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 troduce order in the land. The people may be of easy minds. As Frenchmen, English men, Italians and Americans we have warm sympathies for both nations forming a majority of the people. As soldiers we do our duty. We have nothing to do with political questions. We ask of all elements of the people assistance in our administrative work. The republic is a government of order. Signed by Lt.-Colonel of the French Army Gilain, Major of the British Army Grossfield, Major of the Italian Army Naseda, and First-Lt. of the United States Army Voska.

On January 23rd, the commission of the entente forces requested the command er of the Polish troops in Teschen, Brig. Latinik to order his garrisons to evacuate the district of Teschen. After some hesitation he promised. But against all expectations in certain places Polish garrisons put up opposition and employed their arms against the forces of occupation, it is said at the orders of the Polish National Council. In spite of that the action went on rapidly; at 4 o’clock in the afternoon Oderberg was occupied, and all the Czechoslovak losses amounted to six killed and twenty-three wounded.

The entire question is now being looked into by a commission appointed by the executive council of the peace conference. Until their decision is given and approved by the main body, the Czech forces are ordered to occupy the entire coal district, while the Polish forces are in possession of the eastern part of the district of Teschen. The Czechoslovaks have full confidence in the justice oi their claims and in the fairness of the Allied representatives who have became arbitrators of the quarrel. Whatever the decision at Paris may be, the Czechoslovak government and the Czechoslovak people will accept it with a good grace. As to their present relations with the Poles, the Czechoslovaks hope that the present discord will blow over and that the two kindred nations, both menaced by Germans, will work together and support each other.

The outbreak of the war caught the Czechoslovak people in America unprepared. Not that they failed to realize at once the tremendous significance of the cataclysm for their native land, as well as for the entire world, but they had no organization that could speak for them and gather into one channel the strong currents of indignation at German-Austrian crimes and the desire to help their brothers in the old country to get rid of the foreign yoke.

The Slovaks had an existing organization, the Slovak League, but this body was not prepared to take advantage of the revolutionary situation. The Czech speaking people in the United States had been for years divided into two principal camps—the liberals and the Catholics, while the Protestants formed a third camp numerically small. There had been no cooperation between these sharply separated parties, neither were the parties themselves organized to undertake an intensive campaign on behalf of their kinsmen in Bohemia. There were societies and organizations in plenty, social, beneficial, athletic, but all concerned themselves with their local or special interests only. But there were a great many individuals among the Czechoslovak immigrants and naturalized and native born citizens who realized at once, as soon as Austria declared war on Serbia, that there was a unique opportunity for the Czechs and Slovaks in Europe to gain that liberty which the Czechoslovaks of America enjoyed. And so the fight of our people in this country against Austria-Hungary and Germany is dated from the very first days of the war, and this fight assumed a real significance and began to make itself felt as soon as Thomas Masaryk from his retreat in Switzerland got in touch with his countrymen in America. Numerous local organizations which sprang up in the summer of 1914 for the purpose of collecting money for widows and orphans in Bohemia were quickly transformed into branches of the Bohemian National Alliance, and these undertook as their special task in the great campaign for Czechoslovak independence financial support of all the activities in Allied and ne-


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 utral lands. From the foundation of the Bohemian National Alliance we may date the beginning of the organized fight of our people in America for the liberation of their brothers from the Hapsburg subjugation.

One of the first bodies bearing this name and having these aims was organized in Chicago in the fall of 1914. About the same time societies with similar names and generally with relief and political purposes combined sprang up in other centers of the Bohemian speaking people, like New York, Omaha, Cleveland, Detroit, etc. In February 1915 these local societies held a convention in Cleveland at which the name Bohemian National Alliance was accepted as the designation for the entire movement and the Chicago society was selected as the Central body of the organization which from that time on spread into the Czech settlements in America. There were a great many obstacles at first. Neutrality was the policy of the United States, and many timid men voiced the opinion that the Bohemian National Alliance by adopting a determined stand against the German side of the great quarrel was not observing the spirit of American neutrality. There were many also who remembered the wonderful efficiency of the German and Austrian armies and feared that the anti-Austrian attitude of the Czechs in America would make the difficult situation of the Czechs in Bohemia still more difficult, when Austria should have won the war. There were even a few men whose sympathies were with the German-Austrian side, and they gathered around Frank Iska, a leader of the freethought group in Chicago, whose wife was a German Jewess. At that time also the Austro-Hungarian consulates as a part of their work kept track of the activities of former Austrian subjects, and working together with the wide spread German propaganda and having the use of millions of dollars they made the efforts of discontented Austrian subjects look insignificant. One might also mention that among the less desirable qualities of our people is found a lack of confidence in their own leaders, and this distrust was adroitly worked upon by Iska and his few sympathizers. Thus during the first year of its existence the Bohemian National Alliance increased in strength but slowly. No news came from Bohemia, except official Austrian reports trying to make the world believe that the various nations of the dual empire supported loyally their emperor and his war. There was no one who could authoritatively expound the real sentiments of the people at home, as no one from Bohemia was allowed to get beyond the boundaries of the Central Powers. It was up to the clear thinking and politically mature men among our people here to convince the masses of their countrymen in America that they must take a part in the great struggle. Of these men the best known is Joseph Tvrzicky, who in the spring of 1915 became secretary of the Bohemian National Alliance and conducted the early fights against Austrian tools and against the men with little faith. Dr. L. J. Fisher was president of the Alliance from its foundation until the fall of 1918, when he joined the Czechoslovak army in France as medical officer, and James F. Štěpina served faithfully as treasurer four years.

The one great force which helped to strengthen the young movement was the appeal of Masaryk to the Czechs of America, to undertake the financing of the revolutionary campaign. This gave the organization a definite task and its workers something to do which they felt able to

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BCT/ed 2 The meeting was called to order at 1.50 p.m.

Adoption of the agenda

The agenda was adopted.

The situation between Iraq and Kuwait

Letter dated 2 August 1990 from the Permanent Representative of Kuwait to the United Nations addressed to the President of the Security Council (S/21423)

Letter dated 2 August 1990 from the Permanent Representative of the United States of America to the United Nations addressed to the President of the Security Council (S/21424)

The President: In accordance with the decisions taken at the 2932nd meeting, I invite the representatives of Iraq and Kuwait to take places at the council table.

At the invitation of the President, Mr. Al-Anbari (Iraq) took a place at the Council table; Mr. Abulhasan (Kuwait) took a place at the Council table.

The President: The Security Council will now resume its consideration of the item am its agenda.

Members of the Council have before them document S/21441, which contains the text of a draft resolution submitted by Canada, Colomia, Côte d'Ivoire, Ethiopia, Finland, France, Malaysia, the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, the United States of America and Zaire.

I should like to draw the attention to the members of the Council to the following documents: S/21426, letter dated 2 August 1990 from the Chargé d'affaires ad interim of the Permanent Mission of Italy to the United Nations addressed ta the Secratary-General; S/21427, letter dated 2 August 1990 from the Permanent Representative of Japan to the United Nations addressed to the Secretary-General; S/21428, letter dated 2 August 1990 from the Chargé d'affaires ad interim of the Permanent Mission of the Islamic Republic of Iran to the United Nations addressed to the Secretary-General; S/21429, letter dated 3 August 1990


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 accomplish. If we could tell how small were the demands of Masaryk during the first year and even during the second year, our American friends, who seen the results obtained would be astonished. Where the Germans disposed of millions, nay, hundreds of millions for their propaganda in neutral lands and treachery in Allied lands, Masaryk had one a few thousands dollars, but he made a dollar go further than the Austrian Government accomplished with a fortune. But perhaps there exists no reason any longer why we could not say for the year of 1915 Masaryk asked us to send him $1 50,000 for his campaign; so small were our beginnings that many of our workers declared it impossible to collect so much money. And as a matter of fact we fell some what short of the sum expected of us during that first year of our campaign.

In the summer of 1915 I managed to leave Austria and came to New York on August 15th. I was sent to the United States by the political leaders of the nation to work for the revolutionary movement in America among my people. It was, of course, nesessary that my departure to America should have outwordly other reasons, and when I landed in this country I was not able to come out at once for the independence movement. Pro-Austrian elements thought that they would find in me a sympathizer and asked me to denounce the work carried on by the Bohemian National Alliance as dangerous and abnoxious to the Czech nation. I said nothing at first, but on November 8th, 1915, I came out publicly for Czechoslovak independence. Since that day I have had a constant fight with the Austrian tools, who were not very numerous, but who employed all sorts of weapons to pull me down and neutralize my activities.

In the fall of 1915 the organization work of the Alliance received a strong impulse. At that time it was still limited to the liberal element, although from the very first days the Czech protestants were strong supporters of the movement and rendered it valuable service. The principal task, as I have said, was to send money for the support of the campaign managed by Dr. Masaryk. There was no way of getting money from Bohemia; the Czechs in Bussia who were the next strongest immigrant branch had too many cares of their own, and Czech residents in Paris, London and elsewhere were too few and too poor to give substantial help. It was natural and logical that the share of the Czechoslovaks of America in the revolution should have been that of furnishing money. And that is what we did, according to our strength.

Of course the information activity of the Bohemian National Alliance was emphasized from the very beginning. But until America entered into the war, the political significance of acquainting America with the justice of the Czechoslovak claims was of a secondary order. This work had really greater effect on the workers and member ship of the organization than on the American public, for it made the body of the people see with their own eyes that the Alliance was accomplishing something definite, even though as a matter of fact the great work was done by Masaryk and his co-workers in Paris. London and Borne. At the same time the unanimously expressed sentiments of one million people of Czechoslovak birth or descent under the free institutions of America had their weight with the Allied statesmen who did not have the means to ascertain for themselves the sentiments of the people in Bohemia and Slovakia. Czechoslovak immigrants in America spoke for their brothers who could not speak for themselves and their great organization, the Bohemian National Alliance and Slovak League, made the voice of a million people heard.

The leaders of the movement were consistent democrats, and so they tried to get the money needed in Europe from the masses of the people, rather than collect it in large amounts from a few wealthy individuals. It would have been very difficult in any case to carry out this second plan, for the wealthier Czechs in America lagged behind the workingmen in enthusiasm and rather decried the Alliance and its leaders as impractical dreamers. The principal support, both financial and moral, came from the workingmen in the cities and the farmers of the central west and southwest. To gain the support of the large mass of the Czechoslovak immigrants and their children took an almost unbelievable amount of work and hardship. The organizer of the Bohemian National Alliance crossed the United States back and forth, over and over again, addressing hundreds and even thousands of meetings and visiting even the smallest settlements. He and other zealous workers like Em. Voska, J. Tuma, St. Serpen, V. and M. Vimmer, talked to the coal miners of Pennsylvania, the farmers of


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BCT/ed 3 (The President) from the Permanent Representative of Uruguay to the United Nations addressed to the Secretary-General; S/21430, letter dated 3 August 1996 from the Permanent Representative of Oman to the United Nations addressed to the Secretary-General; S/21432, letter dated 3 August 1990 from the Chargé d'affaires ad interim of the Permanent Mission of the German Democratic Republic to the United Nations addressed to the Secretary-General; S/21433, letter dated 3 August 1990 from the Permanent Representative of South Africa to the United Nations addressed to the Secretary-General; S/21434, letter dated 3 August 1990 from the Permanent Representative of Qatar to the United Nations addressed to the Secretary-General; S/21435, letter dated 3 August 1996 from the Chargé d'affaires ad interim of the Permanent Mission of Madagascar to the United Nations addressed to the Secretary-General; S/21436, letter dated 3 August 1990 from the Permanent representative of Iraq to the United Nations addressed to the Secretary-General; S/21437, S/21438, S/21439 and S/21440, Letters dated 4 and 5 Augquat 1990, respectively, from the Permanent Representative of Kuwait to the United Nations addressed to the Secretary-General; and S/21443, letter dated 6 August 1990 from the Permanent Representative of Kuwait to the United Nations addressed to the President of the Security Council.

Members of the Council have also received photocopies of a letter dated 6 August 1999 from the Chargé d'affaires ad interim of the Permanent Mission of Italy to the United Nations addressed to the Secretary-General. That letter will be issued as a document of the Council under the symbol s/21444 at 0600 hours tomrrow.

The President: The first speaker is the representative of Kuwait, on whom I now call.


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VIII.]

Though no one saw the steersman, fast sped the bark along,

Urged by the strength of Siegfried,— in sooth his arms were strong.

Men thought that she was driven by some strange, mighty wind:

No, it was Siegfried drave her, the son of fair Sieglind.

When he a day had voyaged, and likewise through a night,

He came unto a country, by dint of main and might;—

From one end to the other a hundred leagues or more,

The Niblung land, where kept he the mighty hoard in store.

Then, all alone, the hero steered to an eyot broad,

And ran his skiff alongshore and left her safely moor’d.

Then climbed he to a mountain, on which a castle stood,

And, like a wayworn traveller, for shelter sought and food.

So came he to the gateway, which, locked, before him stood,—

They guarded well their honour, as folk at this day would.

Then straight he fell a-knocking, like any man unknown.

The gate was kept well guarded: he saw within it soon

A monstrous giant warder, who sentinel did stand,

And kept at all times ready his weapons close at hand,

He called: “Who cometh knocking so loudly at the door?”

Then answer’d the bold Siegfried— but changed his voice therefore—

And said; “I am a warrior; undo me now the gate,

Ere I arouse to anger some one, though it be late,

Who rather would sleep softly and in his chamber bide.”

It anger’d the gate-keeper that Siegfried thus replied.


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BCT/ed 4-5 Mr. Abulhasan (Kuwait) (interpretation from Arabic): The convening of this meeting today and the intensive efforts that have been exerted by the Council during the past three days reflect the sincere international commitment to the principles of the United Nations Charter.

The Council is meeting today five days after the adoption of resolution 660 (1990). That resolution was an expression of the fact that the Council's defends international peace and security, represents the conscience of the world, and indeed protects the small nations. The Council adopted this resolution because it believes that brutal, unwarranted aggression has been inflicted on one of the members of the international community. The aggressor did not confine itself to violating the territorial integrity of the State of Kuwait; indeed, it has occupied the entire sacred soil of Kuwait. This aggression has been inflicted on a peaceful country, which has always desired peace. All the international relations of that State have been based on the principles of Islam, of the United Nations Charter, and good-neighbourliness. It is a State that has chosen to settle its disputes with other States through peaceful means.


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 "I hastened home, awe and terror struck me as I entered my apartment; the door of my chamber seemed to be in constant motion, and the figure of my mother haunted me without intermission. I could not ged rid of the gloomy reflection on her threatning looks, and left the house. I now rambled about, in great uneasiness, the fore and afternoon, went from the coffee-house to the promenade, from thence to the museum, from the museum to the tavern, from the tavern to the exhibition of wild beasts, and at last to the playhouse, but I could no where find tranquillity and ease of mind."

"It was growing dark when I left the playhouse, my soul was disturbed by strange sensations, and I was consulting with myself whether I should go or not. Doubt and apprehension suspended my resolution for a considerable time, and overwhelmed me with pungent agony."

"Shall I go or not? Prudence asked, What hast thou to apprehend? I could give


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JB/4 6 (Mr. Abulhasan, Kuwait) We have mediated in all regional conflicts. The policies of our State are based on the principle of non-intervention in the internal affairs of other States. Though now in a state of crisis with brotherly Iraq — and even until the last moment before the invasion of our dear land — we have announced that we are ready to go to Baghdad and to receive Iraqi officials in Kuwait in order to negotiate in peace and in such a way as to safeguard the legitimate rights of both countries.

Despite what has been inflicted on my beloved country, despite the violations of its sovereignty and territorial integrity that have taken place and the occupation of all its sacred soil, despite the killings and other brutal inhuman practices inflicted on our citizens - despite all this, we had hoped that the brutal invading Power would heed the will of the international community and particularly the unprecedented unanimous and strong international condemnation. The Council has never been seized of any question that has inspired almost full and complete unanimity. It is a denunciation and condemnation that what has taken place is a violation not only of one country or one territory, but a violation of sovereignty and of peace throughout the world. After such a violation, no small nation anywhere in the world can feel safe or immune from such aggression.

We had hoped that the international rejection of the situation would induce the invading Power to implement Security Council resolution 660 (1990) and that the Iraqi troops would unconditionally and immediately withdraw. However, the invading Power's premeditated aim of its aggression was the overthrow of the legitimate Government of the State of Kuwait. We are supported not only by the citizens and residents of Kuwait but also by the whole world. Iraq's aim is to install a new Government in Kuwait. The aggressor was not able to announce the installation of


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JB/4 7 (Mr. Abulhasan, Kuwait) that Iraqi Government until several days after the invasion, which reflects the total failure of the occupying troops, despite their oppression of Kuwaiti citizens.

No one has agreed to co-operate with the usurper and aggressor. The aim of this invasion can also be seen in hegemony over Kuwait's resources, their domination, plunder, and looting. The objectives of the invasion are based on expansionism, as seen in Iraq's threats and consequent attacks against neighbouring countries following its threats and its blackmail. Iraq is thus threatening the strategic interests of all the countries of the world, of which the Gulf region is one of the most vital regions. All those objectives in their totality actually threaten international peace and security.

It is a source of agony that the invasion and overall planned aggression should have led to diverting attention from so many decisive issues concerning peoples that continue to suffer.

Relying on the aforementioned principles, the invading Power does not want to implement Security Council resolution 660 (1990), despite its statement that it intended to begin withdrawing its troops. That statement was conditional in form and insincere in content. It flouts the operative paragraphs of Security Council resolution 660 (1990).

I would like here to confirm a fact that has become apparent to all: no withdrawal has taken place. On the contrary, all the information we have received, as well as definite indications, tell us that Iraq is increasing its military presence and consolidating the direct presence of its invading troops. The Iraqi troops are expanding throughout Kuwait, as is the indirect military presence through the formation of the so-called Popular Army, which is actually a cover for the occupying forces already present. This confirms once again that the invading occupying forces have no intention of withdrawing.


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JB/4 8-10 (Mr. Abulhasan, Kuwait) Yesterday, the visual mass media transmitted pictures via Iraqi television of the withdrawal of some military vehicles. This is a charade that no one can believe, not to mention the fact that some of those vehicles are Kuwaiti ones taken over and stolen by the invading forces.


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 no answer, and fears and doubts still continued keeping up a most distressing conflict. Curiosity on a sudden raised her bewitching voice, driving away every doubt, and bidding defiance to the wise counsels of prudence. "Thy departure is fixed, to-morrow thou art going to leave this town," thus the charming seducer whispered in my ear, "and to-day thou canst get rid of every teazing doubt: Thou wilt repent it one time if thou refusest to go to-day. Take courage, man, take courage, don't be such a coward to fear an old man; and" thus my pride added, "thou canst inform thyself how to pay the notes."

At once I was determined to go. "I will repair to the place of rendezvous," said I, and was instantly disincumbered of a load of uneasiness, I returned to my apartment with composure, called for a light and began to write some letters. Having continued that occupation 'till eight o'clock, I went down stairs, to amuse myself a little,


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NS/pt 11 (Mr. Abulhasan, Kuwait) We reached the conclusion that Iraq was not committed to resolution 660 (1990), either in form or in content. It is committed neither to its letter nor to its spirit. Thus it is your turn, your role, your historic responsibility to prove to the whole world that the security of nations, whether large or small, is not a commodity that can be bought, sold, or used for terrorism or threats. By taking a position vis-à-vis this draft resolution which is before us now, you are recording a historic shift in the work of the Security Council and demonstrating its influence in ensuring that the will of the international community is exerted, through the imposition of sweeping sanctions – an overall embargo against a country that has refused to heed the will of the international community and has, in an unprecedented manner, flouted all principles and values and international norms – not to mention the principle of good-neighbourliness, which has actually been inspired by the religion of Islam.

The President: I now call on the representative of Iraq.

Mr. Al-Anbari (interpretation from Arabic): First of all, I should like to congratulate you, Sir, on your assumption of the presidency of the Council for the month of August. I should also like to express my appreciation of the excellent way your predecessor, Ambassador Razali, conducted the work of the Council last month.

The position of my Government can be summed up as follows: The draft resolution before the Council was submitted as being necessary in order to implement resolution 660 (1990) of 2 August 1990. But this draft resolution contradicts resolution 660 (1990). Indeed, the draft resolution contradicts certain facts.


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 and spent two happy hours at the table d' hote. When supper was over the landlord desired to speak to me in private. As soon as we were retired to another room, he said, I bring you happy tidings. I listened attentively."

"You have lost several things during your residence in our town?"

"I have," replied I, with surprise.

"Your loss has given me great uneasiness, on account of the reputation of my house."

"Let us come to the point," exclaimed I with impatience.

"You have lost a purse, a snuff-box, a ring and a pocket book."

"You know exactly what I have lost," answered I, with amazement."


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NS/pt 12 (Mr. Al-Anbari, Iraq) On 3 August my Government announced that it intended to start the withdrawal of its forces on 5 August. My Government in fact started to withdraw its troops at 8 o'clock local time. All those who follow the media in the United States know that 27 vehicles were withdrawn – Kuwaiti ones made in the Soviet Union. In fact, the draft resolution that has been submitted does not help at all to resolve the crisis, nor does it help the Iraqi troops to withdraw.

On the contrary, this draft resolution exacerbates the crisis in the Gulf region and impedes the withdrawal of forces. Consequently, this draft resolution has certain unavowed objectives. Furthermore, because of some of its provisions, it goes beyond resolution 660 (1990). In fact, in the second paragraph of the preamble it speaks about "the invasion by Iraq". This term was not used during the United States invasion of Panama or Grenada, nor was it used when Israel invaded its neighbours. We therefore believe that this term allows for aggression to be committed by a third State in the region.

With all due respect for the Council and for the States that are sponsoring the draft resolution, I cannot fail to stress one fact that is known to everyone: This draft resolution was prepared by a single State. Pressure was exerted on all the other States to go along with this. That makes the draft resolution null and void, because anything imposed by force and threat is not legitimate under the principles of the Charter.

We had hoped that after the end of the cold war we would see a new climate in international relations, a climate marked by a greater role played by the United Nations and the Security Council with regard to the maintenance of peace and security in the world. However, we regret to note a super-Power trying to use the United Nations and the Security Council in order to achieve its objectives – as if


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 To the eyes of a man viewing it from behind, the nut-brown hair was a wonder and a mystery. Under the black beaver hat, surmounted by its tuft of black feathers, the long locks, braided and twisted and coiled like the rushed of a basket, composed of a rare, if somewhat barbaric, example of ingenious art. One could understand such weavings and coilings being wrought to last intact for a year, or even a calendar month; but that they should be all demolished regularly at bedtime, after a single day of permanence, seemed a reckless waste of successful fabrication.

And she had done it all herself, poor thing. She has no maid, and it was almost the only accomplishment she could boast of. Hence the unstinted pains.

She was a young invalid lady—not so very much of an invalid—sitting in a wheeled chair, which had been pulled up in the front part of a green enclosure, close to a band-stand, where a concert was going on, during a warm June afternoon. It had place in one of the minor parks or private gardens that are to be found in the suburbs of London, and was the effort of a local association to raise money for some charity. There are worlds within worlds in the great city, and though nobody outside the immediate district had ever heard of the charity, or the band, or the garden,


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NS/pt 13-15 (Mr. Al-Anbari, Iraq) the Security Council were simply its Foreign Ministry. All this arises from the fact that that State owes the United Nations $675 million and it is using this as a means of exerting pressure on the United Nations. This already happened in 1975 when General Assembly resolution 3379 (XXX) was adopted.

Apart from the illegality of this draft resolution and because of its contents and the way in which it was submitted, we believe that it constitutes aggression, a negative trend for the developing countries in view of its influence on the price of oil exported to the developing countries.

In other words, this draft resolution will have a negative impact on the economic affairs of the developing countries. That is why I expect the Security Council to annul it.

The President: It is my understanding that the Security Council is ready to proceed to the vote on the draft resolution before it. If I hear no objection, I shall take it that that is the case.

There being no objection, it is so decided.

I shall first call on those members of the Council who wish to make statements before the voting.


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 "You will find every article in your room."

I staggered back.

An unknown person brought all your things an hour ago."

"An unknown person? Was it perhaps that strange gentleman? But it cannot be him you know."

"Whom do you mean?"

"My neighbour."

"The landlord shook his head smiling, he was called away, and hastening to my room, I found every thing as the landlord had told me. The bill of exchange was in the pocket book, and I was lost in dumb amazement, not doubting that this had been a new trick of my unknown benefactor. "But why did he not wait 'till ten o'clock?" said I


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BHS/ed 16 Mr. Pickering (United States of America): My Government has joined nine other countries in sponsoring the draft resolution before us today. The draft resolution is in response to Iraq's blatant aggression against Kuwait, a sovereign State Member of the United Nations, and Iraq's unacceptable failure to comply with resolution 660 (1990), a mandatory result which is binding on all Member States. By his actions, Saddam Hussein has plunged into crisis the strategically critical area of the Persian Gulf. Thirty per cent of the region's oil production is now under Iraqi control, thus threatening international economic health and stability.

We have just heard a startling statement on the part of the representative of Iraq. He announced that Iraq was going to start withdrawal on 5 August. Even if that were true, it would be a startling statement. Resolution 660 (1990) asked for immediate and unconditional withdrawal. He has just told us that Iraq managed to withdraw 27 vehicles yesterday of all the hundreds and thousands of vehicles that took part in the Iraqi invasion. If 27 vehicles a day is the pace, it would take 40 days just for the first thousand vehicles to be withdrawn. This is not what the Council has asked, it is not what the world demands. And the idea that this Council has somehow become the United States foreign ministry is an insult to the members of the Council and to their determination to resolve this issue. We all speak for our own countries and we all speak, I hope, with one voice on this particular question.

These actions follow Iraq's declarations 11 days ago that it would not invade Kuwait. Events have proven this untrue. Friday, Radio Baghdad announced Iraq would withdraw from Kuwait on Sunday. This, too, was false, as we have seen. Today, Iraqi troop deployments in Kuwait are enhanced, consolidated and dangerously


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 Texas and Nebraska, the workingmen of the East and Central West. As a result the Bohemian National Alliance has now more than 350 branches, each of them a center for collecting money and creating patriotic sentiment in favor of winning the war.

In organizing the National Alliance it was necessary to take into account the existing conditions among the Bohemian people in this country. Thus the organization was not perhaps as clean cut and logical as might have been desired, but it was wonderfully efficient. Its members were both individuals and Czech societies, beneficial, athletic, social and workingmen’s societies. It enrolled the great number of 100,000 direct members and almost that many indirect members through organizations which entered its membership with the Alliance. That included practically everybody born in Bohemia or descended from Bohemian parents. And when America finally decided to take part in the great fight for justice and right, the government did not have to worry over the attitude of Czech and Slovak immigrants. It did not have to start an educational campaign telling, how war came to America or why every citizen should do his best. Our Czech and Slovak boys rushed in thousands into the American army in April and May of 1917, and great was their disappointment when later on they were left to attend to the camps in this country, instead of being sent to France, just because they had been born under Austrian rule. In spite of many disappointments, in spite of the constant discrimination against Bohemians and Slovaks as suspected Austrians, the Czechoslovaks kept up their patriotic activities to win the war and their record is better than that of any other immigrant race. In the Third Liberty Loan Campaign they subscribed $37,000,000, far exceeding per capita their share, as compared to other foreign speaking elements. In the Fourth Loan they took over $40,000,000, in other words more than $40 to each man, woman and child, and there are no millionaires among them. It should go to the credit of the Bohemian National Alliance that the Bohemian speaking people in this country did their full duty and more than their duty as American citizens, and the same thing is true of the Slovak League. But going back to the participation of our people here in the struggle for Czechoslovak independence it should be emphasized that their scattered branches of the Alliance were centers of zealous and enthusiastic propaganda. All our people could read and write, all knew the history of Bohemia, all knew the true nature of Austria-Hungary and Germany. In all the northern and western states there were thus men who of their own accord and without the slightest idea of being paid for it tried to inform their American neigbors about the true conditions in Austria. They countered every piece of German propaganda, as far as their small strength would permit, and they took every opportunity in newspapers, public meetings and private conversation to tell their neighbors what the Czechoslovaks demanded and where they stood.

The common interests of Czechs and Slovaks brought together the organizations of the two branches of the Czechoslovak race at a very early stage of the fight. But a formal organization of the two did not take place until the spring of 1917. We both declared for the same aims and pursued these aims by similar means. In the summer of 1917 the Catholic camp which began organizing itself during the preceding year declared itself without any ambiguity for total independence of the Czechoslovak nation, and their organization became an autonomous part of the Bohemian National Alliance. For nearly two years all the Czech and Slovak organizations have been working in complete harmony.

In 1916 we were able to send to Professor Masaryk the full sum for which he asked. For by that time the distrust which at first made the collection of money difficult disappeared almost completely, and the one objection that was still frequently raised was the necessity of keeping confidential the amount of money sent to Europe. We did not want Austria to know who much or rather how little, we collected, and for what purpose the money was used. And out of this necessary secrecy the enemies of the organization, whether actuated by personal spite or influenced by the Austrian consulates, had a chance to create distrust. But after all our people in spite of the impossibility of furnishing detailed accounts knew that the men who had under taken the collection of this money were honest, and the amounts collected kept on increasing. In 1917 so much was collected that the Czechoslovak National Council could maintain offices in London, Paris,


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4 the enclosure was filled with an interested audience sufficiently informed on all these.

As the strains proceeded many of the listeners observed the chaired lady, whose back hair, by reason of her prominent position, so challenged inspection. Her face was not easily discernible, but the aforesaid cunning tress-weavings, the white ear and poll, and the curve of a cheek which was neither flaccid nor sallow, were signals that led to the expectation of good beauty in front. Such expectations are not infrequently disappointed as soon as the disclosure comes; and in the present case, when the lady, by a turn of the head, at length revealed herself, she was no so handsome as the people behind her had supposed, and even hoped—they did not know why.

For one thing (alas I the commonness of this complaint), she was less young than they had fancied her to be. Yet attractive her face unquestionably was, and not at all sickly. The revelation of its details came each time she turned to talk to a boy of twelve or thirteen who stood beside her, and the shape of whose hat and jacket implied that he belonged to a well-known public school. The immediate by-standers could hear that he called her "Mother".

When the end of the programme was reached, and the audience withdrew, many chose to find their way out by passing at her elbow. Almost all turned their heads to take a full and near look at the interesting woman, who remained stationary in the chair till the way should be clear enough for her to be wheeled out without obstruction. As if she expected their glances, and did not mind gratifying their curiosity, she met the eyes of several of her observers in lifting her own, showing these to be soft, brown, and affectionate orbs, a little plaintive in their regard.

She was conducted out of the garden, and passed


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BHS/ed 17 (Mr. Pickering, United States) provocative to other States in the region. The family of nations has come to the point where it cannot believe anything the Baghdad regime has to say on this matter.

The international community, by this draft resolution, demands immediate implementation of United Nations Security Council resolution 660 (1990). The many statements from individual States around the world, the European Community, the Gulf Co-operation Council, the Arab League and the non-aligned States condemn the Iraqi invasion and demand withdrawal. We will, by our draft resolution today, give effect to their condemnations of this invasion and to all our calls for immediate and unconditional withdrawal.

This is only the second occasion on which we, in this Council, will have taken such a sweeping and weighty step. It will reflect a new world order of international co-operation in the Council and elsewhere.

There are some who hope that Baghdad's purported promises to withdraw immediately and unconditionally will be implemented without international insistence. Unfortunately, insistence is necessary. Reality indicates the contrary of Baghdad's promises. Promises not to invade and subsequent promises to withdraw already have been proven to be mendacious. In a matter of six hours, Iraq took over Kuwait; in a matter of 24 hours, Iraq established a marionette "provisional government"; in a matter of 48 hours, Iraqi troops – more than 100,000 strong – were "volunteered" to serve quickly as puppets and move south to the Saudi border. Moreover, Iraq has effectively held hostage and threatened over 1 million foreigners, and Iraq's puppets in Kuwait have declared that they will not behave honourably should the international community seek to respond to Iraqi aggression.

We will, of course, want to respect the rights of all States to continue to maintain necessary contacts with the Baghdad regime effectively to protect their


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 to myself, "Why not return my things on our appointed meeting? Should he have doubted my coming, or perhaps, have been obliged to depart suddenly?" The last was the most likely, but, at the same time, the most disagreeable to me, depriving me of the means of returning him his money, and paying my debt after I had recovered my property. But how could I be certain that he really was departed, since all his doings had been so strange and eccentric. How could a gentleman like him, a pattern of honesty, a friend to human nature, how could he be guilty of transgressing the first duty of an honest man? How could it be possible, that he should be able to break his word? He had appointed me to meet him at ten o'clock, and the landlord had not said any thing to the contrary."

"I went down to the supper room, requesting a few minutes hearing of the landlord, and asked him, if the unknown person


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BHS/ed 18 (Mr. Pickering, United States) own citizens. However, Iraq, through its actions, has rejected United Nations Security Council resolution 660 (1990) and the calls from its own region and from the non-aligned States. Its response to the world community has been scorn. The United Nations Security Council states unequivocally today that the family of all nations will not tolerate this behaviour. By this draft resolution, we declare to Iraq that we will use the means available to us provided in Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter to give effect to United Nations Security Council resolution 660 (1990), which we adopted on 2 August. Iraq must learn that its disregard for international law will have crippling political and economic costs, including, but not limited to, arms cut-offs. Our concerted resolve will demonstrate that the international community does not – and will not – accept Baghdad's preference for the use of force, coercion and intimidation.

Today's draft resolution is binding upon all States Members of the United Nations. As operative paragraph 5 also makes clear, the draft resolution speaks to all States, Members and non-members alike. As the Council knows, my Government acted swiftly to freeze all Iraqi and Kuwaiti assets and barred all trade with Iraq, and we welcome the issuance of many Governments' decisions to cease all arms transfers to Iraq. Today, the Council acts to consolidate and enforce all of our actions. Iraq's aggression must be – and will be – stopped, lest Iraq, or others, conclude that its will can prevail. Our obligation to Kuwait, a sovereign State Member of this body, is to implement United Nations Security Council resolution 660 (1990), and to restore Kuwait's legitimate authority, sovereignty and territorial integrity. By our action today, we pledge to the legitimate Government of Kuwait that there will be international redress for the Iraqi invasion. And, by our action today, we will declare for all that we will not countenance the continuation or repetition of this aggression.


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 The ancient traveler and historian, Herodotus, long ago put on record the statement that he had heard from Egyptian priests that in a range of hills along the eastern border of their country the rocks contained buried sea shells. The priests contended that these shells were in such positions and numbers as to indicate that in some countries the sea and land had changed places.

The same thought occurs to-day to many an humble quarryman who disclaims all thought of geology, but who does know is stone quarry is nothing else than a petrified sea beach. Professor Leslie finely says, "Every rock fragment that lies upon the surface of the crust of the earth has legibly written on it and around it, the facts of its history if he would only study them." The evi-


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BHS/ed 19-20 Ms. Rasi (Finland): We have now convened a Security Council meeting four days after adopting resolution 660 (1990), which called upon Iraq to withdraw from Kuwait without any conditions.

Finland has throughout its membership of the United Nations supported the goals and objectives of the United Nations Charter and worked towards strengthening our Organization. We have emphasized the importance of implementing Security Council resolutions. Indeed, we had hoped that resolution 660 (1990) would be implemented. However, as of now, unfortunately, nothing indicates the speedy implementation of that resolution. On the contrary, the situation in the area remains alarming. In our view, very few choices are actually left to the Security Council, the main United Nations organ responsible for international peace and security.

For those reasons, my country has decided to co-sponsor and support the draft resolution now under consideration. We again urge Iraq to withdraw immediately and unconditionally from Kuwaiti territory and the two parties to seek a peaceful and negotiated settlement to their differences.


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8 dence for our study of these facts varies all the way from the vague conviction of the quarryman's judgment to the convictions that are founded on the closest scrutiny of the facts by men whose whole lives are devoted to the study of just such things with all skilled culture of the age to help them. In addition, then, to the quarryman's conviction, we have skilled students of science testifying that they find in these very stone quarries the materials for the exact study of plants and animal life. So complete are these materials that they satisfy all inquiry, and produce a conviction that in prying apart form the stone layers of the rocks the scientist is in reality opening the leaves of the past history of our world, and that in these buried leaves of sand stone and mud deposits of seas and lakes of former ages, he in uncovering not only the real shells and bones of the life of the period, but even the ripples marks of the waters that once covered them.

On Plate I we have a very good engraving from a photography of one of these rock frag-


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 been sent down to him from Heaven to help him when, in a foreign land, he had stood sore in need, encompassed by his enemies. Maybe the stout arms and hearts of his Bavarian friends were of some service in the crisis also; but the living helpers were forgotten. The old church and monastery, which latter was a sort of ancient Chelsea Hospital for decayed knights, was destroyed one terrible night some hundred and fifty years ago by a flash of lightning; but the wonder-working image was rescued unhurt, and may still be seen and worshipped beneath the dome of the present much less imposing church which has been reared upon the ruins of its ancestor.

The monastery, which was also rebuilt at the same time, now serves the more useful purpose of a brewery.

From Ettal the road is comparatively level, and, jolting swiftly over it, we soon reached Ober-Ammergau. Lights were passing to and fro behind the many windows of the square stone houses, and dark, strange-looking figures were moving about the streets, busy with preparations for the great business that would commence with the dawn.

We rattled noisily through the village, our driver roaring out "Good-night!" to every one he passed in a voice sufficient to wake up everybody who might be sleeping within a mile, charged light-heartedly round half-a-dozen corners, trotted down the centre path of somebody's front garden, squeezed our way through a gate, and drew up at an open door, through which the streaming light poured out upon two tall, comely lasses, our host's daughters, who were standing waiting for us in the porch. They led us into a large, comfortably furnished room, where a tempting supper of hot veal-chops (they seem to live on veal in Germany) and white wine was standing ready.


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JSM/edd 21 Mr. Blanc (France) (interpretation from French): France gave unreserved support to resolution 660 (1990), adopted on 2 August by the Security Council. At the national level, it condemned the Iraqi aggression against Kuwait and called for the immediate and unconditional withdrawal of Iraqi troops. It also decided to freeze Iraqi assets and confirmed that it would continue not to deliver arms to Iraq.

Within the framework of the Twelve, it contributed very actively to the drafting of a very strong Declaration, adopted in Rome the day before yesterday by the Political Committee, a Declaration that, inter alia, decides on an embargo on the import of oil originating in Iraq and Kuwait and on a halt of arms sales and military and scientific co-operation with Iraq.

The magnitude of these measures is justified, in the view of my Government, because of the unacceptable nature of Iraq's military aggression, which is a major violation of international law and a serious threat to international peace and security.

Iraq is now required to implement without delay or condition Security Council resolution 660 (1990) which, adopted under Chapter VII of the Charter, is binding on all States. It is up to us all to take appropriate steps to ensure compliance with the text of that resolution. This is why we believe that the draft resolution that has been distributed is fully justified and we have decided to sponsor it.

Mr. Razali (Malaysia): Although Malaysia actively supported the adoption of resolution 660 (1990) on 2 August, our decision now to support the adoption of this draft resolution has not been an easy one.

We are only too aware of the hardship that the broad sanctions called for in the draft resolution will impose on Governments and on the helpless individuals and victims of the consequences of this tragedy, including the peoples of Kuwait and


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14 abroad. He translated eighteen volumes of Swedenborg's works, and wrote and published more than forty of his own (great and small), in explanation and vindication of their teachings. The manner of his conversion to the New Theology is worthy of record, and cannot fail to interest every Christian believer. It was not less remarkable than was Paul's conversion to Christianity. Indeed, it so closely resembled that of the great Apostle, that, viewed in connection with his zeal and success in propagating the New Christianity, he may not inappropriately be called a second Paul.

Shortly after his acceptance of the Rectorship of St. John's Church, Mr. Clowes formed the acquaintance of Richard Houghton, Esq, of Liverpool, a gentleman of great learning and piety, and a diligent reader and enthusiastic admirer of the writings of Swedenborg. Mr. Houghton urged him, in a manner so affectionate, sincere and earnest, to read "The True Christian Religion,"—not then translated into English—that he at once sent to London and purchased a copy. But when he had procured it, he felt not the slightest inclination to read it; and it remained upon the shelf several months unexamined and untouched. He had noticed that it treated mainly on doctrinal points, and in these he felt no interest. Besides, he was well satisfied with his spiritual attainments, and


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JSM/edd 22 (Mr. Razali, Malaysia) Iraq. Our hope is that the broad sanctions envisaged in the draft resolution will be of short duration, given prompt compliance by Iraq with resolution 660 (1990).

There is evidence now of a strong will within the international community, as reposed in the United Nations Security Council, strongly to uphold the principles embodied in the United Nations Charter. This is a welcome development that should augur well for the future work of the United Nations and the Security Council. Resolution 660 (1990), and the draft resolution which the Council will adopt today, must be recognized as embodying that collective determination.

Malaysia values deeply its close relations with Iraq, as much as it values its relations with Kuwait. All of us are active members of the Organization of the Islamic Conference and the Non-Aligned Movement.

Malaysia’s support for the draft resolution is not in any way designed to join in a punitive act, but to be part of the international community's resolve and determination to ensure that disputes between States are not settled on the basis of the use of force. Malaysia's support for the draft resolution is predicated on the premise that it will remove the prospect of any unilateral military or quasi-military action in the region by outside Powers. There should not be any justification to utilize the provisions of the draft resolution to take military action.

At a time when there are high hopes for a more effective role for the United Nations in maintaining peace and security around the world, the Security Council has a particularly heavy and serious responsibility in ensuring an early and peaceful end to the conflict. In this context, it is also the duty of the Council to ensure that the efforts to bring about the immediate and unconditional withdrawal of the Iraqi forces from Kuwait and the restoration of the legitimate Government of Kuwait are taken under the ambit of the United Nations and not unilaterally, to avoid escalation and greater turmoil.


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 Under ordinary circumstances I should have been afraid that such a supper would cause me to be more eager for change and movement during the ensuing six hours than for sleep; but I felt that to-night it would take a dozen half-baked firebricks to keep me awake five seconds after I had got my head on the pillow—or what they call a pillow in Germany; and so, without hesitation, I made a very satisfactory meal.

After supper our host escorted us to our bedroom, an airy apartment adorned with various highly-coloured wood-carvings of a pious but somewhat ghastly character, calculated, I should say, to exercise a disturbing influence upon the night's rest of a nervous or sensitive person.

"Mind that we are called at proper time in the morning," said B. to the man. "We don't want to wake up at four o'clock in the afternoon and find that we have missed the play, after coming all this way to see it."

"Oh! that will be all right," answered the old fellow. "You won't get much chance of oversleeping yourself. We shall all be up and about, and the whole village stirring, before five; and besides, the band will be playing at six just beneath the window here, and the cannon on the Kofel goes off at"

"Look here," I interrupted, "that won't do for me, you know. Don't you think that I am going to be woke up by mere


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JSM/edd 23 Mr. Fortier (Canada): It is with a deep sense of regret that we find ourselves meeting here today to consider once again the armed Iraqi aggression against Kuwait.

When we met last Thursday morning, the Council was clear and unequivocal in its condemnation of the totally unacceptable and illegal Iraqi invasion and occupation of Kuwait. We then made it clear that the international community stood united in its demand that Iraq immediately and unconditionally withdraw its forces from Kuwait.

Therefore, we have been dismayed to learn that Iraq has not complied with Security Council resolution 660 (1990); that its forces remain in Kuwait; that they appear to be consolidating their position; and that Iraq has moved large numbers of troops near the border with neighbouring Saudi Arabia. This has increased the tensions and concerns in what was already a very volatile region.

(spoke in French)

The decisions of the Council are binding on all Member States, including Iraq. Failure to comply with the terms of resolution 660 (1990) leaves this Council with no alternative but to consider what further measures can be applied to give effect to the resolution.

Canada has already imposed several bilateral measures against Iraq to show our unqualified opposition to the invasion and occupation of Kuwait and to demonstrate the consequences of failure to comply with resolution 660 (1990). We have also been working closely with the other members of the Council since last Friday to develop a package of comprehensive collective sanctions against Iraq.

(continued in English)

The rare imposition of sanctions by the Council is not something that we take lightly. However, faced with the total intransigence of the Iraqi regime and the extremely serious nature of its invasion and occupation of Kuwait, there can be no


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 riots outside the window, and brass-band contests, and earthquakes, and explosions, and those sort of things, because it can't be done that way. Somebody's got to come into this room and haul me out of bed, and sit down on the bed and see that I don't get into it again, and that I don't go to sleep on the floor. That will be the way to get me up to-morrow morning. Don't let's have any nonsense about stirring villages and guns and German bands. I know what all that will end in, my going back to England without seeing the show. I want to be roused in the morning, not lulled off to sleep again."

B. translated the essential portions of this speech to the man, and he laughed and promised upon his sacred word of honour that he would come up himself and have us both out; and as he was a stalwart and determined-looking man, I felt satisfied, and wished him "Good-night," and made haste to get off my boots before I fell asleep.


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JSM/edd 24-25 (Mr. Fortier, Canada) other alternative but to act under Article 41 of the Charter of the United Nations. My Government would have hoped that these measures would have extended further, for example, to include more explicitly financial and other services.

The draft resolution now before us, once adopted by the Council, would nevertheless impose one of the broadest set of sanctions ever put in place against a State Member of the United Nations. It covers all aspects of military, economic and financial relations with Iraq and occupied Kuwait. We recognize, as other colleagues have mentioned, that these sanctions will impose hardships on many countries, on public and private organizations, and indeed on individuals throughout the world. But sacrifices are necessary to maintain the peace and security of States and the integrity of the international system.

The Iraqi regime has shown itself to be unmoved by the universal condemnation and the unusual diplomatic efforts undertaken so far. We must now take the extraordinary steps provided for in Article 41 of the Charter to exert the necessary additional pressure on Iraq to end forthwith its aggression and occupation of Kuwait. We in Canada take these steps only after the most grave and serious consideration. These measures are essential to safeguard the rule of law and to deter future aggressors. We must discharge our responsibilities to all States Members of the United Nations. We owe this responsibility particularly to the small and vulnerable States, such as Kuwait, which look to the Council for protection and support, as well as all other States in this volatile region. Most of all, we owe this responsibility to the people of Kuwait, who have been aggressed against so blatantly by the Baghdad regime.

Therefore, my delegation participated actively with other colleagues on the Council in the drafting of resolution 660 (1990) last Thursday morning, and with the drafting of the present draft resolution. We have co-sponsored the present draft resolution and will support it.


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 The great literature of Tamilnadu of the early period has been called Sangam Literature. The various poets, poetesses and even the kings of chieftains who have enriched the galleries of Tamil literature of that remote past never thought that they would be called Sangam poets. They were writing prompted by a desire to serve the language and enrich the literature of the land. Incidentally some of them were recipients of land or money grants from kings of chieftains who patronised them. The name "sangam" came to be applied to that literature only during later ages by commentators. There was a great body of literature available which was written in various metres and of varying lengths. The age of the epics was yet to be fixed. By Sangam age, we mean the age before the golden days of the epics. All the available poems of the pre-epic age have been compiled together into anthologies. The shorter verses were grouped together into the "tokai" and the longer verses in that "Pattu". We find that in tokai and Pattu some poets are the same persons. (Kapilar and Nakkirar for example). So, all the poems were written during the centuries preceding the epic age and were later collected into two groups, taking length of the poems as a chief-characteristic. Of course, other aspects of the poems like matter and metre were also taken into consideration in grouping them.


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JP/pt 26 Sir Crispin Tickell (United Kingdom): Over five days our hopes of Iraqi compliance with resolution 660 (1990) have been disappointed. Indeed, far from seeing an unconditional withdrawal, as so often trumpeted, we have seen instead the further entrenchment of Iraqi forces in Kuwait. There have indeed been mild movements of tank transporters, but they have carried in many cases, I believe, the loot from a city which has been despoiled rather than indicating a serious withdrawal of Iraqi forces.

I was interested to hear from the Ambassador of Iraq that we were a kind of sub-post office of the State Department. More important, in his statement he gave no justification whatever for the aggression which his Government has committed. Indeed, we see concentrations of battle-trained Iraqi soldiers to the south, ready and equipped with essential supplies. In Kuwait itself we have had threats from the puppet government against the citizens and assets of those countries which might dare to vote for economic sanctions. We even heard this morning in London from the Iraqi Embassy that the legitimate Government of Kuwait was "finished" and that it would be unwise — indeed, an illusion — for Governments to continue to deal with it.

There has also been the small matter of the volunteers. We have heard from Iraqi radio that some 150,000 volunteers are being assembled to provide a new army for Kuwait. I fear that they are indeed Iraqi soldiers who have conveniently changed their hats, shirts and trousers at the frontier.

What should the international community do in such circumstances? Some Governments have already taken action. The 12 member countries of the European Community have already done so. But individual action by States or groups of States is not sufficient; we need a framework for international action, and we have it today in the form of the draft resolution.


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 sweet mingling of pleasure and pity that we feel when old knight-hearted Colonel Newcome answers "adsum" to the great roll-call, or when Tom and Maggie Tulliver, clasping hands through the mists that have divided them, go down, locked in each other's arms, beneath the swollen waters of the Floss.

Talking of poor Tom and Maggie Tulliver brings to my mind a saying of George Eliot's in connection with this subject of melancholy. She speaks somewhere of the "sadness of a summer's evening." How wonderfully true—like everything that came from that wonderful pen—the observation is! Who has not felt the sorrowful enchantment of those lingering sunsets? The world belongs to Melancholy then, a thoughtful, deep-eyed maiden who loves not the glare of day. It is not till "light thickens, and the crow wings to the rocky wood," that she steals forth from her groves. Her palace is in twilight land. It is there she meets us. At her shadowy gate she takes our hand in hers, and walks besides us through her mystic realm. We see no form, but seem to hear the rustling of her wings.

Even in the toiling hum-drum city, her spirit comes to us. There is a sombre presence in each long, dull street; and the dark river creeps ghost-like, under the black arches, as if bearing some hidden secret beneath its muddy waves.

In the silent country, when the trees and hedges loom dim and blurred against the rising night, and the


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 bat's wing flutters in our face, and the landrail's cry sounds drearily across the fields, the spell sinks deeper still into our hearts. We seem in that hour to be standing by some unseen death-bed, and in the swaying of the elms we hear the sigh of the dying day.

A solemn sadness reigns. A great peace is around us. In its light, our cares of the working day grow small and trivial, and bread and cheese—aye, and even kisses—do not seem the only things worth striving for. Thoughts we cannot speak but only listen to flood in upon us, and, standing in the stillness under earth's dark'ning dome, we feel that we are greater than our petty lives. Hung round with those dusky curtains, the world is no longer a mere dingy workshop, but a stately temple wherein man may worship, and where, at times, in the dimness, his groping hands touch God's.


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 Rome and Washington, publish books and magazines.

Toward the end of 1917 a new task was laid upon the Czech and Slovak organizations in America, namely to furnish volunteers for the recently formed army in France. Up to this time it had been a question of furnishing money only, and for a short time, before the passage of the draft law, to stimulate volunteering for the United States Army. Now the leaders in Europe expected their people in America to furnish thousands of fighters for the Czechoslovak Army, and it was up to our people here also to create relief societies that would render to the Czechoslovak soldiers in France and Italy the same services as the American Red Cross, Y. M. C. A. and similar organizations render to the American Army. These necessities made a still closer joining of the three principal Czech and Slovak organizations necessary, and at a conference held in Chicago in February of 1918 the common sentiments and common aims of the Czechoslovaks in America, including Canada and South America, were embodied in a common organ consisting of 20 members and known as the National Council. This body had four departments through which its activities were exerted—political, press, military and relief. Charles Pergler, now commissioner of the Czechoslovak Republic in the United States, was made political representative with headquarters in Washington; his work consisted in making friends for the Czechoslovak cause among the leaders of the great public of the United States through lectures and by personal contact. Information through the medium of the press belonged to the press department. The military department was in charge of recruiting for the Czechoslovak Army in France; a camp was established at Stamford, Conn., where the volunteers were concentrated and trained, while waiting for their ship. The relief department was given over to the Czechoslovak women as their special trust and under the efficient leadership of Mrs. Libuše Moták accomplished great work for the young army. It sent necessaries and comforts to the value of tens of thousands of dollars to France, Italy and Siberia. Nor should one forget to record here the services rendered to our movement in the United States by a number of men who were sent here by the leaders from abroad—Captain Ferdinand Písecký, Lts. Holý, Španiel, Niederle, Horvath, Major [[Author:Jan Šípek|Šípek, Col. Hurban and Jan Janček. Their work made itself especially felt in recruiting volunteers for the Czechoslovak army in France. After our great leader Masaryk came to the United States in May of 1918, and after the great Allied Powers one after another recognized the Czechoslovak National Council as a belligerent government, the political department of the Czechoslovak National Council was transformed into an organ of the new government, and Mr. Pergler became the first representative of the Czechoslovak Government in this country. In place of this department a convention of the Czechoslovak organizations held in Cleveland in October of 1918, created a cultural department. At this convention also it was decided, in order to avoid using the same name as that under which the Czechoslovak Provisional Government had been recognized, to call the common organization of the Czechs and Slovaks in America the American Czechoslovak Board with headquarters in Chicago. Prof. B. Šimek is its president, and the writer of this article is the secretary. It was voted at this convention to collect all that relates to the history of our movement in this country, so that a careful account of it might be written. For the Czechoslovak people in the United States, Canada, and South America are proud of the share they had in winning independence for their brothers in the old country.

The Bohemian National Alliance during the four years and more of its existence published a number of pamphlets and books relating to the Bohemian question; the writers were Charles Pergler, J. F. Smetanka, Director of the Washington office of the American Czechoslovak Board, Thomas Čapek, who wrote a Bohemian Bibliography, Vojta Beneš, Prof. J. J. Zmrhal. Lectures and articles written by Dr. Masaryk and books and pamphlets published by the Czechoslovak National Council in Paris and London were sent out in thousands by the Bohemian National Alliance to public libraries and leaders of public opinion throughout the United States. An important part of this activity is the publication of the Bohemian Review, now the Czechoslovak Review, which has accomplished a great deal to wake up interest in and sympathy for the cause of Czechoslovak independence.


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Rh he called to his lieutenant, "get a lighter alongside here and wet down the cotton I hoist out. Couple up two lines. Get the cotton spray."

In handling such cotton fires, it is the way of the expert to extinguish the worst of the flames in the hold and then to hook out the smoldering bales, hoist them to the open air, lower them to the deck of a lighter and play the hose on them there until they are drenched. To that end, Keighley divided his crew into two squads, one of which he ordered to remain on the Hudson, with Lieutenant Moore, to receive the smoking bales as they came from the Sachsen, and the other he ordered to ascend the high side of the Sachsen, on their scaling ladders with two lines of hose, to attack the flames in the freighter's hold. But in picking the men for these separate Rh

title: Page:O'Higgins--Old Clinkers.djvu/25


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 In the year 845, the Year of the Hare (2026 BE), His Divine Highness Borommaracha the Lord went to corral elephants in Sai Yoi District.

In the year 846, the Year of the Dragon (2027 BE), His Divine Highness Chetthathirat the Lord and His Divine Highness the Royal Son, His Divine Highness Borommarachathirat the Lord, both entered the priesthood.

In the year 847, the Year of the Serpent (2028 BE), His royal son left the priesthood and that Divine Being was instituted in the position of high viceroy.

In the year 848, the Year of the Horse (2029 BE), His Divine Highness went to corral elephants in Samrit Burana District.

In the year 849, the Year of the Goat (2030 BE), Thao Maharat Luk passed into the Abode of the Brave.

In the year 850, the Year of the Monkey (2031 BE), His Divine Highness Borommarachathirat the Lord went to take Thawai Town, and when the town was about to be taken, ill omens took place in various forms: a cow dropped a calf with eight legs; a hen hatched a four-legged chick out of an egg; a hen hatched six chicks out of three eggs; in addition, white rice grew into leaves. Furthermore, in that same year, His Divine Highness Borommatrailok passed into nirvana in Phitsanulok Town.

In the year 852, the Year of the Dog (2033 BE), inauguration of the erection of the walls of Phichai Town was ordered.

In the year 853, the Year of the Pig (2034 BE), His Divine Highness Borommarachathirat the Lord entered nirvana. Thus His Divine Highness Chetthathirat the Lord assumed kingship of the Divine City of Glorious Ayutthaya under the name of His Divine Highness Ramathibodi.


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JP/pt 27 (Sir Crispin Tickell, United Kingdom) There are two points I want to emphasize. The first is that the draft resolution will remain in effect only so long as 660 (1990) is not complied with. Secondly, economic sanctions should not be regarded as a prelude to anything else. Here I obviously refer to military action. Rather, economic sanctions are designed to avoid the circumstances in which military action might otherwise arise.

We attach great importance to the role of the Arab States in promoting a solution to the problem. Here I recall paragraph 3 of resolution 660 (1990), which "Calls upon Iraq and Kuwait to begin immediately intensive negotiations for the resolution of their differences and supports all efforts in this regard, and especially those of the Arab League".

All I can say is how much my Government endorses those words and hopes very much that Arab leaders will not give up hope, but will continue to play the role which is theirs in securing Iraqi compliance with resolution 660 (1990).

I stand open to correction, but I believe that the Iraqi invasion is the first in modern times in which an Arab State has invaded and occupied the territory of a brother Arab country.

We do not despair. Communications must remain open. We shall use our diplomatic and other resources, based on our long association with Iraq, to persuade the Government of Iraq to — and I quote once more from resolution 660 (1990), this time from paragraph 2 —

"withdraw immediately and unconditionally all its forces to the positions in which they were located on 1 August 1990".


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JP/pt 28 (Sir Crispin Tickell, United Kingdom) Today the Security Council faces its responsibilities. It must succeed this time where the League of Nations failed and where it itself has faltered in the past. It has a particular responsibility for small and vulnerable States. It should focus universal feelings of outrage not just in rhetoric worked out between us, but in practical action designed to support real measures against this robber State. It should make of the Council what the Founding Fathers intended it to be, and it should set a new precedent for the further and better management of a world order based on respect for law, sovereignty and territorial integrity.

Mr. Li Daoyu (interpretation from Chinese): I wish to make a statement to explain my Government's position on the question before the Council.

First, it is our consistent position that relations between States must be based on the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence, that the principles of the United Nations Charter and the norms governing international relations must be maintained and that resort to force or the threat of force by any country to violate the sovereignty and territorial integrity of another country must be opposed. We believe that the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of Kuwait must be respected, and that Security Council resolution 660 (1990) must be implemented immediately, effectively and in real earnest.

In keeping with that position and taking into consideration the pressing demand of many Arab countries, we shall vote in favour of the draft resolution now before the Council.

Secondly, it is our hope that the Arab countries will continue making mediation efforts with a view to finding a peaceful solution to the differences between the Arab States. We shall support those efforts. We believe that the Security Council should also encourage, support and facilitate such efforts.


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JP/pt 29-30 (Mr. Li Daoyu, China) Thirdly, we call upon all parties concerned to abide by the principles of the United Nations Charter and norms governing international relations and to refrain from taking steps that would aggravate the situation, so as to safeguard peace and security in the Gulf region.

Mr. Lozinsky (Union of Soviet Socialist Republics) (interpretation from Russian): The Soviet Union has been following with concern the recent exacerbation of relations between Iraq and Kuwait. We in the Soviet Union were deeply concerned by the news that on the morning of 2 August Iraq's troops had invaded Kuwaiti territory. The Soviet Union believes that no matters in dispute, however complicated they may be, can justify the use of force. This development goes radically against the interests of the Arab States and creates further obstacles to the settlement of conflict situations in the Middle East. It also goes against the positive international trends and the improvement in international life.

In its statement dated 2 August, the Soviet Government expressed the conviction that the elimination of the tension and danger in the Persian Gulf would be facilitated by the immediate and unconditional withdrawal of Iraqi troops from Kuwaiti territory.


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BCT/ed 31 (Mr. Lozinsky, USSR) It stressed that the sovereignty, national independence and territorial integrity of the State of Kuwait should be fully restored and safeguarded.

We should like to recall the speedy and multifaceted reactions by the Soviet Union to the events in the Persian Gulf, calling for the immediate cessation of hostilities, the withdrawal of Iraqi troops from Kuwait and the establishment of the status quo ante.

In the light of the invasion of Kuwaiti territory by Iraq, the Soviet Union took a decision to halt the delivery of arms and other matériel to Iraq. The Soviet Union, together with the United States, took the unusual step of issuing a joint appeal to the entire international community to join with them in halting all arms deliveries to Iraq. The Soviet Union also called upon regional organizations, particularly the League of Arab States, but also the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries and the Organization of the Islamic Conference, to take all possible steps to ensure the withdrawal of Iraqi troops from Kuwait. We made a direct appeal to the Iraqi Government to heed the voice of the international community.

In this situation, the Soviet Union actively facilitated the adoption of 660 (1990) by the Security Council. The Soviet Union believed it important that the Security Council immediately and decisively condemn the gross invasion of Kuwait by Iraqi forces. Now it is very important that the Security Council resolution be fully and immediately implemented.

On that basis, the Soviet Union will support the draft resolution submitted by the delegations of 10 countries in document S/21441.

The decision to vote in the Security Council today to support this draft resolution on sanctions was a very complicated matter for the Soviet Union. It was a difficult decision, because the draft resolution directly affects a whole set of relationships between us and Iraq that have been developing over many years now.


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BCT/ed 32 (Mr. Lozinsky, USSR) We value the relations of co-operation with Iraq that have developed over many years. We could not, however, fail to make a principled evaluation of what had occurred. Neither our principles nor the new political thinking allow us to use double standards here. We do not advocate hasty decisions, but we must face the fact that the pace of the events taking place — events which started with the sudden invasion of Iraqi forces into Kuwait — dictates that we take the necessary steps immediately, including steps by the Security Council, in accordance with the direct requirement of the United Nations Charter. We fully realize this, and we therefore have supported the co-ordinated action which the international community has been forced to take by the situation that has developed. We base ourselves on the fundamental principles of international law, total compliance with which is indispensable if we are to have a civilized system of law and order.

This situation can be changed in only one way: immediate and full implementation of the requirement that Iraq withdraw its forces from Kuwait. We are counting on the Iraqi Government to do everything possible not only to fulfil that requirement effectively but also to convince the world that its deeds match its words.

An important role in resolving the Iraq-Kuwait crisis will be played by the Arab countries, acting individually and through the machinery of the League of Arab States. We have welcomed, with hope, the news that the Arab countries will continue to make efforts to find the way to a political solution to the conflict. The Soviet Union is prepared to co-operate actively with all countries that desire stability and peace to be restored speedily to that region.


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96


text: An Icelandic-English Dictionary/Sources

title: An Icelandic-English Dictionary/Sources


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97


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BCT/ed 33 Mr. Lukabu Khabouji N'Zaji (Zaire) (interpretation from French): I wish to congratulate you, Sir, on your accession to the presidency of the Security Council for the month of August. At the same time, I congratulate the Ambassador of Malaysia on the great diplomatic skill with which he presided over the Council's meetings in July.

My delegation continues to believe that the mechanisms established by the United Nations Charter, as well as other legal texts, must be the only framework for the settlement of disputes that arise between members of the international community. That is why my delegation worked towards the adoption by the Council on 2 August last of 660 (1990). There can be no reason, no pretext – whether increases or decreases in the price of oil – that can justify recourse to the occupation, by brutal force, of a sovereign State Member of the United Nations and a member of the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries, which has included among its objectives the peace and security of mankind.

Zaire regards the occupation, by force, of Kuwait by Iraq as a clear-cut negation of all the principles of international law. That invasion constitutes a violation of the United Nations Charter and of the fundamental principles on which the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries is based. My country rejects with scorn the fait accompli with which the international community has been confronted. Zaire vigorously condemns Iraq's occupation of Kuwait. We denounce the Iraqi manoeuvres designed to change Kuwait's legitimate institutions and to replace them by institutions to Iraq's liking.

The vote that my delegation will cast should be seen as a warning to all those who might be tempted to use their military force in the future to bring about institutional changes in other countries whose only fault is to be small or militarily weak.


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BCT/ed 34-35 (Mr. Lukabu Khabouji N'Zaji, Zaire) Zaire demands strict respect, immediately, for the provisions of resolution 660 (1990), particularly its paragraph 2. My country still hopes that all the peace-loving countries will induce Iraq, a full-fledged member of our community, to withdraw from Kuwait rapidly and unconditionally, in order that the Kuwaiti people may decide on its own future.

That is why Zaire, a co-sponsor of the draft resolution now before the Security Council, will vote in favour of it.


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JB/10 36 The President: I thank the representative of Zaire for his kind words addressed to me.

Mr. Anet (Côte d'Ivoire) (interpretation from French): At the outset, I should like, on behalf of the delegation of Côte d'Ivoire and on my own behalf, to congratulate you, Sir, upon the diligent fashion in which you have presided over the work of the Council and to thank Ambassador Razali for his work in July.

There are principles concerning which my Government cannot compromise: respect for the territorial integrity of States, be they large or small, poor or rich; non-interference in the internal affairs of other States; and the principles of non-aggression, good-neighbourliness, the non-use of force and the use of dialogue to resolve all conflicts, whatever their nature may be.

My Government believes that all Member States of our Organization should scrupulously respect the cardinal principles of international relations set forth in the Charter, which bind Member States. It is in the name of those principles that, as one of the sponsors of Security Council resolution 660 (1990), my Government is in favour of all other measures adopted for the implementation of that draft resolution. It is also sponsoring the new draft resolution, which it hopes will restore the dignity of the little land of Kuwait and its worthy sons and enable them to re-establish peace, which the Gulf region so sorely needs.

The President: I thank the representative of Côte d'Ivoire for his kind words addressed to me.

Mr. Tadesse (Ethiopia): We are deeply dismayed that Iraq has failed to comply with the requirements of the provisions of Security Council resolution 660 (1990). The invasion is not only a violation of the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of Kuwait. Continued Iraqi non-compliance causes a grave threat to international peace and security.


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JB/10 37 (Mr. Tadesse, Ethiopia) As a country in close proximity to that region, Ethiopia is concerned that the situation could be further exacerbated by failure to heed the call of the international community for immediate withdrawal of the occupation forces and for the restoration of the sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity of Kuwait.

Ethiopia is a strong believer in the viability of international co-operation within the framework of the Charter of the United Nations. The timely and swift action the Security Council must take now, within the purview of Chapter VII of the Charter, we maintain, should send an unequivocal message to Iraq. In that regard, we strongly support the provisions of paragraphs 3 and 4 of the draft resolution as a measure necessary to stem the consequences of the Iraqi invasion.

We have joined the sponsor in order to demonstrate clearly to Iraq that its behaviour and actions are unacceptable. It is also aimed at bringing relief to those whose national and individual rights are trampled upon and their nation occupied by the Iraqi war machine.

We are hopeful that, at least for once, Iraq will yield to reason and good cause.

Mr. Alarcon de Quesada (Cuba) (interpretation from Spanish): At the outset, I should like to congratulate you upon your work as President of the Council and to express our appreciation to your predecessor, the representative of Malaysia, for the way in which he carried out similar tasks last month.

To Cuba, the principles of non-interference in the internal affairs of States, no matter what reason, of the non-use of force in international relations, of the peaceful settlement of disputes between States and of respect for the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of all nations are essential principles of our international order. It is in defence of those principles that we have expressed our disapproval and condemnation of the entry of Iraqi forces into the


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JB/10 38 (Mr. Alarcon de Quesada, Cuba) territory of Kuwait a few days ago and that we have declared that that state of affairs must be ended with the withdrawal of Iraqi forces from Kuwaiti territory and the full restoration of Kuwait's sovereignty.

As far as we are concerned, these are two States and two Governments with which we continue to maintain relations of friendship that cause us to feel particular concern at the situation that has arisen between them. That is why my delegation cast its vote in favour of 660. Nevertheless, my delegation wishes to explain the reasons why it is unable to support the draft resolution now before the Council.

First of all, it seems to us that, far from contributing to progress in the settlement of the conflict, the text and the imposition of the proposed sanctions at this time would instead tend to complicate the situation even more at a time when Iraq has begun withdrawing its troops, as the representative of that country has reaffirmed here. Similarly, the draft resolution would facilitate the interventionist actions taking place in the region and being openly promoted and proclaimed by the United States Government. The draft would also impede the current actions and efforts of the Arab States to arrive at a solution.

Furthermore, the draft resolution suffers from other defects that my delegation feels obliged to mention. To begin with, we are asked to approve specific sanctions that have already been imposed unilaterally by the principal developed Powers of the world. We are also presented with a situation in which a number of States – particularly the main promoter of the draft, the United States of America – seem to have suddenly discovered the value of those fundamental principles that I mentioned a few minutes ago.

Reference is frequently made in our debates to the changes taking place in the international arena. I wonder whether anyone really believes that what we have here is also the expression of a change, of something new in international life.


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Rh [aid down the law in no uncertain manner, and all 3f the brothers were a little afraid of Gates. Cynthia slept until noon the next day, and Hugh vent to his classes. In the afternoon they attended 1 baseball game, and then returned to the fraternity louse for another tea-dance. The Prom was to be
 * hat night. Hugh assured Cynthia that it was go¬

ng to be a “wet party,” and that Vinton had sold lim a good supply of Scotch.

The campus was rife with stories: this was the vettest Prom on record, the girls were drinking as nuch as the men, some of the fraternities had made '
 * he sky the limit, the dormitories were being in¬

vaded by couples in the small hours of the night, md so on. Hugh heard numerous stories but paid 10 attention to them. He was supremely happy, md that was all that mattered. True, several men lad advised him to bring plenty of liquor along to
 * he Prom if he wanted to have a good time, and he

vas careful to act on their advice, especially as Cynthia had assured him that she would dance un11 doomsday if he kept her “well oiled with hooch.” The gymnasium was gaily decorated for the Prom, he walls hidden with greenery, the rafters twined vith the college colors and almost lost behind hunIreds of small Japanese lanterns. The fraternity )ooths were made of fir boughs, and the orchestra datform in the middle of the floor looked like a mall forest of saplings.


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Rh Norry smiled. For some quite inexplicable rea¬ son, he suddenly felt older than Hugh.

“Yes, I said something. I said that I never expected you to fall in love with Cynthia.”

Hugh paused in taking off his socks. “Why lot?” he demanded. “She’s wonderful.”

“You ’re so different.”

“How different? We understand each other perfectly. Of course, we only saw each other for 1 week when I was down at your place, but we anderstood each other from the first. I was crazy about her as soon as I saw her.”

Norry was troubled. “I don’t think I can ex¬ plain exactly,” he said slowly. “Cynthia runs with a fast crowd, and she smokes and drinks—and fou ’re—well, you ’re idealistic.”

Hugh pulled off his underclothes and laughed as le stuck his feet into slippers and drew on a bath¬ robe. “Of course, she does. All the girls do now. She’s just as idealistic as I am.”

He wrapped the bath-robe around him and de¬ parted for the showers, singing gaily:

“Say it with music, Beautiful music; Somehow they ’d rather be kissed To the strains of Chopin or Liszt. A melody mellow played on a cello Helps Mister Cupid along— So say it with a beautiful song."


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100 have to write themes in the exam, but we can’t do anything about that here. You ’re all getting by on your themes, anyway, are n’t you?”

“Yeah,” the listening quartet answered in unison, Larry Stillwell adding dubiously, “Well, I’m get¬ ting C’s.”

“Larry,” said Carl in cold contempt, “you ’re a goddamn liar. I saw a B on one of your themes the other day and an A on another. What are you always pulling that low-brow stuff for?”

Larry had the grace to blush. “Aw,” he ex¬ plained in some confusion, “my prof’s full of hooey. He does n’t know a C theme from an A one. He makes me sick. He—”

“Aw, shut up!” Freddy Dickson shouted. “Let’s get going; let’s get going. We gotta learn this poetry. Damn! I don’t know anything about it. I didn’t crack the book till two days ago.”

Pudge took charge again. “Close your gabs, everybody,” he commanded sternly. “There’s no sense in going over the prose lit. You can do that better by yourselves. God knows I’m not going to waste my time telling you bone-heads what Car¬ lyle means by a hero. If you don’t know Odin from Mohammed by this time, you can roast in Dante’s hell for all of.me. Now listen; the prof said that they were going to make us place lines, and, of course, they ’ll expect us to know what the


text: The poetical works of Thomas Campbell/Ode to the Memory of Burns


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JB/10 39-40 (Mr. Alarcon de Quesada, Cuba) Is the United States really concerned with defending the rights of weak States, of small countries? Is this really a defence of the principle of non-intervention? Are we really talking about defence of the principle of the non-use of force in international relations? Is it really the need to promote respect for the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of States that motivates the United States to urge these sanctions against Iraq? Is that really the reason?