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 Makes Arrests; Hands Over His POsse to Sheriff Jones; Letter from the Committee of Sa'ety to the Marshal; Jones Enters Town and Deranads the Arms, which are Given Up; Atchison's Speech; Invaders Enter the Town; Indictments Against Public Buildinls; Destruction of the "Free State JP'rss"; Of the "H erArld of Freedom;" Hotel Demolished; Description of the Mluildings; Jones in HIis Glo'y; Plunder i g; The Loss................................................................. 329-338

CHAPTER XXXII-1856.

DIFFICULTIES AT LEAVENWORTH-Retiring Invaders: Another War Appeal; Free State Guerrillas; Lecompton Affrighted; Attack on Captain Walker; Affray at Mr. Str-rr's; Governor Searches for Arms; Efforts to Break Up the Congressional Investigation; N otice; Arrests....................................................... 339-344

CHAPTER XXXII —1856,

"OLD BROWN'S" WARFARE-Life and Character of John Brown, Sen.; John Brown, tr., Matches to the Rescue of Lawrence; Pottowatomie Murders; Causes to bt' Deplored; Pretext for?iewT O'tr'get-S; Young Brewn's Co(mpany Disbanded; Old;rown on the War Path; Captain P.!,-':; Inv'asion; Takes Two of Brown's Sons Prisoners Encaamps on Black Jack; Plun ders Pal nmra and Takes Prisoners; Thb Battle; Escape of Dr. Graham; T':e Surrender; AttacS on Franklin; Gatherina of Missourians on Buli Creek; Governor's Procla mation; Gathering of the Free State Forces; Colonel Samther's Arri val; Disperses S:ore's Men and Brown's; Summner Viiits VVhitfiild's Camt; Whittield's Forces Divide; One Goes to Missouri with the Prilloners, Som)e (of Whom They Kill; The Other t: Osawatomie and Sack It................................... 3-15-362

CHAPTER XXXIV-1856..

FltI:F FOR KANSAS AND THE DISPERSION OF THE LEGISLATUREReign of Terror; Emnigrants Iromr illinois Drive, tBack; Boats Seized and returrne'l; Aid from the Elast; Wiscenltiin First to Move; Rev. Henry Ward BeecheratNew Haven; Illinois; Grand Kansas Aid Committee; Boeton and State Kansas Comm ittees; Causes of Popular Interest; Exci:ement in the South; Protec tion for the State Legislature; Call for Extra Session; PreT:,rations tor Arresting It; The ]E)xtra Session; Communiction with Colonel Sumner; Secretary Woodson Visits the Convention; Entrance of Colonel Sumner; The Dispersion... 363-376

CHAPTER XXXV-1856.

BOLD STROKES AND EXTERMINATION-ColIonel S:mner Super;eded; General Smith; General Lane's Advent; Guerrillas; Takintt of the Pro-Slavery Fort; Mu'der of M,jor Hoyt; Franklin T'aken; Fort Saunders; Titu;' Hoasor Attlcked; Stampede at Lecorapton; Gove.rnor Shianno)'s S-cot;iL Treaty; Outrages; Resignation and Removal of Governor.Shannon; Extermination Atrain; The B rd,,: Circular; Apeieal of the'Law-and Order P,.rty;" Woodson'R!, Proclamation;'Squatt Soer overign'

"Third ard Last. Time;" Militia C-lted Out; Skirmish on Middle Creek; March Upon Osawatomie; ]The Battle; Town Sacked


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 and Burnt; The Result; Depredations About Lecompton; Orders to Destroy Topeka; Topeka Boys on a March; Colonel Harvey's Men at Slough Creek; Demonstrations Before Lecompton; Release of Prisoners; Barbarites at Leavenworth; Reign of Terror Complete; Release of Free State Prisoners.. 377-394

CHAPTER XXXVI-1856.

Governor Geary-Governor Geary's Appointment-His Biography; Pro-Slavery Men Dissatisfied; Their Address; Their Design; Governor's Arrival and What he Saw; His Inaugural; Orders the Militia to Disband; Force about Lawrence; Panic at Lecompton; Affray at Hickory Point,; Sketch of Captain Whipple's Life; Arrest of Harvey's Men; Their Trial; The Forces Around Lawrence.; Visit of the Governor; the "Militia." 395-401

CHAPTER XXXVII-1856,

THEt Cortn TS-Territor;.i ( ourts; Judge Cato; IMurder of Buff m; Eff,'::i; to Atrrept the Murderert and Bri ei. irn to Jestice; Lite aad 0iharac;-r oi Jiadle L —compte; Geary seeks to Artuise the Judlge to a Sanse of Duty; Rsiuses Troopsi to M iake Arrests... 407-412

CERAPTER XXXVII-I1856.

LANE'S: NORTHERtN A.MY-Emigra ion Gathers in Iwwa; Its Character; First Compayv'hrou.: h; Opening the Way; The Armay; Efforts to Cheie thils Emizration; Redpe-th's Company; Deputtion C, Ills oin' tLh Governor; Pameroy and Eldridge's Company; The Governor's Account; Geary's Prejudices.......... 413-421

(CAPTER XXXIX-1856-57.

PE.ACE —AaREST OF THE FREE STATE LEGISLATURE-R-eign of Peace; D strurbancs -at Leavenworth Stopped; Territorial Troops; Election for Dilegate to Congress; Governor's Tour; Troubles iai 1Botbern Kansa; Genertous Offer of Vermont; Theaiy,:s flyatt's Scheme; Geary's Administration; Peace Efforts; St.ate Legisiature Aserolbies; Resignation of Robinson; Iils ExTlanation; Sheriff Jones' Scheme; ioembers Arrested............ 422-427

CHAPTER XL-1857,

T ERR1TORIA, LEGISLATUREv -Territorial Legislature Con venes; Obj'ctionable Acts; Qlarrels with the Governor; William'. Sherrard; Cansoe of the Dificnity; Shrrard Assails Jones and others; Ofi':rs Tndignities to'ibe tGoverror; Efforts to Censure Sherrard; Indifference of.Jude Cato; Indignation Meetines; One at lecorrpton; Rtesolutious; Sherrard l(iled; Nitional )ernocratic Party ot Kransas Territory; Death of RichardAl:; Treasurer's Report; Geary Forsaken; i presentatives at Washington; Geary Resigns; Flees from the Territory; Parallel Bet een Reeder and Geary; New Appointments.................. 428-440

CFAPTER XLI-1857.

QUESTION OF VOTING FOR DELEGATES TO THE LECOMPTON CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTION-Life of Hon. R. J. Walker; Object of.His Appointment; Sketch of Hon. F. P. Stanton's Lile; Arrival of the Latter;t Lecompton, Their Policy; Fre Staoe Man lacredulous; Vote for Calling the State Convention; Provis

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 ions for Tal.ing the Census; Provisions for the Election of Delegates; Census Returns; Law Not Complied With; The Apportionment; Mr. Stanton's Speech; Governor Walker on ttie Eection in his Inaugural; Reasons Why Free State Men -.id n't Contest the Election; Pro-Slavery Men Censure Walker; Extract from Richmond Papr; Free State Men Resplv.; not to contest the Election; State Legislature Convenes... 441-454

CHAPTER XLII-1857.

QUEST)ION OF VOTINGX FOR MEEMBERS (F TIlE LEGISLATURE-CODVeCiioln at: Topeka; Election; T he Li' Ewrfeco( Manicp!lI Govern.:;~Ptit; Q:ctio;J of c r' t, tf:i i be E le ction; l)ifleu i t es it The rWav; Apportionment; Decie. d Asi. iogt Free State Men; Grass. hopper rFall Counvlet'on; Reo F.rtions; The Delerate Coivention; Eiectiorn ResultsFr; Frudi; Kansas Judges... 455-464

CHAPTER XiLIIT.I-1 L

LECOMPTON CONS TITUTI OAL CON VENTION —CG.tit1tioi il Convention )Oranizeid;.[n disntio T' owar's th, C)onvention; Framing the Con si ttion; Q aesti n f Subcitin It Xt to a Vote; Tts Features; Prov;siots for S:bmirt ino It to teh ie People; Objections3 to It; Fcree Stiate Mn R:i f'unse. to t3 Participath in Election iThe Misstau; Critical SitE.tSion cf Free S;ete Men; The I ri Thltfnl t a;ui r Go. err;o Walker at W'.. hi'i;t;tlo is.R1esini ttion; Extra Ss.iio,. of the LeIislature cIle'd; Ditficulties the Laiv sature could not Overcotie; Its Acit; RP'-mo'al ot Stan. ton and Apt )oirltmer, of General I. enver; Eection on Rat.iti cationr (r Rejection; Constitui.Dl in Cotn^rvs-irglish Bill; Covode In vesti atio..................................................... 465-481

CHAPTER XLITV-1857-8.

LGTclr, ATUR ES-.Electior f Sr S te4 fticcirs; Democr tic ConVenn't;nn; L:~wrerce Co,:)':int'-on c)t ] ect:euleT 2,; Tba: oi' t;e 23d?; Lane's SPratie.e.' B olt', (Conventio;" Election Re. sulit; Memori-il to Co. s;Po Fi t S tat e ]jfgislature; Co11mu nication to tbo Teirritorial l=y:j;i l';,ture; Acti on of tlhe L ttter; TI e Former Adouro; Geierl Dn, v-r; retri Legislature Convenes; Board of Co'nm13sioner-; Failure of the Legislature. 482-494

CHAPTER XLV —1854-57.

'TR)UBLE, s JN S OUTHI E1ASTElIN KA2S.AS—F' sft Sttl lers; Cat. Jatm es MInntpg rie,; Frs!?t, Convi!'!'..rto)n; Se1c rr,;,v Con vir ALtion; First Eiiectioiu; Apparacn. of Armed'or'c'; G-rievnceis; i'he (htri-t.ian \iWairi(o; Terrifies:h3 Enems; A ttacks Davis; Raid in \Mi'ocri; A 8(cond iaid; Retitres; Pro 7 Iavery Men I)r11i D'g the IV r'; L State Emi ra ts; C ai rn. [)i'.i uities; The Fort Scolt, Cou i; Provocatuiois; Fre-e Si'ate Court;.Attetpt to Arrest It; Reinforcements3; lnie's Report..........................4.5 495-510

CHIAPTER XLV —1858.

TROUBLES ITN S;OTHI-EASTIERN KANSAS —Contined —Frt, Scott Entored; Di)ivintP Pro-Slavery I1en; C.aptaiu Stew.'ar;; Thievin;g Poiiicy of:nt4citgoery; End of th, Wicked; fetaaliationu F':e State Men Alarmed; Spics ini Secret Societies; Hamil. ton's Plan; Account of Hamiltou; Montgomery Seeks to


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 more difficult to say the things I mean than the things I don’t.”

Her heart began to beat a little more quickly. She had been proposed to often before, but gaily or sentimentally, and she had answered in the same fashion. No one had ever asked her to marry him in a manner which was so abrupt and yet strangely tragic.

“It’s very kind of you,” she said, doubtfully.

“I fell in love with you the first time I saw you. I wanted to ask you before, but I could never bring myself to it.”

“I’m not sure if that’s very well put,” she chuckled.

She was glad to have an opportunity to laugh a little, for on that fine, sunny day the air about them seemed on a sudden heavy with foreboding. He frowned darkly.

“Oh, you know what I mean. I didn’t want to lose hope. But now you’re going away and in the autumn I have to go back to China.”

“I’ve never thought of you in that way,” she said helplessly.

He said nothing more. He looked down on the grass sullenly. He was a very odd creature. But now that he had told her she felt in some mysterious way that his love was something she had never met before. She was a little frightened, but she was elated also. His impassivity was vaguely impressive.

“You must give me time to think.”

Still he did not say anything. He did not stir.


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20 Thwart His Purpose; Fight with the U. S. Troops; Hamilton Prepares to Strike; The Murders; The Pursuit; Dispatches to Denver; Captain Walker's Visit to Fort Scott, and Arrests; General Denver's Visit: Meeting at Rayaville; Speeches of Denver and Montgomery; Treaty; Understanding...... 511-526

CHAPTER XLVII-1857-8,

POLITICAL PARTIES-Disintegration of Political Parties; Of the Free State Party; In the Fall of 1857; At the Legislature; Its Action; Constitutional Convention; Difficulty in Uniting, Last of the Topeka State Government; Vote for Delegates; Constitution; Nomination; Election; English Bill; Old Aportionment; Republican Party; Democratic Party; Attempt. to Preserve the Free State Party; & Failure; Observation; Democratic Organization Perfected; Republican Party FullyOrganized; Territorial Legislature of 1859....... 527-538

CHAPTER XLVIII-1858-9.

TROUBLES IN SOUTH-EASTERN KANSAS-They Continue; Murder and Robbery: Arrest of Marshall; Emigrants; Why Slavery Clung to South eastern Kansas; Arrest of Rice; John Brown; His Fort Menaced; Free State Democrats; They Endorse Montgomery; Release of Rice; Little Killed and Store Robbed; John Brown Liberates Fourteen Slaves; That which Followed; Letter from Judge Williams; Amnesty; Flurry at Lawrence 539-518

CHAPTER XLIX-1859.

VARIOUS ITEMS-Provisions of the First Legislature for Auditing Claims; The Commissioner; His Report; Appointment of a New Board of Commissioners; Their Report; Property Destroyed; Sacrifices of Free State Men; Difficulty About the Bands; Election on the Question of Calling a Constitutional Convention; Election of Delegates; Organization of the Convention; Committees; Report of Committee on Ladies' Petition; Votes on the Negro Questions; Northern Boundary; Temporary Seat of Government; Homestead; Election on the Adoption of the Constitution; Election of State Officers;Census.......627-538

CHAPTER L-1860.

THE DROUTH—Legislature Convenes; Adjourns; Convened Again; Character and Extent of the Drouth; Its Effect upon Crops; Extended to Other States; People Poorly Prepared for it; 30,000 Lenve; Others Barely Able to Support Themselves; Benevolent Move of Thadyun Hyatt; Operations of the Relief. Committees; Precipitation and Distribution of Rain in Kansas..560-569

CHAPTER LI-1860-1.

VARIOUS ITEMS-Imprisonment and Rescue of John Doy; Marshal Arus; Fugitive Slave Low; Hanging of Hines; Of Guthrie and C. Carlan; Returned Border Ruffians; Difficulties on the Neutral Lands; Settlers Driven Off; New York Indian Lands; Last Territorial Legislature; Financial Statement of the Territory for Each Year; Wyandotto Constitution in Congress; Admission of Kansas; Character of the Kansas Straggle.. 570-576

APPENDIX 579-581


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As it has been before shown, when the Territory of Orleans was admitted into the Union, under the name of Louisiana, the remaining portion of the Louisiana purchase, heretofore called the Territory of Louisiana, passed to the second grade of government, under the title of Missouri Territory. The population spreading back from each side of the Missouri River, and extending about two hundred miles west of the Mississippi, in 1815 petitioned Congress for the privilege of forming a State government and an admission into the Union on the same footing as the original States. This petition, after having been presented twice in the House of Representatives and ordered to lie on the table, was a third time presented by Mr. Scott, delegate from that territory, and referred to a select committee of which the above named gentleman was made chairman. On the 3d of April Mr. Scott reported a bill in compliance with the petitioners' request which was referred to a Committee of the Whole, but was never acted upon. At the next session of Congress the Speaker, Mr. Clay, presented a petition from the Legislative Council and House of Representatives of the Territory of Missouri, praying that they might be permitted to form a constitution and frame a State government, and be admitted into the Union. The House in Committee of the Whole entered into discussion upon a bill relating to this subject, and after considering


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 Did he mean to keep her there till she had decided? That was absurd. She must talk it over with her mother. She ought to have got up when she spoke, she had waited thinking he would answer, and now, she did not know why, she found it difficult to make a movement. She did not look at him, but she was conscious of his appearance; she had never seen herself marrying a man so little taller than herself. When you sat close to him you saw how good his features were, and how cold his face. It was strange when you couldn’t help being conscious of the devastating passion which was in his heart.

“I don’t know you, I don’t know you at all,” she said tremulously.

He gave her a look and she felt her eyes drawn to his. They had a tenderness which she had never seen in them before, but there was something beseeching in them, like a dog’s that has been whipped, which slightly exasperated her.

“I think I improve on acquaintance,” he said.

“Of course you’re shy, aren’t you?”

It was certainly the oddest proposal she had ever had. And even now it seemed to her that they were saying to one another the last things you would have expected on such an occasion. She was not in the least in love with him. She did not know why she hesitated to refuse him at once.

“I’m awfully stupid,” he said, “I want to tell you that I love you more than anything in the world, but I find it so awfully difficult to say.”

Now that was odd too, for inexplicably enough it touched her; he wasn’t really cold, of course, it


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 was exactly one month after I had left the body of Count Fédor Uspensky in the hands of the local authorities at Malo that I received a letter from Sir Nicolas Steele—the last I ever had from him. I was then in Paris, whither I had gone direct, as he had told me; and I learned there, for the first time, that he was about to marry the daughter of Field-marshal Pouzatòv, and to settle down for good. At the same time he enclosed me a draft for a thousand pounds, and hinted that henceforth we would do well, perhaps, to take different roads through life.

"You have been a good man to me," said he in that letter, "and it goes to my heart to think that this is the end of it all. Whatever comes, I shall never forget the years in which you have been my servant and my friend. But I know your whims, and that such a life as I now propose to lead would not be the life for you. Accept the enclosed draft as a small token of a great gratitude, and be assured that wherever you are, or whatever you may do, my help will be there for you as you need it."

A fortnight after I received this letter, I was on

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 board a ship bound for America. It was not until many months later that I heard the name of the man who struck down Fédor Uspensky. That name I don't intend to disclose; but this I may say, that the boy I saw skylarking outside the station at Malo was a subaltern in General Strolitzoff's regiment. And how did he know that the count would be at Malo, you ask? Why, Sir Nicolas Steele sent a messenger to tell him, of course.

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 was his manner that was unfortunate: she liked him at that moment better than she had ever liked him before. Doris was to be married in November. He would be on his way to China then and if she married him she would be with him. It wouldn’t be very nice to be a bridesmaid at Doris’s wedding. She would be glad to escape that. And then Doris as a married woman and herself still single! Every one knew how young Doris was and it would make her seem older. It would put her on the shelf. It wouldn’t be a very good marriage for her, but it was a marriage, and the fact that she would live in China made it easier. She was afraid of her mother’s bitter tongue. Why, all the girls who had come out with her were married long ago and most of them had children; she was tired of going to see them and gushing over their babies. Walter Fane offered her a new life. She turned to him with a smile which she well knew the effect of.

“If I were so rash as to say I’d marry you when would you want to marry me?”

He gave a sudden gasp of delight, and his white cheeks flushed.

“Now. At once. As soon as possible. We’d go to Italy for our honeymoon. August and September.”

That would save her from spending the summer in a country vicarage, hired at five guineas a week, with her father and mother. In a flash she saw in her mind’s eye the announcement in the Morning Post that, the bridegroom having to return to the East, the wedding would take place at once. She


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 various amendments, one was proposed by Mr. Tallmadge, of New York, in these words:

“And provided, That the further introduction of slavery or involuntary servitude be prohibited, except for the punishment of crime, whereof the party shall have been duly convicted; and that all children born within said State, after the admission thereof, shall be free at the age of twenty-five years.”

This amendment elicited a spirited discussion, but passed the House by a very close vote. The bill on going to the Senate was amended by striking out the restriction clause, and concurred in ; but the House adhering to its amendment, it was lost.

The same Congress organized the Territory of Arkansas from the southern part of Missouri, agreeable to a petition from the inhabitants thereof. Attempts were made to apply the slavery restriction to it, but failed, and it was accordingly organized without any reference to slavery.

A glance at the map will reveal the magnitude of this question which affected the two contending parties. It was not merely whether Missouri should be a slave or a free State; but whether the vast expanse of territory extending westward from Missouri across the broad prairies, over the Rocky Mountains, to the Pacific—comprising about one-fourth the area of the United States—should be consecrated to Slave, or Free, labor. This is the way the question was viewed at that time; it was thought that the fate of Missouri would decide that of the territory west and south of it, which then belonged to, or would be acquired afterwards by, the United States.

During the following summer, the interim between the two Congresses, the subject of slavery restriction was agitated all over the country. Public meetings were held and speeches made; conventions were called and resolutions passed in accordance with their sentiments; the whole country was canvassed


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 by public speakers and flooded with pamphleteers; the press opened its battery and kept up a continual fire; thus the country was agitated until it was fairly ablaze with excitement.

The North opposed the permanent establishment of slavery, from moral and political considerations. It claimed to be actuated by the spirit of the founders of the Republic, who sought by all legislative means to prevent the growth of slavery. It was plain, however, that whatever party obtained Missouri, obtained the balance of power, and there is no doubt that the North sought to obtain it on this account, as well as from other considerations. But such is the construction which mankind put upon the motives of an action, that where there may be an unworthy one, no matter how many good ones, they generally attribute it to the former. The South put, therefore, the very worst interpretation upon the actions of the North, as aiming at political supremacy by an unjust and oppressive legislation.

The position of the anti-restrictionists was a very singular one, if not inconsistent. They bewailed in most eloquent lamentations over the wrongs which slavery inflicted upon the slaves, country and people; conceded the right and duty of Congress to prohibit it from the territories, and to provide, in every constitutional way, for its removal; but now that they had the power to prevent its extension, and, consequently, its growth, they refused to exercise it. But they fought the battle under the banner of State Rights, State Sovereignty, Liberty, and the Right of the people to frame their own institutions, as opposed to Usurpation and Oppression on the part of Congress.

Fresh from the heat of popular discussion, with feelings all aglow with excitement, the members of the XVIth Congress convened. Memorials from the people and Legislature of Missouri bearing evidence of an angry feeling, caused by


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 their former rejection, were soon presented, and in the House referred to a select committee; in the Senate, to the Judiciary. The committee in the House reported, through its chairman, Mr. Scott, delegate from Missouri, a bill authorizing that territory to form a State constitution and government, without any prohibition of slavery. On motion of Mr. Taylor, of New York, a committee was appointed to inquire into the expediency of prohibiting slavery in all territory west of the Mississippi, of which he was made chairman. But the committee being unable to agree among themselves, in a few days, at the request of the chairman, was discharged. On January 26, 1820, Mr. Taylor proposed an amendment to the Missouri bill, the restrictive provisions of which are as follows:

“And shall ordain and establish that there shall be neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, otherwise than in the punishment of crimes, whereof the party shall have been duly convicted. And it is provided, also, That the said provision shall not be construed to alter the condition or civil rights of any person now held to service or labor in said territory.”

An animated discussion immediately ensued, which continued, with scarcely any interruption, for twenty-three days.

In the meantime, the bill admitting Maine into the Union, which had passed the House, had a heavy burden thrown upon it in the Senate. The skill and tactics of slavery propagandists were here most strikingly displayed. The committee to whom the bill had been referred recommended its passage, with several amendments, the most important of which was the Missouri bill without restriction. The object was, of course, to enable the latter bill to ride through the House upon that of the former. Strong efforts were made in the Senate to throw it off, or apply to it the restrictive clause, which occasioned a long and protracted discussion.

Both Houses were now intently engaged in stormy debate. Never before, nor since, was there ever such a display, in the


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 halls of Congress, of forensic skill and impassioned eloquence. It was a sublime occasion for the orator. The excited nation were the anxious spectators; the Legislatures of the different States the abettors. The subject was one calculated to call forth no buncombe speech-making; but earnest, heart-warmed sentiments. It was legislating, not for a day, nor a year, upon one section of the country and a few people; but for centuries, over one-fourth of the domain of the United States. In it humanity plead her claim, and the country asked for deliverance from a curse. On the other hand, the rights of a free people were invaded, and Oppression frowned upon them, ready to trample them beneath her iron heel. The beams of sovereignty in a State were to be blotted out, and its greatness and glory abased. Many of the speakers rose to the sublimity of the occasion, and even their opponents melted to tears before their persuasive pleadings. Others descended as far below it, and their speeches are marked by sectional prejudice, vanity and animosity. Both parties were about equally matched in argument, skill and eloquence.

On the part of the Restrictionists it was contended that the founders of our Republic lamented the existence of slavery, as a “great evil,” which they could not remove, but hoped, by a wise legislation, that it would ultimately disappear; that they had themselves set the example by the famous ordinance of 1787, which was intended to cover all the territory of the United States, and now, at least, its precedent should have weight; to all of which the Anti-restrictionists fully conceded, but denied that the precedent spoken of should have any weight, as that was done under the Confederacy; and, furthermore, it was unconstitutional, because done after the cession made by Virginia, which declared that the States formed from that territory should be admitted into Union on the footing of the original thirteen States. For constitutional right the Restrictionists point to


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 the clause in that sacred document which says, “New States may be admitted by Congress into the Union;” from which they argue that Congress has the right to refuse a State admittance into the Union, and to prescribe the conditions of admission. To which it is replied that the powers of Congress are specified, and those not plainly mentioned in the Constitution are reserved to the States or people; and hence, Congress can gather no powers from inference. They are then directed to another clause in the Constitution, which says that “Congress shall have power to dispose of and make all needful rules and regulations respecting the territories;” to which a reply is given that Missouri is not to be regarded as an open, wild and uninhabited territory but a populous State, with sovereign powers, asking admission into the Union according to the original compact between the States. The clause relating to the powers of Congress to prevent the migration and importation of slaves, in which the term migration is used, the Restrictionists declare, refers to the passage of slaves from States to States, or from States to Territories; but the opposite party demostrate that it refers entirely to the introduction of slaves from abroad. The Restrictionists show that the practice of Congress has been to exact conditions from States before admission into the Union, and point to Illinois, Ohio, Indiana and Louisiana; to which their opponents reply that all such exactions were usurpations, and hence not binding, or entitled to consideration as precedents. The treaty between France and the United States would be adduced by the Anti-restrictionists with an air of triumph, which provided that the inhabitants of Louisiana should be protected in the possession of their property, and that it would be a breach of faith for the United States to emancipate their slaves; to which it is replied that the restriction does not affect the relation of master and slave there now, but merely provides against the introduction of slaves from abroad. It is further contended that this treaty provides that the people of said territory “shall be incorporated into the Union as soon as possible, and admitted


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 to all the rights, advantages and immunities of citizens; to which it is replied that they have already been admitted to all the privileges of citizens in the Union, but admitting a State into the Union formed from that territory was a different thing, for which the treaty made no provision. It is argued that by extending slavery west, the condition of both master and slave would be improved; but it is replied that by extension the growth of slavery is only accelerated, that it is a curse, and the more it is extended, the more country it afflicts. It was asserted that these conditions would be degrading and humiliating to the sovereign State of Missouri; but it is retorted that other States have complied with them and not felt in the least degraded, but were proud of their positions among the sister States, and were unequaled in prosperity and promise.

Such was the way that some of the arguments were put and answered. I will now give a few extracts from speeches although their severance from the closely wrought connection will not show them in their real light. Speaking of the treaty by which Louisiana was obtained and which, it had been argued, would compel Congress to admit Missouri without restriction, Mr. Otis, of Massachusetts, says:

“Still, if in reality our faith, by treaty, was thus plighted, though he should deem the acquisition of the whole territory a vital misfortune, and should think it would have been better for us if the Mississippi was an eternal torrent of burning lava, impassible as the lake which separates the evil from the good, and the regions beyond destined forever to be covered with brakes and jungles, and the impenetrable haunts of the wolf and the panther; yet, he would not advocate a breach of public faith, but he should think it the duty of Congress to recommend a new negotiation with the present beneficent monarch of France, to the end of obtaining his release from the provisions of a treaty so fatal to our best interests.”

Here is Mr. Barbour's (of Virginia) apology for the change of sentiment from that which existed at the time of the formation of our Government:


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 “We are asked why has Virginia changed her policy relative to slavery? That the sentiments of our most distinguished men thirty years past entirely correspond with the course which the friends of restriction now advocate; that Mr. Jefferson has delineated a gloomy picture of the baneful effects of slavery; that the Virginia delegation, one of whom was the late President of the United States, voted for the restriction on the north-western territory.—When it is recollected that the notes of Mr. Jefferson were written during the progress of the Revolution, the mind operated upon its incidents as novel as stupendous, it is no matter of surprise, that the writer who was performing so distinguished a part, should have imbibed a large share of that enthusiasm which such an occasion was so well calculated to produce. With the eye of benevolence surveying the condition of mankind, and a holy zeal for the amelioration of their condition, he gave vent to his feelings in the effusion to which our minds have been called. It is palpable these are the illusions of fancy.”

Mr. Scott closed his remarks by warning gentlemen from the North that “they were sowing the seeds of discord in the Union;” that “they were signing, sealing and delivering their own death-warrant;” that “the weapon they were unjustly wielding was a two-edged sword;” that “he considered the question big with the fate of Caesar, and of Rome.” Mr. Walker, of Georgia, said that “he must be badly acquainted with the signs of the times who does not perceive a storm portending, and callous to all the better feelings of our nature who does not dread the bursting of that storm.” Mr. Cobb, of the same State, declares that “if they (Restrictionists) persist the Union will be dissolved;” that “they were kindling a fire which all the waters of the ocean cannot put out, which seas of blood can only extinguish.” Mr. Colston, of Virginia, accuses Mr. Livermore, of New Hampshire, “of speaking to the galleries, and by his language, endeavoring to excite a servile war,” and ended by saying that “he was no better than Arbuthnot, or Ambrister, and deserved no better fate.” Mr. Jones rings in the chorus, “although Missouri


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 be an infant, she reposes on the laps of eleven mothers, that if even Missouri succumbs to this humiliating condition, her name will be written in characters of blood.”

On the 18th of February, the Missouri bill, which had been appended to the Maine bill was passed in the Senate with Mr. Thomas' amendment prohibiting slavery from the territories north of 36°–30° north latitude, except that included in the aforesaid State. It then passed to the House, which refusing to concur in the amendments on the 1st of March passed the Missouri bill with the restrictive clause of Mr. Taylor. This passed in the Senate by striking out the amendment of the House and inserting that of Mr. Thomas.

In the meantime a committee of conference had been appointed which now reports, recommending to the Senate to recede from its amendment of the Maine bill, and to the House to concur in the amendment of the Senate to the Missouri bill. The House thereupon accepted the amendment of the Senate by 90 yeas and 87 nays. This was the Missouri Compromise. It was decidedly a Southern measure, originated by a man who had opposed restriction, and only received 14 votes from northern men, and all the votes of the South.

Some of those from the North who voted for it did so to quiet the agitation and to avert what they feared would be the consequence—the disruption of the Government—which had been so frequently threatened in debate.

The following is Mr. Thomas' amendment, generally called the Missouri Compromise:

“And be it further enacted, That in all that Territory ceded by France to the United States under the name of Louisiana, which lies north of thirty-six degrees thirty minutes north latitude, excepting only such part thereof as is included within the limits of the State contemplated by this act, slavery and involuntary servitude, otherwise than in the punishment of crime, whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, shall be and is hereby forever prohibited; Provided always, That any person escaping into the same,


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 from whom labor or service is lawfully claimed in any State or Territory of the United States, such fugitive may be lawfully taken and conveyed to the person claiming his or her labor or service as aforesaid.”

On the authority thus obtained the people of Missouri proceeded the following summer to frame a constitution and organize a State government, and at the meeting of the next Congress this State presented herself in her constitutional robe for admission into the Union. The Senate after some debate passed a resolution admitting her; but the House on account of the following clause refused her admission:

“It shall be the duty of the General Assembly, as soon as may be, to pass such laws as may be necessary to prevent free negroes and mulattoes from coming to, or settling in, this State, under any pretext whatever.”

There was also a clause forbidding the General Assembly from emancipating slaves without the consent of their owners. All of these, together with the general spirit of the Constitution, were regarded as a menace and a strike at those who favored restriction. The clause given above was plainly unconstitutional. The Constitution of the United States ordains that “the citizens of each State shall be entitled to all the privileges and immunities of the citizens of the several States;” and negroes and mulattoes in some States are citizens. The excitement ran very high in Congress and seemed to threaten more danger than at any previous time; but the difficulty was finally adjusted by passing a bill to admit Missouri whenever she should legitimately expunge the above odious clause.

This condition Missouri soon complied with and her admission into the Union was declared by a proclamation of the President.


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Handsome, young, and hast all those requisites that folly and green minds look after.

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 coming back to England and of course she must come and stay with her father and mother till her child was born. Then followed certain instructions that Kitty must be sure to follow and various details of her sister Doris’s confinement. The little boy weighed so and so much and his paternal grandfather said he had never seen a finer child. Doris was expecting again and they hoped for another boy in order to make the succession to the baronetcy quite sure.

Kitty saw that the point of the letter lay in the definite date set for the invitation. Mrs. Garstin had no intention of being saddled with a widowed daughter in modest circumstances. It was singular, when she reflected how her mother had idolised her, that now, disappointed in her, she found her merely a nuisance. How strange was the relation between parents and children! When they were small the parents doted on them, passed through agonies of apprehension at each childish ailment, and the children clung to their parents with love and adoration; a few years passed, the children grew up, and persons not of their kin were more important to their happiness than father or mother. Indifference displaced the blind and instinctive love of the past. Their meetings were a source of boredom and irritation. Distracted once at the thought of a month’s separation they were able now to look forward with equanimity to being parted for years. Her mother need not worry: as soon as she could she would make herself a home of her own. But she must have a little time; at present everything was vague and she


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 Rh “Do you mean to say,” continued the irascible gentleman, “that you have never read the by-laws of the City of Toronto?”

“No, sir,” said the conductor.

“The ignorance of these fellows,” said the man in grey tweed, swinging his chair round again towards me. “We ought to have a by-law to compel them to read the by-laws. I must start an agitation for it at once.” Here he took out a little red notebook and wrote something in it, murmuring, “We need a new agitation anyway.”

Presently he shut the book up with a snap. I noticed that there was a sort of peculiar alacrity in everything he did.

“You, sir,” he said, “have, of course, read our municipal by-laws?”

“Oh, yes,” I answered. “Splendid, aren’t they? They read like a romance.”

“You are most flattering to our city,” said the irascible gentleman with a bow. “Yet you, sir, I take it, are not from Toronto.”

“No,” I answered, as humbly as I could. “I’m from Montreal.”

“Ah!” said the gentleman, as he sat back and took a thorough look at me. “From Montreal? Are you drunk?”

“No,” I replied. “I don’t think so.”

“But you are suffering for a drink,” said my new acquaintance eagerly. “You need

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Thy mind is a very opal! I would have men of such constancy put to sea, that their business might be everything, and their intent everywhere.

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 sensibly losing the vividness of her resentment. What had happened seemed to have happened in another world. She was like a person who has been stricken with sudden madness and recovering is distressed and ashamed at the grotesque things he vaguely remembers to have done when he was not himself. But because he knows he was not himself he feels that in his own eyes at least he can claim indulgence. Kitty thought that perhaps a generous heart might pity rather than condemn her. But she sighed as she thought how woefully her self-confidence had been shattered. The way had seemed to stretch before her straight and easy and now she saw that it was a tortuous way and that pitfalls awaited her. The vast spaces and the tragic and beautiful sunsets of the Indian Ocean rested her. She seemed borne then to some country where she might in freedom possess her soul. If she could only regain her self-respect at the cost of a bitter conflict, well, she must find the courage to affront it.

The future was lonely and difficult. At Port Saïd she had received a letter from her mother in answer to her cable. It was a long letter written in the large and fanciful writing which was taught to young ladies in her mother’s youth. Its ornateness was so neat that it gave you an impression of insincerity. Mrs. Garstin expressed her regret at Walter’s death and sympathised properly with her daughter’s grief. She feared that Kitty was left inadequately provided for, but naturally the Colonial Office would give her a pension. She was glad to know that Kitty was


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 His power over her would reach out and he would still, obscurely but definitely, influence every day of her life.

“You really are the most vain and fatuous ass that it’s ever been my bad luck to run across,” she said.

S the ship steamed into Marseilles Kitty, looking at the rugged and beautiful outline of the coast glowing in the sunlight, on a sudden caught sight of the golden statue of the Blessed Virgin which stands upon the church of Sainte Marie de la Grace as a symbol of safety to the mariner at sea. She remembered how the Sisters of the convent at Mei-tan-fu, leaving their own land for ever, had knelt as the figure faded in the distance so that it was no more than a little golden flame in the blue sky and sought in prayer to allay the pang of separation. She clasped her hands in supplication to what power she knew not.

During the long, quiet journey she had thought incessantly of the horrible thing that had happened to her. She could not understand herself. It was so unexpected. What was it that had seized her, so that, despising him, despising him with all her heart, she had yielded passionately to Charlie’s foul embrace? Rage filled her and disgust of herself obsessed her. She felt that she could never forget her humiliation. She wept. But as the distance from Hong-Kong increased she found that she was in-


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 knew her mother well enough, she could be counted on to make a splash; for the moment at least Doris would be in the background and when Doris’s much grander wedding took place she would be far away.

She stretched out her hand.

“I think I like you very much. You must give me time to get used to you.”

“Then it’s yes?” he interrupted.

“I suppose so.”

HE knew him very little then, and now, though they had been married for nearly two years, she knew him but little more. At first she had been touched by his kindness and flattered, though surprised, by his passion. He was extremely considerate; he was very attentive to her comfort; she never expressed the slightest wish without his hastening to gratify it. He was constantly giving her little presents. When she happened to feel ill no one could have been kinder or more thoughtful. She seemed to do him a favour when she gave him the opportunity of doing something tiresome for her. And he was always exceedingly polite. He rose to his feet when she entered a room, he gave her his hand to help her out of a car, if he chanced to meet her in the street he took off his hat, he was solicitous to open the door for her when she left a room, he never came into her bedroom or her boudoir without a knock. He treated her not as Kitty had seen


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Believe me, in thy breast are thy destiny’s stars. Trust in thyself. Decision is thy Venus. The Malignant, the only one that injures thee, is irresolution.

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The boundaries of Louisiana were always vague and uncertain, and the treaty by which the United States acquired it left them still indefinite. The consequence was, as might have been expected, difficulties soon arose with Spain in regard to the eastern and western boundaries of this province. The French always alleged that Louisiana extended to the Rio Grande; whereas the Spaniards, with an equal show of reason, contended that it did not extend quite to the Sabine. According to the provisions of the treaty of St. Ildefonso, Spain ceded to France “the province with the same extent it now has in the hands of Spain, and that it had when France possessed it, and such as it should be after other treaties entered into between Spain and other States.” By the treaty of Paris, France ceded to the United States all the right and title she had thus acquired to Louisiana, leaving the question of boundaries to be settled with Spain.

Thus matters remained in statu quo, although Spain continued to hold both Floridas and claimed the Sabine as the western boundary of Louisiana, until 1819, when a treaty was effected between the two nations, after a protracted correspondence and negotiation. Through this treaty the United States acquired undisputed possession of all the territory west of the Mississippi by renouncing her claim to Texas.

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 understand the motive which actuated it. Why slavery should be willing to give away such a beautiful and extensive country as Texas when she could just as easily have retained it and the Floridas too, was a query which but few in the North could solve. But it was a political scheme of the South, whereby she might secure the co-operation of the North in the election of a pro-slavery President. The agitation of the Missouri question had so united the North against slavery extension in the south-west that the slavery propagandists well knew, if this was made an issue in the Presidential election, they would be defeated. So in order to keep in power, they rid themselves of this troublesome question by giving away Texas, knowing that they could get it again whenever they wanted it.

In the meantime Mexico had established her independence, which was recognized by the United States, and consequently Texas passed under her dominion.

Soon afterwards a little colony was established in Texas at Austin, by a few restless adventurers and desperadoes from the United States. In 1827 and 1829 attempts were made on the part of our government to purchase Texas of Mexico, but without success. The people of this little colony considerably increased by emigrants from the United States, under the leadership of the notorious Sam Houston, who, it is thought, was sent there by the Southrons, for that purpose, in 1833 framed a State Constitution and in three years afterwards declared their independence. War necessarily ensued; Houston was made commander by the colony of its forces; and after two victorious battles, Texas asks to be annexed to the United States. But on account of our friendly relations with Mexico, the request could not, with any show of consistency, be granted until the independence of that province should be more fully established. The slave States, therefore, mustered aid and sympathy for the few struggling freemen (?) in this little Republic. Money, men and arms with provisions and ammunition, were sent to them by the friends of slavery.


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 Texas thus maintained her independence until 1845, when she was annexed to the United States upon the following provision among others: “Third, New States of convenient size, not exceeding four in number, in addition to the said State of Texas, and having sufficient population, may hereafter, by the consent of said State, be formed out of the territory thereof, which shall be entitled to admission under the provisions of the Federal Constitution; and such States as may be formed out of that portion of said territory lying south of thirty-six degrees thirty minutes north latitude, commonly known as the Missouri Compromise line, shall be admitted into the Union with or without slavery, as the people of each State asking admission may desire. And in such State or States as shall be formed out of said territory north of said Missouri Compromise line, slavery or involuntary servitude (except for crime), shall be prohibited.” (A. S. Papers.)

It must not be supposed that this bill of annexation was passed without any opposition, thus introducing slavery into, and fastening it upon, so vast a region of country. On the other hand, its passage was violently contested, and several attempts were made to either divide the territory between slave and free labor, or prohibit the former altogether. But the influence of the Administration, the sanctity with which the Missouri Compromise line was held by the North, and the fear that Texas would form an alliance with some European power that would endanger our Union, prevailed.—The most injurious feature connected with this bill is that it secured the recognition of Congress to the extension of the territory of Texas from the mouth of the Rio Grande to its source—near a thousand miles beyond the legitimate boundary of that province. Thus slavery was virtually extended over this broad domain where it had been prohibited by the laws of Mexico twenty years before. Thus was the strength and resources of our glorious government which our fathers had consecrated to liberty and justice, made the


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 efficient means for the extension of the wrongs and pollutions of human slavery over a vast expanse of unsullied territory. War with Mexico followed the annexation, consuming a hundred million of the nation's wealth, and the lives of thousands of her brave sons. All for what? For the extension of human slavery!

Immediately after the war began, the Mexicans having suffered a severe defeat, and the President thinking that their feeble and divided republic could now begin to realize her utter inability to cope with the arms of the United States, presumed that she would rather accept a monied overture for Texas than run the chances of losing it by war. The President, Mr. Polk, therefore represents this matter to Congress, asking that a considerable sum be placed at his disposal to effect this object, at the same time stating that he thought he could not only secure the territory this side of the Rio Grande, but also a vast scope of country beyond it. A bill was accordingly drawn up, agreeable to his request, and had for a time every indication of success.

But the question arose among those who were opposed to the extension of slavery what should be the condition of this territory as to Free or Slave labor. They knew heretofore that slavery had laid claim to all the territory of the United States on the plea of pre-occupancy; but will slavery covet the soil where it never existed and where the laws of the country from which it was obtained forbid it? Many of the northern democrats who had before been disposed to be tolerant towards slavery, now began to think that they had reached the utmost limits of a virtuous forbearance. An amendment was therefore prepared and offered by Mr. Wilmot to the following effect:

“Provided, That as an express and fundamental condition to the acquisition of any territory from the Republic of Mexico by the United States, by virtue of any treaty that may be negotiated between them, and to the use by the execution


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 of the monies herein appropriated, neither slavery nor involuntary servitude shall ever exist in any part of said territory, except for crime, whereof the party shall be duly convicted.”

With this amendment, commonly known as the Wilmot Proviso, the bill passed the House, but was lost in the Senate on account of the Proviso. Thus the President was left without any means to negotiate a treaty by which much suffering and many thousand precious lives might have been spared. But this would have thwarted the very design which had occasioned the war—the acquisition of more territory for slavery.

It was about this time that the doctrine of Popular Sovereignty was advanced. First conceived in the brain of Calhoun, it was first enunciated by General Cass when about to be used by the Democratic party as a candidate for the Presidency. The great argument, prior possession, against prohibiting slavery from the territories heretofore urged, had now failed, for the condition of territory was exactly reversed from what it had been formerly. This territory had never been polluted by slavery. But, to meet the exigency of the situation, a new dogma is brought forward that Congress has no right to prevent the citizens of the United States from taking with them their property (slaves) into the territories and determining there their local institutions for themselves. This doctrine, so new and strange to the Democratic party, was not popular at first, for their Baltimore convention which nominated Cass for President, voted it out of their platform by an overwhelming majority.

After the peace with Mexico an attempt was made in the 30th Congress to organize the territories acquired from this Power and submit the question of slavery to the adjudication of the Supreme Court, its pulse having been previously felt upon the constitutionality of Popular Sovereignty. This bill passed the Senate, but was killed in the House by a motion of Alexander H. Stephens, of Georgia. Various attempts were made in the 29th and 30th Congresses to organize the territories


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 of California and New Mexico, both for and against slavery, but all were unsuccessful.

At the first session of Congress in 1850 efforts for organizing these territories were resumed. The doctrine of Popular Sovereignty (though not by that name) was forcibly announced by such spirits as Jefferson Davis, W. L. Yancy and J. M. Mason, and the Missouri Compromise was held up as a sacred compact between the Restrictionists and Anti-Restrictionists in the division of territory; whereas it was framed near thirty years before the United States had acquired this territory, and could relate only to the partition of that of the Louisiana purchase. After considerable debate and the defeat of several bills for the organization of the territory of New Mexico and the admission of California into the Union, whose people had framed a Constitution and presented herself for this purpose, the whole subject was referred to a Committee of Thirteen, of which Mr. Clay was constituted chairman. The report of this committee formed the basis of a Compromise between the two contending parties, in the following words:

“1. The admission of any new State or States formed out of Texas to be postponed until they shall hereafter present themselves to be received into the Union, when it shall be the duty of Congress fairly and faithfully to execute the compact with Texas, by admitting such State or States.

“2. The admission forthwith of California into the Union, with the boundaries which she has proposed.

“3. The establishment of Territorial Governments, without the Wilmot Proviso, for New Mexico and Utah, embracing all the territory recently acquired from Mexico, not contained in the boundaries of California.

“4. The combination of these two last measures in the same bill.

“5. The establishment of the western and northern boundaries of Texas, and the exclusion from her jurisdiction of all New Mexico, with the grant to Texas of a pecuniary equivalent; and the section for that purpose to be incorporated in the bill admitting California, and establishing Territorial Governments for Utah and New Mexico.


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 “6. More effectual enactments of law to secure the prompt delivery of persons bound to service or labor in one State, under the laws thereof, who escape into another State; and

“7. Abstaining from abolishing slavery, but, under a heavy penalty, prohibiting the slave-trade, in the District of Columbia.”

The “pecuniary equivalent” spoken of in this report to be given to Texas for her claim on the Territory of New Mexico, was rendered by the House and concurred in by the Senate, $10,000,000. And, yet, Texas never had the least shadow of a claim on said Territory. It was first obtained from Mexico by the arms of the United States and afterwards paid for by her money. Slavery gained by this Compromise not only the vast region of Texas and ten million dollars, but the continuance of its existence in the District of Columbia, more stringent laws for slave-catching, the territories of New Mexico and Utah opened to its grasp by the newly ordained doctrine of Popular Sovereignty, and a basis by which to uproot the Sacred Compromise of 1820. What a monstrous Compromise! And, yet, the North made these reluctant concessions, to still agitation, to escape the threat of disunion by satisfying the craving demands of the South.


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 Rh it, eh? You feel already a kind of craving, eh what?”

“No,” I answered. “The fact is it’s rather early in the morning”

“Quite so,” broke in the irascible gentleman, “but I understand that in Montreal all the saloons are open at seven, and even at that hour are crowded, sir, crowded.”

I shook my head.

“I think that has been exaggerated,” I said. “In fact, we always try to avoid crowding and jostling as far as possible. It is generally understood, as a matter of politeness, that the first place in the line is given to the clergy, the Board of Trade, and the heads of the universities.”

“Is it conceivable!” said the gentleman in grey. “One moment, please, till I make a note. ‘All clergy—I think you said all, did you not?—drunk at seven in the morning.’ Deplorable! But here we are at the Union Station—commodious, is it not? Justly admired, in fact, all over the known world. Observe,” he continued as we alighted from the train and made our way into the station, “the upstairs and the downstairs, connected by flights of stairs; quite unique and most convenient: if you don’t meet your friends downstairs all you have to do is to look upstairs. If they are not there, you simply come

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By the compromise measure of 1820 slavery was forever prohibited north of thirty-six degrees thirty minutes north latitude from the territory of the Louisiana purchase, except that portion included in the State of Missouri. As this Compromise was a Southern movement and maintained by Southern votes, it would seem that they were most fairly and solemnly bound to this compact. The opponents of slavery extension were bitterly opposed to the Compromise, because it yielded up the extensive domain of Missouri to slavery; whereas the spirit and teachings of our Government demanded an inhibition of this curse; but after it was legitimately approved of by the legislative councils of the nation, they regarded it with that veneration which is due to a law of the land.

The first infraction of this Compromise occurred in 1836 when a triangular piece of territory, lying between the then existing boundary of the State of Missouri and the Missouri River, was annexed to the former. The original western boundary of Missouri was a line drawn due north and south from the point where the Kansas River enters the Missouri. This was an exceedingly fertile tract of country, from which was formed seven counties of largest size and capable of sustaining the densest population, which numbered in 1860, 70,505 souls. This work was effected so quickly and dextrously by Colonel Benton that it attracted little attention at the time.


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 Petitions were received at the first session of the thirty-second Congress (1851–2) for organizing the territory west of Missouri, but no action was taken upon them. At the next session Mr. Willard P. Hall, of Missouri, introduced a bill in the House to organize the same territory, together with that west of Iowa, under the name of Platte, which was referred to the Committee on Territories. From this Committee a report was presented organizing the same territory under the name of Nebraska. This, on going to the Committee of the Whole, encountered a strong Southern opposition and was reported back to the House with a recommendation for its rejection. After the failure of a motion to lay it on the table, the bill passed by 98 yeas to 43 nays. On arriving in the Senate it was referred to the Committee on Territories, of which Mr. Stephen A. Douglas was chairman. From this committee it was reported without amendment, but was never acted upon though several unsuccessful efforts were made to have it taken up in the latter days of the session. Thus the Southern members stoutly refused to organize this territory at that time, which, in the next Congress, was an object that they earnestly sought to accomplish. But it is a note-worthy fact that the existence and validity of the Missouri Compromise had not, as yet, been questioned, and no one had discovered that the legislation of 1850 had superceded that of 1820; the only objection urged being that it would infringe upon the rights of the Indians to organize this territory.

In the thirty-third Congress (1853–4), agreeable to a previous notice, Mr. Dodge, of Iowa, introduced a bill into the Senate to organize the Territory of Nebraska without any reference to slavery, which, after being read twice, was referred to the Committee on Territories, from which it was reported back by the chairman, Mr. Douglas, with various amendments. In the report of Mr. Douglas, which accompanied the bill, although he raised the question as to the


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 constitutionality of the Missouri Compromise, he refrained from passing judgment upon it himself, and no where intimated that the legislation of 1850 had rendered it inoperative. The seat of government was located at Fort Leavenworth, and “all questions pertaining to slavery in the Territories and new States formed therefrom,” it suggested that agreeable with the legislation of 1850, should be left to the decision of the people residing therein, through their appropriate representatives. The bill, with the report and amendments, was ordered to be printed.

Mr. Dixon gave notice that when the bill should come up for consideration he would offer an amendment to the following effect:

“That as much of the 8th section of ‘An act approved March 6, 1820, entitled ‘An act to authorize the people of Missouri Territory to form a constitution and a State government and for the admission of such a State into the Union on an equal footing with the original States, and to prohibit slavery in certain Territories’ as declares in all that territory ceded by France to the United States, under the name of Louisiana, which lies north of thirty-six degrees thirty minutes north latitude, slavery and involuntary servitude otherwise than in the punishment of crime, whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, is forever prohibited,’ shall not be so construed as to apply to the territory contemplated by this act, or to any Territory of the United States, but that the citizens of the several States and Territories shall be at liberty to take and hold their slaves within any of the Territories of the United States, or of the States to be formed therefrom, as if the said act, entitled as aforesaid and approved as aforesaid, had never been passed.”

This first stroke at the sacred Compromise which had quieted the storm of 1820, and which had been regarded for thirty-four years as lasting as time, fell like a thunder bolt upon the Senate and the nation. The blast of strife was thus sounded by the expiring breath of Plighted Faith. Slavery


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 no longer seeks to disguise its foulness, or apologize for its existence; but vaunteth itself as an institution of our fathers, wholesome to society, and sanctioned by religion. Disdaining all legislative restrictions and trampling under foot all compromises whereby it has hitherto secured tolerance, it arrogates to itself the prerogatives of a full grown monster and dictates to the nation its demands.

Even the ambitious Stephen A. Douglas was startled at the unexpected report. He had congratulated himself that he had rendered such signal service to the South by questioning the validity ot the Missouri Compromise and virtually removing its interdiction to slavery that it could only be rewarded by placing him in his long sought for position—the Presidency. Ambition, though baffled and apparently defeated, never despairs, but proceeds to consult the unprincipled Oracle of Success. Mr. Douglas resolves to go so far beyond the one who thus outbid him, that the spoils of his achievements shall be all that the insatiable cravings of slavery can demand. He therefore draws up a bill almost entirely unlike any of the preceding ones. Instead of organizing one, he now proposes to organize two Territories, the first to include that Territory lying between Missouri and the Rocky Mountains, north of thirty-seven degrees north latitude, to be called Kansas; the second, the remaining portion of what was contemplated by the former bills, called by the name of Nebraska. He moved the southern boundary up to thirty-seven degrees north latitude in order that it might coincide with the boundary between the Osages and Cherokees. The question of slavery was left to be decided by the people of said Territories through their appropriate representatives. The section providing for electing a Delegate is amended by adding to the words “that the Constitution and all the laws of the United States which are not locally inapplicable shall have the same force and effect within the said Territory as elsewhere in the United States,” the following:

“Except the 8th section of the act preparatory to the


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 admission of Missouri, approved March 6, 1820, which was superceded by the legislation of 1850, commonly called the Compromise Measure, and is declared inoperative.

The bill thus reported by Mr. Douglas was debated at length in the Senate. The arguments employed by the disputants were the same as those employed in the similar discussion of 1820 with two additional ones. The Restrictionists now had besides all their other arguments, the Missouri Compromise, forever prohibiting slavery from the territory in question, which had been regarded as sacred for more than a score and a half of years. The Anti-Restrictionists had the famous doctrine of Squatter Sovereignty, which, claiming for itself absolute orthodoxy, utterly repudiated all quondam legislation not in harmony with it, disdained precedents and overswept every logical barricade.

On the 15th of February Mr. Douglas moved that the clause, declaring that the Restriction of 1820 superceded by the legislation of 1850, be stricken out, and in lieu thereof, had inserted the clause of similar nature now found in the Ordinance. Mr. Chase then moved to have the following added:

“Under which the people of the Territories through their appropriate representatives, may if they see fit, prohibit the existence of slavery therein.”

But this motion was lost by 36 nays to 10 yeas. Thus the people of these territories which had been shielded from slavery by the compromise of 1820, were not allowed by this act to exclude slavery if they wished. On motion of Mr. Badger, of North Carolina, the following amendment was added.

“Provided, That nothing herein shall be construed to revive or put in force any law or regulation which may have existed prior to the act of 6th of March, 1820, either protecting, establishing, abolishing or prohibiting slavery.”


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 Rh the son of Apollo; whether a swarm of bees settled on his lips, or not; a man who could see two sides of a thing was born. The wonderful synthesis so familiar in Nature; the upper and the under side of the medal of Jove; the union of impossibilities, which reappears in every object; its real and its ideal power, was now, also, transferred entire to the consciousness of man.

"The balanced soul came. If he loved abstract truth, he saved himself by propounding the most popular of all principles, the absolute good, which rules rulers, and judges the judge. If he made transcendental distinctions, he fortified himself by drawing all his illustrations from sources disdained by orators and polite conversers: from mares and puppies; from pitchers and soup-ladles: from cooks and criers; the shops of potters, horse-doctors, butchers, and fishmongers. He cannot forgive in himself a partiality, but is resolved that the two poles of thought shall appear in his statement. His argument and his sentence are self-poised and spherical. The two poles appear; yes, and become two hands to grasp and appropriate their own.

"His strength is like the momentum of a falling planet; and his discretion, the return of its due and perfect curve—so excellent is his Greek love of boundary, end his skill in definition. In reading logarithms one is not more secure than in following Plato in his flights. Nothing can be colder than his head, when the lightnings of his imagination are playing in the sky. We has finished his thinking, before he


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 This motion elicited considerable discussion, many contending that it infringed upon the principles of non-intervention by Congress.

Mr. Clayton, of Delaware, attached the following provision:

“Provided That the right of suffrage and of holding office shall be exercised only by citizens of the United States.”

Mr. Chase then proposed to strike out the second section and insert a provision for dividing the territory into election precincts, appointing places of election, etc., so that the people conld choose their own Governor and Legislators. But the motion was defeated by 30 nays to 10 yeas.

The bill on coming from the Committee of the Whole was concurred in by the Senate.

In the House Mr. Richardson, of Illinois, Chairman of the Committee on Territories, reported a bill, for organizing Nebraska and Kansas Territories, similar to that reported in the Senate by Mr. Douglas.

This bill was referred to the Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union, which was regarded as equivalent to its rejection. No further action was taken upon it until the 8th of May, when other bills on the calendar were laid aside and it taken up; whereupon Mr. Richardson offered the Senate bill as a substitute. An effort was made on the 11th to have the debate upon the subject close on the following day at 12 o'clock M., which occasioned a violent and protracted session of thirty-six hours. It was afterwards fixed that the debate should close on the 20th of May. During the discussion which followed, various attempts were made to insert a clause in the bill giving to the people of the territory the right to prohibit slavery therein through their appropriate representatives if they saw fit. On the 22nd of May, Mr. Stephens, of Georgia, made a skillful parliamentary movement


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 22 brings it to the reader; and he abounds in the surprises of a literary master. He has that opulence which furnishes at every turn the precise weapon he needs. As the rich man wears no more garments, drives no more horses, sits in no more chambers than the poor; but has that one dress, or equipage, or instrument, which is fit for the hour and the need; so Plato, in his plenty, is never restricted, but has the fit word. There is, indeed, no weapon in all the armory of wit which he did not possess and use—epic, analysis, mania, intuition, music, satire, irony, down to the customary and polite. His illustrations are poetry and his jests illustrations. Socrates' profession of obstetric art is good philosophy; and his finding of that word 'cookery,' and 'adulatory art,' for rhetoric, in the Gorgias, does us a substantial service still. No orator can measure in effect with him who can give good nicknames.

"Plato apprehended the cardinal facts. He could prostrate himself on the earth, and cover his eyes, while he adored that which cannot be numbered, or gauged, or known, or named; that of which everything can be affirmed and denied; that 'which is entity and nonentity.' He called it surer-essential. He even stood ready, as in the Parmenides, to demonstrate that it was so—that this Being exceeded the limits of intellect. No man ever more fully acknowledged the Ineffable. Having paid his homage, as for the human race, to the Illimitable, he then stood erect, and for the human race affirmed, 'And yet things are


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10. 9

in the earth.  He was a mighty hunter before Jehovah: wherefore it is said, Like Nimrod a mighty hunter before Jehovah.  And the beginning of his kingdom was Babel, and Erech, and Accad, and Calneh, in the land of Shinar.  Out of that land he went forth into Assyria, and builded Nineveh, and Rehoboth-ir, and Calah,  and Resen between Nineveh and Calah (the same is the great city).  And Mizraim begat Ludim, and Anamim, and Lehabim, and Naphtuhim,  and Pathrusim, and Casluhim (whence went forth the Philistines), and Caphtorim.

And Canaan begat Sidon his first-born, and Heth,  and the Jebusite, and the Amorite, and the Girgashite,  and the Hivite, and the Arkite, and the Sinite,  and the Arvadite, and the Zemarite, and the Hamathite: and afterward were the families of the Canaanite spread abroad.  And the border of the Canaanite was from Sidon, as thou goest toward Gerar, unto Gaza; as thou goest toward Sodom and Gomorrah and Admah and Zeboiim, unto Lasha.  These are the sons of Ham, after their families, after their tongues, in their lands, in their nations.

And unto Shem, the father of all the children of Eber, the elder brother of Japheth, to him also were children born.  The sons of Shem: Elam, and Asshur, and Arpachshad, and Lud, and Aram.  And the sons of Aram: Uz, and Hul, and Gether, and Mash.  And Arpachshad begat Shelah; and Shelah begat Eber.  And unto Eber were born two sons: the name of the one was Peleg. For in his days was the earth divided; and his brother's name was Joktan.  And Joktan begat Almodad, and Sheleph, and Hazarmaveth, and Jerah,  and Hadoram, and Uzal, and Diklah,  and Obal, and Abimael, and Sheba,  and Ophir, and Havilah, and Jobab: all these were the sons of Joktan.  And their dwelling was from Mesha, as thou goest toward Sephar, the mountain of the east.  These are the sons of Shem, after their families, after their tongues, in their lands, after their nations.

These are the families of the sons of Noah, after their generations, in their nations: and of these were the nations divided in the earth after the flood.

And the whole earth was of one language and of one speech.  And it came to pass, as they journeyed east, that they found a plain in the land of Shinar; and they dwelt there.  And they said one to another, Come, let us make brick, and burn them thoroughly. And they had brick for stone, and slime had they for mortar.  And they said, Come, let us build us a city, and a tower, whose top may reach unto heaven, and let us make us a name; lest we be scattered abroad upon the face of the whole earth.  And Jehovah came down to see the city and the tower, which the children of men builded.  And Jehovah said, Behold, they are one people, and they have all one language; and this is what they begin to do: and now nothing will be withholden from them, which they purpose to do.  Come, let us go down, and there confound their language, that they may not understand one another's speech.  So Jehovah scattered them abroad from thence upon the face of all the earth: and they left off building the city.  Therefore was the name of it called Babel; because Jehovah did there confound the language of all the earth: and from thence did Jehovah scatter them abroad upon the face of all the earth.

These are the generations of Shem. Shem was a hundred years old, and begat Arpachshad two years after the flood:  and Shem lived after he begat Arpachshad five hundred years, and begat sons and daughters.

And Arpachshad lived five and thirty years, and begat Shelah:  and Arpachshad lived after he begat Shelah four hundred and three years, and begat sons and daughters.

And Shelah lived thirty years, and begat Eber:  and Shelah Rh


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 Rh down again. But stop, you are going to walk up the street? I’ll go with you.”

At the outer door of the station—just as I had remembered it—stood a group of hotel bus-men and porters.

But how changed!

They were like men blasted by a great sorrow. One, with his back turned, was leaning against a post, his head buried on his arm.

“Prince George Hotel,” he groaned at intervals. “Prince George Hotel.”

Another was bending over a little handrail, his head sunk, his arms almost trailing to the ground.

“King Edward,” he sobbed, “King Edward.”

A third, seated on a stool, looked feebly up, with tears visible in his eyes.

“Walker House,” he moaned. “First-class accommodation for” then he broke down and cried.

“Take this handbag,” I said to one of the men, “to the Prince George.”

The man ceased his groaning for a moment and turned to me with something like passion.

“Why do you come to us?” he protested. “Why not go to one of the others. Go to him,” he added, as he stirred with his foot a

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 Rh is, the Asia in his mind was first heartily honored—the ocean of love and power, before form, before will, before knowledge, the Same, the Good, the One; and now, refreshed and empowered by this worship, the instinct of Europe, namely, culture, returns; and he cries, Yet things are knowable! They are knowable, because, being from one, things correspond. There is a scale; and the correspondence of heaven to earth, or matter to mind, of the part to the whole, is our guide. As there is a science of stars, called astronomy; a science of quantities, called mathematics; a science of qualities, called chemistry; so there is a science of sciences—I call it Dialectic—which is the intellect discriminating the false and the true. It rests on the observation of identity and diversity; for, to judge, is to unite to an object the notion which belongs to it. The sciences, even the best—mathematics and astronomy, are Like sportsmen, who seize whatever prey offers, even without being able to make any use of it. Dialectic must teach the use of them

"I announce to men the Intellect. I announce the good of being interpenetrated by the Mind that made Nature: this benefit. namely, that it can understand Nature, which it made and maketh. Nature is good, but Intellect is better; as the law-giver is before the law-receiver. I give you joy, O sons of men! that truth is altogether wholesome; that we have hope to search out what might be the very self of everything."

Emerson quotes the passage from Plato


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The Man Who is Astounding America !

David V. Bosh America’s Foremost Author-Lecturer on Practical Psycholonv

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An Astounding New Power Partial List of Contents Psycho-Analysis and the Subconscious How to Have Amazing Memory How to Destroy Fear— Man’s Worst Enemy— The Unseen World What Is Love and How to Keep It How to Be Popular How to Overcome Failure and Adverse Environment How to Be Beautiful Through Mysterious Force Vibration —> How to Win Success How to Develop Personality How to Conquer Illness Poverty a Disease—How to Overcome It How to Double Your Effi¬ ciency Visualization—How to Make Your Dreams Come True The Mastery of Fate How to Use Suggestion for Health, Success and Hap¬ piness The Greatest Law in the Universe, Just Lately Dis¬ covered, and How to Use It What the World Owes You and How to Get It After This Life What?— What Is God? Smile, Smile, Smile Psychology of Health — Building the Body Beau¬ tiful Long Life and Full of Pep But that wasn’t all. 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You are rather point-device in your accoutrements; as loving yourself than seeming the lover of any other.

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 Rh covered relatively little; their works were mostly speculations and vague hypotheses. As Aristotle himself says, "I found no basis prepared; no models to copy … Mine is the first step, and therefore a small one, though worked out with much thought and hard labor. It must be looked at as a first step and judged with indulgence. You, my readers, or hearers of my lectures, if you think I have done as much as can be fairly required for an initiatory start, as compared with more advanced departments of theory, will acknowledge what I have achieved and pardon what I have left for others to accomplish."

In his two books, "Physics" and "Natural History of Animals" are set forth Aristotle's views on nature, and his remarkably accurate observations of both plants and animals. He distinguished about five hundred species of mammals, birds, and fishes, besides showing an extensive knowledge of corals and their allies, sponges, squids, and other marine animals. He understood the adaptation of animals and their parts to the needs placed upon them, and was familiar with the commoner principles of heredity. He considered life to be a function of the animal or plant exhibiting it, and not a separate entity, given out by some divine power, or mysterious force. Aristotle devised a hereditary chain, extending from the simplest animals of which he had knowledge to the highest, man. This chain was a very direct affair, not at all resembling the modern "evolutionary tree" in its various ramifications and irregulari-


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 12 ties. And yet, despite its deficiencies, this chain was the best conception of animal development and descent to be produced in more than twenty centuries.

Unfortunately, Aristotle saw nothing of value in the crude survival suggestion of Empedocles. He believed that there was a purpose, a continued striving after beauty, in all the variations of plants and animals, and allowed nothing whatever to what we, for lack of better knowledge, call "chance variation." He did, however, restate Empedocles' position in modern, scientific language in order that he might refute it the more ably. He argues strongly for his conception of purpose in evolution, saying, "It is argued that where all things happened as if they were made for some purpose, being aptly united by chance, these were preserved, but such as were not aptly made, these were lost and still perish." He then makes reference to the way which Empedocles used this conception to explain the non-existence of the mythical monsters of olden time, states again that nothing is produced by chance, and closes with the statement, "There is, therefore, a purpose in things which are produced by, and exist from, Nature."

Aristotle was far and away ahead of any other evolutionist of ancient times; indeed, had he turned his genius to the clarification and support of the survival hypothesis, instead of combating it, he might have been properly considered as the "Greek prophet of Darwinism." His teachings were opposed by the philosopher


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 Rh Epicurus, who lived from 341 to 270 and was one of the most prominent figures of ancient rationalism. Epicurus did not believe in anything supernatural; he maintained that everything could be explained on a purely natural and mechanical basis. He excluded teleology, the doctrine of a conscious plan or purpose in evolution and nature from any place in true philosophy, thus taking an important stand in a struggle not yet settled. Unfortunately, Epicurus did not take the trouble to explain what his postulated natural causes were, or how they behaved. The agnostic may well say, with Elliot, that the organic world seems to be teleologically organized merely because it cannot be organized otherwise, but he must stand ready to show grounds for his statement.

After Epicurus we must pass from Greece to Rome. T. Lucretius Carus (99–55), more commonly known as Lucretius, revived the teachings of ancient Greek philosophers and united them with those of Epicurus, whose doctrines he made famous in the long poem, "De Rerum Natura." Lucretius maintained a purely mechanical, rationalistic view of nature, but ignored the valuable work of Aristotle. He revived Empedocles' hypothesis of survival, but confined its application to the mythical monsters of past ages—centaurs, chimeras, and so on. He believed in the spontaneous generation of life, speaking of mounds arising, "from which people sprang forth, for they had been nourished within." "In an analogous manner,"


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 14 says he, "these young earth-children were nourished by springs of milk."

Thus we see that Lucretius, although an excellent poet, was neither a good evolutionist nor a first-rate philosopher. In his abandonment of Aristotle he discarded the only phase of Greek thought which had come near to true conceptions of evolution, and in expounding the doctrine of spontaneous generation, he fostered an idea that was to prove of almost infinite harm to the evolution idea.

There was no one to carry on the work. Greece was no longer a great nation; her "philosophers" were mostly second-rate tutors. Rome produced no naturalists of note, Pliny, the greatest, being of small capacity for reliable observation. The Greeks had done much; they had asked questions and insofar as they were able, had given answers. They left the world face to face with the problem of natural causation, and their ideas endured as a basis for the work of future scientists and philosophers.


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(See page 134.)