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30 In accordance with the recommendation of this committee, the old medical institution and the Arabic and Sanskrit medical classes were abolished, and an entirely new college was founded, in which the various branches of medical science cultivated in Europe are taught on the most approved European system. The establishment of professors, the library, the museum, are on the most liberal scale. A hospital is about to be opened on the premises belonging to the college, for the purpose of giving the students the advantage of clinical instruction. Distinguished pupils are drafted from the different provincial seminaries to the medical college, and it is intended to establish dispensaries, including the necessary provision for vaccination and for the treatment of surgical cases, at the principal towns in the interior, which will be placed under the charge of young men who have been educated at the college. European medical science will thus strike root at once in many different parts of Gangetic India, and the knowledge acquired at the new institution will be employed from the earliest possible period in alleviating the sufferings of the people. Of all the late measures for the promotion of education in India, this alone was adopted in anticipation of the effectual demand; and the stipends, which had always been


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Rh allowed to medical students, must therefore be continued until the advantages to be derived from the college by persons wishing to qualify themselves for the medical profession become more generally evident The professional training at that institution is carried so much beyond the period usually allotted to education in India, that, without this assistance, the poverty or indifference of the parents would often cause the studies of the young men, particularly when they come from a distance, to be brought to a premature close.

This noble institution is succeeding to the full extent of the most sanguine expectations which had been formed of it. The pupils are animated by the most lively professional zeal, and they evince a degree of quickness and intelligence in the prosecution of their studies which has perhaps never been surpassed. Mr., who tested the proficiency of the chemical class at the last examination, reported officially as follows: “In the first place, I may remark generally, that all the essays are extremely creditable. Indeed, the extent and accuracy of the information on the single subject selected to test the abilities of the pupils has far surpassed my expectations; and I do not think that in Europe any class of chemical pupils would be found capable of passing

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32 a better examination for the time they have attended lectures, nor, indeed, that an equal number of boys would be found so nearly on a par in their acquirements. The differences are those rather of different age, different natural ability, or retention of memory. The faults of explanation are trifling. Grammatical errors are more numerous, but allowance must be made for them in boys writing in a foreign tongue, in the rudiments of which they have been unequally instructed.

“Many of the papers show that, besides attending to the words of the lecturer, the writers have studied his manual, indeed some seem almost to use his very words; but I by no means regard this as a fault; on the contrary, it proves attention and interest in the subject of their studies. One or two go farther, and quote other authorities, to which they must have had recourse in their reading up; and as it could not be known what subject would be placed before them, this betokens a considerable acquaintance with chemical authors. One pupil, indeed, details the whole series of toxicological tests for discovering arsenical poisons; and I should be inclined to award the highest place to him, were there not some inaccuracies in his too brief notice of the general properties of the metal.” Mr. James Prinsep is secretary to


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 sets himself to do it he will do it. He is very much in love with her, I assure you these little lively people always do attract the slow and heavy ones, which is nature’s device for the neutralizing of bores. But thcy are all going in. I think if you will allow me that I will just take the opportunity to tell him that, as far as you know, there is no positive obstacle in the way.”

"As far as I know,” Clara repeated, as the widow moved away to where the players were grouped round the net, or sauntering slowly towards the house. She rose to follow her, but her head was in a whirl with new thoughts,and she sat down again. Which would be best for Ida, Harold or Charles? She thought it over with as much solicitude as a mother who plans for her only child. Harold had seemed to her to be in many ways the noblest and the best young man whom she had known. If ever she was to love a man it would be such a man as that. But she must not think of herself. She had reason to believe that both these men loved her sister. Which would be the best for her? But perhaps the matter was already decided. She could not forget the scrap of conversation which she had heard the night before, nor the secret which her sister had refused to confide to her. if Ida would not teli her, there was but one person who could, She raised her eyes


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text: The Life and Opinions of Tristram Shandy, Gentleman/Volume 7


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Rh the Asiatic Society, and is well known for his scientific attainments. His testimony is the more gratifying, because he is attached to the oriental class of opinions, and was one of the two members who seceded from the committee when it was resolved to take a decided course in favour of English.

The peculiar glory of the medical college, however, consists in the victory which it has obtained over the most intractable of the national prejudices, which often survives a change of religion, and was supposed to be interwoven, if any thing could be, with the texture itself of the Hindu mind. Brahmins and other high-caste Hindus may be seen in the dissecting-room of the college handling the knife, and demonstrating from the human subject, with even more than the indifference of European professional men. Operations at the sight of which English students not unfrequently faint, are regarded with the most eager interest, and without any symptom of loathing, by the self-possessed Hindu. Subjects for dissection are easily and unobjectionably obtained in a country in which human life is more than usually precarious, and where the respect felt for the dead is much less than in Europe. An injection of arsenic into the veins prevents that rapid de-


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 wards, without digression or parenthesis, in my uncle Toby's amours

I begun thus


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34 composition which the heat of the climate would otherwise engender. There is now nothing to prevent the people of India from attaining to the highest eminence in the medical art; and we shall soon be able to make the college entirely national, by replacing the foreign by indigenous professors. The importance of this remarkable step in the progress of native improvement is so generally acknowledged, that even the Hindus of the old school have given in their adherence to the medical college; and the Shasters, with the elasticity peculiar to them, have been made to declare that the dissection of human bodies for medical purposes is not prohibited by them. The establishment of the medical college has received the approbation of the Court of Directors; they have indeed reason to be proud of it as one of the chief ornaments of their administration.

Besides settling the principle of national education, Lord William Bentinck prepared the means of ultimately extending it to the mass of the people. He justly considered that, to place this great work on a solid foundation, it was necessary to ascertain the exact nature and extent of the popular wants, the difficulties and the facilities of the task, and the local peculiarities which might require a partial change of plan. Our know-


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I think, I said, I would write two volumes every year, provided the vile cough which then tormented me, and which to this hour I dread worse than the devil, would but give me leave—and in another place—(but where, I can't recollect now) speaking of my book as a machine, and laying my pen and ruler down cross-wise


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 Documents produced to the Committee should include an index describing the contents of the production. To the extent more than one CD, hard drive, memory stick, thumb drive, zip file, box, or folder is produced, each should contain an index describing its contents.

Documents produced in response to this request shall be produced together with copies of file labels, dividers, or identifying markers with which they were associated when the request was served.

When you produce documents, you should identify the paragraph(s) or request(s) in the Committee’s letter to which the documents respond.

The fact that any other person or entity also possesses non-identical or identical copies of the same documents shall not be a basis to withhold any information.

The pendency of or potential for litigation shall not be a basis to withhold any information.

In accordance with 5 U.S.C.§ 552(d), the Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) and any statutory exemptions to FOIA shall not be a basis for withholding any information.

Pursuant to 5 U.S.C. § 552a(b)(9), the Privacy Act shall not be a basis for withholding information.

If compliance with the request cannot be made in full by the specified return date, compliance shall be made to the extent possible by that date. An explanation of why full compliance is not possible shall be provided along with any partial production, as well as a date certain as to when full production will be satisfied.

In the event that a document is withheld on any basis, provide a log containing the following information concerning any such document: (a) the reason it is being withheld, including, if applicable, the privilege asserted; (b) the type of document; (c) the general subject matter; (d) the date, author, addressee, and any other recipient(s); (e) the relationship of the author and addressee to each other; and (f) the basis for the withholding.

If any document responsive to this request was, but no longer is, in your possession, custody, or control, identify the document (by date, author, subject, and recipients), and explain the circumstances under which the document ceased to be in your possession, custody, or control. Additionally, identify where the responsive document can now be found including name, location, and contact information of the entity or entities now in possession of the responsive document(s).


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softly—for in these sportive plains, and under this genial sun, where at this instant all flesh is running out piping, fiddling, and dancing to the vintage, and every step that's taken, the judgment is surprised by the imagination, I defy, notwithstanding


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Rh disposal of the committee be henceforth employed in imparting to the native population a knowledge of English literature and science, through the medium of the English language; and his lordship in council requests the committee to submit to government with all expedition a plan for the accomplishment of this purpose.

“(A true copy.) “(Signed), “Sec to Government.”

This decision was followed by a series of corresponding measures. The former president of the committee, seeing the turn affairs were taking, had handsomely offered to resign in favor of any one whose views were more in accordance with the prevailing opinions, continuing however to render very valuable assistance as a member of the committee. Mr. Macaulay had been appointed to the vacant post. Two of the members most warmly attached to the oriental side of the question now gave in their resignation, and several new members were appointed, whose views coin-


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 If a date or other descriptive detail set forth in this request referring to a document is inaccurate, but the actual date or other descriptive detail is known to you or is otherwise apparent from the context of the request, produce all documents that would be responsive as if the date or other descriptive detail were correct.

This request is continuing in nature and applies to any newly-discovered information. Any record, document, compilation of data, or information not produced because it has not been located or discovered by the return date shall be produced immediately upon subsequent location or discovery.

All documents shall be Bates-stamped sequentially and produced sequentially.

Upon completion of the production, submit a written certification, signed by you or your counsel, stating that: (1) a diligent search has been completed of all documents in your possession, custody, or control that reasonably could contain responsive documents; and (2) all documents located during the search that are responsive have been produced to the Committee.

The term “document” means any written, recorded, or graphic matter of any nature whatsoever, regardless of classification level, how recorded, or how stored/displayed (e.g. on a social media platform) and whether original or copy, including, but not limited to, the following: memoranda, reports, expense reports, books, manuals, instructions, financial reports, data, working papers, records, notes, letters, notices, confirmations, telegrams, receipts, appraisals, pamphlets, magazines, newspapers, prospectuses, communications, electronic mail (email), contracts, cables, notations of any type of conversation, telephone call, meeting or other inter-office or intra-office communication, bulletins, printed matter, computer printouts, computer or mobile device screenshots/screen captures, teletypes, invoices, transcripts, diaries, analyses, returns, summaries, minutes, bills, accounts, estimates, projections, comparisons, messages, correspondence, press releases, circulars, financial statements, reviews, opinions, offers, studies and investigations, questionnaires and surveys, and work sheets (and all drafts, preliminary versions, alterations, modifications, revisions, changes, and amendments of any of the foregoing, as well as any attachments or appendices thereto), and graphic or oral records or representations of any kind (including without limitation, photographs, charts, graphs, microfiche, microfilm, videotape, recordings and motion pictures), and electronic, mechanical, and electric records or representations of any kind (including, without limitation, tapes, cassettes, disks, and recordings) and other written, printed, typed, or other graphic or recorded matter of any kind or nature, however produced or reproduced, and whether preserved in writing, film, tape, disk, videotape, or otherwise. A document bearing any notation not a part of the original text is to be considered a separate document. A draft or non-identical copy is a separate document within the meaning of this term.


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 Jean Jacques Rousseau came to such grief. He fixed the summit of his earthly bliss at living in an orchard with an amiable woman and a cow, and he never attained even that. He did get as far as the orchard, but the woman was not amiable, and she brought her mother with her, and there was no cow. Now, if he had made up his mind for a large country estate, a houseful of angels, and a cattle show, he might have lived to possess his kitchen garden and one head of live stock, and even possibly have come across that rara-avis—a really amiable woman.

What a terribly dull affair, too, life must be for contented people! How heavy the time must hang upon their hands, and what on earth do they occupy their thoughts with, supposing that they have any? Reading the paper and smoking seems to be the intellectual food of the majority of them, to which the more energetic add playing the flute and talking about the affairs of the next-door neighbour.

They never know the excitement of expectation, nor the stern delight of accomplished effort, such as stir the pulse of the man who has objects, and hopes, and plans. To the ambitious man, life is a brilliant game—a game that calls forth all his tact and energy, and nerve—a game to be won, in the long run, by the quick eye and the steady hand, and yet having sufficient chance about its working out to give it all the glorious zest of uncertainty. He exults in it, as the


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 The term “communication” means each manner or means of disclosure or exchange of information, regardless of means utilized, whether oral, electronic, by document or otherwise, and whether in a meeting, by telephone, facsimile, mail, releases, electronic message including email (desktop or mobile device), text message, instant message, MMS or SMS message, message application, through a social media or online platform, or otherwise.

The terms “and” and “or” shall be construed broadly and either conjunctively or disjunctively to bring within the scope of this request any information that might otherwise be construed to be outside its scope. The singular includes plural number, and vice versa. The masculine includes the feminine and neutral genders.

The term “including” shall be construed broadly to mean “including, but not limited to.”

The term “Company” means the named legal entity as well as any units, firms, partnerships, associations, corporations, limited liability companies, trusts, subsidiaries, affiliates, divisions, departments, branches, joint ventures, proprietorships, syndicates, or other legal, business or government entities over which the named legal entity exercises control or in which the named entity has any ownership whatsoever.

The term “identify,” when used in a question about individuals, means to provide the following information: (a) the individual’s complete name and title; (b) the individual’s business or personal address and phone number; and (c) any and all known aliases.

The term “related to” or “referring or relating to,” with respect to any given subject, means anything that constitutes, contains, embodies, reflects, identifies, states, refers to, deals with, or is pertinent to that subject in any manner whatsoever.

The term “employee” means any past or present agent, borrowed employee, casual employee, consultant, contractor, de facto employee, detailee, assignee, fellow, independent contractor, intern, joint adventurer, loaned employee, officer, part-time employee, permanent employee, provisional employee, special government employee, subcontractor, or any other type of service provider.

The term “individual” means all natural persons and all persons or entities acting on their behalf.


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 strong swimmer in the heaving billows, as the athlete in the wrestle, the soldier in the battle.

And if he be defeated, he wins the grim joy of fighting; if he lose the race, he, at least, has had a run. Better to work and fail, than to sleep one's life away.

So, walk up, walk up, walk up. Walk up, ladies and gentlemen! walk up boys and girls! Show your skill and try your strength; brave your luck, and prove your pluck. Walk up! The show is never closed, and the game is always going. The only genuine sport in all the fair, gentlemen—highly respectable, and strictly moral—patronised by the nobility, clergy, and gentry. Established in the year one, gentlemen, and been flourishing ever since!—walk up. Walk up, ladies and gentlemen, and take a hand. There are prizes for all, and all can play. There is gold for the man and fame for the boy; rank for the maiden and pleasure for the fool. So walk up, ladies and gentlemen, walk up!—all prizes, and no blanks; for some few win, and as to the rest, why—


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 and he said in a low voice to the inspectors, "Devil fetch me if I run! The mauleys and trotters are tied, you could not do more to secure a regular workman."

It was about eight in the evening when Hotot was brought to the guard-house: at eleven o'clock they had not brought in the person from whom he was to extract confession, and the delay began to appear extraordinary to him. Perhaps the individual might have escaped the pursuit of justice, or, perhaps, he had already confessed. In that case the aid of a sneak was useless; I know not what conjectures the prisoner formed, I only know that at length, tired with waiting, and thinking they had forgotten him, he asked the serjeant of the guard to inform the commissary of police that he was still there. "If he be there, let him remain there," said the commissary, "it is no business of mine." This answer transmitted to Hotot awakened no other idea than that of a negligence of the inspectors. "If I had my supper now," he added, with the comico-serio accent of that lachrymose gaiety which is less touching than laughable;—"they are making sport of me, perhaps they are stuffing away in some comfortable corner, whilst I am supping here with Duke Humphrey." Twice or thrice he called, sometimes the corporal, sometimes the serjeant, to relate his griefs to them; he did not even leave the officer of the guard alone, but supplicated him to allow of his being set at liberty. "I will return, if necessary," he added; "what do you risk, since I was only grabbed for a particular purpose?"

Unfortunately, the officer, who told us all these particulars next day, was one of those incredulous personages whose obstinacy is not to be shaken. Hotot was only tormented by his appetite; now, with persons who think there is such a thing as remorse, this might have been construed into presumptive innocence, but with those who trust only to lock and key—fatality had included this officer in the number; and, besides, not having any power to act for himself, however desirous of so doing, he drew the bolt upon Hotot, who, unable


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176 all works, his Essays, which he wrote in English as an amusement for his leisure hours, are alone in everybody’s hands; but, notwithstanding this, the modern European literature will be found to have taken its great start at the time when the cultivation of the classical languages was at its height. To check the study of Latin at that period would have been to check the progress of knowledge, of taste, and of curiosity, which, descending lower and lower, at last gave rise to the admirable literature of the West. To check the study of English, in order to force that of the vernacular language, would have an equally bad effect upon the nascent literature of India. It would retard the process of national improvement by a fruitless endeavour to have that first, which ought, in the natural course of things, to come last: it would have the same effect on the increase of knowledge which the mistaken policy of some nations has on the increase of wealth, who, impatient to have manufactures before they come in their own time, divert a portion of their capital from the more profitable employment of agriculture to the less profitable one of manufactures.

There is, however, one mode in which the Government may, without running any risk of en-


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turned off from the Edgware Road into a street leading west, the atmosphere of which had appealed to me. It was a place of quiet houses standing behind little gardens. They had the usual names printed on the stuccoed gateposts. The fading twilight was just sufficient to enable one to read them. There was a Laburnum Villa, and The Cedars, and a Cairngorm, rising to the height of three storeys, with a curious little turret that branched out at the top, and was crowned with a conical roof, so that it looked as if wearing a witch's hat. Especially when two small windows just below the eaves sprang suddenly into light, and gave one the feeling of a pair of wicked eyes suddenly flashed upon one.

The street curved to the right, ending in an open space through which passed a canal beneath a low arched bridge. There were still the same quiet houses behind their small


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 to obtain anything from the inspectors, made his moan in the following broken and interrupted soliloquy, which, heard through the door, excited mirth, by his alternatives of grotesque resignation and impatience.

"Oh! I say, though, it is coming it a little too strong to keep me here all night!—impossible—they are coming—no; no more an inspector than I am a king—what the deuce keeps the brutes?—If I were behind them I would apply a quickener—if it is not their fault, to be sure, nothing can be said.—They certainly planted me for the purpose—yet, why don't they bring in the cove—perhaps he has done them.—If he be not caught in the fact they can do nothing with him.—There is no fun in all this, though, to me, who have not tasted food since I arose.—Come, gentlemen, as soon as you please, at your earliest convenience—I am quite ready—but we can't always have our own way.—What a devil of an unlucky go for me!—It plays the deuce with my stomach; I want to eat, and have nothing.—How my belly cries cupboard.—This is a nice new year's present, I must confess.—Do they want to try my appetite?—A very excellent method, certainly—fasting is good for young people.—Never mind, never mind, it will not kill me the time, and I shall breakfast all the better in the morning.—I will wager they are guzzling away at some cabaret, the brutes!—If I were near them—this is a good joke, certainly, an admirable farce.—In the name of all the devils in h, and the saints in the calendar!—Well, why put yourself out, my boy?—Hunger makes the wolf leave the woods—get out, get out yourself, boy, it is easy enough—if I had but my turkey of this morning—if my friend Jules were here—he does not know, ah! if he knew."

Hotot said, as the people say, "if the king knew;" but whilst he was deploring my ignorance, and so very far from foreseeing the consequences of an arrest, which he supposed pretended, I, exploring the little streets in the neighbourhood of the place du Châtelet, had joined Emilie Simonet, in one of those low haunts where, to


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Rh Whatever system of popular instruction it may hereafter be resolved to organise in India, these Zillah seminaries must form the basis of it; and, as some time must be allowed for their operation before we can with advantage proceed a step further, their early establishment is a matter of importance. Every part of our dominions having the same claim upon us, there is exactly the same reason for establishing a central school in one Zillah as in another. Indeed, the motives for carrying out the plan to its full extent are much stronger than those for originally commencing it. The inhabitants of a Zillah in which a seminary has been for some time established, have a very unfair advantage given them over the inhabitants of the neighbouring Zillahs. Calcutta has lately been supplying native deputy-collectors to the whole of Bengal and Behar, because it was the only place at which educated natives were to be obtained in any number. This was justified by the emergency of the case; but, as a general rule, it is very desirable to employ the natives as much as possible in their own neighbourhood. Strangers,


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170

To proceed to practical details; all we have to do is, to follow out the plan which has been steadily pursued since March, 1835. Seminaries have been established at the head stations of about half the Zillahs in the Bengal and Agra presidencies; and the first thing to be done is, to establish similar institutions in the remaining forty Zillahs. At the average rate of 250 rupees per mensem for each seminary, this would require an annual addition to the fund of 120,000 rupees, or about ₤12,000 a-year.


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 gardens, and I watched for a while the lamplighter picking out the shape of the canal, that widened just above the bridge into a lake with an island in the middle. After that I must have wandered in a circle, for later on I found myself back in the same spot, though I do not suppose I had passed a dozen people on my way; and then I set to work to find my way back to Paddington.

I thought I had taken the road by which I had come, but the half light must have deceived me. Not that it mattered. They had a lurking mystery about them, these silent streets with their suggestion of hushed movement behind drawn curtains, of whispered voices behind the flimsy walls. Occasionally there would escape the sound of laughter, suddenly stifled as it seemed, and once the sudden cry of a child.

It was in a short street of semi-detached villas facing a high blank wall that, as I passed, I saw a blind move half-way up, revealing a woman's face. A gas lamp, the only one the street possessed, was nearly opposite. I thought at first it was the face of a girl, and then, as I looked again, it might have been the face of an old woman. One


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 suit light purses, a landlady keeps liquors and lasses, both tending to the same end and serving for the same purposes. Here the liquors are like the secret entrance of the lottery-office, a means of deceiving the spy: the shamefaced lover enters, under the pretext of taking a glass of wine, and is doubly poisoned. It is to this sort of blind coffee-shop that the refuse of prostitutes crowd, and heap their favours on the beastly drunkard, or make terms with the poverty of their customer. More than one ci-devant beauty, now reduced to her calico petticoat, her coarse apron, and wooden shoes,—unless she prefer philosophes, (shoes of fifteen, twenty, or twenty-five pence,) here boasts of the tradition, almost forgotten, though recent, of those charms which procured for her the cachemere and splendid veil which she displayed in the cavalcades of Montmorency, or else in the elegant tilbury which convened her to Bagatelle. I have seen many of these vicissitudes, and to give one of the million examples, there was a friend of Emilie, named Caroline, who had been the mistress of a Russian prince. In her days of splendour, a hundred thousand crowns a year did not pay the expenses of her establishment; she had equipages, horses, lackeys, courtiers; she had been very handsome, but her beauty had entirely faded. She was Emilie's companion, and even more degraded than her. Constantly muddled by liquor, she never had a lucid interval. The lady of the house, who provided her attire, for Caroline had no longer a rag of her own, watched her as closely as a cat does a mouse, lest she should sell her clothes. A hundred times she had been found at some low hole of vice naked as a worm; she had drankdrunk [sic] away every article of dress, even to her chemise. Such is the sad condition of these wretched creatures, almost all of whom have had, at one time of their lives, a run of good luck: after having the means of literally rolling in money, they feel the want of a crust to stop the cravings of hunger, and those palates, on which the delicacies of Tortoni palled, find a relish in the pota-


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 could not distinguish the colouring. In any case, the cold, blue gaslight would have made it seem pallid.

The remarkable feature was the eyes. It might have been, of course, that they alone caught the light and held it, rendering them uncannily large and brilliant. Or it might have been that the rest of the face was small and delicate, out of all proportion to them. She may have seen me, for the blind was drawn down again, and I passed on.

There was no particular reason why, but the incident lingered with me. The sudden raising of the blind, as of the curtain of some small theatre, the barely furnished room coming dimly into view, and the woman standing there, close to the footlights, as to my fancy it seemed. And then the sudden ringing down of the curtain before the play had begun. I turned at the corner of the street. The blind had been drawn up again, and I saw again the slight, girlish figure silhouetted against the side panes of the bow window.

At the same moment a man knocked up against me. It was not his fault. I had stopped abruptly, not giving him time to


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 avoid me. We both apologised, blaming the darkness. It may have been my fancy, but I had the feeling that, instead of going on his way, he had turned and was following me. I waited till the next corner, and then swung round on my heel. But there was no sign of him, and after a while I found myself back in the Edgware Road.

Once or twice, in idle mood, I sought the street again, but without success; and the thing would, I expect, have faded from my memory, but that one evening, on my way home from Paddington, I came across the woman in the Harrow Road. There was no mistaking her. She almost touched me as she came out of a fishmonger's shop, and unconsciously, at the beginning, I found myself following her. This time I noticed the turnings, and five minutes' walking brought us to the street. Half a dozen times I must have been within a hundred yards of it. I lingered at the corner. She had not noticed me, and just as she reached the house a man came out of the shadows beyond the lamp-post and joined her.

I was due at a bachelor gathering that evening, and after dinner, the affair being


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 fresh in my mind, I talked about it. I am not sure, but I think it was in connection with a discussion on Maeterlinck. It was that sudden lifting of the blind that had caught hold of me. As if, blundering into an empty theatre, I had caught a glimpse of some drama being played in secret. We passed to other topics, and when I was leaving a fellow guest asked me which way I was going. I told him, and, it being a fine night, he proposed that we should walk together. And in the quiet of Harley Street he confessed that his desire had not been entirely the pleasure of my company.

"It is rather curious," he said, "but today there suddenly came to my remembrance a case that for nearly eleven years I have never given a thought to. And now, on top of it, comes your description of that woman's face. I am wondering if it can be the same."

"It was the eyes," I said, "that struck me as so remarkable."

"It was the eyes that I chiefly remember her by," he replied. "Would you know the street again?"

We walked a little while in silence.


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 "It may seem, perhaps, odd to you," I answered, "but it would trouble me, the idea of any harm coming to her through me. What was the case?"

"You can feel quite safe on that point," he assured me. "I was her counsel—that is, if it is the same woman. How was she dressed?"

I could not see the reason for his question. He could hardly expect her to be wearing the clothes of eleven years ago.

"I don't think I noticed," I answered. "Some sort of a blouse, I suppose." And then I recollected. "Ah, yes, there was something uncommon," I added. "An unusually broad band of velvet, it looked like, round her neck."

"I thought so," he said. "Yes. It must be the same."

We had reached Marylebone Road, where our ways parted.

"I will look you up to-morrow afternoon, if I may," he said. "We might take a stroll round together."

He called on me about half-past five, and we reached the street just as the one solitary gas-lamp had been lighted. I pointed out


text:
Author talk:Audley B. Wells

Looking at vital and secondary records, they only mention Audley Wells, or Audley B. Wells, or Audley Lyon.

title: Author talk:Audley B. Wells


text:
Author talk:Harold Saylor De Lay

= sources=

WWI
Name 	Harold Saylor Delay [Harold Saylor De Lay] Race 	White Birth Date 	13 May 1876 Residence Date 	1917-1918 Street Address 	878 Oak St. Residence Place 	Cook County, Illinois, USA Draft Board 	3 Physical Build 	Medium Height 	Tall Hair Color 	Brown Grey Eye Color 	Brown Spouse 	Austria Roath De Lay
 * United States, Selective Service System. World War I Selective Service System Draft Registration Cards, 1917-1918. Washington, D.C.: National Archives and Records Administration. M1509, 4,582 rolls. Imaged from Family History Library microfilm. > Registration State: Illinois; Registration County: Cook County

death
Name 	Harold Delay Age 	71 Death Date 	6 Aug 1947 Death Place 	Manhattan, New York, USA Certificate Number 	17309
 * Index to New York City Deaths 1862-1948. Indices prepared by the Italian Genealogical Group and the German Genealogy Group, and used with permission of the New York City Department of Records/Municipal Archives.

title: Author talk:Harold Saylor De Lay


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 toes of La Grève. It is in this catalogue of courtesans, that are to be found those damsels who form the delight of the paviors, messengers, and water-bearers: kept by the libertines of this laborious class, whose liberalities form their main chance, they, in their turns, when not smitten by some fencing-master, or street-singer, support the thieves, or, at least, if they are in good keeping, by way of return, they comfort them during their dungeon woes, and in the dead season of the year.

The comrade of the princess Caroline, Emilie Simonet, or madame Hotot, was one of this stamp; hers was a kind heart perverted; I met her at mother Bariole's. Mother Bariole, a good woman, if there ever was one, and as honest as it was possible in her profession, had a sort of consideration amongst the debauched beings who infest these places in double capacities; these revolting porticoes of a sanctuary, where, braving all disgust, lust and misery caress each other by turns. For nearly half a century her establishment was the providence and last refuge of those daughters of Laïs, whom the consequences of their fall from virtue, and time, so swift in his outrages, have cast headlong under the same control as the stream and the bank: it is the old seraglio, where no one must penetrate who desires to rejoice his mind by delightful images: here is no enchantress! The Armida of the Chaussée d'Antin is but a hideous trull, who, alternating between a prison and a hospital, exhausts, in her own person, the vicissitudes of a career—whose last hope must be to die on a dunghill. In this asylum, the luxury of the Rue Vivienne is superseded by the trumpery of the Temple: and she who, during the ephemeral triumph of her attractions scarcely budded, disdained the first fruits of the fashion, finds still wherewithal to deck herself in that faded finery, which, falling lower and lower, has, at length, reached the wardrobe of mother Bariole. Thus we see a broken-down prad of the hackney drag assume, with


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 pride, the harness which humiliated him in the days when his well-fed carcass formed the glory of a splendid equipage. If the comparison fails in nobleness of idea, it is just in fact.

It would be a curious history, and profitable to morality, to have the narrative of some of mother Bariole's nymphs: it might be to the purpose to add to it the biography of this venerable matron, who, placed for fifty years in the very centre of blows from fists, kicks from feet, thrusts from swords, &c., has passed through the whole period without a single scratch; the friend of the police, the friend of the thieves, the friend of the soldiery, in fact, every body's friend, she has preserved herself invulnerable in the midst of storms innumerable, and of the thousand and one battles of which she has been spectatress. Sabine or Roman when the combat commenced, woe to him who touched a hair of the mother's head! Her counter was like the holy arch, it was the neutral territory which even the flying bottles respected. This is, indeed, being loved! not one of the Sabines who would not have shed her blood for her. It was a glorious sight to see her in the morning, as they were all thronging round her to tell their dreams about the lottery; and at the approach of quarter-day, when the savings destined to pay the rent was insufficient, because the money-box had been broken open, the poor girls would work themselves ill to make up the deficit! What misery if the abbess, to satisfy her landlord, was compelled to spout her silver mugs! In what could she then warm the little sugared wine which she drank with her Swiss, or her gossip, when, chatting together, and deploring the hardship of the times, nose to nose, and with elbows on the table, they soothed their sorrows with a cup of comfort. This dear mother Bariole, how often she sent to the Mont-de-Piété for the militia of good conduct, (bureau de mœurs,) to regale them with oysters and white wine! How generous the inspectors found her, and how compassionate the thieves! The confidence of the latter


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 she never betrayed. With what interest did she listen to the wailings of those who were out of work, and, tending a sprat to catch a herring, if she augured well of the fortune of any one of them, under the guise of friendship she handed over the cup of consolation; nay, even the creature on tick, if the unemployed cracksman was likely soon to be flush. "Work, my children," she said to the labourers of all classes, "to be welcome to me you must always be doing." She did not advise the soldiery in the same way, but gained their affections by attentions that were endless; she cursed the police with them, and to perfect their pleasure, in case of a disturbance, she never sent for the guard until the last extremity. She detested colonels, captains, adjutants, sub-lieutenants, in fact, all epaulettes; but then she doated on worsted lace, and nothing could equal her affection for subalterns in general, and particularly those who were well-looking: she was a mother to them all. "Ah, my darling!" I have heard her often say, "when you return with the serjeant you will be a major."

"Yes, mother Bariole, and between the hours of parade the house shall be merry."

Maman Bariole is still alive, but since I am not now called on to visit her, I know not if her establishment be supported on the same system. At the time I knew her, she had all the love for me which a spy could ever have expected from her. She was delighted when I asked for Emilie Simonet, who was her favourite. Mother Bariole thought I was about to throw the handkerchief in her harem.

"You cannot ask me for any one whom I would more readily give to you."

"Is she, then, your favourite?"

"What do you mean? I like women who take care of their children: if she had put them out of the way, I would never have looked at her again. Those poor little things did not ask to be born: why should not Christians have as much natural affection as animals?


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 cromancer exhorted us once more to ask the spectre, and one of my neighbours took courage to question him. "Who art thou?" asked he with a faltering voice. "Godfried Burger," answered the phantom, in a hollow woeful accent.

"May thy daughter marry Anthony Smith?"

"No! no!" replied the apparition, gave a deep hollow groan, and shook his head in a ghastly manner.

"Why not?" resumed my neighbour.

The phantom shuddered, lifting up his hands in a menacing manner, staggered back, and, when disappearing, added in a most rueful accent,

"He is her brother!"


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Page:Raymond Augustine McGowan - Bolshevism in Russia and America (1920).pdf/17

 Rh owners. Since then the State has made great efforts to encourage deposits in its own banks, allowing 3 per cent interest on savings.

The result in the banking field has been to divide it between the State and the voluntary coöperatives. This in itself is a compromise on Socialism, while the other compromise, 3 per cent. interest on savings, is even more fundamental.

Between the downfall of the Tsar and the Soviet Revolution, nearly eight months intervened. During that period, the city workmen were taking over, one by one, the industries in which they worked, and were trying to manage them through local work councils, very often without the help of technical experts. The Bolsheviki at their accession to power, encouraged this anarchy for a time, but when their power was considered not too insecure, they changed the system, and the local works council began to give way before centralized State direction of nationalized industries.

A Supreme Board of National Economy was established to direct the larger movements of production, distribution, and finance. Under the Supreme Board were established organizations charged with the direction of particular industries. These are called Centros and there are about sixty of them. Almost all large and medium-sized industries have been nationalized and have been taken over by the Central Government from the former owners without compensation and are being directed by the Central Government. The Centros, which direct industry, have become, even in a short time, very bureaucratic, employing a great many clerks possessed of much power.


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 His face was darker, thinner, and paler than it was wont to be; his dress was a horseman's cloak, and hat looped down over his face; his expression was like that he wore on that dreadful morning when he was examined by Claverhouse at Tilletudlem. Ask your sister, ask Lady Emily, if she did not see him as well as I.—I know what has called him up—he came to upbraid me, that, while my heart was with him in the deep and dead sea, I was about to give my hand to another. My Lord, it is ended between you and me—be the consequences what they will, she cannot marry whose union disturbs the repose of the dead."

"Good Heaven!" said Evandale, as he paced the room, half mad himself with surprise and vexation, her fine understanding must be totally overthrown, and that by the effort which she has made to comply with my ill-timed, though well-meant, request. Without rest and attention her health is ruined for ever."


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 At this moment the door opened, and Halliday, who had been Lord Evandale's principal, personal attendant since they both left the Guards on the Revolution, stumbled into the room with a counternance as, pale and ghastly as terror could paint it.

"What is the matter next, Halliday?" cried his master, starting up. "Any discovery of the"

He had just recollection sufficient to stop short in the midst of the dangerous sentence.

"No, sir," said Halliday, "it is not that, nor any thing like that; but I have seen a ghost!"

"A ghost!, you eternal idiot!" said Lord Evandale, forced altogether out of his patience. "Has all mankind sworn to go mad in order to drive me so?—What ghost, you simpleton?"

"The ghost of Henry Morton, the whig captain at Bothwell Bridge," replied Halli-


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Page:Raymond Augustine McGowan - Bolshevism in Russia and America (1920).pdf/18

 18 Over a factory stands a high-salaried manager, sometimes the old owner or the former manager, again a new man, who is often a foreigner. These labor directors are, as Lenin says, dictators in the factory during the working hours. With them stand the much weakened works council of the workers, the chief duty of which is to apply locally the national regulations regarding the conditions of labor.

The national regulations regarding labor have also changed. It was the earlier policy to pay all the same wages. Later this was changed in two ways. Workers are now divided into 27 classes, the lowest class receiving 600 rubles a month, and the highest, 2,200 rubles. Piece rate and premiums have also been introduced.

Strikes. are prohibited and compulsory work is the rule. The bringing about of greater production and the prevention of loafing is a problem of administration, placed first in the hands of the local Soviets. Violators of the labor discipline. "should be discovered, tried and punished without mercy." That is to say, those, for example, who offend against the regulations regarding compulsory work, or who strike, will be seized, tried, and mercilessly punished.

The safeguard to industrial democracy in all this, according to Lenin, is to be found in the holding of meetings by the workers after their work is over. The local workers' assemblies and councils are the saving point for the time, and will become of greater importance and value when the "labor discipline" develops, as Lenin says, the new Socialist spirit.

Thus the local meetings or works' councils, as the nucleus of the future industrial democracy and as the 'chief organ for the enforcement of the present autocracy, become 6f great present importance. Lenin called out to the local conscious-vanguard to enforce the labor discipline locally. That means that he asked the help of the


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 day." He passed by me like a fire flaught when I was in the garden!"

"This is mid-summer madness," said Lord Evandale, "or there is some strange villainy afloat.—Jenny, attend your Lady to her chamber, while I endeavour to find a clew to all this."

But Lord. Evandale's enquiries were in vain. Jenny, who might have given (had she chosen) a very satisfactory explanation, had an interest to leave the matter in darkness; and interest was a matter which now weighed principally with Jenny, since the possession of an active and affectionate busband in her own proper right had altogether allayed her spirit of coquetry. She had made the best use of the first moments of confusion hastily to remove all traces of any one having slept in the apartment adjoining to the parlour, and even to erase the mark of footsteps beneath the window through which she conjectured Morton's face had been seen while at


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 "Night surrounded us, the Necromancer pushed the window open, and the tapers began again to burn. Now I could breathe again, and looking anxiously around, beheld my poor child stretched on the floor in a fainting fit: The unhappy girl recovered soon, but, alas! her reason was gone. We were seized by the chilly hand of horror when we beheld her roving like a frantic person, wringing her hands, in a grisly manner, tearing her dishevelled hair, and beating her breast in an agony of despair. A burning fever had disordered her mind, and, alas! after three days she was no more! Wild despair drove her lover into the wide world, and heaven knows whether he is still alive, or has fallen a victim of his wretched fate. I am a poor disconsolate mother, and haunted by the agonizing pangs of a tormenting conscience, can find neither rest nor comfort here below; the spirit of my poor child, murdered, by my consent to that wicked infernal transaction, hovers constantly before my bewildered


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 tempting, ere he left the garden, to gain one look at her whom he had so long loved, and was now on the point of losing for ever. That he had passed Halliday in the garden was equally clear; and she learned from her elder boy, whom she had employed to have the stranger's horse saddled and ready for his departure, that he had rushed into the stable, thrown the child a guinea, and, mounting his horse, ridden with fearful rapidity down towards the Clyde. The secret was, therefore, in their own family, and Jenny was resolved it should remain

"For, to be sure," she said, "although her lady and Halliday kenn'd Mr Morton by broad daylight, that was nae reason I suld own to kenning him in the gloaming and by candle-light, and him keeping his face frae Cuddie and me a' the time."

So she stood resolutely upon the negative when examined by Lord Evandale. As for Halliday, he could only say, that as he entered the garden-door, the supposed ap-


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 parition met him walking swiftly, and with a visage on which anger and grief appeared to be contending.

"He knew him well," he said, "having been repeatedly guard upon him, and obliged to write down his marks of stature and visage in case of escape. And there were few faces like Mr Morton's."

But what should make him haunt the country where he was neither hanged nor shot, he, the said Halliday, did not pretend to conceive.

Lady Emily confessed she had seen the face of a man at the window, but her evidence went no farther. John Gudyill deponed nil novit in causa. He had left his gardening to get his morning dram just at the time when the apparition had taken place. Lady Emily's servant was waiting orders in the kitchen, and there was not another being within a quarter of a mile of the house.

Lord Evandale returned perplexed and dissatisfied in the highest degree, at behold-


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 ing a plan which he thought necessary not less for the protection of Edith in contingent circumstances, than for the assurance of his own happiness, and which he had brought so very near perfection, thus broken off without any apparent or rational cause. His knowledge of Edith's character set her beyond the suspicion of covering any capricious change of determination by a pretended vision. But he would have set the apparition down to the influence of an overstrained imagination, agitated by the circumstances in which she had so suddenly been placed, had it not been for the coinciding testimony of Halliday, who had no reason for thinking of Morton more than any other person, and knew nothing of Miss Bellenden's vision when he promulgated his own. On the other hand, it seemed in the highest degree improbable that Morton, so long and so vainly sought after, and who was, with such good reason, supposed to be lost when the Vryheid of Rotterdam went down with


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 Rh local Bolsheviki in the factories and on the railroads to stand behind the party, and direct the rest of the workers in their meetings. Local Bolshevik leadership was not very difficult to obtain, for the State controlled the jobs of the workers, their livelihood, and their very lives. Opposition to "the labor discipline" must not come out too boldly. As a result, local works' councils generally are Bolshevik in character. For example, in one section of Moscow in a number of factories there are 16,000 employees. But only 687 of them are Bolshevik party members and sympathizers, whi1e the works' councils are, as a rule, composed of members of this small minority.

The composition of these works' councils or Soviets indicates the kind of representatives sent to the Capitol—shows how false is the political democracy of Russia, even abstracting from the anti-democratic electoral laws. And since these works' councils are the present slight apparatus of industrial democracy, their composition proves also that Russia has not industrial democracy. Lenin recognizes that neither political nor industrial democracy rules in Russia. He hopes, however, that under the stress of revolution and necessity, such a spirit will spread among the Russian people as to develop true industrial and political democracy out of the dictatorship of the class-conscious vanguard of the militant proletariat, and out of the dictatorship of experts and Bolshevik works' councils in industrial life.

The labor unions early merged themselves into the Bolsheviki State, their activity centering itself in sending members to the Board of National Economy, and in giving advice to the Commissars and the heads of the Centros. No information is at hand concerning the party affiliation of the leaders of the Trade Unions and the position of the rank and file, except in isolated cases and from indirect reports, but it is, no doubt, similar to


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 20 the situation among the Moscow works’ councils. The party controls the State and the works’ councils; it would also attempt to control the union organization.

All reports that come out of Russia unite in declaring that Russian industry is most inefficient. Apologists say that this is to be expected of a country isolated from the rest of the world and industrially backward. But it is also to be expected of a country which has passed from the industrial autocracy of the days of the Tsar to the anarchy. of 1917 and the industrial autocracy of Bolshevik. dictatorship. Still, whatever the cause, the fact stands. Industries generally are being subsidized by the State. This may be good policy for industries essential to the conduct of war, but for other industries it spells economic bankruptcy. There is no need of itemizing the very low efficiency of Russian industry; it is well known and admitted. One observer has recently said that the only nationalized industries in Russia which have not utterly failed are the war industries.

Recently it is reported that a part of the Red Army, which is composed of members of the vanguard of the Bolsheviks, is to be changed from fighting to labor units. This is a new measure to bring about the "reorganization of national economy,” and prevent the vast unemployment consequent upon a demobilization of the Red Guard. But it remains to be seen what success will be met.

Besides the nationalized and State-controlled industries, there are also a great many small industries which have remained in the hands of individuals or coöperative societies. The coöperative societies of producers have been very successful. Moreover, the cottage industries, carried on by the peasants in their homes during the long winter months, have grown and have formed flourishing coöperative socities for the purchase of materials and the sale of finished goods. Some of the factories of the old


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Rh unless they felt they could count on Soviet support and that we could bring great economic pressure to bear on the Chinese through our allies. While expressing the opinion that Hanoi's renunciation of the Viet Cong would "take the heart out of the Insurgency," he indicated doubt that elimination of North Vietnam's. industrial targets would have much of an adverse impact on it. Moreover, the Secretary acknowledged the possibility that such an act "would have forfeited the 'hostage' which we hold in the North...without markedly affecting the fight against the Viet Cong, at least in the short run."

The major immediate outcome of the meeting was a decision to go ahead with the suggestion to arrange for the visit of a third country interlocutor to Hanoi. On 30 April, Secretary Rusk visited Ottawa and obtained an agreement from the Canadian Government to include such a mission among the instructions for its new I.C.C. representative. According to the agreement, the new official, J. Blair Seaborn, would: (1) try to determine Ho's attitude toward Chinese support, whether or not he feels over-extended, and his aims in South Vietnam; (2) stress U.S. determination to see its objectives in South Vietnam achieved; (3) emphasize the limits of U.S. aims in Southeast Asia and that it vented no permanent bases or installations there; and (4) convey U.S. willingness to assist forth Vietnam with its economic problems. Other results of the Saigon meeting consisted of a variety of actions recommended by Secretary Rusk. Of these, only four were related to the issue of military pressures against North Vietnam. These were recommendations to (1) engage "more flags" in efforts directly supporting the GVN; (2) deploy a carrier task force to establish a permanent U.S, naval presence at Can Ranh Bay; (3) initiate anti-Junk operations that would "inch northward" along the Vietnam coast; and (4) enlist SEATO countries in an effort to isolate the RV from economic or cultural relations with the Free World.

D. Conflict of Short and Long Term Views: Caution Prevails

During the last week of April and the early weeks of May, the contention between those urging prompt measures and those counseling a deliberate, cautious pacing of our actions continued. For example, Walt Roston urged Secretary Rusk to consider how difficult it would be to rake a credible case in support of actions to force Hanoi's adherence to the Geneva Accords if political deterioration took place in Laos and South Vietnam. Predicting such an eventuality in the coming months, he implied that the necessary actions should be taken soon. 64/ Similarly, Ambassador Lodge continued to advocate prompt implementation of his carrot and stick approach including, if VC provocations warranted, a well-tired repriss just prior to Commissioner Seaborn's arrival in Hanoi. These views were communicated to Secretary McNamara and Willian Sullivan during their visit to Saigon 12-13 May, and confirmed in a cable to the President three days later.

The JCS commented on the final version of the State-ISA political-military scenarios and criticized them for not including the more immediate actions requested in NSA 288: namely, border control and retaliatory Rh


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Page:Raymond Augustine McGowan - Bolshevism in Russia and America (1920).pdf/21

 Rh régime have been bought up by the coöperatives and are being run on the coöperative principles.

The industrial situation. under Bolshevism may be summarized in some such fashion as this: Nearly all capitalistic industries have been confiscated and are being directed by the State under the local dictatorship of appointed managers. The workers must not strike, must work, and must work well; local works' council, controlled by the militant vanguard in the factory and reënforced by the State; will mercilessly punish any infractions of the rules. Piece work, etc., have been introduced; wages are determined by the State. The efficiency of the nationalized industries is very low. Along side of the nationalized industries are coöperative factories, and coöperative associations of the peasants conducting cottage industries. These are very successful. Such a summary shows that Russia is not yet a Socialist society, as far as industrial production is concerned, and that it allows only slight control by the workers in their factories. The best name for the relation of men to their work is_that they are now under a dictatorship—the combined dictatorship of the State, the local manager, and the Bolshevik Works' Council. There appears to be far less industrial democracy than even political democracy.

Nor is the Socialist aim of common ownership of the means of distribution carried out any more fully than common ownership of the means of production. Food rationing and particularly the rationing of bread through the grain monopoly is practiced extensively in the cities. But private traders or "speculators," whom the Bolshevik State and the coöperative stores equally attack, still distribute most of the supplies. The coöperative stores distribute much more than the State. Norman Hapgood says that they distribute over a quarter of the necessities


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 fancy; my peace is gone for ever; I dare not to pray to the supreme ruler of the world, for comfort and mercy, though he who dwelleth in heaven knows that I reluctantly consented to that wicked transaction, for no other reason but to promote the happiness of my murdered child, murdered by her own mother, who ought to have been her guardian angel! O! God of mercy, what! what will become of me, when I shall be called to the tribunal of the All-seeing! when I shall behold her standing before the Supreme Judge, and hear her accuse me in the face of heaven as her murderer? How shall I, how can I answer the stern questions of him, who has entrusted her to my care, to watch with a mother's tenderness, over her life and happiness? I tremble, seized with chilly horror, when my frantic mind anticipates that awful moment, when he who sitteth on the throne of majesty shall, with the voice of thunder, say unto me, wretch! who hast cruelly murdered thy child, depart from me into ever-


text:
Author talk:Clara Powers Wilson

= sources =

obituary
Name 	Clara Powers Wilson [Clara Powers Herrera] Gender 	Female Residence Place 	Rancho Chico Death Date 	Abt 1972 Obituary Date 	1 Jun 1972 Obituary Place 	Corpus Christi, Texas, USA Newspaper Title 	Corpus Christi Times Father 	Jesus Herrera Child Siblings Jesus Herrera Santana Herrera Gabriela Herrera Maria Fernanda Herrera Marta Margarita Herrera
 * Corpus Christi Times; Publication Date: 1 Jun 1972; Publication Place: Corpus Christi, Texas, USA; URL: https://www.newspapers.com/image/759268657/?article=0b50fbf2-7821-4d22-9491-7aa10820cded&focus=0.6963772,0.06624719,0.95380336,0.28961185&xid=3355
 * William Carroll
 * Richard Vidal

death
Name 	Clara Powers Wilson Gender 	Female Race 	White Death Age 	102 Birth Date 	20 Jul 1869 Birth Place 	Adrian, Michigan Residence Date 	Abt 1972 Residence Place 	Corpus Christi, Nueces, Texas, USA Death Date 	30 May 1972 Death Place 	Corpus Christi, Nueces, Texas, USA Father Edward E Powers Certificate Number 	38491
 * Texas Department of State Health Services; Austin Texas, USA; Texas Death Certificates, 1903–1982

family tree
Clara Lucetta Powers Spouse	Louis William Wilson Father	Edward Elijah Powers Mother	Powers Children	Edward White Birth	20 Jul 1874 Adrian, Lenawee, Michigan, USA Death	30 May 1972 Corpus Christi, Nueces, Texas, USA Residence	Abt 1898 Jefferson, Fairfax, Virginia, USA
 * Gwilt/Carroll/Wilson/Powers

title: Author talk:Clara Powers Wilson


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 22 used by the Russian people, while the Central Government has been supplying only 1½ or 2 per cent. of their needs. An attempt was made to turn the coöperative stores into State concerns, but the attempt failed except with the labor coöperatives. No doubt another attempt will be made, but the probability is that it will meet with the same opposition as before.

It is not new to anyone that Marxian Socialism is joined to hate of religion. Bakunin, the other theorist of the Russian revolution, was graduated in atheism in the school of Marx. Before the revolution, the program of the Bolshevik party called for separation of the Church and State and separation of the Church and School. Their seizure of power gave them their opportunity.

Among their decrees is to be found the following: "All the properties of the existing church and religious societies are declared national property. Buildings and articles designed for religious services are, by special decision of the local or central authorities, given for free use by corresponding religious societies." This decree took from the churches and religious societies not only their lands, but also their church buildings, schools, monasteries, hospitals, and asylums. It gives to men who hate religion and despise it, the power of forbidding public religious service. It attempts to put the Church under the complete control of the State. A later order tempered the certain rigor of the law by advising officials not to offend the feelings of the religious. Religious oaths are also forbidden in the courts and no sign of religion is allowed to appear in the Government. The net effect is to make the State an atheist State and place


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 Rh even the right to use the churches and hold pU8lic services in the hands of State officials, who, though despising religion, are advised not to be too severe.

Another law forbids "the teaching of religion in all State and public, as well as in private, educational establishments in which general subjects are taught." By virtue of this decree even parochial schools, such as we have in this country, are forbidden.

The Soviet laws on marriage and divorce give further ground for the charge that Socialism is opposed to Christian marriage and the home. The only valid marriage ceremony in Russia is a civil marriage; a religious marriage is not considered a marriage. Marriage is contracted by merely signing a statement that it is being contracted voluntarily and that no legal impediments are present. When the marriage is recorded, it is legally effective. The divorce law is in keeping with the kind of marriage allowed by the State. It is very lax. All that is necessary is for either the husband or wife to want a divorce. A divorce may be obtained through mutual consent by merely having a record of the divorce made. If only one of the parties wants a divorce, the local court gives it, and either at the time of the divorce or in a later civil suit decides on the care of the children. Alimony is allowed the wife if she cannot work.

These two laws lead to moral degeneracy. They give color to the old accusation against Socialism that it stands for "free love." The border of "free love" is reached in Bolshevik Russia.

From this, some idea of Bolshevism may be learned. Bolshevism is a kind of Socialism that considers it neces-


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At the Saigon meeting, the concerns of the local officials for initiating some immediate measures to relieve the situation, in South Vietnam came into conflict with the longer-range scenario approach. Ambassador Lodge "questioned the wisdom both of massive publicity and of massive destruction actions before a well-planned and well executed diplomatic attempt had been made to persuade WVN, to call off the VC." He went on to propose communicating to Hanoi, through a third-country "interlocutor." our intent to embark on a stick program," combining the threat of increasing air strikes with the granting of some assistance to the DRV. His supporting rationale explicitly cautioned that the VC. reaction to large-scale measures against the North might be violent and damaging to the South Vietnamese economy. More significant may have been the fact that the "large-scale measures" proposed in the scenario came quite late in the second stage, a stage that may not have been entered -- at least for some time.

What the Ambassador had in mind regarding a carrot and stick approach was not entirely new. It had first been proposed in his memorandum to Governor Harriman on 30 October 1963. It was raised again in cables to the White House on 20 February and 15 March 1964. Initially proposed in the context of a scheme to encourage the neutrality of North Vietnam, the carrot and stick concept envisioned a secret contact with Hanoi at which an ultimatum would be delivered demanding the DRV's cessation of support for the VC insurgency. Rewards for compliance would include our making available food imports, to help alleviate the known shortages affecting Nor Vietnan in late 1963 (and early '64). In the case of non-compliance, we would undertake previously threatened punitive strikes to which we would not admit publicly. What was new in the proposal of 19 April were: (1) the suggestion for using a third country Intermediary and (2) that one element of the "carrot" might be our pledge to withdraw some U.S. personnel from South Vietnam. The latter suggestion was criticized by Willian Bundy on the basis that we didn't yet know how many and what types of American military personnel were needed in South Vietnam. Lodge countered with the comment that "it would be very hard indeed for Ho Chi Minh to provide a salable package for his own people and for other communist nations unless we can do something that Hanoi can point to, even though it would riot be a real concession on our part."

The ensuing discussion, on a variety of points, provided an indication of some of Secretary Rusk's paramount concerns, which may shed important light on later policy decisions. For example, he sought opinions on the likely VII reaction to a Geneva Conference specifically for Laos. In another context, he stated "his concern that the extent of infiltration and other provisions of support from the North be proven to the satisfaction of our own public, of our allies, and of the neutralists." During a discussion of the availability of other Asian troops to fight in Vietnam, Secretary Rusk stated, "that we are not going to take on the sasses of Red Ching with our limited manpower in a conventional war." He also stated the opinion that the Chinese would not opt to intervene militarily Rh


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 lasting fire, prepared for the devil and his angels!—Alas! I feel already within my breast, the worm that shall never die, and the fire that shall not be quenched."

Having thus given vent to her grief, she tore her hair in wild agony, beating her breast, and the tears of sorrow trickled down her cheeks—she appeared a grisly ghastly figure.

Her narrative, though incredible in the highest degree, made an unspeakable impression on me. I beheld the poor disconsolate mother, standing before me in an agony of unutterable grief; saw the briny tears of her who had with her own eyes witnessed the apparition, and heard her bemoan her unhappy child.

Having mused awhile on these dreadful events, I felt an ardent desire to unfold the mystery hanging over that wonderful trans-


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 24 sary for those who want Socialism to gain complete political power before the first step towards Socialism can be taken. Moreover, it holds that the only way to gain political power is for those who believe in Socialism to seize it, and not try to obtain it by a political election. All the tactics preceding the seizure of political power, are to be directed to that end; elections, strikes, etc., are all to be used, not for any immediate benefit that might be obtained from them, but as propaganda for the "dictatorship of the proletariat." When political power is obtained, the Government is fashioned:

1. To exclude all but the workers, soldiers, and, the traders and farmers who hire no labor and live by their work;

2. To diminish the influence of all but the propertyless city workmen and the poorest farmers;

3. To give the greater electoral power to the city workmen;

4. To concentrate the electoral power in the hands of the more zealous believers in the Bolshevist program;

5. And to hand over the real political power to the leaders.

Terrorism and civil war are necessary to keep the political power and will be prosecuted as strenuously as is thought necessary. The political power is to be used to usher in common ownership of the means of production and distribution, but this can only be reached after a measurably slow process, filled with fundamental compromises on Socialism. When property is nationalized, it is confiscated. Nor is it too much to include as basic in Bolshevism the spirit of the S9viet Republic's laws on religion, marriage, and divorce.

The element of Bolshevism, however, which differentiates it from ordinary Socialism, is its tactics. Bolshevism considers that the first step towards common ownership is the revolutionary seizure of political power by those who want Socialism.


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of being able to renew the insurrections in South Vietnam and Laos at a later date. There would nevertheless be a significant danger that they would fight, believing that the U.S. would still not be willing to undertake a major ground war, or that if it was, it could ultimately be defeated by the methods which were successful against the French."

In its discussion of the problem of compelling Hanoi to halt the VC insurgency, the national estimate emphasized that this depended on affecting the will of the DRV leaders. It stressed that the measures called for in the scenario "would not seriously affect communist capabilities to continue that insurrection," stating that "the primary sources of communist strength in South Vietnam are indigenous." On the other hand, it predicted that withdrawal of material assistance from North Vietnam would badly hurt the Pathet Lao capability. Because of the crucial importance of Hanoi's will, the estimate argued that the DR "must understand that although the U.S. is not seeking the destruction of the DR regime, the U.S. is fully prepared to bring ascending pressures to bear to persuade Hanoi to reduce the insurrections." But, while comprehending U.S. purposes in the early phase of the scenario actions, they may "tend increasingly to doubt the limited character of U.S. aims" as the scale of the attacks increases. The report adds:

""Similarly, the retaliatory measures which Hanoi might take in Laos and South Vietnam night make it increasingly difficult for the U.S. to regard its objectives as attainable by limited means. Thus difficulties of comprehension might increase on both sides as the scale of action mounted.""

C. Rejection of Scenario: "Use Force if Necessary"

At its meeting on 25 May, the ExCom apparently decided not to retain the scenario approach in the courses of action it would recommend to the President. At least, it abandoned the time-phasing aspects of the series of actions contained in the scenario proposal, and it made explicit its purpose not to embark on a series of moves "aimed at the use of force as an end in itself." The available evidence is far from conclusive on the reasons why the scenario approach was cast aside, but it seems clear that the potential. for entering into an escalating conflict in which our limited objectives might become obscured weighed heavily in the decision.

In addition to the evidence already cited, a strong indication of the ExCom's desire. to avoid the possibility of escalation is contained in the draft memorandum prepared for President Johnson, as a result of the 25 May meeting. In this memorandum, it was recommended that the President decide:

"...that the U.S. will use selected and carefully graduated military force against North Vietnam, under the following conditions: (1) after appropriate diplomatic and political warning and preparation, (2) and unless such warning and preparation - in combination with other efforts -- should produce a sufficient improvement of non-Connunist prospects in South Vietnam and in Laos to make military action against North Vietnam unnecessary." Rh


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 Rh Bolshevik Russia, by its disregard of property rights, its subjection of religion, and the profligacy of its marriage laws, has offended grievously against the moral law. Bolshevik Russia has confiscated property at its convenience. It has placed the practice of religion at the discretion of men who hate religion, fear it, and despise it as superstition. And finally, Bolshevik Russia has blasted away the foundations of marriage, family, and the home; if has dealt a death blow at social and individual we1fare.

The chief books on Bolshevism in Russia used in this pamphlet are the following:


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Rh (D-Day) launch first strikes (see Attachment C** for targets). Initially, mine their ports, and strike forth Vietnan's transport and related ability (bridges, trains) to move south; and then against targets which have maximum psychological. effect on the North's willingness to stop insurgency -- FOL storage, selected airfields, barracks/training areas, bridges, railroad yards, port facilities, communications, and end industries. Initially, these strikes would be by South Vietnamese aircraft; they could then be expanded by adding FARMGATE, or U.S. aircraft, or any combination of them.

16. (D-Day) call for conference on Vietnam (and go to UI). State the limited objective: Not to overthrow the North Vietnamese regime nor to destroy the country, but to stop DRV-directed Viet Cong terrorism and end resistance to pacification efforts in the South. Essential that it be made clear that attacks on the North kill continue ( i.e ., no cease-fire) until (a) terrorism, armed attacks, and armed resistance to pacification efforts in the South stop, and (b) communications on the networks out of the North are conducted entirely in uncoded form."

The scenario was circulated among members of the ExCom and discussed during their meetings of 24 and 25 May. Apparently, modifications were made in the course of these meetings, as negotiations in the SecDef files indicate scenario versions of 24, 25 and 26 May. In addition to the assessments that accompanied the scenario proposal, the discussants had available to them an estimate of likely consequences of the proposed action prepared by the Board of National Estimates, CIA, with state and DIA assistance, and concurred in by the U.S. Intelligence Board.

The national estimate agreed essentially with the proposal's assessment of Soviet and Chinese reactions and concluded that Hanoi's would vary with the intensity of the U.S./GVN actions. The national intelligence boards believed that Hanoi "would order the Viet Cong and Pathet Lao to refrain from dramatic new attacks, and night reduce the level of the insurrections for the moment" in response to U.S. force deployments or CV-USAF/FARMGATE attacks. The expected DRV rationale, supported by Peking and Moscow would be to bank on "a new Geneve. Conference or UN action... [to] bring a cessation of attacks" and to stabilize communist gains in Vietnam and Laos. Comunist agitation of world opinion would be employed to bring on the conference. If attacks on North Vietnam continued, the Intelligence boards saw Hanoi intensifying its political initiatives, but also possibly increasing "the tempo of the Insurrections in South Vietnam and Laos." If these tactics failed to produce a settlement "and North Vietnam began to suffer considerable destruction," the boards estimated:

""We incline to the view that [DRV leaders] would lower their terms for a negotiating outcome; they would do so in the Interests of preserving their regime and in the expectation" Rh


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 24 find the "chief inhabitant," who is judge, police and tax-gatherer in one; the book-keeper who keeps the accounts of the village, the Bramin, water-overseer and other officials exercising authority."

Communism is, psychologically, economically and morally, a return to the primitive and barbarous. Socialistic and communist writers, consequently, when they write and show that communism in any form is workable because it has worked, are bound to revert for their instances to an immature and primitive civilization, just as Marx does. What they advocate is therefore regression—in truth they become "extreme reactionaries," This return to the primitive and crude inevitably affects every department of life. It affects most vitally the "family"—the keystone of civilization.

Anthropologists are now generally agreed that man's original state was one of comparative sexual promiscuity. The earliest attempts at organization brought about the Mother Age or Matriarchy. The uncertainty of paternity resulting from sexual promiscuity naturally thrust the mother, the only known parent, into the position of prominence. Group marriage, where the men of one tribe or clan make common use of the women of another {probably the original form of exogamy) is merely a socially limited form of promiscuity. It is still based upon a form of matriarchy in which the women must be to some extent communized and the offspring become the children of the


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 Rh tribe. It represents the period antecedent to, but incompatible with, the family system, upon which all true culture and civilization rests. From the organization of society on the family basis, sprang the ideas and customs of property and inheritance. Hence was developed the father's care for his progeny, and his sense of responsibility for their future welfare, even after his decease. The development of these sentiments caused enormous strides to be made in the progress and welfare of the race; it lengthened men’s Visions, and induced them to subordinate present pleasure to future racial welfare.

All communists in their mad desire for a return to the primitive (clearly to be distinguished from a desire for simplification, which might indeed be a great step forward) sooner or later have to direct their attacks against the family system, which they seek to undermine. Every attempt at communism that has ever taken place, has, logically enough, sought to establish a communisation of women. The idea of community of wives appears in Plato's Republic, and Dante makes a brief reference in the "Inferno" to a friar, Dolcino, who, in 1305, led a company of some 3,000 men and women into the mountains of Lombardy. They lived by depredation for two years and practised community of property and wives. Their leader eventually died at the stake in Novara in 1307.

Perhaps the best known practical attempt at Communism was that made by the Perfectionists of Oneida in America in 1847. Here again, community of women was practised and taught, as an indispensable feature of communism. Appeal was made to the Bible, which teaches that in the Kingdom of Heaven, the institution of marriage, which assigns the exclusive possession of one woman


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 26 to one man, does not exist. They affirmed in words almost identical with those used by the Bolsheviks to-day—(though the latter refrain from quoting the Bible) that "there is no intrinsic difference between property in persons and property in things; and that the same spirit which abolished exclusiveness in regard to money, would abolish, if circumstances allowed full scope to it, exclusiveness in regard to women and children. St. Paul expressly places property in women and property in goods in the same category. … amativeness and acquisitiveness are only different channels of one stream."

This last observation is indeed true; and it is as absurd and unnatural to deny or to pervert the normal and beneficent expression of the one as of the other. The endeavour should be to direct both in the general interests of society. The total suppression or fanatical interference with either has always led to the most serious consequences.

It may be remarked that one of the greatest differences between these early attempts to communize women and property and the attempts made by the Bolsheviks consists in the fact that the former communists have usually been content to communize their own property and their own women. The Bolsheviks, on the other hand, while professing the same principles, have systematically appealed to the cupidity, acquisitiveness and lust of those with little or nothing to lose, by holding out to them the prospects of enrichment, at the expense of those to be dispossessed, and of acquiring their women. In the words of the decree of the Soviet of Kronsdat posted in Saratoff in East Russia and in Ekaterinberg in the beginning of 1919, "Social


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 Rh inequalities and legitimate marriages having been a condition in the past which served as an instrument in the hands of the bourgeoisie, thanks to which all the best species of all the beautiful have been the property of the bourgeoisie, the proper continuation of the human race has been prevented. All women according to this decree are exempted from private ownership, and are proclaimed to be the property of the whole nation." What, therefore, was merely voluntary promiscuity in the earlier communisms became rape in Bolshevik Russia. "Bolshevism" is in fact an extreme form of regression—of lapsing back to the primitive and undeveloped. It is the Rousseauesque retour à l'état de nature.

To realize his communistic ideals one thing Lenin saw to be absolutely necessary, the existing State and all rival classes capable of leading and governing, and with them democracy itself must be completely annihilated. And in order to attain this end all means must be adopted to undermine the existing State, all revolutionary movements encouraged, and economic depression, commercial exploitation and everything tending to produce discontent, unrest and misery, must naturally be fostered. On this subject Lenin is perfectly candid, and equally clear about the means to be adopted. The first stage is simply one of breaking up. The working classes must be incited to break up the State, and to clear away all its native leaders who stand in the way of foreign and international exploiters. Without leaders and men of integrity and superior ability, the masses are helpless and fall an easy prey to the organized invaders. Thus Lenin writes on p. 39 of his "State and Revolution," "The working class must break up, shatter the available machinery


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 28 of the State," and on p. 84, he reminds us that "it is constantly forgotten that the destruction of the State involves also the destruction of democracy." But according to Lenin, the value of democracy is instrumental. Its catch-words are good propaganda, and it constitutes a necessary phase by hastening the wrecking process, just as Capitalism has to be encouraged and hastened in order to destroy "Feudalism." He writes, "The immense significance of the struggle of the proletariat for equality, and the power of attraction of such a battle-cry are obvious, if we rightly interpret it as meaning the annihilation of classes" (p. 102)—with the exception, of course, of the Internationalists and some of their Jew friends! The attainment of a dead-level of equality by the simple method of exterminating all classes with the capacity to lead and direct, endows the confederation of secret conspirators with absolute power, when the time comes, to exert a despotism without fear of rivalry or interference.

It is clear, then, and indisputable that whatever incongruous and opportunist elements may have attached themselves to the Bolshevist cause, and whatever wholly distinct forces may have utilized the Bolsheviks for entirely different purposes of their own, there yet exists at the very core of the movement a small band of determined and fanatical theorists who genuinely believe in Communism, and who, logically enough, see that such a régime could only be established, or even attempted by (1) themselves assuming absolute power; (2) by a world-international revolution ; (3) by equalization of all national


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 Rh classes by amputation, as the only means to the consolidation of their own super-national power.

Once the ultimate objective and desideratum of the communist-internationalists is grasped, their policy and propaganda is easy to understand. That desideratum, is, in a phrase, absolute power for themselves and absolute equality and subservience for everyone else.

The first phase and objective is the smashing up and wrecking of all existing institutions and States. For this purpose all revolutionary, anarchial and disintegrative forces must be stimulated and encouraged.

The culmination of the first phase is brought to a close by the Reign of Terror, which is an essential instrument, and indispensable, in their policy for removing all rivals to their bid for absolute power.

Lenin had planned the Terror years before he assumed power, and his writings are full of the function of the bellum omnium contra omnes. Thus he wrote, "Down with the sentimental dream of peace at any price; let us raise the Standard of civil war. We Marxists have always been and continue partisans of revolutionary war against all counter-revolutionary peoples."

In this first phase of wrecking and destruction all those who have nothing at all to lose, all criminals, anarchists and homicidal maniacs will naturally rally to the call with the prospect of satisfying their lusts for licence, power, plunder, and rape. The first phase is ochlocracy. But behind the blind delirium of mob destruction works the secret organization directing it against all its enemies in order to annihilite them completely. It was Danton who said "in times of revolution authority remains with the greatest scoundrels."


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 30

The silly argument of Bolshevik apologists that the Red Terror was either: (1) the consequence of "Counter-revolutionary" movements, or (2) the excesses of a "nation of slaves," brought by long years of oppression to a pitch of exasperation that found a vent in crimes and horrors, is easily proved a base invention, for the reasons that: (1) the Terror was planned, written about and advocated, by the Bolsheviks before they came into power. (2) The tortures and massacres are arranged and executed by the "Chezvyckaikas" (extraordinary commissions for fighting counter revolution) who employ for this purpose not the ordinary peasant, but criminals, murderers and low-class Chinese mercenaries; and the peasants themselves, after the virtual extermination of that small proportion of the population which contained the "other classes," have always been the chief victims.

As apologists have so often, and still do, attempt to defend their Bolshevik or Jacobin heroes by accusing the mass of the people of the loathsome crimes which the Bolshevik leaders themselves planned, it is of interest to note the close parallels existing between the terroristic régimes of the Bolsheviks, and of the Jacobins of France in 1793. In the latter country, as Mrs. Webster remarks in her able history of the French Revolution, anarchy and terror were deliberately planned and brought about as the result of a policy long previously decided upon. "The members of the Triumvirate that headed the Mountain were agreed in regarding a period of anarchy as necessary to the realization of their vision, and were therefore content to work together in order to destroy


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 Rh existing conditions. For this purpose it was necessary to enlist the aid of the mob—that portion of the people, mainly women, who, having nothing to lose by general confusion, were ready in return for adequate remuneration to stamp and shout for each party in turn. Applauders and murderers are to be had at all prices."

A good example of the transparent absurdity of this stock argument of English white-washers of Bolshevism is provided in Lieut-Col. Malone's recent booklet, The Russian Republic. In order to try and show that the Red Government was obliged to make, and justified in making somewhat wholesale exemplary executions, because of the Allies' organised attempts to assassinate Lenin, which provoked "popular indignation," resulting in rioting and massacre, he refers to a declaration published in the Parisian Press in August, 1919, by Savinkoff, "in which he claims the credit for having organised the murder of Lenin." In view of what has already been related about the activities of Savinkoff (see § VI. p. 12), who has so admirably served the Bolshevik cause, there is a humorous irony in claiming him as working for the forces of "monarchical reaction and counter-revolution."

While it does little good to dwell on the horrors and bestialities that have been committed wholesale in Red Russia, all mention of their psychological significance cannot altogether be omitted, as they serve to give meaning to what would otherwise seem to lack explanation. It has long been known to the medical profession and to