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 had at first seen us take up the note and examine it, with perfect indifference: possibly, he might not himself recollect, just at that moment, its fatal signification; but as he observed our scrutiny more and more directed to it, his memory evidently refreshed him with its full force: his countenance changed in an instant; the muscles of his face contracted; a ghastly paleness came over him; and springing towards a drawer in which were his loaded pistols, he endeavoured to seize them; when, by an equally rapid movement, my agents and myself threw ourselves upon him, and soon deprived him of all power of resistance.

It was nearly midnight when Raoul and his wife were conducted to the prefecture;—Court arrived there a quarter of an hour afterwards. The two accomplices were separately confined. Up to this period there had been nothing but presumptive evidence against them; I therefore undertook to obtain their own confession whilst they remained in their first stupor. It was on Court that I first employed my eloquence. I worked him, as it is called, in every possible way. I used every species of argument to convince him that it was to his own interest to make a full avowal.

"Take my advice," said I to him, "declare the truth of the matter; why should you persist in endeavouring to conceal what is known to every one? you will find, by the very first question put to you at your examination, that your judges are much better informed than you think for—death has not sealed the lips of all the persons you have attacked. Many of those you believed your victims will produce overwhelming proofs against you; you may be silent if you please, but your silence will not prevent your condemnation; public execution is not all you expose yourself to; think of the punishments and severity with which your obstinacy will be visited; justly irritated against you, the magistrates will show you no mercy up to the hour of your execution; you will be watched, tormented, worse even than by the tortures of a slow consuming fire: if you persist in


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LIFE OF GURU GOBIND SINGH 75 Hear, O my daughter, thou understandest not. Thou thinkest that he whom we call Shiv is a stone. All people bow their heads to Brahmans, and apply to their foreheads the water in which they have washed their feet. The whole world worshippeth them, while thou, O foolish girl, slan- derest them. This salagram is the primal and ancient Brahm and is prized even by monarchs.

Hear, O foolish Brahman, thou knowest nothing. Thou recognizest a stone as the Primal Light of the world. Thou thinkest it holdeth the Supreme Being. Thou hast taken leave of thy senses. Deceive me not, but take what thou desirest to take. Tell me not that a stone is God. While telling fools so, thou plunderest them to thy heart's content. Thou sendest men to rivers of pilgrimage to drown them in superstition. Thou makest unnumbered efforts to strip them of their wealth and not allow them to take a paisa home. Thou pretendest to find a number of inauspicious circumstances connected with a rich man, so that he may give thee feasts to bribe thee to intercede for him. When thou knowest that a man hath spent all his wealth, thou never lookest at him. Brahmans hover over money like ravens, and quarrel like kites over a fish or dogs over a bone. In public thou expoundest the Veds, but in thy heart is worship of money. Thou findest not God, thy money soon departeth, and vain is all thy service. Thou paradest thy learning, but knowest not how to unite men with God. Thou callest thyself wise and me a fool. What if thou, O idiot, eat not bhang, even still thou art not in thy senses. Everybody can see this for himself. Brave men taking bhang fight and draw elephant's teeth, and grasping the scimitar and lance fearlessly smite their enemies. Say, O tyrant, what couldst thou do even wert thou to take bhang? Thou wouldst even then, if engaged in combat, fall on thy face like a corpse through fright.

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6 THE SIKH RELIGION I cannot help it. This is the Guru's castle where men shall obtain their deserts/

On this the Guru rose and went to inquire if the drum were ready. If not, its completion must be expedited. The masands then made a direct repre- sentation : ' Great King, first consider the resources of the enemy. They are kings and possess armies, wealth, and munitions of war. It is therefore not advisable to contend with them. What a number of troubles befell thy grandfather in his military career ! Wherefore thou hast need of peace. Our Guru's business is with the Sikhism of his country ; war is the role of kings.'

The Guru replied, ' How shall I conceal myself from those hillmen ? I have received the immortal God's order to disclose myself, and you tell me to remain in concealment. I must obey God's order, not yours. I have prepared the drum because my army would have no prestige without it. Even if Bhim Chand, Raja of Kahlur, and the other hill rajas grow angry, are we who sit here women ? We too shall meet sword with sword. If they keep the peace, so shall we. We shall soon see what the hillmen intend. .When we go hunting, we shall take the drum with us, and beat it aloud on arriving at the base of the mountain.'

The Guru celebrated with prayers and the distri- bution of sacred food the completion of the big drum, which he called Ranjit, or victorious on the battle-field. When it was beaten, the men and women of the city went forth to behold it, and there was great rejoicing. The Guru and his men, in full panoply, went hunting the same day. When the party arrived near Bilaspur, the capital of Kahlur, the Guru's drummer beat the drum with much energy and ostentation. It sounded hke thunder to the hillmen, who at once apprehended that some potentate had come to take possession of their country. Raja Bhim Chand consulted his


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LIFE OF GURU GOBIND SINGH 7 prime minister who said, ' It is Guru Gobind Rai, the tenth Guru in succession to Guru Nanak, who hath arrived. His father purchased some land^ at the base of the Tung mountain, and built a village thereon. Thousands of worshippers come to him from great distances. It is only recently that the Raja of Asam came to visit him and presented him large offerings. He hath constructed a drum and come shooting here. My advice is to keep on good terms with him. In the first place, he is worthy of worship, secondly, he maintaineth a large army and is greatly feared. Thirdly, he is very brave, and such men are sometimes useful as allies.'

On hearing this Raja Bhim Chand determined to go to meet the Guru, and dispatched his prime minister to arrange for the interview. The minister informed the Guru that his master, who was the head of all the hill chiefs, desired to meet him, and it would be well for the Guru to be on good terms with him. Bhai Kripal, the Guru's uncle, at a nod from the Guru replied, ' This is the Guru's castle. As any one treateth him, so shall he be treated. If any one come here with good intentions, he shall be well received ; but if he come as an enemy, he shall be treated accordingly. For men to be on good terms with one another is very expedient and com- mendable. Wherefore go and bring your Raja. We shall receive him with great respect.' The minister taking with him a robe of honour — the Guru's gift — returned to his master, and recommended him to proceed immediately to the interview. The Raja accordingly went with his courtiers and escort to Anandpur.

Raja Bhim Chand was received in darbar with great honour by the Guru, who invited him to tell him the whole circumstances of the hill chiefs. Bhim Chand gave him the desired information, and then prayed the Guru to let him see the presents

1 This is menlioned in the Life of Guru Teg Bahadur.


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8 THE SIKH RELIGION from the king of Asam. The Guru at that interview showed him all the presents, except the elephant. Next morning the Guru had a costly tent erected which had been sent him from Kabul by an enthusi- astic Sikh named Duni Chand, and prepared to receive Bhim Chand in it at the second interview. With the Guru were his relations, courtiers, and principal wrestlers and warriors. When Bhim Chand saw the Kabuli tent he was astonished at its magnificence. In reply to his inquiry he was told that it had cost two and a half lakhs of rupees, and that it was the offering of a pious Sikh. During this conversation the elephant, beautifully decorated, was led forward. Bhim Chand expressed his un- bounded admiration of all that he had seen and heard. On his homeward journey his mind burned with envy of the Guru's state and wealth, and he considered how he could take possession of all his valuables. On reflection, however, he came to the conclusion that he would be satisfied with the elephant, and he determined to have the animal whether by force or stratagem.

On his arrival in his capital he unfolded his design to his courtiers, and asked them to suggest how possession of the elephant could be obtained. After some discussion it was agreed that a message should be sent to the Guru to the effect that an embassy was coming from Srinagar in the present British Garhwal district, with the object of betrothing the daughter of its Raja, Fatah Shah, to Bhim Chand's son ; and Bhim Chand desired to borrow the elephant so as to make a display of wealth to his guests. It was accordingly decided that the Guru should be requested to lend the elephant for the purpose. When the Guru received this message he knew that it was simply a trick to obtain permanent possession of the animal. He thought to himself, ' If I refuse the elephant, it means war, and if I send him it also means war, as I must resort to force for his


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 your obstinate refusal to make a full confession, your prison will be a perfect hell to you. On the contrary, by avowing your past iniquities, expressing sorrow and contrition for them, and meeting your fate with resignation, (since you cannot hope to escape from it,) you will at least have a chance or exciting the pity of mankind, and the humane consideration of those appointed to try you."

I had carefully foreborne mentioning to Court of what murder he was accused; fully impressed with the idea of his having been accessary to more than one, I avoided specifying that of which he then stood charged. I hoped that, by using only vague words, and refraining from every precise detail, I might be enabled to draw him on to the confession of other crimes besides the one for which he was then in custody. Court reflected for a moment-

"Well, then," said he, "since you advise it, I will acknowledge that it was I who murdered the travelling poulterer.—Why, his soul must have stuck faster to his body than I guessed it could—poor devil! and did he really come back to life after such a dressing as I gave him? I'll tell you, M. Jules, how the thing happened, and I wish I may die if I tell a lie about it:—A number of Normans were returning home, after having sold their wares at Paris. I fancied they must be loaded with money, and in consequence lay in wait for them. I stopped the two first who came by, but found little or nothing upon them. I was at that time in the most extreme necessity: want drove me on to the deed, for my wife was destitute of every thing, and the thoughts of her wretched state wrung my heart. At last, whilst I was giving myself up to despair, I heard the noise of wheels: I hastened to meet it; it was a poulterer's cart; the poor wretch was half asleep when called to him to deliver up his purse. He emptied his pockets. I felt in them myself, but his whole possessions were 80 francs!—80 francs! what was that to me who was in debt to every one? I owed two


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 quarters' rent, and my landlord was hourly threatening to turn us out of doors. To heighten my misery, I was dunned by other creditors equally merciless. What was I to do with this paltry supply of 80 francs? Rage took possession of me. I seized my pistols, and, without one moment's reflection, discharged them both at my gentleman's heart. A fortnight afterwards I learned that he still lived! you may imagine, therefore, that my present situation does not surprise me; for, since the moment I have been describing to you, I have never enjoyed one hour's peace, in the fear of his paying me off sooner or later."

"Your fears were well founded," said I, "but this unfortunate dealer in poultry is not your only victim; what do you expect from the butcher whom you pierced through and through with your knife, after having carried off his purse?"

"Oh, as to that," exclaimed the villain, "may God receive his soul! I will answer for it, that if he witnesses against me, it can only be at the last judgment."

"You are mistaken, the butcher did not die of his wounds, any more than the former victim you were speaking of."

"Ah! so much the better," cried Court.

"No, he lives; and I must warn you that he has pointed out both you and your accomplices, in a manner too distinct to admit of any mistake."

Court endeavoured to persist in affirming that he had no accomplices; but he became weary of his own falsehood, and at length admitted that Clair Raoul had participated in the crime for which he was accused. I urged him (but in vain) to name others as well: he maintained the same story, and I was compelled to content myself with what I had already drawn from him; however, in the fear of his retracting, I summoned the commissary, in whose presence Court repeated, and even enlarged upon, what he had previously told me.


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Gentlemen, We are here in the shadow of a tremendous calamity. With the sense of heaviness oppressing the heart, it is literally impossible for anything like an appreciable expression of all that one feels on an occasion like this. Nothing is so arresting to the thought and aching to the heart as the sudden and unexpected elimination of a most promising and widely beloved person. If in the course of nature the relief of death comes to one who has passed through the ordinary career of life, though the eye may fill and the bosom may heave, yet there is the prayer in the soul that at last the translation from here to hereafter has come to one rightly prepared for it. But in a case like this, where there was so much to do, where the potentialities were so rich and the promises so inspiring, we really


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User talk:মোহাম্মদ জনি হোসেন

New author pages
Hello and thanks very much for your contributions. However, the new autor pages lack any works by these authors listed. English Wikisource gathers only information about English-language works and so only authors who published something in English are elligible to have the author pages here. May I ask to add such works (if they exist) to the pages, so that they can stay here? Thanks very much. --Jan Kameníček (talk) 10:57, 19 December 2023 (UTC)

 * ok মোহাম্মদ জনি হোসেন (talk) 14:37, 19 December 2023 (UTC)

authors: মোহাম্মদ জনি হোসেন

title: User talk:মোহাম্মদ জনি হোসেন


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 To have brought Court to an acknowledgment of his crime, and to obtain from him a written declaration of it, was no doubt an important point gained; but a more difficult battle remained to be fought ere Raoul could be persuaded to follow his example. To effect this, I stole softly to the room in which he was confined. He was sleeping; and, stepping cautiously in the fear of awaking him, I placed myself beside him, and whispered gently in his ear, in the hope of leading him, as under the influence of a dream, to answer the questions thus put to him. Without raising the low tone in which I had first addressed him, I interrogated him as to the particulars of the murder. Some unintelligible words escaped him, but it was impossible to make any sense of them. This scene lasted for nearly a quarter of an hour, when, at my asking him "What became of the knife with which you murdered your victim?" he gave a sudden start, uttered some inarticulate sounds, and, flinging himself from the bed on which he was lying, opened his wild and glaring eyes full upon me, as if he dreaded the apparition of some horrid vision.

From the terror and astonishment with which he continued to regard me, even after he had recognised my person, it might easily be perceived that he dreaded my having been the witness to his late severe internal struggle, and I could readily see in his eyes the eagerness with which he sought to divine how far his restless guilty conscience had betrayed him during his unquiet slumbers. A cold perspiration covered his face, he was deathly pale, and whilst he endeavoured to force a smile, his teeth chattered and ground together in spite of him; he presented an exact representation of a damned spirit in all the tortures of an agonizing conscience—a second Orestes pursued by the furies. Ere the last vapours of his uneasy dreams had passed away, I wished to turn the circumstance to account; it was not the first time I had called the night-mare to my aid.


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 cealed by you, that my orders were not to appear before you except in a disguise, that would have prevented your recognising my person, and to defer my operations till the gentlemen of the goguette should have opened their meeting. I am truly concerned to be charged with so very unpleasant a mission. Had I been apprized that you were the person alluded to, I should most certainly have declined the office; for with you, what would a disguise avail me?"

Raoul smiled, "I think, master Jules," said he, "I should have been much amused at seeing you attempt to deceive me that way."

"Still," continued I, "it is better for you that I should be employed on this business than a stranger; you know very well that I have no ill will against you. So take my advice, and give me up every song in your possession; and further, to dispel the present doubts against you, refuse admission to every person whose presence here might, in the most trifling degree, compromise your safety."

"Upon my word," said Raoul, "I had no notion before now deep a politician you were."

"Why, as to that, friend," cried I, "a little of every thing is a useful trade, and I for one, find that if I desire to get on in this world, I must be able to ride on any saddle."

"Well," replied Raoul, "you can't help it, Master Jules, but as true as my name is Clair Raoul, I swear to you that I am wrongly accused. People have surely gone mad! I, who think of nothing but just how to earn a bit of honest bread! What a world is this! Nothing but envy and spite against those who seem likely to meet with any thing like success!—however, M. Jules, if you doubt my word, you can easily judge for yourself-just make up your mind to stay here with your people; observe us well throughout the day, and form your own opinion of our principles and loyalty."

"Agreed," said I, "but hark ye, friend Raoul, no


text: The Message and Ministrations of Dewan Bahadur R. Venkata Ratnam, volume 1/Introductory Sketch


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 Co-operation Conference at Cocanada in 1921, Again, with the R. V. M. G. Ramarao Bahadur Orphanage at Cocanada, founded in 1909, he will ever be associated as its prime architect, even to the planning of the magni- ficent buildings. In fact, in ever so many other instances, his has been the inspiration behind the renowned’ bount.y of the noble Prince of Pithapuram. In a word, learning and wisdom, charity and piety, have combined to make his remarkable personality a whole institution in itself. Upon a life of such high- toned and many-sided activities the seal of Government recognition was set bj’ the con- ferment of the titles of Rao Bahadur and Dewan Bahadur in 1912 and 1918 respectively and, later still, by nomination to the Reformed Provincial Legislative Council, where they have now duly learnt, to seek and value his sage counsel as one of tlie elected Deputy Pi-esidents. In his earlier days, Mr. Venkata Ratnam used to take a keen interest and an actiAe part in direct i)oIitical work ; and his discourses on the Indian National Congress, de]iv('red in the eighties, are fondly


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 remembered as fixing the high water-mark of his vigorous eloquence.

This magnificent faculty of eloquence Mr. Venkata Batnam ijossesses in a striking measure, though with him it is practically an uncultivated art of nature. The words alw'ays- run before the thoughts in public utterance ; and, spell-bound, you witness a rushing tor- rent of i language laden with a wealth of ima- gery, allusion, anecdote, illustration and quo- tation, flowing with a rapidity w'hich proves the despair of the expert reporter. Calm and sedate starts the thought ; and as it careers along its lofty flight, height after height, in all its manifold applications, periods upon periods of balanced sentences invest it with an impassioned and impressive expression. Truly, liow God has vouchsafed the gift of effective speech to the leaders of the Brahma Samaj with an ample hand ! And of these the subject of this sketch is no meanrejwesentative. For, with all his remarkable powders, he has “ littered nothing base ” but his “ words are always half-battles for the true.” Aye, so he has spoken ; for so he has lived. In the whole


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6 geography than that which facilitated the administration of their empire. They were great road-builders, and laid out highways from Rome to the farthest limits of their possessions. Maps of their military roads were made, but little else. These exhibited with accuracy the less and greater stations on the route from Rome to India, and from Rome to the further end of Britain.

Then came the decline and fall of Rome, and with it the complete collapse of geographical knowledge. In the dark ages, geography practically ceased to exist. In the typical map of the middle ages, Jerusalem lay in the centre with Paradise on the East and Europe on the West. It was not until, the close of the dark ages that the spirit of discovery was re-awakened. Then the adventurous Northmen from Norway and Sweden crossed the ocean to Iceland.

From Iceland they proceeded to Greenland and even visited the main-land of North America about the year 1000 A.   D., coasting as far south as New England; but these voyages led to no practical results, and were forgotten or looked upon as myths, until within a few years. For hundreds of years geography made but little advance—and the discoveries of five centuries were less than those now made in five years. In the fourteenth or fifteenth century, the mariner's compass was introduced into Europe from China, and it then became possible to venture upon the ocean far out of sight of land. Columbus instead of coasting from shore to shore like the ancient Northmen, boldly set sail across the Atlantic. To many of his contemporaries it must have seemed madness to seek the East by thus sailing towards the West, and we need hardly wonder at the opposition experienced from his crew. The rotundity of the earth had become to him an objective reality, and in sublime faith he pursued his westward way. Expecting to find the East Indies he found America instead. Five centuries had elapsed since the Northmen had made their voyages to these shores—and their labors had proved to be barren of results. The discovery of Columbus, however, immediately bore fruit. It was his genius and perseverance alone that gave the new world to the people of Europe, and he is therefore rightfully entitled to be called the discoverer of America. His discovery was fraught with enormous consequences, and it inaugurated a new era for geographic research. The spirit of discovery was quickened and geographic knowledge advanced with a great leap. America was explored; Africa was


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Rh circumnavigated. Magellan demonstrated the rotundity of the earth by sailing westward until he reached his starting point. Everywhere—all over the civilized world—the spirit of adventure was aroused. Navigators from England, Holland, France and Spain rapidly extended the boundaries of geographical knowledge, while explorers penetrated into the interior of the new lands discovered. The mighty impetus given by Columbus set the whole world in motion and it has gone on moving ever since with accelerated velocity.

The great progress that has been made can hardly be realized without comparing the famous Borgia map, constructed about one hundred years before the discovery of America, with the modern maps of the same countries; or Hubbard's map of New England made two hundred years ago, with the corresponding map of to-day. The improvements in map-making originated with Mercator, who, in 1556 constructed his cylindrical projection of the sphere. But it has been only during the last hundred years that great progress has been made. Much yet remains to be done before geographic art can fully accomplish its mission.

The present century forms a new era in the progress of geography—the era of organized research. In 1830, the Royal Geographical Society of England was founded, and it already forms a landmark in the history of discovery. The Paris Society preceded it in point of time, and the other countries of Europe soon followed the example. Through these organizations, students and explorers have been encouraged and assisted, and information systematically collected and arranged. The wide diffusion of geographical knowledge through the medium of these societies and the publicity of the discussions and criticism that followed, operated to direct the current of exploration into the most useful channels. Before organized effort, darkness gave way at every step. Each observer added fresh knowledge to the existing store, without unnecessary duplication of research. The reports of discoveries were discussed and criticized by the societies, and the contributions of all were co-ordinated into one great whole.

America refuses to be left in the rear. Already her explorers are in every land and on every sea. Already she has contributed her quota of martyrs in the frozen north, and has led the way into the torrid regions of Africa. The people of Europe, through Columbus, opened up a new world for us; and we,


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8 through Stanley, have discovered a new world in the old, for them.

Much has been done on land—little on the other three-quarters of the earth's surface. But here America has laid the foundations of a new science,—the Geography of the Sea.

Our explorers have mapped out the surface of the ocean and discovered the great movements of the waters. They have traced the southward flow of the Arctic waters to temper the climate of the torrid zone. They have followed the northward set of the heated waters of the equator and have shown how they form those wonderful rivers of warm water that flow, without walls, through the colder waters of the sea, till they strike the western shores of Europe and America, and how they render habitable the almost Arctic countries of Great BritianGreat Britain [sic] and Alaska. They have even followed these warm currents further and shown how they penetrate the Arctic Ocean to lessen the rigors of the Arctic cold. Bravely, but vainly, have they sought for that ignis fatuus of explorers—the open polar sea—produced by the action of the warm waters from the south.

American explorers have sounded the depths of the ocean and discovered mountains and valleys beneath the waves. They have found the great plateaus on which the cables rest that bring us into instantaneous communication with the rest of the world. They have shown the probable existence of a vast submarine range of mountains, extending nearly the whole length of the Pacific Ocean—mountains so high that their summits rise above the surface to form islands and archipelagoes in the Pacific. And all this vast region of the earth, which, a few years ago, was considered uninhabitable on account of the great pressure, they have discovered to be teeming with life. From the depths of the ocean they have brought living things, whose lives were spent under conditions of such pressure that the elastic force of their own bodies burst them open before they could be brought to the surface; living creatures whose self-luminous spots supplied them with the light denied them in the deep abyss from which they sprang—abysses so deep that the powerful rays of the sun could only feebly penetrate to illuminate or warm.

The exploring vessels of our Fish Commission have discovered in the deep sea, in one single season, more forms of life than were found by the Challenger Expedition in a three years' cruise. Through their agency, we have studied the geographical


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 sea; and so we go on still drift, drift, continually to the south.

How southerly our course has been is very apparent; for upon the night of the 11th we fairly entered upon that portion of the Atlantic which is known at the Sargasso Sea. An extensive tract of water is this, inclosed by the warm current of the Gulf Stream, and thickly covered with the wrack, called by the Spaniards "sargasso," the abundance of which so seriously impended the progress of Columbus's vessel on his first voyage.

Each morning at daybreak the Atlantic has presented an aspect so remarkable, that at my solicitation, M. Letourneur and his son have ventured upon deck to witness the unusual spectacle. The squally gusts make the metal shrouds vibrate like harp-strings; and unless we were on our guard to keep our clothes wrapped tightly to us, they would have been torn off our backs in shreds. The scene presented to our eyes is one of strangest interest. The sea, carpeted thickly with masses of prolific fucus, is a vast unbroken plain of vegetation, through which the vessel makes her way as a plow. Long strips of seaweed caught up by the wind become entangled in the rigging, and hang between the masts in festoons of verdure; while others, varying from two to three hundred feet in length, twine themselves up to the very mast-head, from whence they float like streaming pennants. For many hours now, the Chancellor has been contending with this formidable accumulation of algae; her masts are circled with hydrophytes; her rigging is wreathed everywhere with creepers, fantastic as the untrammeled tendrils of a vine, and as she works her arduous course, there are times when I can only compare her to an animated grove of verdure making its mysterious way over some illimitable prairie.

14.—At last we are free from the sea of vegetation, the boisterous gale has moderated into a steady breeze, the sun is shining brightly, the weather is warm and genial, and thus, two reefs in her top-sails, briskly and merrily sails the Chancellor.


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Rh of marine life; and in our marine laboratories, explorers have studied the life history of the most useful forms.

The knowledge gained has enabled us to breed and multiply at will; to protect the young fish during the period of their infancy—when alone they are liable to wholesale destruction—finally to release them in the ocean, in those waters that are most suitable to their growth. The fecundity of fish is so great, and the protection afforded them during the critical period of their life so ample, that it may now be possible to feed the world from the ocean and set the laws of Matthews at defiance. Our geographers of the sea have shown that an acre of water may be made to produce more food for the support of man than ten acres of arable land. They have thrown open to cultivation a territory of the earth constituting three-quarters of the entire surface of the globe.

And what shall we say of our conquests in that other vast territory of the earth, greater in extent than all the oceans and the lands put together—the atmosphere that surrounds it.

Here again America has led the way, and laid the foundations of a Geography of the Air. But a little while ago and we might have truly said with the ancients "the wind bloweth where it listeth, and we know neither from whence it comes nor whither it goes"; but now our explorers track the wind from point to point and telegraph warnings in advance of the storm.

In this department, the Geography of the Air, we have far outstripped the nations of the world. We have passed the mob-period of research when the observations of multitudes of individuals amounted to little, from lack of concentrated action. Organization has been effected. A Central Bureau has been established in Washington, and an army of trained observers has been dispersed over the surface of the globe, who all observe the condition of the atmosphere according to a pre-concerted plan.

The vessels of our navy and the mercantile marine of our own and other countries have been impressed into the service, and thus our geographers of the air are stationed in every land and traverse the waters of every sea. Every day, at the same moment of absolute time, they observe and note the condition of the atmosphere at the part of the earth where they happen to be, and the latitude and longitude of their position. The collocation of these observations gives us a series of what may be termed instantaneous photographs of the condition of the whole atmosphere. The coordination of the observations, and their geographical


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 Under conditions so favorable, we have been able to take the ship's bearings: our latitude, we find, is 21° 33' N., our longitude, 50° 17' W.

Incomprehensible altogether is the conduct of Captain Huntly. Here we are, already more than ten degrees south of the point from which we started, and yet still we are persistently following a southeasterly course! I cannot bring myself to the conclusion that the man is mad. I have had various conversations with him: he has always spoken rationally and sensibly. He shows no tokens of insanity. Perhaps his case is one of those in which insanity is partial, and where the mania is of a character which extends only to the matters connected with his profession. Yet it is unaccountable.

I can get nothing out of Curtis; he listens coldly whenever I allude to the subject, and only repeats what he has said before, that nothing short of an overt act of madness on the part of the captain could induce him to supersede the captain's authority, and that the imminent peril of the ship could alone justify him in taking so decided a measure.

Last evening I went to my cabin about eight o'clock, and after an hour's reading by the light of my cabin-lamp, I retired to my berth and was soon asleep. Some hours later I was aroused by an unaccustomed noise on deck. There were heavy footsteps hurrying to and fro, and the voices of the men were loud and eager, as if the crew were agitated by some strange disturbance. My first impression was, that some tacking had been ordered which rendered it needful to fathom the yards; but the vessel continuing to lie to starboard convinced me that this was not the origin of the commotion. I was curious to know the truth, and made all haste I could to go on deck; but before I was ready, the noise had ceased. I heard Captain Huntly return to his cabin, and accordingly I retired again to my own berth. Whatever may have been the meaning of the maneuver, I cannot tell; it did not seem to result in any improvement in the ship's pace; still it must be owned there was not much wind to speed us along.

At six o'clock this morning I mounted the poop and made as keen a scrutiny as I could of everything on board. Everything appeared as usual. The Chancellor was running on the larboard tack, and carried low-sails, top-sails,


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 "Come, come, no more fuss," said Dowlas, as he tore the young man away from his father's embrace.

Andre fell upon his back, in which position two of the sailors held him down so tightly that he could not move, while Burke and Sandon carried off their victim to the front.

All this had taken place much more rapidly than I have been able to describe it. I was transfixed with horror, and much as I wished to throw myself between M. Letourneur and his executioners, I seemed to be rooted to the spot where I was standing.

Meantime the sailors had been taking off some of M. Letourneur's clothes, and his neck and shoulders were already bare.

"Stop a moment!" he said in a tone in which was the ring of indomitable courage. "Stop! I don't want to deprive you of your ration; but I suppose you will not require to eat the whole of me to-day."

The sailors, taken back by his suggestion, stared at him with amazement.

"There are ten of you," he went on. "My two arms will give you each a meal; cut them off for to-day, and to-morrow you shall have the rest of me."

"Agreed!" cried Dowlas; and as M. Letourneur held out his bare arms, quick as lightning the carpenter raised his hatchet.

Curtis and I could bear this scene no longer; while we were alive to prevent it, this butchery should not be permitted, and we rushed forward simultaneously to snatch the victim from his murderers. A furious struggle ensued, and in the midst of the melee, I was seized by one of the sailors, and hurled violently into the sea.

Closing my lips, I tried to die of suffocation in the water; but in spite of myself, my mouth opened, and a few drops trickled down my throat.

Merciful Heaven! the water was fresh!


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 time I fancied I caught sight of the longed-for sail, lying only a few cables'-lengths away.

But when morning came, the sun rose once again upon a desert ocean, and my hopes began to fade. Neither ship nor shore had appeared, and as the shocking hour of execution drew near, my dreams of deliverance melted away; I shuddered in my very soul as, I was brought face to face with the stern reality. I dared not look upon the victim, and whenever his eyes, so full of calmness and resignation, met my own, I turned away my head. I felt choked with horror, and my brain reeled as though I were intoxicated.

It was now six o'clock, and all hope had vanished from my breast; my heart beat rapidly, and a cold sweat of agony broke out all over me. Curtis and the boatswain stood by the mast attentively scanning the horizon. The boatswain's countenance was terrible to look upon; one could see that although he would not forestall the hour, he was determined not to wait a moment after it arrived. As for the captain, it was impossible to tell what really passed within his mind; his face was livid, and his whole existence seemed concentrated in the exercise of his power of vision. The sailors were crawling about the platform, with their eyes gleaming, like the wild beasts ready to pounce upon their devoted prey.

I could no longer keep my place, and glided along to the front of the raft. The boatswain was still standing intent on his watch, but all of a sudden, in a voice that made me start, he shouted:

"Now then, time's up!"-and followed by Dowlas, Burke, Flaypole, and Sandon, ran to the back of the raft. As Dowlas seized the hatchet convulsively, Miss Herbey could not suppress a cry of terror. Andre started to his feet.

"What are you going to do to my father?" he asked in accents choked with emotion.

"My boy," said M. Letourneur, "the lot has fallen upon me, and I must die!"

"Never!" shrieked Andre, throwing his arms about his father. "They shall kill me first. It was I who threw Hobart's body into the sea, and it is I who ought to die!"

But the words of the unhappy youth had no other effect than to increase the fury of the men who were so stanchly bent upon their bloody purpose.


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HREE years ago, in his Nature's Craftsmen, the author presented a series of original studies of the life history of sundry insects. Half of the book was given over to one of his specialties—the ants. The remainder embraced accounts of another specialty, the spiders, and of certain insects that had received particular attention as a sort of by-product of his special studies. The author's purpose therein was to give his readers a veritable natural history of the subjects treated of, in popular form, and clothed in at least some measure of the simple graces of good literary style.

The present volume, while aiming to preserve the above features, differs from Nature's Craftsmen, in that it is limited to the natural history of ants. Moreover, it considers mainly those phases of their life that are developed around their behavior as social animals. It is here that appear most clearly and fully the habits which have drawn to these insects from the earliest ages the attention of man, and have won for them a high reputation for wisdom.

From this has arisen a secondary feature of the book—viz., the indication of parallels, more or less distinct, between the communal actions of ants considered simply as a natural history, and the communal actions of man, considered, as all human beings are bound to


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 and gallant-sails. Well braced she was; and under a fresh, but not uneasy breeze, was making no less than eleven knots an hour.

Shortly afterward M. Letourneur and Andre came on deck. The young man enjoyed the early morning air, laden with its briny fragrance, and I assisted him to mount the poop. In answer to my inquiry as to whether they had been disturbed by any bustle in the night, Andre replied that he did not wake at all, and had heard nothing.

"I am glad, my boy," said the father, "that you have slept so soundly. I heard the noise of which Mr. Kazallon speaks. It must have been about three o'clock this morning, and it seemed to me as though they were shouting. I thought I heard them say; 'Here, quick, look to the hatches!' but as nobody was called up, I presumed that nothing serious was the matter."

As he spoke I cast my eye at the panel-slides, which fore and aft of the main-mast open into the hold. They seemed to be all close as usual, but I now observed for the first time that they were covered with heavy tarpauling. Wondering in my own mind what could be the reason for these extra precautions I did not say anything to M. Letourneur, but determined to wait until the mate should come on watch, when he would doubtless give me, I thought, an explanation of the mystery.

The sun rose gloriously, with every promise of a fine dry day. The waning moon was yet above the western horizon, for as it still wants three days to her last quarter she does not set until 10:57. On consulting my almanac, I find that there will be a new moon on the 24th, and that on that day, little as it may affect us here in mid-ocean, the phenomenon of the high sygyzian tides will take place on the shores of every continent and island.

At the breakfast hour M. Letourneur and Andre went below for a cup of tea, and I remained on the poop alone. As I expected, Curtis appeared, that he might relieve Lieutenant Walter of the watch. I advanced to meet him, but before he even wished me good morning, I saw him cast a quick and searching glance upon the deck, and then, with a slightly contracted brow, proceed to examine the state of the weather and the trim of the sails.

"Where is Captain Huntly?" he said to Walter.


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1832] the fine city that has risen up with a sort of rapid, mushroom growth, surprising to every one who sees it, and who considers that it is not more than forty years old. In the evening we went into a public house, where we treated ourselves with that sort of refreshment which inspires fun, frolic, and mischief. We remained on shore till so late an hour that every body appeared to have gone to bed, when we set out to return to our steam-boat. In our way to it we passed by a store, in the front of which stood three barrels of lamp-oil, at the head of a fine sloping street. The evil spirit of mischief put it into our heads to set them a rolling down the inclined plane to the river. No sooner hinted, than executed. [21] We set all three a running, and we ran after them; and what may have been lucky for us, they were recovered next day whole. Had there been legal inquisition made for them, we had determined to plead character, that we were from Boston, the land of steady habits and good principles, and that it must have been some gentlemen Southerners, with whose characters for nightly frolics, we, who lived within sound of the bell of the University of Cambridge were well acquainted. The owners of the oil came down to the steam-boat, and carried back their property without making a rigid examination for the offenders; without suspecting that prudent New-England young men would indulge in a wanton piece of fun, where so much was at stake. But John Bull and Jonathan are queer fellows.

From Cincinnati to St. Louis, we experienced those disagreeable occurrences, that usually happen to democratical adventures. Our Captain, to lessen the expenses of the expedition, had bargained with the Captain of the steam-boat, that we of his band should assist in taking on board wood from the shore, to keep our boilers from cooling. Although every one saw the absolute necessity


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 "You appear," said I to Raoul, "to have had a frightful dream; you have been talking a great deal, and seemed to be in great pain: I could not bear to see you suffer so much, and woke you to dispel the anguish and remorse to which you seemed a prey. Do not feel displeased at this language—it is in vain to dissimulate further; the confessions of your friend, Court, have informed us of every thing—justice is in full possession of every circumstance relative to the crime whereof you are accused. Do not seek to palliate your participation in it,—the evidence of your accomplice cannot be invalidated by any thing you can say; if you seek to save yourself by a system of denial, the voice of your unhappy associate will confound you in the presence of your judges; and if that be not sufficient, the butcher whom you murdered near Milly will appear as your accuser."

At these words I steadily examined the countenance of Raoul; a slight discomposure was observable in his features, but it soon passed away, and recovering himself, he replied with firmness:—

"M. Jules, you are trying to entrap me; you only throw away your time; you are deep and cunning, but I know my own innocence. As to what you say of Court, you will not persuade me that he is guilty; still less do I believe that he can have implicated my name, when there exists not the slightest appearance of probability of his doing so."

I again declared to Raoul that it was useless for him to seek to conceal the truth from me—"Well, then," said I, "if nothing else will do, you shall be confronted with your friend; we shall then see whether you will venture to persist in denying the facts he has sworn to."

"Let him come," cried Raoul, "I do not ask for any thing better; I am confident that Court is incapable of a bad or dishonourable action.—Why should he accuse himself of a crime he has not committed, and implicate me in it for mere wantonness? unless indeed he has lost his senses, which is not very likely.—Hark ye, M.


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 Jules; I am so certain of what I assert, that if he says he committed this murder, and that I had a share in it, I consent to pass for the greatest scoundrel that ever walked the earth.—I will acknowledge, as true, whatever he may say; and, I further engage, either to clear my innocence through his means, or to ascend the same scaffold with him.—I do not dread the guillotine, whether its blow descend for this or any other offence; if Court confirms what you have said, be it so—all is over—the veil is raised, and two heads will fall at once."

I quitted him in these dispositions, and went to propose the interview to his comrade: this latter, however, refused, declaring that, after the confession he had made, he had not the courage to encounter Raoul.—"Since I have regularly signed and attested my deposition," said he, "let it be read to him, it will suffice to convince him; besides, he will recognise my writing."

This repugnance, which I was far from expecting, vexed me so much the more, as I have frequently known the thoughts of a man arraigned of crime to change in an instant from one opinion to the opposite extreme. I exerted all my influence to overcome Court's objections, and at length succeeded in deciding him to act as I wished. After a trifling delay, the two friends found themselves in each other's presence: they embraced; and the ingenuity of Court suggested to him a ruse by which to palliate his having involved his coadjutor in his acknowledgment of guilt; and this, without having originated in my advice, materially assisted my plans:—"Friend Raoul cried Court, "I am informed you have followed my example, and made a full confession of our unfortunate crime. It was the very best thing we could either of us do; for, as M. Jules observes, there are too many convincing proofs against us, to make further denial of any avail."

The person to whom these words were addressed stood for an instant as if petrified with astonishment;


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42 of the thing, for our common benefit and safety, yet some were for demurring at it, as not previously specified and agreed upon. Idleness engenders mutiny oftener than want. In scarcity and in danger men cling together like gregarious animals; but as soon as an enterprising gang can sit down, as in a steam-boat, with nothing to do but to find fault, they are sure to become discontented, and discontent indulged leads to mutiny. Whatever I thought of then, I do not think now that Captain Wyeth was [22] to blame for directing his followers to aid in wooding; nor should the men have grumbled at it. I now am of the opinion that our aiding in wooding the steam-boat was right, reasonable, and proper. Every man of us, except the surgeon of the company, Dr. Jacob Wyeth, ought, on every principle of justice and generosity, to have given that assistance.

Our navigation from Cincinnati to St. Louis was attended with circumstances new, interesting, and very often alarming. Passing the rapids of the Ohio, of falls as they are called, between the Indiana territory and Kentucky, was sufficiently appalling to silence all grumbling. These falls, or rapids are in the vicinity of Louisville, Jeffersonville, Clarksville, and Shipping-port, and are really terrific to an inexperienced farmer of mechanic. Our Hell-gate in Long-Island Sound is a common brook compared with them; and when we had passed through them into the Mississippi, the assemblage of trees in the river, constituting snags and sawyers, offered themselves as a species of risk and danger, which none of us had ever calculated on or dreamt of. We knew that there was danger in great storms, of huge trees blowing down on one's head; and


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 but, quickly gathering his spirits,—"Faith, M. Jules!" exclaimed he, "you have managed well—we are both completely drawn! Now, then, as I am a man of my word, I will keep that I gave you, by concealing nothing;" and immediately he began a recital which fully confirmed that of his associate. These new revelations having received the usual forms of law, I remained in conversation with the two assassins, who bore their part in it with inexhaustible mirth and hilarity, the general effect of confession with the greatest criminals. I supped with them, and although they ate heartily they drank very moderately. Their countenances had resumed their usual calmness, and no vestige was perceptible of the late catastrophe; they looked upon it as a settled thing, that by their confession they bad undertaken to pay their debt to offended justice.

After supper I informed them that we should set out in the night for Corbeil. "In that case," said Raoul, "it is not worth while going to bed;" and he begged of me to procure him a pack of cards. When the vehicle which was to convey us was ready, they were as deeply engaged with their game of piquet, as any two peaceful citizens of Paris could have been.

They ascended the carriage without appearing to suffer the least emotion at so doing, and we had scarcely reached the Barrière d'Italie, when they were happily asleep and snoring; nor had they aroused themselves, when, at eight o'clock in the morning, we entered Corbeil.


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The Flowers of the Forest (Cockburn)

 * "The Flowers o' the Forest", in Sae will we yet (n.d.), a chapbook printed in Stirling
 * "Flower of the Forest the Old Way" in Sons of the Tyne's garland (1770)
 * "The Flowers o' the Forest" in The Flowers of the Forest (1816-1820)
 * "The Flowers of the Forest" in O tell me the way for to woo (1821)
 * "The Flowers of the Forest" in The Flowers of the Forest (1825)
 * "The Flowers of the Forest" in The Book of Scottish Song (1843)

title: The Flowers of the Forest (Cockburn)


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Rh (metaphors) which must have at least two, but may have more members. Thus we find for instance that gold is called Freyjas's tears (referring to the myth in which Freyja is said to have wept golden tears when she was deserted by her husband Od); that the gallows are called Hagbard's steed (referring to the legend according to which the young Norwegian hero, the lover of the Danish princess, was hung); that a warrior is called the wielder of the sword; a sword, the fire of the shield; a shield, the war-roof; so that, instead of warrior, we may say, the wielder of the fire of the war-roof. The interpretation becomes still more difficult from the fact that when two things have the same name, then a metaphor that stands for the one can represent the other as well. Thus the word lind means both a ship and a shield, and consequently every metaphor used for a shield may be applied to a ship, and vice versa. How far this may be carried is illustrated by a skald who, instead of the word flake (fioki — snow-flake), used the word tree (trè). His right to do so appears from the following analysis: Instead of floki one may say sky (cloud); instead of sky, hrafn (raven); instead of hrafn, hestr (steed); instead of hestr, marr (mare); instead of marr, sær (sea); instead of sær, viðir (ocean); instead of viðir, viðr (wood); instead of viðr, bein (bone); instead of bein, teinn (twig); and instead of teinn, trè.


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Rh within their spheres of interest, formally as direct subjects of the Greek emperor, and enjoying equal rights with Naples. At the head of these minor States were hypatoi or praefecti, who in time also developed dynasties. Thus the Byzantine bureaucracy was supplanted everywhere by local powers who usurped the dicio, and of whom some, for instance Venice and the coast towns of southern Italy, acknowledged the emperor's suzerainty, whilst others, like the Pontifical State, refused to do so. The victory of the local powers signified at the same time the universal establishment of the medieval system of seigniorial rule.

(B)

GREGORY THE GREAT

If the sixth century after Christ was one of the great ages of the world's history, it would not be difficult to claim for Pope Gregory I that he was the greatest man in it. The claim would be contested on behalf of the Emperor Justinian and the monk Benedict of Nursia, if not by many another who influenced the course of affairs; but if the work of medieval leaders of men is to be judged by its results on later ages, Gregory would seem to occupy a position of commanding greatness which is unassailable.

The facts of his life for the fifty years before he became pope are soon told, yet hardly one of them is without significance. He was born in Rome, of a family noble by race and pious by hereditary attachment to the things of God, probably in the year 540. Justinian was Caesar, dwelling at Constantinople, but exercising no slight control over Church and State in Italy. Vigilius was pope, and an example of pitiable irresolution in things both sacred and profane. Few could have foreseen in 540 that before the life — not a long one — of the child born to the ancient family of Roman senators and nobles would have closed in a new century, the temporal power of the Papacy would have been securely founded and the power of the Empire and the authority of the Emperor in Italy threatened with a speedy end. In the onrush of barbarian conquest it was not the military success of Justinian's generals which was to be continued under the heirs of his Empire and to secure the position which they had won. They had — in the words of the Liber Pontificalis — made all Italy rejoice, but it was the patient diplomacy of a great pope which would preserve the central independence of Christian Rome, between the decaying power of the Byzantines and the extending dukedoms of the Lombard invaders. It would not be preserved for long, it is true; but so firmly was it founded


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368 the shallows. I had before no idea that these noble fish were ever found in such insignificant streams, but the Indians say that they always come into the rivulets at this season, and return to the sea on the approach of winter. Our slave killed seven of these beautiful fish, while we made our hasty breakfast, his only weapon being a light cedar paddle.

We reached Chinook in the evening, and as we sat around the fires in the lodge, I was amused by the vivid description given to the attentive inhabitants by Chinamus and his wives, of the perils of our passage across the stormy bay. They all spoke at once, and described most minutely every circumstance that occurred, the auditors continually evincing their attention to the relation by a pithy and sympathizing hugh. They often appealed to me for the truth of what they were saying, and, as in duty bound, I gave an assenting nod, although at times I fancied they were yielding to a propensity, not uncommon among those of Christian lands, and which is known by the phrase, "drawing a long bow."

21st.—The wind yesterday was so high, that I did not consider it safe to attempt the passage at Fort George. This morning it was more calm, and we put off in a large canoe at sunrise. When we had reached the middle of Young's bay, the wind again rose, and the water was dashing over us in fine style, so that we [263] were compelled to make for the shore and wait until it subsided. We lay by about an hour, when, the water becoming more smooth, we again got under way, and arrived at Fort George about noon.

On the 5th of November, I returned to Vancouver, and immediately commenced packing my baggage, collection, &c., for a passage to the Sandwich Islands, in the barque Columbia, which is now preparing to sail for England. This is a fine vessel, of three hundred tons, commanded by Captain Royal; we shall have eight passengers in the cabin; Captain


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38 One might suppose that the examples we have given are either exceptional, or at least very striking ones, but this is not the case. On the contrary they illustrate the rules from which even the greatest, the really gifted poets, were unable to free themselves, though they did, now and then, break the fetters and express themselves in the simple and natural style of the ancients. In their most inspired moments they evinced much talent and taste in the choice and invention of their metaphors. The examples quoted rather fall short of representing the whole artificial character of the skaldic poetry, nor does even a literal translation like the one we have given in the foot note do the subject full justice; for if a translation should perfectly reflect the original, the rhythm, the alliteration and the assonance would have to be reproduced. It should also be added that, as a compensation for the manifold difficulties of versification, the skalds had a well-nigh unlimited liberty in the arrangement of the words in each half of the stanza. The words might be given in almost any order the poet saw fit, so that a metaphor already obscure on account of its many members might be broken asunder and the separate members scattered here and there between words belonging to other metaphors. Thus it is evident that it was no easy matter to understand these verses, and in spite of the fact that the figures consisted to a great extent of often repeated, standard and familiar phrases, there can be no doubt that the listeners, as a rule, received but a very superficial impression of the contents of the lay, and if they really desired to comprehend it, they would have to make a careful study of it. Still while these rugged phrases sounded in their ears only as the roar of a waterfall, the listeners did not lose much; for what has once been said of one of these songs, that it is almost without a parallel in bold metaphors, but that this array of words has no great significance, can safely be said of them as a class, although it is true, as stated above, that a lay can here and there be found, which is full


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 Rh distance under the name of the Broad Way, and is so wide that four moving vehicles are said to be able to pass abreast. The Broad Way, especially in the springtime when it is redolent with the scent of clover and apple-blossoms, is a favourite evening promenade for the citizens—with their wives—after church. Here they may be seen any evening strolling toward the high ground overlooking the Hudson, their wives on one arm, a spyglass under the other, in order to view what they can see. Down the Broad Way may be seen moving also droves of young lambs with their shepherds, proceeding to the market, while here and there a goat stands quietly munching beside the road and gazing at the passers-by.”

“It seems,” I muttered to myself as I read, “in some ways but little changed after all.”

“The town”—so the extract continued—“is not without its amusements. A commodious theatre presents with great success every Saturday night the plays of Shakespeare alternating with sacred concerts; the New Yorker, indeed, is celebrated throughout the provinces for his love of amusement and late hours. The theatres do not come out until long after nine o’clock, while for the gayer habitués two excellent restaurants serve fish, macaroni, prunes and other delicacies till long past ten at night.

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236 on the immemorial traditions of the city, and the holy sanctions of the ecclesiastical rule, that it was destined to survive and emerge into supremacy when the discordant powers which had threatened it had passed away. And that this was so was due conspicuously to the descendant of Pope Felix IV who first saw the light before the sixth century had run half its course.

Gregory was the son of the regionarius Gordianus, a rich nobleman with a fine house on the Caelian hill who held an office of organisation connected with the Roman Church. His mother was afterwards ranked among the saints, and so were two of his father's sisters. He was brought up in the life of a Christian palace, among the riches of both worlds, as a saint, says his biographer John the Deacon, among the saints. In his education none of the learning of the time was neglected, and it is with the consciousness of a wider knowledge than the stricter folk of the day would allow that his biographer calls him arte philosophus, a student of Divine philosophy, not of the degraded type of Greek word-splitting which had lingered on at Athens till Justinian closed the schools ten years or so before Gregory was born. He was taught grammar, rhetoric, dialectic, after the fashion of the day. He did not learn Greek then, or even later, though he lived six years in Constantinople. For literary elegance he never cared, and he almost boasted of the barbarisms of his style. In later life he is found reproaching a Frankish bishop for expounding grammar, perhaps even for studying it; but there was more in the reproof than the mere regret for time wasted that might be more profitably employed not only by a bishop, but, as he says, by a religious layman: it was the sense of alarm with which the Christian scholars still regarded a mythology whose morals were by no means dispossessed from their influence on men. Of Art, on the other hand, he was not ignorant: towards painting as well as music he was sympathetic throughout his life. What special training he received was, there seems no doubt, in law. When boyhood was over, he emerges into light as praefect of the City of Rome (573), holding what was at least theoretically the highest office among the citizens, one of great labour and dignified ostentation, and, even in the decay of the city's independence, of serious responsibility. That his tenure of office was distinguished by any special achievement we do not know; but his leaving it was dramatic and significant. His father was dead: his mother had gone into a nunnery: he was one of the richest men, as he was the highest official, in Rome. But the religious training of his early years had never ceased to dominate his life. Now, at the very time when political leaders were most needed, and when he was in a position to win the foremost place among them, he laid aside ambition, put off his silk and his jewels, gave his father's property for the founding of six monasteries in Sicily and in charity for the Roman poor, and turned the great palace on the Caelian hill into a house of monks, entering it


text: The Flowers of the Forest (Fraser)

title: The Flowers of the Forest (Fraser)


text: The Flowers of the Forest (Fraser)/The Flowers o' the Forest


text: The Flowers of the Forest (Fraser)/For A' That


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234 being that here the acquisition of the dicio was effected by the local powers themselves and not through the interference of a foreign ruler, and that the formal suzerainty of the Empire was maintained for a longer time. In Venice, which about the end of the seventh century had been detached from Istria as a special ducatus, circumstances were particularly favourable to the development of the seigniorial local powers as represented by the tribunes, though it is true that after the suppression of the Italian revolt it fell back under the imperial dicio, and was again ruled by duces or magistri militum nominated by the emperor, not by elected chiefs. In the second half of the eighth century, however, after the fall of the exarchate, the bonds of subordination relaxed here as elsewhere, and the nomination of the Doge became more and more an act of mere formality. The Doge was placed in power by that fraction of the tribunicial aristocracy which was for the moment in the ascendancy; by them he was elected and to them he looked for support. He succeeded in making his office lifelong, and sought to legalise his position by soliciting and receiving a court title, as a form of recognition by the emperor at Constantinople. In agreement with the emperor, some Doges even tried to make the power hereditary in their families, chiefly we may suppose in virtue of their extensive landed property and their wealth. Nevertheless, from the time when in his final treaty of peace with Byzantium (812) Charles the Great definitely renounced the conquest of Venice, the suzerainty of the Greek emperor was permanently recognised. This was shewn by the sending of ceremonial embassies whenever a change of sovereign took place at Constantinople, by the appeal for recognition of every new Doge, who probably had to buy his Byzantine title with a high suffragium, and by the fact that the Venetian fleet was obliged to lend support to the Byzantines, at least in the West. We also hear otherwise of occasional interference on the part of the Byzantine emperor, though Venice naturally grew more and more independent.

In the south, the dux of Naples considered himself the successor of the imperial governor of Campania, and a right of control over him was in fact claimed by the patricius of Sicily. The actual holder of the dicio, however, was the dux, who, while professing adherence to the Greek Empire, often acted in political matters with complete independence, making his office first lifelong and afterwards hereditary. In the first quarter of the ninth century the Byzantine Empire succeeded temporarily in re-establishing a magister militum as the real functionary, but in the course of time here as elsewhere the local powers, and at times the bishop, remained victorious, so that the position of Naples resembled in every way that of Venice. It is however true that some other local seigniories, in particular Amalfi and Gaëta, detached themselves from the ducatus of Naples and, after a gradual secession from the supreme rule of the dux of Naples, exercised the dicio independently


text: The Flowers of the Forest (Fraser)/Nae Luck About the House


text: The Flowers of the Forest (Fraser)/Somebody


text: The Flowers of the Forest (Fraser)/Tweeside


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Rh were in the western part of the Byzantine Empire three themes under patrician governors — the Exarchate, Rome, and Sicily (with Calabria), of which the latter was for the most part Greek in language and culture, whereas the two first were Latin.

After the disappearance of the patrician governor from Rome, the pope took his place and claimed the right to rule directly the city of Rome with her surroundings, and also indirectly the ducatus attached to Rome in the north and south as supreme lord of the two duces, and to restore more or less the situation which had existed during the Italian revolt. The papal bureaucracy, which had been developed to a certain extent on the model of the Byzantine bureaucracy, took the place of the imperial administration. In other words, the pope assumed the dicio over Rome and the district belonging to it. Here in times of war and peace he reigned like the exarch before him, negotiated and concluded truces with the Lombards, recognising however the suzerainty of the emperor, whose commands he received through special embassies, and reckoning his dates from the years of the emperor's reign. At the emperor's command he went to King Aistulf at Pavia, and thence — probably also in accordance with the imperial wishes — crossed the Alps and visited the king of the Franks. The concessions of Pepin and Charles the Great were called "restitutions," by which was understood that the old boundaries between the Empire and the Lombard kingdom, as they had been recognised before Liutprand's reign, were restored, and the sovereignty of the emperor within these boundaries was legally undisputed. This is proved by the fact that down to the year 781 the popes reckoned their dates from the years of the emperor's reign. The dispute between the popes and the Frankish kings on the one side and the emperors on the other arose from the fact that Pepin gave the dicio of the restored domains to the pope, and not to the emperor who laid claim to it, so that the pope became the real master in the new Pontifical State and no room was left for a representative of the emperor. Moreover the pope overstepped the limits which had hitherto bounded the sphere of his power, by including in his dicio not only the former patrician ducatus of Rome but also the exarchate proper. This gave rise to protracted struggles with the archbishop of Ravenna, who as the exarch's successor assumed the dicio north of the Apennines. It was probably in the year 781 that the new state of affairs was officially recognised and thereby consolidated, by an agreement between Charles and Pope Hadrian on the one side, and the Greek ambassador on the other. According to this agreement the emperor, or rather the empress-regent Irene, abandoned all claims to the sovereignty over the Pontifical State in favour of the pope.

The emancipation from the dicio of the imperial government of those parts of Italy which still remained under Byzantine rule, was carried out in a way analogous to that of the Pontifical State, the only difference


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Rh of poetic sentiment and in which the thought is not wholly smothered by a superabundance of artificial figures of speech.

The skaldic poetry, which, as already stated, extends back into the mythic or at least into prehistoric time, preserved the character above described until the close of the fourteenth century, although the genuine drapa or song of praise with its mythic or heroic contents terminated a century earlier. By the side of this poetry there gradually grew up poems on religious themes — drapas on Christ, the Virgin Mary and the Saints — and these eventually monopolized the field. Still these religious poems also preserved the complicated form of the old versifications even long after the drapas praising kings and heroes had ceased to be heard. About the middle of the fifteenth century a simpler form of poetry first makes its appearance, namely, the so-called rima (Icelandic pl. rimur) a kind of ballad which continued to flourish in Iceland and the Faroe Islands until the beginning of the seventeenth century, and even later. The ballads are especially intended to be sung, and thus we find them used as tunes for dancing. In regard to form they have much in common with the popular ballads of mediæval Scandinavia. Their contents are based partly on the religious stories, partly on fairy tales, and partly on history; in the last case they were frequently paraphrases of the sagas. The oldest specimen of a Rima preserved (the Olafsrima) dates from about the middle of the fourteenth century and treats of St. Olaf.

We know the names of several hundred skalds, and a very large number of their lays are preserved either complete or in fragments. As genuine historical persons we do not, as above indicated, find them before the time of the Norwegian king in the end of the ninth and in the beginning of the tenth century. This king, who was


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Page:Everywoman's World, Volume 7, Number 7.djvu/9

 JULY 1917

''"Not just spiritual gifts, you know," I told her. "I've been taken in that way before. I've no use for spiritual gifts. It's the real things I want, like clothes and—and—lovers."''

Y father has just left the room, closing the door firmly behind him. His parting words to me were these:

"Barbara, I have reared three daughters into fine, self-respecting women who are a comfort and pleasure to your mother and to me. But it seems as though you are constantly making trouble for us all. Why is it, my child? Why is it?"

I did not answer. What was the use?

I cannot understand my father's attitude towards life. And if he knew all—but he is still ignorant of the fact that I have just finished cutting into small pieces a dress belonging to my sister Elizabeth that cost $59.50, reduced from $60.00. When this is discovered—words are too feeble to describe what will happen. But I am not sorry I did it. It may cause me suffering, but I am willing to sacrifice. myself because, after all is over, it will teach Elizabeth that she cannot treat me like a child any longer.

I realize that I am now passing through the darkest hour of my existence. If I were a poet, I should enrich the world by pouring out sad and beautiful thoughts about death. Instead I shall write down a true and ferocious account of all the events that have brought me here, so that when I am gone my family may weep bitter tears to think how they have misjudged me. I hope my ghost will be able to see them.

I am an unbeliever. Before I became an unbeliever I believed in Thought Control, and in my childhood I was a Presbyterian. To explain why I am an unbeliever I shall have to tell how I became a believer in Thought Control, Sarah Delle Sherwin and I were walking home from school. I might say that we were not walking of our own free will. A week or so before this a Polish sufferer had been in the city. She was one of these fashionable sufferers who speak at teas. Not being there, I do not know all that she said, but I have been one of the chief victims of her remarks ever since, for the principal, and I might say the only, thought that Mother gathered from her talk was that, considering the fact that many millions of people in Poland were going around without anything but knitted mufflers some kind people had sent them, it was absolutely wicked for pampered children of America to drive in limousines. According to Mother she did not anything against women riding, although your limbs get just as tired when you are sixteen as when you are forty or fifty. But ever since then, rain or shine, Sarah Delle and I have been expected to walk to school. Our mothers did not know that this foolish cruelty of theirs was forcing us to use the obnoxious street car, where we ran the risk of all kinds of catching diseases. The only reason we were not riding that day was because neither of us had a nickel.

"Good Grief!" Sarah Delle exclaimed, with an air of intense disgust. "Why is it that nothing exciting ever happens?"

I shook my head. It was a question which I had never been able to solve myself.

"I wish," Sarah Detle went on, "that we could go back to the Dark Ages. Then, instead of eking out a meagre existence as we do now, we should ride around on palfreys, and marvelous knights would fight for our sakes and hew and hack one another. Life would be worth living."

"I would be satisfied if only I had a few of the clothes I want and was allowed to go to dances," I replied. Sarah Delle's ideas are interesting but sometimes impractical.

This was the general trend of our conversation as we the new Thought Control Temple. I remember perfectly, because we decided to go in from sheer ennui. Little did I think, as I set my foot on the step, that I should come out of that building a changed woman.

There was a lecture going on by a woman whom the bulletin board called Lilla de Villbiss. The name fitted her so well that I doubt whether it was her own. She was the most flowing person I have ever seen. She had on a peacock and gold brocaded robe without any belt, and her voice was like a caramel sundae—thick and sweet. I must confess it took me a good while to catch the drift of her remarks. She seemed to have some peculiar expressions that got into the way of what she was trying to say, and every once in a while she would interrupt herself to clasp her hands on her chest-bone, and close her eyes and stand as though in great agony. After awhile this became monotonous.

"For Pete's sake, Barbie," Sarah Delle whispered, "let's go."

I was about to agree with her when my ear caught something Miss de Villbiss was saying and I poked Sarah Delle to keep quiet.

"And you who have starved souls! Stunted and dwarfed with cramped, narrow prisons for your ardent spirits! What is the message of the Infant Tenderness to you? Listen!"

HE made a long pause, holding up one lily-white hand. I listened, because if ever there was a person with a stunted and dwarfed life and an ardent spirit confined in a narrow and cramped prison, it was I.

"Listen!" she repeated. "Whatsoever you desire is yours! Whatsoever you desire! 'Ask and ye shall receive,' is it not said? Lay hold upon the promises of the Infant Tenderness now, claim them for your own." And she went on diluting this thought at great length. I got the impression that what she meant to say was this: If you wanted anything, no matter how impossible it seemed, all you had to do was to go into a kind of trench and ask for it. But as none of our family had ever had the habit of going into trenches, I decided to wait until the meeting was over and find out more about the thing. If there was anything in the idea you may just believe I wanted to take advantage of it. Sarah Delle was skeptical, but I dragged her up with me.

"Miss de Villbiss," I said, "is that the honest truth, 'cross your heart and hope to die,' what you were saying about getting anything you want free, just by asking for it?"

Miss de Villbiss turned her large clear eye on us. I could see her taking us all in, and no doubt observing how our spirits were cramped.

"As true as that the sun rises," she answered. "The Infant Tenderness is as ready to give us good gifts as our parents are."

"Huh!" Sarah Delle’s tone was not very trustful. She had had some experience with earthly parents and she did not think much of Miss de Villbiss' comparison.

"Not just spiritual gifts. I have been taken in that way before. Barbie and I have no use for spiritual gifts. It's real things we want, like clothes—and lovers."

"The Infant Tenderness has given me these garments," Miss de Villbiss returned, stretching out her arms.

ARAH DELLE and I looked her over. Neither of us had ever seen a dress made as hers was—in fact, you could hardly say it was made at all—but it was stunning gold-brocade velvet. It couldn't have cost the Infant Tenderness less than ten dollars a yard.

"Well," Sarah Delle decided, "it can't do any harm to try, I suppose."

"I'm in favour of it," I announced, "and I'll become a follower right now if you'll show us how to work it."

Miss de Villbiss sat down with a happy light in her eye and proceeded to tell us how to constrain the Infant Tenderness. You did it by folding your hands on your chest and looking at the crack where the ceiling meets the wall and trying to sink yourself in the Infant Tenderness. After you were sunk you were to suggest to It that you needed a new hat, or whatever it was, and then you had to have faith to believe that the Infant Tenderness had given whatever you had asked for, whether It had or not. And you were to keep your mind calm and free from annoyances. If any one injured you, you were just to sit down and go into a trench and pray for her. She was only a gnat that buzzes, but cannot sin; (I say "she" because, although I am a woman myself, I must admit that it is women who do cause most of the annoyances of life. Take your own family, for instance.) After it was all over Sarah Delle and I went home and spent the rest of the afternoon sinking ourselves in the Infant Tenderness—at least I did.

Thinking the matter over carefully I had decided to ask for three things. One was some gorgeous clothes and another was a social career and the third was to be engaged. I am sorry now that I asked for the third. If I had not I might still be happy. It was not absolutely necessary to my scheme of life, but I had noticed that since my sister Elizabeth has been in this state she has been looked up to in a manner which must be a pleasant experience, and a great deal of consideration has been paid to her feelings. If my family could be put in the same attitude toward me it would make things a great deal easier for me. However, to prove the injustice of the world, there was anything but consideration shown me when I announced my engagement. But of that anon.

Delphine called me to dinner before I came out of my trench. While I was about it I wanted to make it very clear to the Infant Tenderness just what it was I wanted I meant to give It no chance to fool me. So I told Delphine I wanted no dinner, which was true, and went right on with my meditations.

HY is it your family will never leave you alone in peace? It wasn't three minutes before Delphine was back again saying that every one was at the table and I was to come at once, I did not answer her at all. I simply concentrated on the Infant Tenderness. After addressing me in tones that were not ladylike, and even shaking my shoulder, Delphine went away. But not for long was I felt to myself. The next time it was Elizabeth.

"Barbara," she pecked out, "Mother says you are to come down to dinner at once."

I gazed at the crack in the ceiling with a rapt smile on my features, and said nothing.

"Barbara, do you hear?"

No reply.

"Barbara! What is the matter with you?"

I reminded myself that Elizabeth was only a gnat, and kept calm.

"If you don't answer, I'll have to tell Mother. What are you sitting here for?"

At last I looked at her. "I am praying," I said, I knew that would make her go away, and it did. After she had gone I went to the head of the stairs to hear what she would say in the dining-room.

"She says," Elizabeth repeated with relish, "that she is praying."

"That she is what?" gasped Mother in a shocked voice.

"Praying," Elizabeth told her again. I heard Kit giggle, but Mother's voice was solemn.

"Kelsey," she said to my father, "you had better go up and see what the trouble is. She may be ill."

"She ate most of a third of a (Continued on page 29.)

"I am sixteen," I reminded Aunt Barbara, "and a woman of the world, and I know that if it were my last earthly word, I should say that I want that dress."


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232 emperor to the local authorities, though they remained in formal adherence to the Empire. This, at least, was the pope's wish, and no emperor set up by the opposition in Italy was generally recognised. The suppression of the revolt resulted in the resumption of the dicio by the emperor, and during the next generation Italy was again ruled by his deputies and appointed duces. The fact, however, that in consequence of the Italian revolt the local powers had for a number of years been practically independent, could not be undone. Henceforth it was impossible to appoint officials in the place of tribunes. In the local organisation the landed proprietors had gained a complete victory over the bureaucracy, and in this the hereditary principle had prevailed. But the bureaucratic superstructure, by which the emperor exercised his dicio, was entirely out of touch with the seigniorial element at its base, and from this resulted — at least as far as North and Central Italy were concerned, where the revolution had temporarily taken a firm hold — the complete and permanent dissolution of the central power of the State.

Not very long after the termination of the Italian revolt there appears at Rome as the highest imperial authority the patricius et dux Stephanus. The title of patricius, and various other circumstances, indicate that he was no longer subordinate but equal to the exarch of Ravenna, and that Central Italy south of the Apennines had been constituted as an independent province or theme. This division of Byzantine Italy, which had long been geographically prepared, was probably due as much to strategical reasons, e.g. the advance of the king of the Lombards, as to any political necessity. Stephanus, however, seems to have been the first and last to bear the new title; after him there appears no other permanent representative of the emperor at Rome. The exarchate proper, comprising the Byzantine possessions north of the Apennines from which the ducatus of Rome had been detached, was ruled by the exarch, who resided at Ravenna until King Aistulf took possession of that town (750-751), when only Venice and a part of Istria of the lands north of the Apennines remained under Byzantine rule. All that was left to the Byzantines in the two southernmost peninsulas of Italy was, at a date which cannot be exactly determined, united into a ducatus which received the name of Calabria, and retained this name even when the Byzantines had completely evacuated the south-eastern peninsula which had formerly borne this name, and were confined to their forts of the former Bruttium in the south-west. This ducatus, which was not linked geographically to the rest of Byzantine Italy, was placed under the command of the patricius of Sicily, so that it was separated from Italy in its administration. In the same way the churches of southern Italy were, in consequence of the Italian revolt, detached from Rome and subordinated to the Greek patriarchate at Constantinople. Thus in the second quarter of the eighth century there


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Page:Annals of Augusta County.djvu/37

 The Rev. John Craig was born in 1709, in County Antrim, Ireland. He was educated at Edinburgh; landed at New Castle upon the Delaware, August 17, 1734; and licensed by the Presbytery to preach in 1737. As stated, he came to Augusta in 1740. "I was sent," he recorded, "to a new settlement in Virginia of our own people, near three hundred miles distant."

At his death, in 1774, Mr. Craig left a manuscript giving some account of himself and the times in which he lived. Referring to his settlement in Augusta, he says: "The place was a new settlement, without a place of worship, or any church order, a wilderness in the proper sense, and a few Christian settlers in it with numbers of the heathens travelling among us, but generally civil, though some persons were murdered by them about that time. They march about in small companies from fifteen to twenty, sometimes more or less. They must be supplied at any house they call at, with victuals, or they become their own stewards and cooks, and spare nothing they choose to eat and drink."

It is interesting to learn how the Dissenters of the Valley managed their congregational affairs; and here is a copy of the obligation subscribed by the people of Tinkling Spring: "Know all men by these presents, yt us, ye undernamed subscribers, do nominate, appoint and constitute our trusty and well-beloved friends, James Patton, John Finley, George Hutchison, John Christian, and Alexander Breckenridge, to manage our public affairs; to choose and purchase a piece of ground arid to build our meeting-house upon it; to collect our minister's salary, and to pay off all charges relating to said affair; to lay off the people in proportion to this end; to place seats in our said meeting-house, which we do hereby promise to reimburse them, they always giving us a month's warning by an advertisement on the meeting-house door, a majority of the above five persons, provided all be apprised of their meeting, their acting shall stand; and these persons above-named shall be accountable to the minister and session twice every year for all their proceeds relating to the whole affair. To which we subscribe our names in the presence of Rev. Mr. John Craig, August 11th, 1741."

One of the subscribers having failed to pay his subscription, or assessment, was sued in the County Court, and the commis-

title: Page:Annals of Augusta County.djvu/37


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Rh landowners grew more military. For the tribune did not only hold the command of a fort, the power of raising part of the taxes, and the jurisdiction over the population within the whole district of the fort, but in addition to this the landed property of the State or of the corporation fell to his share. Thus, the more the armed power assumed the character of a militia, the more important it became that the tribunes, who probably continued to pay their nomination-tax or suffragium to the exarch, should be chosen from the landlords of the district, like the officers holding command under them in the numerus, who are occasionally mentioned, such as the domesticus, the vicarius, the loci servator, and others. Probably in many cases the nomination by the exarch became a mere formality, and certain seigniorial families raised a claim to the tribunate. These local powers, the lords of the manor, who were qualified for the tribunate, formed the actual landowning military aristocracy, who, by uniting in themselves all the administrative offices of the first order, virtually ruled over Italy, although under the supervision of officials appointed by the central government. Among these local powers were the various churches, the bishoprics, and above all the Roman Church, the estates of which must in many respects have been exempt from the government of the tribunes, much the same as were the fundi excepti of the preceding time, so that they existed by the side of the secular tribunes, but not in subjection to them. When in the beginning of the eighth century the militia in the town of Ravenna was reorganised, a special division was provided for the Church besides the eleven other bandi. About the same time we see the rector of the patrimonium of Campania leading the soldiers of the Church in a campaign.

The conclusion and spread of this development of local powers formed the social change which led to the great Italian revolt in the first third of the eighth century. The state of anarchy in the centre of the Empire and the dangers by which Constantinople itself was threatened through the advance of Islam, had been a powerful help to the Italian struggle for independence. Different parts of Italy had at various times witnessed risings of the local powers, till the separate discontented forces united in a great opposition movement under the leadership of the pope. This took place when Gregory II boldly withheld the increased tax which Leo the Isaurian, the great organiser of the Byzantine Empire, attempted to raise for the benefit of the central government; and when, in addition to this, the edict against the worship of images and the outbreak of Iconoclasm incited religious passions against the imperial reformer. The first act of the rebels was to expel the exarch and the duces, the representatives of the central government, and to replace them by confidential friends of the local powers. At Rome the pope and at Venice an elected dux (doge) took the place of the former authorities. The dicio, as it was then called, was by this revolt transferred from the