text:
Page:Handbook of Ophthalmology (3rd edition).djvu/57

MYOPIA, TREATMENT. 51 tomed always to wear their neutralizing glasses feel very uncom- fortable so soon as they take them off, even for near vision.

If from any cause the use of neutralizing glasses cannot be allowed, we still often have occasion to remove the far point to a given distance, in order to allow the pursuit of some particular oc- cupation, piano-playing, for instance. The suitable lenses can be easily calculated. If we wish with myopia ^ to remove the far point to 18 inches, that is to reduce this M^ so that only M^ re- mains, then ^ — -i=-jlg-, consequently i=^. Concave 9 is there- fore the requisite lens. Of course the calculation and direct ex- periment should always verify each other. Here, too, the weak- est lenses which will fulfil the requirement are the ones to be chosen.

Insufficient movement of the eyes in consequence of their change of form exists generally only in high degrees of myopia. It appears best that the relative divergence in near vision which results from it should not be interfered with. Under these cir- cumstances little is to be accomplished with the prismatic spectacles which are so often employed. The optical effects of prisms will be more particularly explained hereafter.

If, on the contrary, the difficulty of binocular vision does not depend upon a limitation of the movement of the eyes but upon an elastic preponderance of the external recti muscles, and if it is evident that binocular vision can be maintained only by a strain upon the internal recti muscles, the indications are for a tenotomy of the rectus externus. This condition occurs congenitally, as does myopia; it is often a complication of slight degrees of myopia.

The symptoms of irritation which frequently appear at the period of puberty, characterized by hypertemia of the optic nerve, quick fatigue and pain in the eyes, especially when working in the evening, demand a strict hygienic regimen. There must be good light, frequent interruption of work, the head must not be bent forward, all influences which tend to congestion of the head or eyes must be avoided, the feet must be kept warm, the bowels open, the douche must be used with closed lids and sometimes blood is to be drawn with the artificial leech. In slight degrees of myopia it is advisable under these circumstances to avoid the use of spectacles ; in high degrees, if the difficulties are not


text:
Page:Handbook of Ophthalmology (3rd edition).djvu/58

52 thereby increased, the far point may be removed by concave glasses to about 12 inches; all strong convergence is to be avoided. If we suspect, as is frequent in high degrees of myopia in young individuals, that the symptoms of irritation are caused by spasm of the muscle of accommodation, the spasm is first to be relieved by the use of atropine, and the true degree of the myopia is then to be determined; the use of atropine can be continued several days, during which time the eyes should be protected from dazzling light by colored glasses. Upon a recurrence of the spasm of accommodation the use of the artificial leech is advisable.

The cases of diminished acuteness of vision which develop in the course of myopia, and which depend upon diseases of the vitreous, retina, or choroid, require a derivative treatment, and such eyes must be spared as much as possible.

The prognosis in these cases is, on an average, so much the better the fewer the material changes visible with the ophthalmoscope.

Hypermetropia exists when, accommodation being relaxed, parallel rays falling upon the cornea of the eye are focused at a point behind the retina. Under these circumstances every luminous point casts a circle of diffusion upon the retina. It is only by an effort of accommodation, or (since we are at present not regarding accommodation, but considering only the condition of refraction) by the help of convex lenses, that the image of the luminous point can be brought forward and cast upon the surface of the retina. In a hypermetropic eye, whose accommodation is fully relaxed, it is only rays already converging which, falling upon the cornea, are united upon the retina. The point behind the eye toward which they converge is called the far point. Of course only a convex lens of a certain focal length can give to parallel rays such a convergence as is necessary to cast an image from distant objects exactly upon the retina; this can happen only when the focal point of the lens and the far point of the eye coincide. Such a lens is called the neutralizing one; it expresses the grade of the hypermetropia. Strictly speaking, the distance between the lens and the eye must be taken into account just as in myopia. If for instance the rays must converge toward a point 12 inches

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/


text:
Page:A description of Greenland.djvu/15

Rh ment; no fine Arts and Sciences, or the like; but only a Number of mean, wretched, and ignorant Gentiles, who live and improve the Land according to their low Capacity. I mut own that Greenland, in its preent State and Condition, compared with other Countries, is but very mean and poor, though not yet o depicable and wretched, but it may, uing Care and Indutry, not only richly maintain its own Inhabitants, but alo communicate to others out of the Remainder of its Products. As for the Land in itelf, it yields little or nothing, not being manured or cultivated, but lies altogether wate and untilled; nevertheles the Ancient Hitories and Accounts, yet extant, of the Land, make it appear, that it is not unfit for everal Products; and therefore I don't quetion, but it might retrieve the Los of its former Plenty and Fruitfulnes, houls it come to be 3

title: Page:A description of Greenland.djvu/15


text:
Page:A description of Greenland.djvu/14

x quired: But having ince that Time got a fuller Light in thee Matters, partly by my own Obervations, and partly by thoe of my Son Paul Egede, who has been four Years Miionary in the Colony of Greenland, I have found it neceary to perfect and enlarge this little Work in Embryo, under the ame Title that it made its firt Appearance, with ome useful Additions, and with the Ornaments of divere Figures and Cuts of certain Animals, Fihes, Birds, Plants, and other natural Products of the Country, together with a  Map of the ame, that o the Reader may the better comprehend what he finds in this Sketch. Though Greenland be a Country of a vat Extent, yet it affords but a narrow Field for any Obervation or Remarks of Conequence; there being no trong or Towns to meet with; no  Polity or Civil Govern- ment;

title: Page:A description of Greenland.djvu/14


text:
Page:A description of Greenland.djvu/13

Friend of mine, who lived ome Time in Greenland, publihed (unknown to me) ome Years ago, a Decription of Greenland, under the Title of, A New Survey of Old Greenland, which, not long after my Arrival in thoe Parts, I had ketched, to atisfy ome of my Favourers, according to the Knowledge I then had ac- quired:

title: Page:A description of Greenland.djvu/13


text:
Page:A description of Greenland.djvu/12

Rh his Face to all Eternity, are the hearty Wihes and Prayers of,

title: Page:A description of Greenland.djvu/12


text:
Page:A description of Greenland.djvu/11

Rh daily encreae, and be pread far and wide, under the Government of Your Royal Houe! May the Word of God run wiftly, under the Sway of its Scepter, as it doth in the Eat, o alo now in the coldet North. That it may pleae Almighty God to make Your Royal Highnes's Name as the Name of the great and mighty Ones upon Earth; that he may etablih, and powerfully upport the Royal Hereditary Throne, and place You as a Bleing before Rh

title: Page:A description of Greenland.djvu/11


text:
Page:A description of Greenland.djvu/10

Rh wholly depends on, and necearily follows the firt; for when the poor Greenlanders hall have learned to know and worhip God, as their Creator and Redeemer, then they will likewie learn to acknowledge and honour a Chritian Sovereign as their King and Ruler, through whoe mot Chritian Care and Beneficience they have been brought to the Knowledge of Salvation.

May the Kingdom of God daily

title: Page:A description of Greenland.djvu/10


text:
Page:The Necromancer, or, The Tale of the Black Forest Vol. 1.djvu/222

 When night invited us to rest from the toils of the day, we dedicated the remaining hours to the mutual enjoyment of hallowed friendship's cheerful bliss.

Eight days of peaceful happiness were now elapsed, when Lieutenant N entered my apartment one morning, with a countenance exhibiting the strongest marks of horror.

"I come to you," said he, "because I apprehend a second refusal from your friend, if you do not support my request."

Asking him whether he intended to apply once more to my friend to encounter the ghost, he replied, it was his intention to try his fortune once more with my obstinate friend.

"Then you must excuse me," exclaimed I, peevishly.


text:
Page:The Necromancer, or, The Tale of the Black Forest Vol. 1.djvu/223

 Having stared at me awhile in profound silence, he began walking up and down the room, and at last seated himself by my side, resuming, in a cool and tranquil tone, "Hear what I am going to say, before you refuse to intercede with your friend, and I will acknowledge myself to be unworthy of your confidence if you persist any longer in your resolution, not to speak in my behalf to your worthy friend."

The solemn awful manner in which he pronounced the last words engaged my attention, and made me apprehend to hear a tale of horror. Having moved my chair closer to his he went on.

"You know what I and my friends intended to do, we have executed our design: All our efforts to make the ghost appear proved abortive at first; in vain did we watch, make a noise, search every corner of the house, and try to provoke


text:
Page:The Necromancer, or, The Tale of the Black Forest Vol. 1.djvu/224

 the spirit for three nights, we could neither hear nor see any thing uncommon."

I was going to interrupt him, and to argue the imprudence of their proceedings, but he squeezed my hand gently, and begged me not to interrupt his narrative.

"The fourth night appeared," thus he continued after an awful pause; "it still makes my blood freeze when I recollect the horrible scene of terror my eye beheld in that night of dreadful note. We all repaired to the abode of that airy disturber of the stillness of night, taking our residence in a lonely hall, in the second story, within a small distance from my former apartment. We sat down to the inviting punch bowl after eleven o'clock, as we had done the preceding nights, filling our pipes and cursing the cowardice of the spectre, seemingly afraid of meeting an assembly of hardy soldiers; but it took ample vengeance on our forwardness, in so horrid a


text:
Page:The Necromancer, or, The Tale of the Black Forest Vol. 1.djvu/225

 manner, that one must have been an eyewitness of its ire, if one will form a just idea of our situation."

"Our impatience increased as the punch began to heat our blood, we took the candles from the table, unsheathed our swords, and began to search every corner of the house and the cellar without success. My friends looked gloomy, the clouds of dissatisfaction were hovering over their brows, and a storm was gathering, which perhaps would have ended in a serious quarrel, if it had not been for the Austrian's tale, which, as yet, had sheltered me against their boiling anger, and from the suspicion of being an impostor or a coward. They began ridiculing the landlord and myself on account of our self-created fright, as they called it, declaring, all we had heard and seen to be a mere phantom, the offspring of a deluded fancy; however they were soon convinced of the truth of our narration, in a most shocking manner."


text:
Page:The Necromancer, or, The Tale of the Black Forest Vol. 1.djvu/226

 "We were ascending the staircase, and the foremost had not yet reached the last step, when a sudden hollow noise arose. It was not unlike the howling of the tempest rushing through the chinks of an old ruinous building. The noise carried something frightful with it, which cannot be expressed by words. My hair rose up like bristles, an irresistible horror made my blood run chill, and my ridiculing friends became as serious as if a magic wand had touched them, gazing at each other in dumb astonishment. The dismal noise continued a few seconds, and then every thing was as silent as the grave."

"We pursued our way to the hall, and retook our seats, wondering what could have caused that dreadful howling, and one of the company opened the window to see whether a tempest had gathered in the air, but the sky was clear, and not the least wind blowing. Sensations of unspeakable awe thrilled our souls, the fumes of punch


text:
User:Arcorann/Historical Notice of the attempt made by the English Government to rectify the Calendar

SIR HARRIS NICOLAS was the first of our historical writers to point out that the government of Queen Elizabeth made an unsuccessful attempt, in the year 1584-5, to adopt the changes introduced into the calendar by Pope Gregory XIII. Sir Harris discovered the fact of the attempt, but not the grounds upon which it was abandoned, The subject is a curious and interesting one. It is desirable to ascertain what that influence was which compelled our lion-hearted queen to abandon a once formed intention; who were the men, and what the reasons which were powerful enough to stay the adoption of a mere demonstrable scientific truth for nearly two centuries. Some hitherto undisclosed information upon this subject is contained in a MS. of Anstis's, purchased a few years ago for the British Museum, and we now propose to place it before our readers.

On the 28th Feb. 1582, Pope Gregory XIII. published his authentication of that alteration of the Calendar which goes by his name, and by which the civil year was brought into conformity with the solar year, that is, with the earth's actual position in reference to the great regulator of its seasons. The alteration was one which depended entirely upon the application to the subject of the principles and calculations of mathematical science. The results when thus worked out were, as far as they went, unquestionable; but the practical object to be accomplished, the rectification of the existing calendar by the omission of a certain number of days, might be arrived at in many various ways. A day, or several days, might be dropped at any stated period, every month, or every quarter, or every year, or every fifty years, until the required number had been got rid of; or, the whole might be dropped at one time. In the new papal calendar all the days were directed to be dropped at once, in the month of October following. The Pope, as a temporal sovereign, had no authority to enforce his new calendar upon any but his own subjects—even if he had such authority over them. But the question, although in principle and calculation altogether one of mathematical science, touched upon ecclesiastical matters in its interference with some of the accustomed days of holding various feasts and festivals of the Church. Upon this ground it was seized hold of by the Pope as if it were altogether an ecclesiastical business. The new calendar was put forth by him as an ecclesiastical superior, and with all the unchristian arrogance which would seem necessarily to appertain to his doings in that character. He exhorted and commanded all kings, princes, and republics, religiously to accept that his calendar, and to take care that it was observed inviolably

-

by all their subjects, declaring that it should not be lawful for any man to infringe or disregard that his command, and that if any one presumed to do so, the indignation of God Almighty, and the blessed apostles, Peter and Paul, would fall upon him.

The conduct of the English government upon this occasion seems to have been wise and manly. They were not forward to receive the pope's calendar; but, having procured the matter to be investigated and having found the papal calculations to be to a certain extent accurate, they did not pause to consider whence the truth came, or in what manner it was promulgated. They regarded the papal bull simply as putting forth a scientific truth, and prepared to adopt the truth, although not under the authority of the bull. Soon after the bull had come into operation in Roman Catholic countries, Dr. John Dee, whose subsequent reputation as aspiritseer has made us almost forget that as an astronomer and mathematician he was one of the most eminent of his day, was consulted upon the subject by Sir Francis Walsingham, and was directed by the Queen's authority, and perhaps even by her majesty herself, to make such calculations as would be necessary for the adoption of the new calendar in England. The "Boke," as Dee terms it, which he compiled in consequence was delivered by him to Lord Treasurer Burghley on the 26th February, 1582-3. It is entitled "A playne discourse and humble advise for our gratious Queen Elizabeth her most excellent Majestie to peruse and consider, as concerning the needful reformation of the vulgar Kalendar for the civile years and daies accompting or verifyeng according to the tyme truely spent." Besides a rhyming dedication to Lord Burghley which has been printed by Mr. Halliwell, the following explanatory lines occur on one of the fly-leaves of this curious volume:—

Dee's "boke," which still exists and is one of the curiosities of the Ashmolean collection of MSS. at Oxford, agrees in the accuracy of the papal calculations, provided their basis, or radix as it was then termed, were accepted. But Dee was anxious to deduce his calculations from another "radix." The Gregorian "radix" was the time of holding the Council of Nice. With the powerful voice of an œcumenical assembly of the Church that Council had declared what was to be the future chronological basis on which the calculations of Easter, the great centre of the Christian festivals, was to rest. The Church of Rome now amended the calendar on the assumption that all that was done at the Council of Nice was strictly correct. Dee would have gone further back. He desired to ascertain the actual position of the earth in relation to the sun at the birth of Christ, and to rectify the calendar on that basis, and not on that of the assumed accuracy of the Council of Nice. This difference in the starting point gave a difference of one day. The calendars were one day wrong at the date of the Council of Nice. To make the new papal alteration entirely right, that one day should have been added to the ten it was now proposed to drop, and eleven omitted instead of ten. Still, rather than continue in a condition of non-conformity with the rest of the world upon such a point, Dee advised the reformation of the English calendar in accordance with the papal scheme, "only so as the truth be denounced to the world that it ought to be eleven days; hoping that the truth will draw the Romanists and other parts of Christiandom to take out of their calendar hereafter the same odd day." The grave Lord Treasurer studied the astronomer's lucubrations, although not versed, he says, "in the theoricks to discern the points and minutes." He afterwards conferred with him "at good length thereon," and finally, with commendable prudence, submitted the calculations to three celebrated mathematical scholars of the time—Thomas Digges, son of Leonard

-

Digges, a mathematician of Kent, and father of Sir Dudley Digges the statesman and Master of the Rolls; Henry, afterwards Sir Henry, Savile, provost of Eton and editor of Chrysostom; and "Mr. Chambers," whose name is less familiar to us. Their report is printed in the Biographia Britannica, but as it is not long, and we can correct some inaccuracies in the former imprint, it will not be deemed improper to print it again. We do so from a copy in the MS. in the British Museum to which we have already alluded.

The report of the mathematicians, although dated on the 25th March, 1582, (i. e. 1583,) was delivered (probably verbally) some days before; for on the 22nd of the same March we find Walsingham addressing Archbishop Grindal upon the subject in urgent terms as follows. This letter has never been published, therefore we shall not hesitate to print it.

"It may please your grace. Uppon the setting furth latelie of a new Calendar in forren parts, called Calendarium Gregorianum, for the reformation of the ould received course of the year, wherebie there are now ten days cutt off in the new year, her majestie thinking it meet that the like reformation of the yere should be so receaved, and have his course in these her majesties realms and dominions, thereby to avoid diverse inconveniences that might otherwise follow, between her own and other princes her neighbours' subjects, by reason of the diversity of computations, hath caused this bearer, Mr. Dee, to set down a new calculation to be here published, to the said intended reformation of the yere, which my Lord Treasurer being directed by her majestie to [refer] to the consideration of Mr. Digges and two or three other very skilfull in the

-

mathematicks, his Lordship hath returned answer that the said calculation is well lyked of as grounded upon good knowledge and probable reasons. Now, for that things of this nature ought in course to be referred to the considerations of the Archbishops and Bishops of the church, my lords of the councell doe therefore think meet that your grace, calling unto you such bishops as are about London, as the Bishops of London and Salisbury, and him of Lincoln if he be not departed, should consider of the said new calendar, and thereupon return your opinion what you think of the same, and whether it be meet to be passed as it is set down, which it may please you to doe with all convenient speed, for that it is meant the said callendar shall be published by proclamation before the first of May next; and so I humbly take my leave of your grace. Att Richmond, the 18th of March, 1582.

"Your graces to command,

""

The bishops, whom the poor harassed archbishop Grindal, just on the eve of his contemplated resignation of the archiepiscopate, was directed to consult, were Aylmer Bishop of London, and Piers Bishop of Salisbury, whilst "he of Lincoln" was Thomas Cooper the defender of the church against Martin Marprelate.

Up to this time, it is evident that everything had gone on pretty smoothly. Probably the draft was already prepared of the proclamation for the publication of the new calendar, alluded to at the close of Walsingham's letter. But church-work is slow work always. An answer did not come immediately. The impetuous Queen, in no good humour with her Archbishop of Canterbury, became annoyed at the delay, and at the end of eleven days, no long time one would think, for the due investigation of calculations which affected the universe, Walsingham again addressed his grace of Canterbury as follows.

Thus urged, the archbishop, assisted by his brethren of London and Salisbury, and by bishop Young of Rochester (not Cooper of Lincoln), and having procured also the opinion of "some godly learned in the mathematicalls," forwarded various papers to Mr. Secretary Walsingham, with the following letter.

"After our hearty commendations unto your honour, may it please you to understand, that upon receipt of your letters in her Majesty's name, and the view of Mr. Dee's resolutions touchinge the admittinge of the callender of Pope Gregorie, we have upon good conference and deliberation thought good to signifie unto your honor our opynion in that behalfe; namely, that we love not to deale with or in anye wise to admitt it, before mature and deliberate consultation had, nott only with our principall assemblie of the clergie and convocation of this realme, but also with other reformed Churches which profess the same religion that we doe, without whose consent if we should herein proceed we should offer juste occasion of schisme, and so by allowinge, though not openly yet indirectly, the Pope's dewyse and the [Tridentine] counsayle, [cause] some to swerve from all other Churches of our profession, illis inconsultis, which in conscience and respect of our profession we cannot yielde to doe, as by certen reasons for this short time by us collected and here inclosed her Majesty and your honour may understande, wherewith you shall

-

also receive the judgment of some godly learned in the mathematicalls. Thus we take our leave, prayenge God to blesse your honour with his heavenly favour to the benefitte of his Churche and the promotinge of his gospell and eternall glory. From Lambeth this iiijth of Aprill, 1583.

> "Yrs in Christ.

>> "

"

"

""

The archbishop and bishops, it will be seen, at once set themselves in deadly array against the proposed alteration. They will have nothing to do with it. They claim a right for convocation to be consulted in the matter, and they bring forth also a ground of objection in reference to foreign Protestant churches, which ought to prove to our High Church brethren, that their present estimate of the validity of the orders of those foreign churches does not quite accord with that entertained by the Elizabethan bishops. But the principal objections of the bishops appear more clearly in the "certain reasons by them collected," which are contained in three explanatory papers, copies of which are preserved in the Anstis MS. These papers are pervaded from first to last by a most sturdy spirit of opposition to Rome and all its belongings. The Pope, it should be remembered, was then held to be really and in truth the capital enemy of our nation and our faith; he was the insolent excommunicator of our Queen, and was believed to be the foretold Antichrist, the deadly adversary of all light and truth. The bishops thought it foul scorn to receive anything from such hands. In the judgment of reason it would have been better if the churchmen had followed the moderation of the statesmen; if they had shewn less of their customary professional spirit; if they had thought more about the truth and not quite so much about the Pope; but still one cannot help admiring even a misdirected opposition which was founded upon such obvious patriotism, and was excited by the unquestioned insolence of the recent papal bull.

The papers in which the episcopal reasons are embodied probably proceeded one from each of the three bishops; the archbishop's blindness and infirmities almost precluding him from taking his share in the preparation of such documents. One of these papers is in Latin, the others in English. Not having room for them all at present, we shall print the two English ones, that in Latin not differing materially from the others. To the two episcopal papers we shall add the one which contains the judgment of the unnamed "godly learned in the mathematicalls."

The objections stated by the prelates are divisible into three classes. They are professional, political, and religious. Under the first class falls their adoption of the Pope's view of the calendar as a subject of ecclesiastical regulation. They think it to be a matter "ecclesiastical or mixed, because it toucheth festival days, and so the service of the Church." They contend that as the old calendar came from the Nicene Council neither the Pope nor Mr. Secretary Walsingham ought to alter it without the authority of another similar body; adding further, that (as we suppose) even after a general council if the new calendar were to be established in England it must be done by convocation. For the further consolation of the Secretary of State, they suggest to him that over and above a general council and a convocation there is another body that ought to have a voice in the matter—the parliament—without whose consent an alteration could not be made in the calendar in the Prayer Book.

The arguments which touch upon public policy are comparatively slight, and principally relate to the confusion which would result from the partial adoption of a new rule, inasmuch as many persons besides English people would not accept it. They further insist upon the scandal which it would be in the sight of the world, for Englishmen, and especially for the English clergy, to obey the Pope, and that it would be said, if we did so, that we feared his threatened excommunication.

The religious arguments are by far the most curious. They are principally these.

1. That, inasmuch as all the reformed churches hold the Pope to be Antichrist, we may not (under the authority of 2 Cor. vi.) receive anything from him.

-

2. That to establish the alteration in this country would breed a schism between our Church and the foreign reformed churches, similar to that between the East and West about the Passover, &c.

3. That the matter was of no great importance, because the latter day approaching there could not be much greater change in the course of the year than existed already, wherefore the Pope might very well have spared his labour.

The principal additional argument of the godly learned in the mathematicals is one which, although of little weight in itself, is peculiar in this respect, that it is the only one in which the question of the accuracy or inaccuracy of the papal alteration is at all regarded. It is this, that the Pope did not make the alteration out of any desire after the truth, or he would not have omitted the one day which was wrong at the time of the Nicene Council.

This brief notice of the contents of these papers ought not to prevent any one from reading them entire, as they are really very curious. 'The first paper we shall print runs as follows:—

"Reasons touching the Pope's Callendar.

"1. First, it is to be considered whether the altering of our usual callendar be a matter meer civil or ecclesiasticall or mixte; if it be meer civill then it belongeth not to us to deale in it, but if it be meer ecclesiastical or mixte, as we think it is indeed, because it toucheth festival days, and so the service of the church, then our opinions are as followeth;—

"2. Seeing the old callendar which is in use came from the Nicene counsell, as they say in their preface, therefore it is convenient that if it be changed, it be done by like authority of a general and [œcumenical] counsell, gathered together in all the churches in Europe, which the Trydentyne counsell was not, because the greater part of the Churches being reformed were excluded and yielded no consent unto the matter.

"3. If it should be established here in England, it must be done (being a matter concerning the first table) by a synod provinciall assembled in convocation, otherwise a few of the bishops, namely three or four dealing in it, should prejudice all the rest being absent.

"4. Item, if it should be stablished here by a synod without the consent of other Churches reformed it would breed a schisme as was betwixt the east and west Churches about the passover, sweet bread, &c.

"5. Item, our opinion is that it cannot be altered here in Englande by the cutting of of days from certen months, but the book of common prayer established by acte of parliament must be altered, which is against the statute.

"6. Item, seeing all the reformed Churches in Europe for the most part doe hold affirme and preach that the Bishop of Rome is Antichrist, therefore we may not communicate with him in any thing as receaved from him, according to the Apostle, 2 Co. 6. What society can be betwixt Christ and Bellial? which Œcumenius and others doe interpret Antichrist.

"7. Item, if the west Church about the matter of the passover did condemn the Churches of Asia, because they would have nothing common with the Jews, therefore we ought not to communicate with the Church of Rome in this pointe, because it is now known to be the Church of Antichrist.

"8. Item, if it be objected that we communicate with them now in some sort of prayers, ceremonies, festivals, and fasting days, &c. we aunswere that these things which we retain came from the Church before it was corrupted, and especially before the Roman Church was by experience found to be according to the Scriptures the seat of Antichrist.

"9. Item, we think that concerning civill traffik and contracts there should grow no more confusion by divers computations of countrys than doth alreadie by the computation of the year of the Lord from the beginning of January in other places and from our Lady Day in England.

"10. Item, we think that it will be scandalous and offensive to all the world to yeald herein to the Pope, for it will be thought that we of the Clergie will be as ready to yeald unto them in other things.

"11. Item, because the Pope in his preface doth use these words, 'præcipimus,' 'mandamus,' 'under payne of excommunication,' if we should admitt it, we should seem to fear his excommunication who hath most presumptuously excommunicated the Queen, and so confirme the Papists and offend the weak brethren.

"12. Item, if it were to be done for policie it had been more convenient to have done it before the coming forth of his bull or long after, and not in the heat of his edict, for so it will be taken to come from him, because the ground of it came

-

from him, what pretence soever be made to the contrary.

"13. Item, the matter being of no great importance or necessity (as we thinke), especially because that the latter day approching, as by all conjectures in the opinion of many godly learned wryters and divines, it is to be presumed there cannot happen or grow anye much greater alteration in the order and course of the year than is already, we doe think that the Pope might very well have spared his labour in this matter, as the Church hath done from Christ's time hitherto.

"14, Item, we think it to be not of necessity, because both our religion in all points and our policy may stand without observing the old usages before.

"If the Prince of Aurenge and other magistrates of the Low Country have receaved it, we are not to be carryed by their example, because they have admitted the publick exercise of antichristian religion, by grauntinge the masse in diverse churches, and they are driven to yeald some things for the better quieting that state, as the exercise of masse aforesaid. They have turbatam rempublicam, which God be praised we have not, having not hitherto received any thing sent by that Church.

"To receive decrees from the Trydentine Counsell, being condemned by all the reformed Churches, as not lawfull counsell, and so many protestations being made by all the reformed Churches against it, is but tacito consensu prodere causam nostram et religionis et illi concilio adherere.

"Trenius held that Victor the Bishop of Rome did evill to compell the East Church to follow them of the West in a thing that Churches may differ in, as in all ceremonies, and specially of the Lent fast, without any danger of……"

The other episcopal paper which we propose to print stands as follows:—

>> "Certen reasons alleged to shewe why that, though it be a thing indifferent to alter the kalendar according to that which is called Kalendarium Gregorianum, yet it is net expedient.

"1. First, it is likely to ingendre a new schisme at home among us, where there are so many that myslike of things allreadie established being of smaller importance.

"2. It would breed great offence abrode in other reformed Churches which have not as yet receaved it, but written against it, as it appeareth in some of their bookes: alleging that the Bishop of Rome hath altered it only in respect of religion, as it is manifest in the preface of the said kalender.

"We should seeme to some, not duly considering the cause of the alteration, nor well staid in religion, that we doe it for fear of the Pope's curse and excommunication, because he doth command it under payne of excommunication to be observed by all men.

>> To prove that it is not necessary in respect of policy these reasons are used:—

"1. First, we differ from all other contrees one whole quarter in accompt of the yere without any inconvenience: we may by the like reason differ from them in accompt of days.

"2. Notwithstanding the kalendar were so reformed, yet should we differ in accompt of days from all other contrees and churches not receiving the said kalendar, which would breed a great confusion and doubtfulness in reconing.

"3. A kalendar in columnes may be drawn where the days of the newe moneth may so answer the days of the old, that any man may perceave at the first viewe what day it is, both by the one and by the other, which may serve for trafficke with foreign contreys as well as if the kalendar were altered.

"4. Mutations and alterations in commonwelthes are not to be allowed (as diverse learned and wise authors do write), unless necessitee inforce thereunto, but there is no such necessitee in alteration of the kalendar, no not in respect of traffique. For it is affirmed that diverse marchants of best experience inhabiting within the citee of London do think and offer to prove, that they may use their trafficke as well without that alteration as with it.

>> And that it is inconvenient in policie to receave the said kalendar these reasons following seem to prove:

"1, The alteration will ease but a few, viz.—such as have traffick with foreyn nations; but to the rest of the realm it will be troublesome. For the old rules of the compound manuel of the Golden number, of the epact and cycle of the sonne, &c.. whereby generally the people of this realme doe find out the course of the year, the change of the moon, and consequently the tides and the Dominical letter, &c. (which hitherto have served them) will be wholly out of use, and hardly shall they

-

learn new, which peradventure also will be more uncertain.

"2, As this alteration will only ease such as traffik, so will it not ease them all, nor the most part, but unto many will bring as great trouble as it will be unto others if it be not altered, viz. To such as have occasion to traffik with the north and north-east parts (who have not receaved this alteration), for that with them they must be driven to use the old kalendar still.

"3. The best way, therefore, and sufficient for all needful purposes, seemeth to be this, viz. To suffer the old to stand in common use, and to add the new in some almanack, in diverse columns, with every day answerable to the old, as is aforesaid.

>> "The opinion of some godlie learned mathematicians.

"In this reformation we cannot allege a desire of the trueth, for that the Bishop of Rome, whome we shall folow in it, had no respect tothe trueth at [all], for by that one odd day, which grew in 300 years from Christ till the councell, it may fall out that our Easters will square as much as bye these [new rules], although not so oft; moreover, the reformer himself, Lilius, confesseth, as indeed he needs must, that by his cycle of Epacts it will come some time to pass that Easter day shall fall after the 21st of the moon, which is most absurd, for that then it shall not fall upon the next Sunday after the full moon, which is [clean] against the Nicene councell.

"If the celebrating of Easter and Christmas move us, for Easter we may reform it without this great alteration of the whole calendar, so that our Easter, as this year it hath, so ever shall hereafter, agree with the Nicene councell without this taking away of ten days; for Christmas the thing is more indifferent, as being a thing uncertain when it should be.

"As we now differ from our neighbours' account in the moneth, so we ever did in the account of our year, and yet we never thought of changing, although this difference in year was much greater than the other, in which we differ not from so many.

"It wear good to see the Bishop of Rome's book before we procede to any alteration.

"It wear good that we applied ourselves somewhat hearin to the reformed churches.

"For traffick with forren countries a calendar in columnes may be drawen, whereat the days of the new moneth may answer to the days of the old, that any man perceave at the first view what day it is, both by the new moneth and the old.

"The councell of Nice, although they saw the ods of one day in their time, yet they toke no order farther then might serve to sever them from the Jews and Quartadecimani.

"The same reason as move[d] the Nicene councell to differ from the Jewes and Quartadecimani may move us to differ from the Bishop of Rome.

"By subducting ten days one or more Sundays after Trinity must be omitted, which will breed confusion in the manner of prayers.

"The thing which indeed moved the Bishop of Rome to this alteration, was the manner of his Popish service, as the reformers themselves do testify."

What effect such reasons produced upon Elizabeth, and her advisers, we have not discovered. They would be weighed not in proportion to their wisdom but to the power of the objectors, and Elizabeth's government seems to have under-estimated that power. In a few months Grindal rested from his labours, leaving the work of calendar-making to a successor who was little likely to bate one jot of ecclesiastical power. What communication Elizabeth's government had with Whitgift upon the subject does not appear. Grindal's suggestion of a general council Walsingham no doubt declined. Even to consult the convocation upon such a point was advice not likely to be adopted by him. He preferred an attempt upon the last of the three deliberative bodies suggested by Grindal, and had he succeeded in parliament would probably have rested under the shadow of its supposed omnipotence. Parliament met in 1584, and on the 16th March, 1584-5, a bill was brought into the House of Lords, and read a first time, entitled, "An Act giving Her Majesty authority to alter and new make a Calendar according to the Calendar used in other countries." An imperfect entry on the Journals records that this bill was read a second time on the 18th of the same March. From whom opposition to it came, or what was the immediate effect of the opposition, does not appear, but from that time the bill disappears. There is no further

-

entry about it, or notice of it upon the Journals. When the papers of the House of Lords are duly arranged in their new place of deposit probably the abandoned bill may yet be found, with some explanatory indorsement. This opposition stayed a great public reform for no less a period than 170 years. Many intermediate attempts were made to rouse attention to the subject, and whenever that was the case the labours of Dee were honourably referred to. Incalculable was the amount of confusion and mistake which resulted from the long delay; and even at last, in 1751, when the theological prejudice had probably died out, Lord Chesterfield, who proposed and carried the alteration, had to combat an amount of ignorant opposition, in all classes of society, which is almost inconceivable. His fellow ministers would have had him let what they called "well" alone, and a rabble followed him through the streets, after the bill was passed, hooting and exclaiming "Give us back our eleven days!" The result is humiliating, and yet encouraging. If the Pope had put forth the alteration in any other way than that which suited the character of his ecclesiastical despotism, it would probably have been adopted at once. But in spite of all the prejudice with which his insolence surrounded the question, we see in this narrative an example of that great fact which history so clearly teaches; the absolute certainty of the ultimate triumph of truth. its entrance may be opposed by prejudice, it may be driven out by power, its return may be barred by mountains upon mountains of ignorance, bigotry, and falsehood;—it matters not. Be faithful, you who uphold its cause; succeed it must!


text:
Page:The Necromancer, or, The Tale of the Black Forest Vol. 1.djvu/227

 evaporated, and solemn stillness swayed all around; nothing was heard save the violent palpitations of the heart, the chattering of our poor landlord's teeth, and the knocking together of his trembling knees."

"A few moments more of profound silence, and then the dismal howling arose again with redoubled force; a sudden violent gust of wind threw the windows open, and the door from its hinges, extinguishing all the candles; a tremendous clap of thunder shook the house, a terrible flash of lightning hissed through the room, and prostrated us to the ground; an hideous lamenting noise assailed our ears, and lifting up my head I beheld the phantom that once had frightened me, advancing with a threatening grin; grisly was its shape, and its eyes rolling like two flaming comets."

"I was the first who recovered the use of his senses, and, calling in vain for the landlord, my companions started up, and we


text:
Author talk:Daniel Brent

Daniel Brent? Daniel Brent was a teacher of mathematics in Dunedin in 1863: https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/OW18630404.2.25 Otago Witness, Issue 592, 4 April 1863, Page 5

Daniel Brent appears on the Electoral Roll for Dunedin in 1866 -1867, living in George Street.

Daniel Brent published a book on Euclidean geometry. https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/ODT19220911.2.62 https://www.nature.com/articles/047454a0.pdf https://caligula.org/images_classics/1895_Williams_Rouse_Key_to_Damon.pdf

Page 204 of this thesis confirms that Daniel Brent the high school teacher presented the paper to the Institute (and got in trouble for it) https://ourarchive.otago.ac.nz/bitstream/handle/10523/10237/BellDavidS1993PhD.pdf Wainuiomartian (talk)

title: Author talk:Daniel Brent


text:
User talk:82.167.159.197

Creating an account
Hello. I do recommend creating an account, as it will enable you to mark pages as proofread. --Jan Kameníček (talk) 09:11, 28 November 2023 (UTC)

title: User talk:82.167.159.197


text:
Page:The Necromancer, or, The Tale of the Black Forest Vol. 1.djvu/228

 found the poor fellow prostrated on the floor, half frantic with terror. At length he also recovered a little from his fright, and after many persuasions, ventured down stairs, accompanied by me, to strike a light. Every body in the house was snoring, except our crest-fallen fellow adventurers, who exhibited a rueful ghastly group, being all as pale as ashes. Looking at our watches, we saw it was past two o'clock, sat an hour longer without perceiving any thing farther, and returned against morning to our respective lodgings."

Here he stopped, but as it seemed only to draw breath for a longer narrative, I omited giving my opinion, expecting that he was going to unfold the mystery, but his tale took such an unexpected turn, that I felt myself soon warmly interested.

"I would not," resumed he, "have troubled you with an account of this strange in-


text:
Page:The Necromancer, or, The Tale of the Black Forest Vol. 1.djvu/229

 cident, if not, an accident was connected with it, which has happened last night."

"My recruiting business having called me abroad yesterday, I returned in the afternoon; in the dusk of evening I entered a thicket, in a gloomy pensive mood, all around was lonely, and buried in profound silence; no sound was heard except the dismal dirge of the screech-owl, and the shrill chirping of the amorous cricket. At length I heard a whispering within a small distance, and cocking one of my pistols, I rode on with the greatest circumspection. At once I saw a manly figure coming out of the thicket, but could not distinguish his dress; advancing a little farther, I beheld somebody in a peasant's garb, walking on briskly and talking to himself. As I came up with him I ob-


text:
Page:The Necromancer, or, The Tale of the Black Forest Vol. 1.djvu/230

 served a black wallet on his back, and a thick branch of a tree in his hand, serving him instead of a walking cane. He seemed to take no notice of me, pursuing his way with hasty steps, and still muttering between his teeth. I saluted him but he gave me no answer."

"Whither art thou going, good friend," exclaimed I.

"To men!" replied he, to my utter astonishment.

"Very likely to F," resumed I.

"Yes," said he, "there are men."

"Supposing him to be a lunatic, I passed him, pursuing my way in a brisk trot; when I came out of the thicket I saw that I was nearer the town than I thought, and made my horse quicken his pace; but how was


text:
Page:The Necromancer, or, The Tale of the Black Forest Vol. 1.djvu/231

 I astonished, when I beheld again the same figure walking before me."

"Old gentleman," exclaimed I, "it seems thou knowest the road better than I do."

"I think so myself," answered he dryly, "and I believe I know many things better than you do."

"Strange being," resumed I, "who art thou?"

"A friend of wisdom!" was his answer.

"Thy wisdom," replied I, "must be as odd as thyself! But pray what dost thou call wisdom?"

"What you do not understand," was his reply.

Hearing the words friend of wisdom, I was suddenly struck with a suspicion which


text:
Page:The Necromancer, or, The Tale of the Black Forest Vol. 1.djvu/232

 my readers will easily be able to guess, and that suspicion was strengthened when the narrator informed me of his definition of wisdom. I strongly suspected that he was the same person I had met in the Black Forest, under the garb of a pilgrim, and I hardly could refrain from exclaiming, art thou here, impostor?

Every one may guess the conclusion of the Lieutenant's wonderful tale, I scarcely had patience to await it: The narrator being highly charmed with the hoary juggler, could not find words to express the sensations his reverend aspect had raised within his breast. He had fancied to be in company with a robust countryman, but when he entered his house in the suburbs, to which he kindly had invited him, he beheld the countenance of an old man with silver hair, and a mien exciting awful respect. He offered him a glass of excellent wine, and began by degrees to become more cheerful and communicative.


text:
Page:The Necromancer, or, The Tale of the Black Forest Vol. 1.djvu/233

 The old man's conversation on the road having betrayed a high degree of occult knowledge, had very nearly tempted the Lieutenant to communicate to him his adventure at the haunted inn; that temptation returning now with redoubled force, he could no longer resist, and told him every thing that had happened. The result of the ensuing conversation was, that he entreated the old man to come and conjure up the apparition, to which he, after many seeming struggles at last consented, under the condition that no more than six persons should be present, and the landlord's leave could be obtained. The Lieutenant left him in high spirits, after having promised to fulfil strictly these two conditions.

I could not bridle any longer my ardent desire to hasten to the Austrian and to get rid of my visitor, who now became exceeding troublesome to me, being tired of his over-strained encomiums on the old deceiver, I therefore, anticipating the renewal of his re-


text:
Page:The Necromancer, or, The Tale of the Black Forest Vol. 1.djvu/234

 quest to speak to my friend, promised that I not only would engage to persuade him to assist at the conjuration, which was to be performed the ensuing night, but I also assured him, that I myself would be present.

The Lieutenant's raptures exceeded all bounds, he almost stifled me by his embraces, and called me more than hundred times his kind benefactor, and his dear obliging friend. I was however entirely indifferent to his raptures and endearments, pondering how I might best confound the vile dissembler, and put a final stop to his enormous cheats. I begged the poor hood-winked Lieutenant to give me leave to go directly to my friend, and to win him over to our party, which he instantly did, after having fixed an hour in the afternoon, when he would wait on me to hear how far I should have succeeded with the Austrian.

"Mean while," added he, "I will go to the owner of the haunted inn, in order to talk


text:
Page:The Necromancer, or, The Tale of the Black Forest Vol. 1.djvu/235

 the business over with him, and to engage three able assistants more from among our friends.

Not finding the old veteran at home I was vexed very much, but when dinner time came, I had the pleasure of meeting him. The recapitulation of Lieutenant N's account of his late adventure at the inn, and his conversation with the hoary juggler, produced the desired effect. Though a man like him, who was of a cool temper, and never suffered his passion to get the better of his reason, could not be seized with a fit of amazement, yet I never saw him so violently agitated.

Having with apparent emotion awaited the conclusion of my tale, he exclaimed at last, after a short pause, during which his desire for vengeance and punishment seemed to struggle with his reflection and prudence,

"Friend, what do you intend to do?"


text:
Page:The Necromancer, or, The Tale of the Black Forest Vol. 1.djvu/236

 "To seize the Necromancer."

"Before or after the conjuration?" asked the Austrian.

"After it," replied I.

Now the dinner bell rang, and he left me, with the promise to repair at night to the place of action.

Having accustomed myself by degrees to examine minutely what likeliest might be the result of my noble friend's almost unfathomable considerations, before I determined on any thing he was concerned in; I succeeded sometimes in my anxious endeavours to act in unison with his principles, and to coincide with his ideas, but in the present case I was quite at a loss how to proceed conformable to his wish, having not the least clue by which I could expect to extricate myself out of the labyrinths into which he had led me, leaving every thing to myself.


text:
Page:The Necromancer, or, The Tale of the Black Forest Vol. 1.djvu/237

 However, after much reflection, I was at last so fortunate to hit upon a plan which he fully approved, proposing to conceal myself 'till the whole transaction should be finished, and then to rush like lightning upon the hoary deceiver, to upbraid him with his glaring cheats, to force him to a confession of the dark fraudulent means he had employed to play that infernal trick upon us, when he left us in the lurch in the cellar of the Haunted Castle, and then to make him a prisoner without farther ceremony.

We both agreed to deliver him up to the civil power, after having convicted him of his roguery, and to order four stout corporals to rush into the room at the first signal, in order to arrest the shameless cunning deceiver. Flattering ourselves with hopes of good success, we parted, after a mutual promise to repair to the place of action at eleven o'clock.

Lieutenant N came to my lodging at three o'clock in the afternoon, to inform me


text:
Page:The Necromancer, or, The Tale of the Black Forest Vol. 1.djvu/238

 that every thing was ready for the performance of our nocturnal adventure. The landlord had made no difficulty to give his consent to the conjuration, and was desirous to be admitted one of the spectators, being elated with the hope that his house soon would be cleared of that troublesome being which had, 'till now, banished all his customers, and very much impaired his circumstances. He knew the reverend Necromancer, as the Lieutenant was pleased to call him, and was in raptures that the honest old man was returned to F, and had consented to restore the tranquillity of his house, exclaiming,

"Now I am easy; Father Francis is the very man! It is a thousand pities that he visits these parts so seldom, and that he, if present, buries himself in solitude."

"He could not tell me precisely," added the Lieutenant, "how the old man employs his time, because nobody was on an intimate footing with him, nor could any one


text: The Necromancer (Kahlert)

title: The Necromancer (Kahlert)


text:
Page:CAB Accident Report, Capital Airlines Flight 983.pdf/5

 Investigation of this accident was extended to the subject of decreased braking effectiveness because of wet runway surfaces. The National Aeronautics and Space Administration furnished the results of data compiled when tests were made using various runway surfaces and with varying degrees of moisture on these surfaces. These tests indicated that it was possible under certain conditions (aquaplane) and for the aircraft brakes to be completely ineffective this occurs. Detailed information on this subject may be had from publications listed under BIBLIOGRAPHY at the end of this report.

Analysis and Conclusions

The Board has determined that this aircraft did aquaplane throughout a portion of the landing roll, The white tire marks found on the runway are the color of tire marks definitely associated with aquaplaning. The Board also believes that the approach speed of the aircraft was faster than the recommended approach speed and that this extra speed was partially caused by the lowering of the landing flaps on the final approach. It is further believed that although the aircraft was landed within the first third of the runway, under the conditions which existed, namely a wet runway and without a headwind component, a landing should have been made closer to the approach end, in the interest of safety. Coupling these conditions with the first officer's failure to hear and comply with the captain's order to raise flaps in order to put weight on the wheels, it is easy to understand why an early deceleration was impossible.

The above facts, however, are not the complete story. At some point in the landing roll the captain realized that something must be done immediately or the speed of the aircraft would take it over the embankment at the end of the runway. At that time he was faced with a real emergency and it does not seem in keeping with the gravity of the situation that he would delegate the handling of the power controls to the flight engineer. Recognizing that the power to delegate discretionary with the captain, the Board nevertheless believes that in this instance this was not optimum procedure and that instead the handling of the throttles by the captain may well have resulted in less disastrous results. It is interesting to note that since the accident the company has placed the prohibition on the landing of all Constellation aircraft on runway 32 unless the runway is dry and there is a headwind component.

Probable Cause

The Board determines that the probable cause of this accident was the pilot's action of landing the aircraft too fast on the wet runway under conditions conducive to aquaplaning, making early deceleration impossible. An additional factor was the poor coordination of the crew throughout the approach and landing.

BY THE CIVIL AERONAUTICS BOARD:

/s/ WHITNEY GILLILANDChairman

/s/ CHAN GURNEYVice Chairman

/s/ G. JOSEPH MINETTIMember

/s/ ALAN S. BOYDMember


text: The Necromancer (Kahlert)/Volume 1

title: The Necromancer (Kahlert)/Volume 1


text:
Page:The Harveian oration 1903.djvu/19

 1886 bequeathed a sum of £2,000 to establish a yearly Lectureship in "State Medicine and Public Hygiene."

Mrs. FitzPatrick, who in 1901 gave to the College under the advice of Dr. Norman Moore a sum of £2,000 to found a Lectureship in "The History of Medicine," in memory of her husband, Dr. Thomas FitzPatrick, a learned Member of the College.

Also the following donors of sums for the purpose of providing commemorative prizes or medals to be awarded by the President and Council of the College.

Dr. Swiney, 1844, jointly with the Society of Arts, a triennial prize of a silver cup value £100 for the best work on Jurisprudence.

Dr. Baly, 1866, £400 to provide a gold medal every alternate year for distinction in Physiology, "In Memoriam Gulielmi Baly, M.D.," and not restricted to British subjects.

A sum of over £400 subscribed in memory of Dr. Walter Moxon in 1886, the interest of which provides every third year a gold medal, value £30, for excellence in observation and research in Clinical Medicine, and is not confined to Fellows or Members of the College.

In 1895 Sir Hermann Weber generously presented to the College £3,000 to found a Prize to be called the "Weber Parkes prize," in memory of the late Dr. Edmund Parkes, to be awarded for the best essay on "The Pathology, Prevention or Treatment of Tuberculosis."

And in 1896, due to the suggestion of our Fellow, Dr. Theodore Williams, a sum of £1,000 was presented to the College by Captain Edward Wilmot Williams with the object of perpetuating the memory of the late Dr. Francis Bisset Hawkins, a former distinguished Fellow of the College. A gold medal is triennially

title: Page:The Harveian oration 1903.djvu/19


text:
Page:The Harveian oration 1903.djvu/21

 whether in furthering the material prosperity of the College or adding to its reputation, deserve to be remembered as our benefactors. To commemorate, however, all such "by name and what in particular they have done for the benefit of the College," as I am enjoined to do by Harvey, would be beyond my powers, as I fear it would exceed your inclination to listen, But I should ill perform my duty in this connection did I not "exhort others to imitate these benefactors, and to contribute their endeavours for the advancement of the Society."

In attempting to comprehend the full significance of Harvey's great work on the circulation of the blood, it must be recollected that he was first and foremost an anatomist, and that although his discovery and its proof were the result of observation of the actual movements of the heart and vessels and of experiment on the living animal, it was by his previous knowledge of anatomy that he was enabled clearly to understand what he observed, and the perfection and, indeed, in great measure, the feasibility of his experiments, depended on his acquaintance with the structure of the organism he was investigating. And although the name of Harvey is for ever linked with a great and far-reaching physiological truth, one not only great in itself,

title: Page:The Harveian oration 1903.djvu/21


text:
Page:The lay of the Nibelungs; (IA nibelungslay00hortrich).pdf/303

XXI.]

Then Rüdeger’s fair daughter with all her company,

Unto the queen approaching, received her lovingly.

There likewise was her mother, the wife of the margrave.

To many a young damsel they kindly greeting gave.

Hands took they with each other, and so together went

Unto a wide-room’d palace of fashion excellent,

For there, beneath it rushing, one saw the Danube’s flood.

They sat and took the breezes, and had much pastime good.

Of what they did there further I cannot say a word.

Thatso much timewaswasted complaints, howe’er, were heard,—

Made by Kriemhilda’s warriors, whose patience thus was tried.

But with them, from Bechlaren what goodly thanes did ride!

By Rüdeger kind service was amply offeréd.

The queen bestow’d, when leaving, twelve golden bracelets red

On Gotelinda’s daughter, and raiment, too, well-wrought She into Etzel’s country herself no better brought.

Although they had despoil’d her of all the Niblung gold,

The love of all who saw her she knew to win and hold

With what small wealth remaining she for her use might have.

Unto her host’s house-servants great store of gifts she gave.

Like honour show’d on her side the lady Gotelind

Unto the guests from Rhineland; to whom she was so kind

That one could find scarce any among the strangers there

Who had not of her jewels or raiment fine to wear.


text: Page:The Harveian oration 1903.djvu/5

title: Page:The Harveian oration 1903.djvu/5


text: Page:The Harveian oration 1903.djvu/1

title: Page:The Harveian oration 1903.djvu/1


text: The Necromancer (Kahlert)/Volume 1/Preface of the Translator


text:
Page:The Harveian oration 1903.djvu/22

 but if possible greater in being the starting-point of physiology and as such of a scientific pathology, it was from the anatomist's point of view that he came to enter upon the inquiry which was so fruitful in result. That a sound physiology is essentially dependent upon an accurate knowledge of anatomy was as well understood by Harvey as it is at the present day. "No one," said he, "indeed has ever rightly ascertained the use or function of a part who has not examined its structure, situation, connection by means of vessels, and other accidents in various animals, and carefully weighed and considered all he has seen."

It is further to be remembered that in the early part of the seventeenth century, anatomy was a science that, at least so far as the human body was concerned, had reached a very considerable degree of advancement. 'The teaching of Galen, who first properly appreciated the importance of physiology, full of error as it was, that had held sway for 1,400 years, was giving way to the more accurate work of Vesalius. His book, Fabrica Humani Corporis, published in 1543, and his teaching at Padua, marked the beginning of a new era in biological science, furnishing the account of the structure of the body as a basis upon which a precise physiology was alone possible, and from which a rational pathology and medicine could alone develop. The true

title: Page:The Harveian oration 1903.djvu/22


text:
Page:The Harveian oration 1903.djvu/23

 course being thus entered upon, the work was continued by the contemporaries, pupils and successors of Vesalius, chief amongst whom were Servetus, Realdus Columbus, Fallopius, Cæsalpinus and Fabricius—the last named being professor at Padua, whose instruction Harvey himself followed for nearly four years after quitting Cambridge in 1598. 'There, whilst perfecting himself in anatomy, he became more fully acquainted with such views as were held upon the circulation, modifications for the most part of the Galenic doctrine, with such objections thereto and glimpses of the truth as had been foreshadowed by Vesalius, and still more even by Servetus, who seems at least to have had some idea of the real nature of the pulmonary circulation.

For the first few years after his return to London Harvey appeared to have pursued his anatomical work, and especially the dissection of animals. Becoming a Fellow of this College in 1607 and in the next year a Physician to St. Bartholomew's Hospital, he was in 1615 appointed Lumleian Lecturer, the fourth holder of the office. The subject of the Lectures was Surgery, supplemented by public dissections so arranged as to form series of courses extending over six years. But it was as an anatomist that Harvey evidently regarded

title: Page:The Harveian oration 1903.djvu/23


text:
Page:The Harveian oration 1903.djvu/24

, for in the dedication of his work De Motu Cordis et Sanguinis, in 1628, "to his very dear friend, Doctor Argent, the excellent and accomplished President of the Royal College of Physicians, and to other learned Physicians, his most esteemed colleagues," he concludes thus, "Farewell, most worthy Doctors, and think kindly of your Anatomist, William Harvey." In the course of the Introduction to the same work, the author appeals to the similarity of structure of the two ventricles as being in favour of their pursuing a similar function, which was contrary to prevailing ideas. And, lastly, the final chapter of his "anatomical disquisition" shows how "the motion and circulation of the blood are confirmed from the particulars apparent in the structure of the heart, and from those things which dissection unfolds." "Harvey's method of enquiry was that which may be called the purely and strictly physiological method. Observing carefully the phenomena of the living body, he sought in the first place, in the arrangements of the structures concerned in the facts of anatomy, for suggestions as to how the phenomena might be explained. It is this aspect of his method which brings into striking light the value of the work of Vesalius, and of the school of Vesalius, as the necessary preparation for Harvey's labours.

title: Page:The Harveian oration 1903.djvu/24


text:
Page:The Harveian oration 1903.djvu/25

 Vesalius opened up the way for Physiological enquiry by his exact anatomical labours ... and his successors did little more than widen the way which he had opened up. Harvey was the first who followed up the anatomical path till it led to a great physiological truth. . . . He made no appeal to any knowledge or to any conceptions outside the facts of anatomy and the results of experiments. . . . The patient examination of anatomical features, if possible a comparison of those features in the same organ or part in more animals than one, the laying hold of some explanation of the purpose of those features suggested by the features themselves, and the devising of experiments by vivisection or otherwise which should test the validity of that explanation, that was Harvey's threefold method."

I propose to consider how far the ascertainment of the facts of structure as a necessary preliminary or adjunct to experimental methods has influenced the progress of biological knowledge, and what may be the limitations and extensions of the subject in that direction. But I would guard myself at the same time from being supposed to assume that anatomy however

title: Page:The Harveian oration 1903.djvu/25


text: The Necromancer (Kahlert)/Volume 1/Part 1


text:
Page:The Harveian oration 1903.djvu/26

 complete and precise is of itself sufficient to furnish a physiology or knowledge of function, since in the earlier days to which I have referred, when the facts of gross anatomy were well and widely known, most erroneous and grotesque views were held as to the action and uses of the various organs—as indeed the history of the explanations offered for the circulation of the blood before Harvey's time sufficiently testifies. Nor do I fail to admit that much physiology, more especially in recent times, has become known even with considerable approach to exactness without a corresponding knowledge of its structural basis.

The discovery and proof of the circulation, not only by the actual positive knowledge which it furnished but also by the methods by which it was arrived at, did much to dispel the fanciful and absurd views held as to the other functions of the body, and thus became the starting point of Modern Physiology. But, as I propose to show by a few examples, the full benefit of Harvey's work, and indeed its applicability in explaining those other functions, was proportional to the extent of the accurate information possessed in respect to the structure of the organs by which these processes are carried out; and as fresh anatomical knowledge was forthcoming so did truer conceptions of the living activities develop

title: Page:The Harveian oration 1903.djvu/26


text:
Page:The Harveian oration 1903.djvu/27

 from their observation and experimental investigation.

The rational study of the respiratory function, for example, followed much the same course as did that of the circulation of the blood. The Galenic doctrine on this subject was that which Fabricius propounded in the Lectures to which Harvey listened. The air which was introduced into the lungs by the "rough artery," or, as we call it, trachea, was for the purpose of modifying and regulating the innate heat of the heart, of getting rid of the fuliginous vapours which resulted from this innate heat, and further with the object of being conveyed by the "vein-like artery" (pulmonary vein) to the left side of the heart, there to generate those vital spirits which the arteries carried throughout the body. Although Harvey's discovery set aside at once and for ever such unintelligible nonsense, as it had upset the corresponding views of the heart's action, the time was not yet quite ripe for laying the foundation of sounder principles as to the Function of Respiration. The state of knowledge of the anatomy of the lungs was scarcely as far developed in Harvey's time as was that of the structure of the heart, as may be seen in the Mannuall of the Anatomy or Dissection of the Body of Man (enlarged 1642) by Alexander Read, who was a Fellow of this College as well as "Brother

title: Page:The Harveian oration 1903.djvu/27


text:
Page:The Harveian oration 1903.djvu/28

 of the Worshipful Company of the Barber Chirurgions."

Moreover, the significance of the movements of the chest in breathing and of their relation to the entrance and exit of the air from the lungs was but imperfectly realised. If to Borelli may be attributed the first settlement of these questions on right lines, applying as he did to the problem the growing mechanical and chemical knowledge of his day, and showing as he did that the air entered the lungs as a result of atmospheric pressure as the chest enlarged by muscular contraction, and further that the air inspired was actually taken up by the blood, and that this was essential to the life: of the animal, all of which are the facts which are at the basis of our present knowledge of the subject—if, as I say, Borelli showed this, the way for his so doing was made clear for him by what had been done in explaining the true structure of muscular tissues and still more by the labours of his fellow Professor at Pisa, Malpighi. More than fifty years after the invention of the compound microscope, this observer applied it to the investigation of the tissues, and had himself informed Borelli of the minute structure of the lungs, how the terminal branches of the air tubes ended in closed vesicles, on the walls of which the smallest blood vessels ramified, forming the

title: Page:The Harveian oration 1903.djvu/28


text:
Page:The Harveian oration 1903.djvu/29

 communication between the arteries and veins, thus supplying the completing link to Harvey's work within a few years after our great countryman's death. On such a foundation of exact knowledge the further pursuance of the subject was one for the Physicist and Chemist, and by them it has been brought to a high pitch, when once the nature of the machine they had to deal with was clearly defined. Observation and experiment were profitably occupied when anatomy had cleared the ground.

It was not only with the functions of respiration that Malpighi's great work on the investigation of tissue structure was concerned. His labours added to, and developed by the famous Dutchmen, Van Leeuenhoek, and Swammerdam, as well as by the Englishman, Robert Hooke, rendered possible the satisfactory examination of the other functions, though the difficulties of the necessary observation and experiment were greater than they were in respect to the circulation and respiration. Connected with the latter, questions of a mechanical and chemical character arose more capable of being answered as the sciences of physic and chemistry were at the time being better understood. While it was comparatively easy to see the movements of the heart and of the lungs in a living animal when these organs

title: Page:The Harveian oration 1903.djvu/29


text: The Necromancer (Kahlert)/Volume 1/Part 2


text:
Page:The Harveian oration 1903.djvu/65

Rh these, and none will more benefit mankind in their discovery. To their investigation therefore, in obedience to the precept of Harvey, do I exhort you to turn.

title: Page:The Harveian oration 1903.djvu/65


text:
Page:The Harveian oration 1903.djvu/31

 microscope, and thus furnished Borelli with the anatomical grounds upon which he formulated the principles of the action of this substance, also showing that the contractions were induced through the nerves. Although much that he taught was erroneous, being entirely dominated by mechanical conceptions of the nature of muscular contractility, the refutation of his errors showed the right lines, which was possible only on the structural basis which the microscope had supplied.

The most important step towards an understanding of the nature of muscular action was taken shortly afterwards by a Fellow of this College, Francis Glisson, whose name is more generally associated with his work on the liver and on rickets. In a treatise however published by him in 1673 De natura substantiæ energetica he first explained the property of muscle substance, which he called "irritability," the character and phenomena of which were further developed by Haller nearly a century later.

Important as the work was that Malpighi did in respect to the discovery of the capillary blood vessels and the structure of the lungs, almost if not quite as great was that which he accomplished in connection with the secreting glands. In earlier times the word "gland" had a wider range of meaning and included such organs as

title: Page:The Harveian oration 1903.djvu/31


text:
Page:The Harveian oration 1903.djvu/32

 the brain and tongue. That some of them were concerned in straining off certain serosities or humours from the blood was also generally held, but the active agents in the process were quite unknown, as would naturally be the case when the intimate structure of the organs was hidden from view. To the nerves this function was often attributed, but the physiology of secretion was on a par with that of the heart or the lungs, with which of course it was interwoven. Within a few years previously to the time that Malpighi was investigating the structure of the skin, the liver, and the kidneys, the ducts of the pancreas and of the sub-maxillary and parotid glands were discovered and the position of these organs as secreting glands recognized. Malpighi in addition showed the lobular structure of the liver and the relation of the acini to the bloodvessels and showed the general course and arrangements of the renal tubules and of the glomeruli and capsules which were named after him. The instruments at his disposal did not permit him to realize the cellular constituents of these several organs, but all these researches gave the death blow to the older conceptions as to the part played by the nerves in the secretory processes, and it was realized that the secretions were derived from the blood in its passage through the glands and were passed into the commencements

title: Page:The Harveian oration 1903.djvu/32


text:
Page:The Harveian oration 1903.djvu/33

 of the ducts. Stensen indeed, who had discovered the sub-maxillary duct, seems to have had a foreshadowing of the vaso-motor influence on secretion.

The subject of digestion need not detain me, the problems with which it is concerned are so essentially chemical in nature, that although in the latter part of Harvey's period and within a few years after, the existence of the digestive juices as secretions of the various glands was known, their composition and mode of action on the food stuffs were not a matter of anatomical enquiry and depended for their satisfactory investigation upon a knowledge of chemistry that was developed altogether outside the study of the living body.

Of all the functions of the body, none it would be at once admitted is more difficult of study or more obscure in the investigation than that of the nervous system. None also has been the subject of cruder description or wilder explanations. That this is so would seem natural, clearly associated as nervous phenomena are with the more recondite phenomena of life, and subject as their study has ever been to the influences of metaphysical speculation. At the same time, however, one, and as I conceive the most, important circumstance that has retarded the rational development of Neurology has been the extreme

title: Page:The Harveian oration 1903.djvu/33


text:
Page:The Harveian oration 1903.djvu/34

 difficulty that has existed in obtaining a precise knowledge of the actual structure of the organs which subserve the function. Even at the present day, great as are the advances that have been made, I think I should be correct in saying that less is known of the minute anatomy of the nervous centres than of any other organs in the body. Whilst it may be said that with the present means at our command a knowledge of the histology of many of the tissues has reached or almost reached its limits, the precise disposition of the multiplicity of nerves and cells that constitute the brain and spinal cord as well as the ultimate termination of the nerve fibrils in the tissues and in the centres are yet to seek. Hence it is that whilst during the period of Harvey and immediately subsequent the study of the several functions to which I have referred began to emerge from the erroneous and fanciful notions by which they were surrounded, and their investigation to be started upon lines that have been followed to the present day, the phenomena of the nervous system for some time remained enveloped in the mystic obscurity that had enshrouded them with growing intensity from the earliest times, an obscurity that was if possible made greater by the lengthy and unintelligible phrases in which they were described.

The main divisions of the brain were

title: Page:The Harveian oration 1903.djvu/34


text:
Page:The Harveian oration 1903.djvu/35

 cognised—cerebrum and cerebellum, medulla, corpus callosum, corpora striata, ventricles, and even such smaller parts as the corpora geniculata, pituitary body, pineal gland, infundibulum and septum lucidum. The distinction into white and grey matter was also appreciated, and that the former was made up of fibres was supposed. But the structural relation of the several parts to one another was very indistinctly realised, and anything further as to minute structure was of course unknown. The following extract from Read's Mannuall of Anatomy, already mentioned, will serve to show what was taught in a standard text book, as we should now call it, concerning the functions of the brain.

"Of the action of the brain. The action of the brain is this: After that the spirits and blood are discharged into the Sinus of the dura mater by the veines and arteries to temper the heat of them, the brain is ordained (seeing it is colder than the heart) that the animall functions, which are feeling and moving may be the more readily executed. Wherefore the animall spirits seem not to differ from the vitall spirits in substance, but in qualities, viz. the temperament and attenuation; for they must be more temperate because heat doth both taint the

title: Page:The Harveian oration 1903.djvu/35


text:
Page:The Harveian oration 1903.djvu/36

 reasons (as we may see in drunkenness and raving) and hindereth or preventeth the motion.

The spirits ought also to be more subtill; because they are to passe like a thunder through the bodies of the nerves. So, as the vitall spirits are carried to the parts of the bodies by the arteries, so the animall are carried by the nerves.

The animall spirits for this cause also ought to be subtill because the reasonable soul is resident in the brain, which doth contemplate things immateriall, as Angels and it selfe."

Although this may be taken as illustrating the teaching of the day, and the work of Willis, De Cerebri Anatome (1659) was no advance thereon, there appeared ten years later (1669) a treatise on the anatomy of the brain by Nicolas Stensen, whose investigations on secretions have already been referred to, which foreshadowed in several respects many of the discoveries made and views held a century and more later. But the special feature of this treatise as bearing on my present subject is that after pointing out the extremely slight information possessed as to the essential structures of the nervous system Stensen refused to admit in face of the lack of all sound

title: Page:The Harveian oration 1903.djvu/36


text:
Page:The Harveian oration 1903.djvu/37

 knowledge any physiological deductions whatever. After pointing out a number of cases in which he shows that adequate anatomical knowledge is wanting, he says, "whence you may guess how little trust is to be put in explanations based on such a futile foundation. . . . I have said nothing of the use of parts, nothing of the actions which we call animal, since it is impossible to explain the movements carried out by a machine, so long as we remain ignorant of the structure of its parts."

It was only very gradually that this ignorance was cleared up, and pending that the progress of Neurology was hindered by the mystical speculations of successive metaphysical doctrines. Until the discovery of the nerve cells and their connection with the fibres was made in the fourth decade of the last century, no very sound notions on nervous function were possible.

Slowly, and with many throw-backs as Physiology emerged from obscurity and became established on a scientific basis, the correlative subject of Pathology long lagged behind in taking up a similar position. The reluctance, as it were, to regard morbid processes in the same manner as those manifested by a healthy organism was no doubt in part responsible for the delay in

title: Page:The Harveian oration 1903.djvu/37


text:
Page:The Harveian oration 1903.djvu/38

 any clear conceptions as to the nature of disease; but what was of far greater influence was the lack of any systematic observations on the appearances presented after death, anything that in short might be looked upon as a knowledge of morbid anatomy. Hence it was that the notions respecting disease and its workings were, if possible, more fanciful than those held in connection with the healthy body and were retained for long after the latter had been diverted on to right lines. Although isolated records of post-mortem examinations were made from time to time, it was not until the latter half of the eighteenth century that Morgagni laid the foundations of a scientific Pathology by his work De Sedibus et Causis morborum (1780), upon which a goodly superstructure was soon erected. "It stands most clearly revealed," says Virchow," in the history of Pathology that the division of the body first into the larger regions (head, breast, abdomen, etc.), then into organs, then into tissues, and finally into cells and cell territories, was the first step which opened up to us the comprehension of disease." There is good ground for thinking that this comprehension

title: Page:The Harveian oration 1903.djvu/38


text:
Page:The Harveian oration 1903.djvu/39

 would have been sooner grasped if the collection of records of post-mortem inspections which Harvey had made over many years had escaped the destruction which befell many of his papers when his house in London was ransacked during his absence at Oxford with King Charles.

From this necessarily brief sketch of the development of Physiology in relation to gross anatomy, it is apparent that any approach to an accurate understanding of the working of the several functions was only possible when the facts of structure were ascertained and appreciated; and that when these facts were scanty, fanciful and erroneous views were entertained as to the mode in which the corresponding functions were performed. With the prosecution of anatomical investigation beyond the range of the unaided vision, the knowledge of the living organism and its working was by so much extended. The impetus given to the study of microscopic structure by the labours of Malpighi and his followers resulted in establishing Histology—a term first used by Carl Meyer in 1820—as a specific branch of anatomical enquiry which has been pursued with ever growing success to the present day, coincidently as the realm of gross anatomy became more and more restricted,

title: Page:The Harveian oration 1903.djvu/39


text:
Page:The lay of the Nibelungs; (IA nibelungslay00hortrich).pdf/304

226

When they enough had eaten, and time it was to start,

The mistress of the household proffer’d, with all her heart,

Most true and loyal service to Etzel’s wife to-be.

Then was the fair young maiden embraced right lovingly.

Unto the Queen thus spake she: “If it seem good to you,

I know that my dear father right gladly this will do:

He’ll send me into Hunsland that I with you may be.”

That she was loyal-hearted Kriemhilda well could see.

In front of Bechelaren the horses had been led;

The noble queen already her parting words had said

Unto the wife and daughter of margrave Rüdeger;

With greetings, too, departed full many a maiden fair.

They scarce from that day forward saw one another more.

And when they came to Medlick, lo! in their hands men bore

A store of brave gold flagons, wherein, unto the street,

Wine brought they for the strangers; to give them welcome meet.

There was a lord of manor here dwelling, hight Astold;

Into the Austrian country the way to them he told:

By Mautern, somewhat further the Danube stream adown.

There right true service later the mighty queen did own.

Unto his niece the bishop a loving farewell bade;

To be of cheerful spirit her earnestly he pray’d,

And win herself such honour as Helka erst had done.

Ay! what great honour later amongst the Huns she won!


text:
Page:The Harveian oration 1898.djvu/13

 (President of this College),

,—

The honourable task which is Imposed upon me today carries with it, year by year, a heavier burden and an Increased responsibility.

I suppose that not fewer than one hundred and eighty Harveian Orators have taken their places in this venerable College to carry out the project of that great man whose character and work we so appropriately commemorate on this Festival of "the beloved Physician,"

When we reflect that the Orators have In nearly every instance come fresh to the task, have brought all their learning and literary skill to bear upon it, have, not seldom, in the past, clothed it In the purest Latin or the most classical English, and have no less enriched both the Science and Art of Medicine by many of these efforts, the latest of that band may

title: Page:The Harveian oration 1898.djvu/13


text:
Page:The Harveian oration 1898.djvu/57

 and sympathy, and thus maintain in these respects what Harvey desired should ever exist here. The concord we enjoy truly preserves our dignity, for it adds weight to our deliberations and our efforts. It is a good deal the fashion in these days to deride dignity and its symbols, but wise men, in all times, have realised the risk which the loss of them entails, and have had cause to learn that when the symbol is dropped, the reality also is only too apt to disappear.

But our life work as the Physicians of England is not done here. Our duties take us to serious and responsible ministrations to all classes of our country-men. Our various positions demand that, with perfect freedom and independence, we bring our best knowledge and influence to bear on all human interests.

May we indeed be careful to carry with us in all the relations of life, professional and otherwise, the tone and bearing which are demanded of all who belong to this College!

May we strive to be like-minded with those whose memory we have just praised, and, not least, with the simple, unselfish. Christian gentleman before whose life work and beautiful character we have once more bent today in solemn admiration!

title: Page:The Harveian oration 1898.djvu/57


text:
Page:The life and opinions of Tristram Shandy (Volume 7).pdf/40

 twice twelve months are pass'd and gone, thou mayest grow out like a pumkin, and lose thy shapes—or, thou mayest go off like a flower, and lose thy beauty—nay, thou mayest go off like a hussy—and lose thyself.—I would not answer for my aunt Dinah, was she alive—'faith, scarce for her picture—were it but painted by Reynolds—

—But if I go on with my drawing, after naming that son of Apollo, I'll be shot

So you must e'en be content with the original; which if the evening is fine in passing thro' Montreuil, you will see at your chaise door, as you change horses: but unless you have as bad a reason for haste as I have—you had better stop:—


text:
Page:The Harveian oration 1898.djvu/56

 In my belief, nothing with better tend to foster and maintain such a standard amonogst us than the disclosure year by year in this place of the character and works of our immortal Harvey.

To have had him, to be summoned regularly to peer into his great mind, to learn his methods, to be counselled by his wisdom, and to participate in the benefactions he so affectionately designed for us, constitutes indeed a high responsibility of which we must ever feel sensible in this his beloved College.

I have now, lastly, in accordance with Harvey's direction " to exhort the Fellows and Members, for the honour of the profession to continue in mutual love and affection among themselves, without which neither the dignity of the College can be maintained, nor yet particular men receive that benefit by their admission into the College which they might expect, ever remembering that 'Concordia res parvae crescunt, discordia magnae dilabuntur.' "

According to Willis, "every act of Harvey's public life that has come down to us is marked not merely by propriety, but by grace." I venture to think that we in this College are well knit together in mutual regard

title: Page:The Harveian oration 1898.djvu/56


text:
Page:The life and opinions of Tristram Shandy (Volume 7).pdf/41

 —She has a little of the devote: but that, sir, is a terce to a nine in your favour

—L— help me! I could not count a single point: so had been piqued, and repiqued, and capotted to the devil.

which being considered, and that Death moreover might be much nearer me than I imagined—I wish I was at Abbeville, quoth I, were it only to see how they card and spin—so off we set.

de Montreuil a Nampont - poste et demi

de Nampont a Bernay - - - poste


text:
Page:The life and opinions of Tristram Shandy (Volume 7).pdf/42

 de Bernay a Nouvion - - - poste

de Nouvion a poste

but the carders and spinners were all gone to bed.

a vast advantage is travelling! only it heats one; but there is a remedy for that, which you may pick out of the next chapter.


text: The Life and Opinions of Tristram Shandy, Gentleman/Volume 7/Chapter 9


text:
Page:The lay of the Nibelungs; (IA nibelungslay00hortrich).pdf/305

XXI.]

Unto the Traisen river the guests they soon did bring;

And Rüdeger’s retainers served them, unwearying,

Until the Hun-folk nding across the country came.

Then was there mickle honour done to the royal dame.

The king of the Huns’ country did, near the Traisen, own

A very noble stronghold, to everyone well known.

Its name was Traisenmauer, where Helka lived of yore,

And practised such great virtues, scarce met with any more,

Save only in Kriemhilda;— for she knew how to give;—

And, after all her sorrow, was for some joy to live,

In that she also honour of Etzel’s folk might have;

Which soon, in fullest measure, the heroes to her gave.

The sovereignty of Etzel was own’d so far and wide

That at his court were met with, at every time and tide,

The bravest of all warriors whose names were known to fame

’Mongst Christians or heathens: all thither to him came.

With him there was at all times— which scarce again can come—

The Christian confession along with heathendom.

Whatever rule of living each for himself might have,

The king’s mood was so easy, plenty to all he gave.


text: The Life and Opinions of Tristram Shandy, Gentleman/Volume 7/Chapter 10


text: The Lay of the Nibelungs/Chapter 21

title: The Lay of the Nibelungs/Chapter 21


text:
Page:The lay of the Nibelungs; (IA nibelungslay00hortrich).pdf/306

228

Until the fourth day dawning at Traisenmauer she stay’d.

The dust upon the roadways meanwhile was never laid;

It rose, as from some burning, on every side, like smoke,

While through the Austrian country came riding Etzel’s folk.

Meanwhile to the king also the news was duly brought;

Whereon his former sorrow soon vanish’d at the thought

How royally Kriemhilda across the land did ride.

The king then made him ready to go and meet his bride.

Strange tongues of many races one heard upon that road,

As many gallant warriors in front of Etzel rode;

Of Christians and of pagans a host exceeding great;

And when they met the Lady they went in noble state.

Of Russ and Greek came riding a goodly company,

And Poles and Wallachs saw one go rushing swiftly by

Upon their gallant chargers, that mightfully they rode;

And nothing was there lacking of native use and mode.

From out of the Kief country rode many a warrior bold;

And hordes from wild Petschnegen. These did the custom hold

Of carrying bow and arrow to shoot birds as they flew;

With strength they pull’d the bow-string, and the full shaft’s length drew.


text:
Page:The Necromancer, or, The Tale of the Black Forest Vol. 2.djvu/7

PART III.

shifted my clothes, that the old deceiver might not know me so easily, I went to the Austrian, whom I, without difficulty, persuaded to sup with me at Lieutenant N's. We repeated our orders to our trusty corporals and left the house.


text: Page:The Necromancer, or, The Tale of the Black Forest Vol. 2.djvu/255


text:
Page:The Necromancer, or, The Tale of the Black Forest Vol. 2.djvu/254

 bled them to secure a great number of innkeepers and publicans, who were leagued with that infernal set of ruffians, of whom six more have been taken up since you have left me, however their money and the great booty they have hoarded up, has not been detected as yet, and is supposed to have been removed on the first alarm by the rest of the gang. Wolf's life will be spared on account of his faithful confession, and the great assistance he has afforded his Judges in putting a final stop to the depredations which have been committed for a series of years in the environs of the Black Forest; he is to be committed for life to the house of correction, where he will have ample scope to reflect on his life past, and to prepare to meet that eternal Judge who sooner or later overtakes the wicked in his vile pursuits. Thus I have executed my task as well as it was in my power, and trust you will kindly overlook the defects of my narrative, and always believe me to be with the greatest sincerity,

P.


text:
Page:The lay of the Nibelungs; (IA nibelungslay00hortrich).pdf/307

XXI.]

There stood upon the Danube, in Austrian land, a town

The name whereof was Tulna: to her was there made known

Full many a foreign custom she had not seen before.

By many was she welcomed, who through her suffer’d sore.

As guard before King Etzel a company there rode

Of mighty men and merry, courtly and high of mood;

Of princes four-and-twenty, all great and wealthy men.

They came to see their Lady,— naught more they ask’d for then.

There also was Duke Ramung, from the Wallachian plain,

Who with seven hundred horsemen before her sped amain:

Like birds of passage flying, one saw them whirling by. Prince Gibeche soon follow’d, with stately chivalry.

Hornboge, the aye ready, came with a thousand men,

And from the king’s side turn’d him towards his Lady then.

As was their country’s custom, they raised a mighty shout.

And all the Hunnish kinsmen in swarms came riding out.

Also there came from Denmark Haward the valiant one,

And ever-ready Iring, to falseness all unknown;

And Irnfried of Thuringia, a goodly man was he!

So welcomed they Kriemhilda, she needs must honour’d be.

With their twelve hundred liegemen the host they rode before.

Sir Bloedelin came also with thrice a thousand more—

The brother of King Etzel from out of Hungary:

Right royally escorted unto the queen rode he.