the beginning of 1876. 1 map. 4°. Stockholm, I. Hæggström, 1876. (1)

(An) of a religious society in Norway, called Saints. 1814. See Smith (F:) (An) of Denmark as it was in 1692. See (Robert, viscount Molesworth).

(Joseph). Travels through Sweden, Finland and Lapland, to the North Cape, in the years 1798 and 1799. 2 v. 16 pl. 1 map. 4°. London, for J. Mawman, 1802. (2)

(Gustav). The Military history of Charles XII. King of Sweden. 3 v. 8°. London, printed for J. & P. Knapton [etc.], 1740. (3)

(Albert, translator). See (Sir G:) and Cavallius (H.) Old Norse fairy tales. [1881.]

(Jean Le Rond d'). Memoirs of Christina, queen of Sweden. In "Miscellanies concerning literature, and other subjects by Mr. D'Alembert. Translated from the French." 12° Glasgow, R. Urie, 1765, pp. 182-228. (4)

the world over. 1877. See (Edwin, editor).

(G. F.) See (Edwin). Prisons and reformatories. 1872.

(Le comte Eugène Goblet d'). See.

Scandinavia. [Anon.] 32 pp. In "Chambers's papers for the people." v. 7. 12°. Edinburgh, W: & M. Chambers, 1851, No. 50. (5)

(Carl). Rosenborg. Notes on the chronological collection of the Danish kings. Translated by Charles Shaw. Illustrated. 4°. Copenhagen, Delbanco & co.; London, Williams & Norgate, [1869.] (6)


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 collection of materials for the historian. “Of what sort our records must be amidst such great disquietude and persecutions,” writes Bishop Nigranus, in 1556, to the well known Reformer, Flacius Illyricus, “thou mayest safely judge.” Moreover, both the law of self-preservation and the rule of Christ taught them to combine the wisdom of the serpent with the harmlessness of the dove. Hence they intentionally concealed some occurrences that would have inflamed the wrath of their enemies. Bishop Blahoslav writing, in 1571, to Lasitius, who was preparing an history of the Church, says: “He (Esaias, his pupil, by whose hands he sent the letter) will indicate to thee the reasons which have led the Brethren to prefer that their affairs should remain unknown rather than be published abroad. They do not wish to extol themselves and make themselves the subject of their own praise: they prefer peace and tranquility to all things, being, namely, men east down, oppressed and greatly afflicted.”

In the next place, their earliest archives, which were deposited at Leitomischl, in Bohemia, together with the private library of Bishop Augusta embracing most valuable records, totally perished, in 1546, in a conflagration which swept away that entiretownentire town [sic].

And, finally, the great mass of their numerous publications which were issued at a later period fell a prey. in the Bohemian Anti-reformation, to the fury of Jesuits and imperial dragoons sent through the country to search out and burn every vestige of evangelical literature. Upon this point the Roman Catholic historian, Gindely—of whom more hereafter while carefully withholding the true cause, which would stigmatize his church, is nevertheless constrained to acknowledge: The writings of the Brethren in particular seem to have been devoted to annihilation. We are not astonished that, as a general thing, but one or two copies of works in manuscript have come down to us from former days: but that printed works, circulating by the hundreds and thousands scarcely two and a half centuries ago, have in part altogether


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 disappeared and in part are extant in not more copies than if they were manuscripts—this is so remarkable a fact that it becomes credible only because it cannot possibly be denied.”

It is, therefore, not surprising that a partial obscurity rests upon the first era of the history of the Brethren, including the period in which they received the episcopacy. It is, rather, surprizing that at this late day we can, in spite of the disasters and persecutions of former times, give so clear a view of their origin, and bring forward so many and such solid authorities.

After the burning of Leitomischl, the Brethren began (about 1550) to gather materials for new archives. This important labor was intrusted to various Bishops, of whom the most active were Nigranus and Blahoslav. By their exertions there were brought together fourteen folio volumes of manuscripts relating to the history of the Church and her correspondence with the Reformers, and containing duplicates of some of the lost records. Until the year 1620, these second archives were preserved at different places in Bohemia and Moravia. Then, amidst the storms of the Anti-reformation, pious hands conveyed them for safe-keeping to Lissa, a town of what is now Prussian Poland, not far from the Silesian frontier, where they remained for two hundred and twenty-two years, and were, at length, entirely forgotten, in as much as Jablonsky and Sitkovius, the last Bishops of the Ancient Church, passed away without informing the Renewed Church of their existence. Perhaps they were themselves not aware of it.

The principal writers of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries who treated of the history of the Brethren, and, either directly or indirectly, drew their information from these archives, are the following:

1. John Lasitius, a Polish nobleman of the Reformed Church. Traveling in Bohemia and Moravia, he became an ardent admirer of the Brethren, examined their records and produced their history,