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 mind as to the identity of the great one-eared lynx that had fought the battle in the glade. That missing ear was a convincing identification mark. The black-and-tan hound, which had found the lynx kittens in the hollow oak stump and killed two of them, had mangled the right ear of the third so badly that, as soon as the boy reached the plantation house with his captive, he had clipped away the ragged and bloody remnants of that ear with a pair of sharp scissors.

In this way Byng was marked for life, and marked unmistakably, while, in addition, his great size would render him easily recognizable. As the boy, still thrilling with the strangeness of that dramatic meeting in the glade, walked homeward through the painted autumn woods and the yellowing broom-grass fields where nodding plumes of goldenrod shone in the morning light, he felt that for Byng and himself the woods gods had still other adventures in store.

That fall and winter were a busy time for the boy. He had taken over the management of the plantation and he worked hard. Yet, insatiable woodsman that he was, he contrived to spend part of nearly every day in the woods; and always he was on the lookout for the one-eared lynx, who was, he knew, the ruler of all the wild folk of those woods except the big, arrogant whitetail bucks, who

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 feared none of the other wild four-foots, barring only the black bears when at rare intervals they passed through on their journeys from one of the great swamps to another, and the long armored alligators who were the masters of the rivers and lagoons.

But not once that winter did the boy see Byng, though several times he saw his handiwork. Sometimes it was a smooth-barked sapling scratched and scarred where a tall beast had reared on its hind legs and sharpened the claws of its front feet. Sometimes it was the scanty remnant of a rabbit devoured hide and all, and in the sand near by great rounded tracks nearly twice as large as those of the average wildcat. Occasionally, too, the boy had a feeling that he was being watched and followed. All his skill at woodcraft, however, failed to confirm this suspicion, and finally he decided that his imagination was playing him tricks and he determined to put Byng out of his mind.

It was otherwise with Byng. He could not put the boy out of his mind because the boy was forever crossing his path. The big lynx had a definite range marked by two rivers, neither of which he ever attempted to cross because, in the first place, he was not much of a swimmer, and, in the second place, alligators lived in them. The plantation house was situated midway between these rivers,

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 the center of some five thousand acres of forest, savannah and swamp. This was the lynx's hunting ground, a hunting ground abounding in bird and animal life and especially rich in quail and rabbits, both swamp rabbits and cottontails. Here food was plentiful and was easily obtained; even in the first weeks of his freedom he had found little difficulty, thanks to his inherited woodcraft, in picking up a living. And here he was fairly safe.

Few poachers invaded these woods, and during the boy's absence in the North little hunting had been done there. Sometimes at night Byng heard or saw negro possum and coon hunters, but these gave him little anxiety. Twice, however, he encountered a more serious problem when Sandy Jim Mayfield followed his pack of long lean deer hounds, hot on the trail of buck or doe, into the one-eared lynx's territory. As luck would have it, on each of these occasions the pack crossed Byng's trail, and it might have fared ill with him had not these dogs been trained so well by Sandy Jim to disregard all the other scents of the woods when they were on the track of a deer.

As it was, Byng had one close call. Sandy Jim, sitting on his wiry little mare in a narrow woods road, listening to the music of his hounds and holding his gun at his shoulder for a quick shot, saw a long brown shape flash across the opening in front

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 of him. He fired, then cursed himself not only for missing the lynx but for firing at all. The empty cartridge jammed in the breech of his single-barreled gun, and before he could pry it out the buck which his dogs had been trailing walked across the road with a nonchalance and deliberateness which would have sealed his doom had the old hunter been ready for him.

Sandy Jim did not know it, but he had not missed altogether. One buckshot had plowed a furrow across Byng's back just above the haunches. The wound was nothing. It healed within a week. But for months afterwards Byng's hair bristled whenever his thoughts went back to that experience.

The big lynx did not need this lesson to teach him the fear of man. That fear he already had, by inheritance, and it was implanted deep in his being. But his encounter with Sandy Jim sharpened and intensified his dread of the whole human species and helped to repress and nullify the strange promptings which came to him always when his path happened to cross that of the boy.

At that first meeting in the glade he had recognized the latter instantly, and a flood of memories had swept into his brain as the boy lay down in front of him and called to him in the old unforgotten way. For a few moments conflicting forces in his nature had struggled for the mastery; but the

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 influence of unnumbered generations of man-fearing and man-hating ancestors had triumphed in the end. Swiftly he had slunk away into the thicket, trembling, hating, fearing, yet remembering and loving; and always thereafter, when he saw or scented the boy in the woods, these memories—like faint whisperings or dim cloudy picturings in his brain—came back to him. But they never conquered his fear or led him to approach very close to the boy. Even when, as happened upon more than one occasion, he came upon the boy taking a nap in the woods, the lynx kept his distance, watching from some dense covert until the sleeper rose and went his way.

Thus the winter passed and presently it was spring in the Low Country; for the boy a season of delight because of the immeasurable beauty of it and the wonderful birds that it brought—the tall white egrets, the high-soaring ibises, the fantastic anhingas, or water turkeys, the painted blue-and-green-and-crimson nonpareils, and all the other gay-plumaged makers of music who came up from the tropics with the warm weather. He seldom thought of Byng now on his rambles because there were so many other things of absorbing interest to occupy his mind.

Then, early one May morning, when the boy dis-

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 covered a newly born fawn curled up under a myrtle bush and concealed himself near by to await the return of the fawn's mother, the woods gods intervened again.

Three hundred yards up the wind from the spot where the fawn lay motionless on the soft bed of leaves where its mother had left it, a tall wild gobbler was getting his breakfast. The forest was open and parklike here, a mixture of pines and oaks with no underbrush to speak of; and Byng, who had acquired a decided taste for turkey, was studying the situation from the shelter of an oak trunk a hundred feet or so to the gobbler's left.

To stalk the wary old bird under such unfavorable conditions he knew to be impossible. After some minutes' consideration he had almost made up his mind to leave the gobbler in peace, for he realized that this might be a rather protracted affair, and it was not his custom to hunt by day. But at that moment the gobbler, having exhausted the foraging possibilities of that immediate locality, began to stride away through the woods, and it flashed into Byng's mind that he knew where the big bird was going and that there was an excellent chance of ambushing him on the way. Making a wide circle so as to avoid all danger of detection, he set off to post himself at a point in the gobbler's path where a lucky leap might result in a kill.

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 He had almost gained the spot that he had in mind when he halted suddenly. Though a far less efficient organ than the nose of a fox, his nose was of some value to him in hunting, and it had brought him tidings of sweet tender meat near at hand. Swerving sharply, he crept forward very slowly, inch by inch, his cushioned feet making no sound. Presently he stopped close to a myrtle bush, feasted his fierce eyes for a moment upon a spotted, gently breathing thing underneath it, then searched carefully the opening beyond the bush. Next moment he leaped upon the fawn and buried his long fangs in the little creature's throat.

The boy, watching from his place of concealment fifteen yards away behind a log, saw the murder and sprang to his feet with a shout. Nothing in the wild life of the woods moved him more than the love of a doe for her little one. Several times the rare privilege had been accorded him of witnessing this mother love, and he had waited patiently behind his log, anticipating eagerly the moment when the mother, called away by some urgent business of her own, would return. His gaze was resting on the fawn, as motionless as though it were fast asleep, though its big eyes were wide and alert, when, without the slightest warning, the great lynx burst through the leafy screen behind it and tore its throat open.

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 The boy had been idly whittling a stick. As he leaped over the log and rushed to the fawn's rescue, his eyes blazing with fury, he flourished the big knife in his right hand and shifted his grip upon its handle. To his surprise the lynx, crouching upon its victim, remained motionless, teeth bared in an ugly snarl, blood dripping from its jaws. For a moment the boy believed that he was in for a battle, and in the rage that possessed him the prospect filled him with fierce joy. But as a matter of fact it was sheer amazement that paralyzed the lynx temporarily, and when the boy was still ten feet from him he recovered his wits. He bounded three feet to the right, and as though made of India rubber, bounced thence to the edge of the thicket. Whirling in mid-career, the boy hurled the knife at him as he vanished amid the foliage.

Two minutes later the fawn died in the boy's arms, gazing up into his face with large, crystalline, stricken eyes full of vague, questioning wonder. As the light went out of them the boy vowed unceasing relentless war against the murderer. To him the one-eared lynx was no longer Byng, the playful, affectionate, striped-and-spotted kitten of other days. He was the savage, bloody-toothed slaughterer of innocent woods babies. The boy, who had to have a name for everything, renamed him Lynx

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 Lucifer; and thenceforward there was a price upon his head.

When the boy picked up his knife after a short search in the thicket where he had thrown it, he was glad to note that there was blood on the blade.

Byng, roaming his woods as usual and, as always, more or less on the lookout for the boy, of course knew nothing of the great change that had come about. He could not know that a dollar had been offered to any negro on the plantation who would bring in the body of a big wildcat with only one ear. Nor could he know that the boy had ridden over to the house of Sandy Jim Mayfield, his nearest white neighbor, to learn whether he had a dog in his deer pack that would follow the trail of a cat and to give him leave to hunt wildcats in the plantation woods. Byng was conscious of no resentment over the boy's sudden attack upon him, and the flesh wound where the knife had struck him on one hind quarter was too slight to cause serious annoyance. When, two mornings afterwards, he heard the boy in the woods, he left his sleeping place in a tangled, almost impenetrable thicket of thorny vines and moved swiftly towards the sounds. For a half mile or so he followed the boy, catching a glimpse of him now and then, sensible of those same strange promptings born of the old comradeship, never sus-

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 pecting the reason why this time the boy carried his gun.

On the fifth night after the killing of the fawn Byng did something that he had never done before. Always up to that time a wholesome respect for Sandy Jim's dogs had caused him to avoid the vicinity of the woodsman's house; but on this night he happened to take a short cut which led him within a hundred feet of Mayfield's fence and, perhaps because the night was an especially black one and no dogs seemed to be about, he was encouraged to explore the premises.

The blackness meant nothing to Byng. His luminous eyes were made for such nights, and when a slight noise caused him to glance upward he recognized instantly the five big bulky objects fifteen feet or so above him on a limb of a large leaning mulberry tree. He passed like a ghost up the slanting trunk of the tree, fastened himself upon the nearest turkey hen, and leaped with it to the ground. The turkey was too heavy to be carried far. Within a half mile he stopped, feasted to his heart's content, then buried the rest of the carcass and scratched dead leaves over the spot.

The boy was writing a letter in the plantation-house library when he saw Sandy Jim Mayfield

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 galloping up the long avenue of live oaks leading to the house. He greeted his visitor cordially; for if it was true that Sandy Jim sometimes followed upon the plantation lands a deer which his pack had jumped, it was true also that his woodcraft was of that rare quality which the boy always admired wherever he found it. If a man were a good enough woodsman the boy would forgive him most of his sins; and so, although there was much about the lean, stoop-shouldered, white-mustached swamp ranger that was far from admirable, the boy and he were friends after a fashion.

The old woodsman, lithe as an otter in spite of his seventy years, drew up his mare in front of the white-pillared portico and declined an invitation to dismount and come in.

"Remember that big wildcat you was after killin'?" he drawled.

The boy nodded.

"You kin kill him today if you want to."

"How's that?" asked the boy.

"Night before last he stole one o' my turkeys an' buried the carkiss in the woods a half mile from my house. I found the place an' set traps all round it. Las' night he come back to finish eatin' the carkiss an' one o' the traps got him. But he yanked the trap loose an' carried it with him. Must be a powerful brute."

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 Sandy Jim paused to shift his quid.

"Why didn't you trail him?" the boy asked.

"Couldn't. My old woman's took another sick spell. Got to hustle to town this mornin' an' git some o' them heart drops. Gabe's off seein' his gal, an' the boys are gone with the pack on a hunt over in Big Cypress where there ain't no chance o' runnin' into one o' them game wardens. But the Airdale's at the house, an' he trails a cat pretty good. You kin take him an' have that cat's hide in a couple o' hours. He can't go fur with that steel trap a'-hangin' on his forefoot."

Terror and agony such as he had never before known were driving Byng almost mad in the woods. He had traveled farther than Sandy Jim had thought possible. The trap gripping his left foreleg was not a very large one, and the big lynx, spurred on by a frenzy of pain and fear, was able to make fairly good headway on three legs, half-lifting, half-dragging the cold terrible unknown thing which clutched and paralyzed the fourth. But it was heart-breaking work and after an hour of it Byng was utterly exhausted.

He lay down, flanks heaving, eyes glaring, head lolling on his shoulders. Presently, when he had got his wind back, he bit savagely at the hard steel,

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 then staggered to his feet again and pulled and tugged, jerking the trap this way and that. The pain was less severe now, because the leg had grown numb, but he was wilder than ever with terror. Blindly, with no idea of where he was going and no sense of direction, he started off again through the woods.

It was nearly midday when he heard the Airedale coming. The dog was really half Airedale, half hound, a huge, light-brown, shaggy creature, ill-tempered and powerful, the undisputed master of Sandy Jim's pack. Byng knew him and instantly recognized his voice, a short sharp yelping very different from the resonant voice of a hound. The hair bristled along the lynx's back and his curved claws unsheathed themselves, then withdrew into their scabbards.

Yet in the presence of this new danger he did not give way to panic. For two hours he had been lying quietly in the midst of a small thicket of arundinaria cane, deep in a lonely pine wood. The pain had gone out of his leg, which was now completely benumbed, and the stillness and seclusion of the spot had served to steady his nerves. Resting thus, his strength, so nearly spent in his frenzied and laborious progress through the woods, had slowly come back to him, and as his strength returned the mad terror gradually subsided. At the first sound of the

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 Airedale's voice his wits went to work to meet the new emergency.

He saw no tree near him that he could climb. With only three good legs he could never drag himself and the trap up the straight trunk of one of those giant pines. A hundred yards away the pine wood thinned and sloped down to a deep hollow, where a backwater from a small creek had made a little swamp densely grown with young sweet gums. Byng hated to leave the cover of the cane thicket, but if he could reach this swamp in time the many small pools of water might baffle the trailing dog.

At once he set out and had traveled fifty yards from the edge of the canes, when the trap caught on a snag in the sparse grass under the scattered trees, resisting all his efforts to jerk it loose. For five minutes he struggled vainly to free himself, while the yelping of the dog drew steadily nearer. Then, just as the snag broke at last, throwing him backward in a heap, he saw the tall form of the boy striding amid the tree trunks.

Somehow, as a reflex of the strange subtle emotions which always rose in him when he saw or scented the boy, the sight brought him reassurance. He had thought that it was Sandy Jim who was ranging the woods with his dog; but instead it was the one human being for whom his heart held some-

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 thing else than fear and hate, the human being who was a part of those shadowy recollections that sometimes hovered in the background of his mind as he dozed away the daylight hours in some one of his many secret sleeping places. Again the panic, which had been swelling in him like a tide, halted and began to recede. He crouched low, his eyes fixed upon the boy, knowing that in those open woods the moment he moved he would be seen, still fearing discovery, though now discovery had been robbed of half its terrors.

The boy, holding the straining Airedale in leash, his gun balanced in his left hand, was heading straight for the cane thicket. So hot was the scent that at any moment he expected to come upon the lynx, and his eyes were searching the woods ahead of him. Near the edge of the canes, however, the scream of a red-shouldered hawk circling above the sweet-gum swamp to the right caused him to glance in that direction, and in a moment he saw the tawny form of the lynx in full view, standing out conspicuously against the green carpet of the thinly wooded savanna. Releasing his hold upon the leash, he let the dog plunge into the canes on the hot trail, while he himself turned at right angles and walked swiftly towards the lynx, holding his gun ready.

At a distance of ten paces he halted. The big cat had moved not a muscle, uttered not a sound. But

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 for its bristling hair and its steady, unwinking eyes, he might have believed it dead as it lay there in front of him, its one ear pricked forward, its round bearded face pillowed on its forepaws, to one of which the steel trap still clung.

The boy muttered an exclamation of impatience. It was his own weakness which provoked him—the sentimental weakness which had caused him to see for an instant in that round bearded face the face of the striped-and-spotted lynx kitten which used to curl itself up on his chest when he lay down for a nap under the plantation trees—the face of Byng, his playmate, and not the fiendish face of Lynx Lucifer, murderer of little fawns. He raised his gun and took careful aim, drawing a bead upon the furry forehead between the unwinking eyes.

Coming from behind, in long leaps that made no sound as his big paws pounded the springy turf, the Airedale flashed past him, a long-drawn streak of yellowish brown that almost brushed his elbow as it shot by. So startled was the boy that, in the very act of pulling trigger, he jumped aside, and the load of buckshot dug a hole in the ground three feet from the squirming, writhing mass in front of him where dog and lynx heaved and strained in deadly embrace. A half minute the boy stood irresolute,

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 watching the battle. Then he hurriedly laid down his gun, useless now because he could not shoot one combatant without hitting the other, and made a leap for the end of the Airedale's leash, switching and jumping about over the ground like a black serpent engaged in some strange dance.

Sandy Jim's last word to him had been an earnest injunction not to let the dog come to close quarters with the lynx. Knowing his dog's fierce and indomitable spirit and aware also that the lynx was an extraordinarily large and powerful specimen, Mayfield realized that, though the Airedale might win in the end, the victory would be dearly bought. So tough is a lynx's skin, especially about the region of the throat, that a dog's teeth can tear it only with great difficulty, and in most single combats the dog wins, if he wins at all, by dint of the throttling pressure of his jaws constricting his foe's. This is likely to be a comparatively slow process, and in the meantime the dog may be slashed almost to ribbons by the lynx's long curved claws.

This was what was happening now. Again, as in that other battle in the glade at dawn, Byng was on his back, his enemy on top of him; and again his hind legs were working like steam piston rods, drawing blood at nearly every upward trust. Badly hampered though he was by the trap clinging to his forepaw, he was fighting furiously and effectively

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 for his life; and even in the hurry and excitement of the moment the boy felt a thrill of admiration for the lithe, steel-sinewed beast that could make such a fight against such odds, and for the wild, fierce spirit that would not give up so long as breath remained in the body that incased it.

But that breath was growing shorter. The big Airedale had his grip now. His great jaws were clamped upon the lynx's throat just where it left the chest, clamped with a vicelike grip which all the mad struggles of his enemy, heaving and writhing underneath him, could not shake loose; and the boy knew that they would remain fastened there till life went out of the lynx or till the dog, now streaming with blood from his lacerated under parts, was disemboweled.

The boy feared the latter ending. Abandoning his efforts to seize the elusive leash and disregarding the danger of injury to himself, he jumped close in and managed at last to get his hand under the Airedale's collar. Then, straining and stumbling, putting all his strength into the effort, he finally succeeded in pulling the dog clear. As the long, square jaws lost their hold the lynx, which had been lifted a little from the ground, fell back limp and helpless and lay still.

The boy tied the struggling dog to a sapling twenty feet away and left him there plunging and

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 rearing at the end of the stout leather leash. The lynx, hideously besmeared with blood, still lay on its side as if dead; but the yellow eyes were open and it still breathed, the breath coming in quick gasps. The boy moved towards his gun lying in the grass, breeched it, and slipped a shell into the empty barrel. When he turned towards the lynx again he saw that it had moved its head slightly and that the eyes were fixed upon him, steady, unwinking, unafraid.

A long time the boy looked into the translucent depths of them, his gun half raised to his shoulder. He was not happy. Suddenly the thought came to him that this was a cowardly business and a shoddy victory, this victory that he had won over Byng—it was Byng that he thought of now, not Lynx Lucifer—hampered and crippled by the steel trap clinging to his forefoot, Byng who had fought so magnificently an utterly hopeless fight. He lowered the gun and laid it on the grass, then stooped beside the lynx.

Watching the yellow eyes narrowly, though he believed that the animal was too weak to use tooth or claw, he felt the skin of its throat and chest. It was as Mayfield had said; the hide was not torn; all the blood of that bloody battle had come from the dog. Still watching those eyes, and alert to withdraw his hand quickly at the first hostile move,

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 he took the left foreleg in his hand, testing it with deft fingers. No bones were broken. Bearing down upon the trap with his knees, he drew it off as the steel jaws opened, and tossed it behind him.

Then he stepped back five paces and sat down in the grass.

For five minutes, perhaps, the lynx lay still. It had been very close to death and its strength came back very slowly. Gradually, however, its breathing became more regular and presently it raised its head slowly and weakly, then struggled to its feet.

A half minute it stood, swaying precariously, head hanging low, eyes still fixed on the boy's face. There was no fierceness in them: but the whiskered jaws were still red with the Airedale's blood, and instantly the boy's mind went back to the murdered fawn. His hand stole towards his gun, but stopped halfway.

"Good-by again, Lynx Lucifer," he said. "Don't ever let me get another sight of you along a gun barrel."

As though roused by the words, Byng turned and tottered on three legs across the savannah towards the friendly green coverts of the sweet-gum swamp.

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334 The final scene is in the gardens of the convent. The Inca enters with Yma Sumac, followed by the whole strength of the company. Mama Ccacca is ordered to open the stone door and Cusi Coyllur is brought out. She proves to be the sister of the Inca and the wife of Ollantay. There are explanations, and all ends happily.

Of the antiquity of the drama of Ollantay there is now no question. General Mitre wrote an elaborate paper on its authenticity, raising several points to prove that it was of modern origin. But every point he raised has been satisfactorily refuted. At the same time there are many other points, some of them referred to by Zegarra, which establish the antiquity of the drama beyond any doubt. The antiquity of the name Ollantay-tampu, applied to the fortress in memory of the drama, is proved by its use in the narratives of Molina (1560) and of Salcamayhua.

An able review of the literature connected with the drama of Ollantay was written by Don E. Larrabure y Unanue, the present Vice-President of Peru, who considers that Ollantay would make a good acting play with magnificent scenic effects.

1. The original text of Valdez. In 1853 the property of Don Narciso Cuentas of Tinta, heir of Dr. Valdez. 2. The Justiniani text. In 1853 at Laris. Copy of the Valdez text. 3. Markham's copy of the Justiniani text (printed 1871). 4. Rosas copy of the Justiniani text. 5. Copy in the convent of San Domingo at Cuzco (the Dominican text).

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Printed by A. & R. Spottiswoode,

New-Street-Square.

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 All of them submitted themselves in this manner, except Tun Ali, who refused to pay allegiance to him, and whatever in-stance the Sultan made to satisfy him, he still refused, saying, "I never wish to look another raja in the face after that of His Majesty, your son, for His Majesty died not of disease, nor in war, but only by foul treason. Therefore, I request that Your Majesty would throw me where he lies; for what purpose do I survive?" By how many means did Sultan Ahmed endeavour to allure him, presenting him with gold and silver, and how many dresses! but not one of them would he receive, desiring only that the Prince would put him to death, which was at last done by Sultan Mahmud.

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Rh 6. Von Tschudi's copy of the Dominican text (printed 1853). 7. Text of Zegarra (printed 1878). 8. Second text of von Tschudi. 9. Text of Spilsbury. 10. Text of Sahuaraura penes Dr. Gonzalez de la Rosa.

There is light thrown upon the name Ollantay by the evidence taken during the journey of the Viceroy Toledo from Jauja to Cuzco, from November 1570 to March 1571. He wanted information respecting the origin of the Inca government, and 200 witnesses were examined, the parentage or lineage of each witness being recorded. Among these we find six witnesses of the ''Antasayac ayllu. Sayac means a station or division, Anta'' is a small town near Cuzco. The names of the six Anta witnesses were:—

We thus find that the name of Ollantay belonged to Anta. Now the Incas were under great obligations to the chief of Anta, for that chief had rescued the eldest son of Inca Rocca from the chief of Ayamarca, and had restored him to his father. For this great service the chief of Anta was declared to be a noble of the highest rank and cousin to the Inca family. Moreover, the daughter of the Anta chief was married to the Inca Uira-cocha, and was the mother of Pachacuti. Assuming, as seems probable, that Ollantay was a son of the chief of Anta, he would be a cousin of the Inca, and of very

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 ter of Tun Fatima, and begot a son, named Raja Mansur. The laksamana Khwajeh Hasan died with grief, and was buried at Gunung-pantei, (shore-hill,) and Hang Nadim succeeded him in the office of laksamana, who became so famous in war for fighting, till the earth was drenched in blood. This Hang Nadim was two descents from the laksamana Hang Tuah, and the bandahara Lubu Batu was also two descents from the same hero. Tun Fatimah, the Queen of Sultan Mahmud, bore a son, who was named Ala-eddin Gheyas Shah; who was commonly denominated Sultan Muda. Sultan Mudhafer, the sovereign, married Tun Trang, the daughter of Tun Fatimah, and he had also by Tun Ali, a son, named Raja Mansur. After the death of Sultan Ahmed, all the young nobles and the King's servants were assembled by Sultan Mahmud, and said to them, "Do not be concerned about your situation, it shall be continued precisely as under Si Ahmed." They replied, "We will submit to the authority of Your Majesty, as we formerly submitted to that of your son, and we now all return to your allegiance.

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 fowls, all of them. Then the great men all came to wait on Sultan Ahmed, and they were hooted by all the young lads, saying, "Where are the fragments and leaving of our rice prepared with turmeric, and our roasted fowls, with the picked bones, to give to those old people, who are come from abroad, for such is the raja's wish?" Sultan Mahmud heard of these proceedings, and was displeased at it, and by the power of God Almighty, the heart of Sultan Mahmud was expanded, and he sent a hulubalang, who killed him privately, so that few persons were acquainted with it, and the proceeding of the person respecting Sultan Ahmed was left in darkness. Thus died Sultan Ahmed, and was buried at Bukit-batu, (stone-hill,) and he is therefore called Merhum Bukit Batu, the deceased of the stone-hill. After the death of Sultan Ahmed, Sultan Mahmud placed on the throne his son, raja Mudhafer, to reign in his stead, and ordered him to be put under the tuition of a learned man, named Sham Selim, along with the sons of many other nobles. When Raja Mudhafer grew up, he married Tun Trang, the daugh-

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text: The Way of the Wild (Sass)

title: The Way of the Wild (Sass)


text: The Way of the Wild (Sass)/Lotor the Lucky


text: The Way of the Wild (Sass)/The Bachelors of Devilhead


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 time, the Frangis appeared before Pagar, and prepared to attack it. In a few days Sang Satia died, and Pagoh was taken, and Sultan Ahmed made his retreat, and went up the river to Panarigan. The lame bandahara died, and was buried at Lubu Batu, (the stone-plumbs,) which is generally termed Bender-Lubu-batu. After this, Sultan Ahmed, with Sultan Mahmud, retired to Pahang, and Sultan Abdal Jamil received them with great kindness, and conducted him into the city, with a thousand testimonies of respect and honour. Sultan Mahmud gave his daughter, who was born of the Princess of Calantan, in marriage to the raja of Pahang, named Sultan Mansur Shah. Without remaining long in Pahang, he proceeded to Bentan, and Sultan Ahmed founded a city at Kopeh. This Sultan Ahmed was extremely proper in all his conduct, and kind to all his subjects. In one respect, however, he was not good, that he had no affection for his mantris and hulubalangs and great men, and was greatly attached to all the young lads, and his personal servants, and all his people eat and drank pleasantly, feasting on rice with turmeric, and roasted

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text: The Way of the Wild (Sass)/Northwind

title: The Way of the Wild (Sass)/Northwind


text: The Way of the Wild (Sass)/Rusty Roustabout


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 into an image of the spiritual life of man; and with an imagination and force which, by their passion, reach splendour of thought and diction. This is a frequent way of his with nature, and no one has done it better in English poetry. I quote it:

Always it is the same in his poetry of nature. He describes the thing he sees, flower or bird, stream or hill, exactly as they are, without humanising them, without veiling them with any sentiment of their own, without having concerning nature any philosophy that spiritualises nature as the form of thought or love, any belief that she is alive or dwelt in by living beings. Nature to Arnold is frequently the nature that modern science has revealed to us—matter in motion, taking an inconceivable variety of form, but always, in its variety, acting rigidly according to certain ways, which, for want of a wiser term, we call laws. For the first time this view of nature enters into English poetry with Arnold. He sees the loveliness of her doings, but he also sees their terror and dreadfulness and their relentlessness. But what in his poetry he


text: The Way of the Wild (Sass)/The Quest of the Eagle Stone


text: The Way of the Wild (Sass)/Black Bull of Ahowhe


text: The Way of the Wild (Sass)/The War of the Kings


text: The Way of the Wild (Sass)/The King of the River


text: The Way of the Wild (Sass)/The Prisoners of Half-Acre


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 easily be cured, though if the weapon had penetrated a barley-corn farther, he had been a dead man. By this time the Frangis had approached the exterior hall of the Prince's palace, and all the Malaca men were flying. The Prince saw that all had fled, and then Sultan Ahmed himself had recourse to flight, and the bandahara, who was lame, was seized on by Si Sa-la-mat, and compelled to fly. Then the Frangis entered the fortress, and they saw that there was nobody in the fortress, and then they continued the pursuit. Then said the lame bandahara to Sa-la-mat, "Bear up, and bring me up with these accursed Frangis, that I may amok with them;" but his family would not permit him. He said "Fy, cowards I what a pity it is that I am lame. Were it not so, I would certainly die on Malaca ground; but now I see that all the young lads of the present day are not in the least sensible of shame, and in a crisis like this, there is not one of them to devote himself and amok." Than Sultan Ahmed retreated up to Moar, a place above, named Pagoh. As for Sultan Mahmud, he remained in Batu hampar, (spread stones,) and he founded a fort at Bentayen. In a short

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text: The Way of the Wild (Sass)/Lynx Lucifer

title: The Way of the Wild (Sass)/Lynx Lucifer


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 contended with a long lance, against all these Frangis,—curse them—and the Prince was slightly wounded in the hand, and lifted up his hand which was wounded, and cried, "You race of the Malays, are you not all ashamed to see me wounded here, take courage and stand by me." When the champions who had fled, heard this, they all returned, and again made a furious onset, and amoked the Frangis with their whole soul. When Tun Saleh saw the blood of the raja's wound, he plunged singly into the Frangis host, pushing them vigorously with his lance; but they run him through the breast with a spear, and he fell dead. This day, in the amok attack on the Frangis, five-and-twenty chosen hulubalangs perished, and Sri Audana was also wounded through the groin, being pierced with a long lance. Then they made the raja's elephant kneel down, and the Prince descending, returned to his palace, whither they also conveyed Sri Audana; and the raja ordered his physician to attend him, and he examined the wound, with the sharp point of a betel-leaf, and said, that it was of no consequence, and would

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Rh

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338

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 chiefly sees is the peace of nature's obedience to law, and the everlasting youth of her unchanging life.

He contrasts her calm with our turmoil, her quiet changes of action day after day, her rest after action, with our hurry, our confusion, and our noise. Calm soul of things, he cries, make me calm, let the human world, like thee, perfect its vast issues "in toil unsevered from tranquillity." Again, he contrasts the immortal life of nature with our decay and death. That life existed before us, will exist after us, fulfilling pauselessly its pure eternal course. Oh, he cries, to be alone with that intense life, and in its youthfulness, to be clear, composed, refreshed, ennobled; to have its steadfast joy! Calm, with life, that was the ideal he drew from nature.

Then, he also contrasts her joy and freedom with the sorrow and the slavery of our struggle towards any perfection. She obeys law silently and therefore


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—General of Anti-suyu, the eastern province of the empire. A young chief, but not of the blood-royal. His rank was that of a Tucuyricuo or Viceroy. The name occurs among the witnesses examined by order of the Viceroy Toledo, being one of the six of the Antasayac ayllu.

—The Sovereign Inca.

—Sovereign Inca, son and heir of Pachacuti.

—A great chief, General of Colla-suyu. The word means 'Stone-eye.'

—High Priest of the Sun. The word Uma means head, and Uillac, a councillor and diviner.

—A chief. The words mean 'Mountain Chief.' The word huaranca means 1000; hence, Chief of a Thousand.

—An old officer, of the blood-royal.

—Page to Ollantay. The words mean 'fleet-footed.'

—The Ccoya or Queen, wife of Pachacuti. Rh

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 and if I leave you alone, you grumble that I am neglectful. You swoop down in your hundreds upon a tiny village like Ober-Ammergau without ever letting us know even that you are coming, and then threaten to write to the Times because there is not a suite of apartments and a hot dinner waiting ready for each of you.

"You want the best lodgings in the place, and then, when at a tremendous cost of trouble, they have been obtained for you, you object to pay the price asked for them. You all try and palm yourselves off for dukes and duchesses, travelling in disguise. You have none of you ever heard of a second-class railway carriage—didn't know that such things were made. You want a first


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340 —A Princess, daughter of Pachacuti. The words mean 'the joyful star.'

—Daughter of Cusi Coyllur. The words mean 'How beautiful.'

—A girl, companion of Yma Sumac.

—A matron of Virgins of the Sun. Jailer of Cusi Coyllur.

Nobles, captains, soldiers, boys and girls dancing, singers, attendants, messengers or Chasqui.

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 class Pullman car reserved for each two of you. Some of you have seen an omnibus, in the distance, and have wondered what it was used for. To suggest that you should travel in such a plebeian conveyance, is to give you a shock that takes you two days to recover from. You expect a private carriage, with a footman in livery, to take you through the mountains. You, all of you, must have the most expensive places in the theatre. The eight-mark and six-mark places are every bit as good as the ten-mark seats, of which there are only a very limited number; but you are grossly insulted if it is hinted that you should sit in anything but the dearest chairs. If the villagers would only be sensible and charge you ten marks for the eight-mark places, you would be happy; but they won't."

I must candidly confess that the English-speaking people one meets with on the Continent are, taken as a whole, a most disagreeable contingent. One hardly ever hears the English language spoken on the Continent, without hearing grumbling and sneering.

The women are the most objectionable. Foreigners undoubtedly see the very poorest specimens of the female kind we Anglo-Saxons have to show. The average female English or American tourist is rude and self-assertive, while, at the same time, ridiculously helpless and awkward. She is intensely selfish, and utterly inconsiderate of others; everlastingly complaining, and, in herself, drearily uninteresting. We travelled down in the omnibus from Ober-Ammergau with three perfect specimens of the species, accompanied by the usual miserable-looking man, who has had all the life talked out of him. They were grumbling the whole of the way at having been put to ride in an omnibus. It seemed that they had never been so


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''An open space near the junction of the two torrents of Cuzco, the Huatanay and Tullumayu or Rodadero, called Pumap Chupan, just outside the gardens of the Sun. The Temple of the Sun beyond the gardens, and the Sacsahuaman hill surmounted by the fortress, rising in the distance. The palace of Colcampata on the hillside.''

 * (Enter  [in a gilded tunic, breeches of llama sinews, usutas or shoes of llama hide, a red mantle of ccompi or fine cloth, and the chucu or head-dress of his rank, holding a battle-axe (champi) and club (macana)] and  coming up from the back  [in a coarse brown tunic of auasca or llama cloth, girdle used as a sling, and chucu or head-dress of a Cuzqueño].)

Hast thou the starry Ñusta seen?
 * Piqui Chaqui. The Sun forbids such sacrilege;

'Tis not for me to see the star. Dost thou, my master, fear no ill, Thine eyes upon the Inca's child?
 * Ollantay. In spite of all I swear to love

That tender dove, that lovely star; My heart is as a lamb with her, And ever will her presence seek.

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Page:The Czechoslovak Review, vol3, 1919.djvu/98

Since the foundation of the Bohemian National Alliance no such important step has been taken by the Czechoslovaks of America, as will prove to be the establishment oi a chamber of commerce, realized at a convention of American businessmen of Czechoslovak birth or descent, held at Chicago on February 3rd and 4th, 1919.

The great interest which was felt in the projected convention showed itself in a surprisingly heavy attendance. Over one hundred bankers, merchants, manufacturers and other interested persons came to Chicago from all parts of the United States to take part in the American Czechoslovak Commercial Congress. There were visitors from New York, Cleveland, Detroit, Saginaw, St. Louis, Omaha, Boston, Pittsburgh, Minneapolis, Cedar Rapids, Lincoln (Neb.), Washington, Petersburg (Va.), Braddock, Perth Amboy, Bridgeport, and from several cities of Kansas, Arkansas and Texas. The number of Chicago delegates was especially large.

The convention was called to order on Monday, February 3rd ,in the convention hall of the Morrison Hotel, one of the. largest and most modern hotels of Chicago. Chairman of the committee of arrangements, John A. Červenka, called for the election of temporary officers, and by acclamation Mr. fiervenka was elected for chairman and John A. Sokol for secretary. The first morning was spent in listening to speeches of welcome and in attending to various routine matters. On behalf of the governor of Illinois an eloquent address was made by Edward J. Brundage, attorney-general of the state; response was made by James J. Štěpina, president of the American State Bank.

A good friend of the Czechoslovak citizens of Chicago, Harry H. Merrick, presented greetings from the Chicago Association of Commerce of which he is president. Then followed an address by Charles Pergler, commissioner of the Czechoslovak Republic in the United States, who welcomed the work of extending commercial relations between the two republics as being in the best interests of both countries and in the interest of firm friendship between America and Czechoslovakia.

The chairman then announced his list of committees which were to meet during the afternoon and prepare definite proposals for discussion and approval of the congress on the following day. The credit for the smooth transaction of business by the large assembly and the satifastory outcome of the congress should justly go to the officers of the convention and to the members of the committees who did their work well. The committees iippointed and their members were:

Committee on Resolutions: V. A. Geringer, J. F. Smetanka, Albert Mamatey, F. J. Svoboda, Lieut. Albert Hlaváč, Capt. Method Pázdral and Václav Bureš.

Committee on Rules: A. S. Ambrose, John Novák, Chas. S. Chapp, J. J. Wlach, J. F. Kolář, G. Sedláček and Jos. J. Tyra.

Committee on Ways and Means: Paul Jamarik, F. J. Švejda, Geo. Palda, F. Holmans, Joseph Kovář, Chas. Novák, Stanley Šerpán and A. J. Čermák.

Committee on By-Laws: A. J. Čermák, K. V. Janovský, Andrew Shustek, L. A. Zavitovsky, W. F. Severa, A. A. Rumreich, A. S. Ambrose, F. J. Businský, Hynek Dostál, F. J. Vlček, J. Bilza, Jos. Kusek, Rud. Pilnáček, Frank Šimek, Milan Getting, J. F. Kolář, Chas. Zalusky, J. F. Eliáš, C. K. Kosek and Louis Jalovec.

Committee on Permanent Organization: John Švehla, John Pankuch, J. Sklenář, M. Zeman, Otto Stehlík, Jos. Mikšíček and Jos. Zvoneček.

Committee on Credentials, consisting of Thos. Filas, Dr. Rybák, Jos. Kosek, M. Weinberg, John Švehla, C. K. Kosek and Louis Jalovec reported that delegates registered numbered altogether 235, of whom 103 were from out of town, the balance from Chicago and neighborhood.

The afternoon was spent by members of the committees in hard work. Some of the committees were kept at it until time came for the dinner which concluded the first day’s proceedings.

More than 600 guests sat down at the tables when Rubringer’s band struck up the American hymn at half past eight o’clock Monday night. At the speaker’s table were the prominent out-of-town guests, representatives of the commercial bodies and consuls of the Allied countries. A Bohemian dinner could not, of course, be complete without music, and Miss Libuše Zdeněk, soprano, and the Bohemian-American quartet helped to keep the large company in good spirits. The principal after dinner speaker was James Keeley, former publisher of the Chicago Herald. He had some interesting reminiscences to relate of President Masaryk. Charles Pergler spoke in Bohemian, but he addressed a few words in English to the Polish representative, assuring him of the continued good will between their closely related Slav nations, in spite of a recent conflict in Silesia. Mr. Pergler’s sentiments were warmly reciprocated by John Smulski, the offical Polish representative in the United States. Short addresses were also made by Albert Mamatey, president of the Slovak League, John R. Palandech, representing the Jugoslavs, Francis Kopecký, Czechoslovak consul general in New York, Major


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 chiefly in matters of such sort as they are fond of dilating on. And as, before Antonio de. Brito had left continental India, he had learnt that Fernâo de Magalhâes (of whom we shall after- wards speak) had gone to Castile with the intention of coming to these parts, it was agreed that the Portuguese ships should sail in company, in case of accident."

At page 180, I have stated that I had not discovered a single word of any Malayan tongue in any Australian language which I had examined,—not even in that of the natives of Raffles' bay, not distant from the scene of the tripang fishery of the natives of Celebes, where they might have been expected. Mr. Macgillivray, however, the naturalist of the surveying voyage of the Rattlesnake, has since shown me a manuscript vocabulary of the language of the Australian tribe inhabiting the Cobourg peninşula, on which was the abandoned British settlement of Port Essington, and in it I have been able to detect four or five words of corrupt Malay; and Mr. Macgillivray, who made the collection, states that it also contains a few words of the Macassar language of Celebes, evidently introduced through intercourse with the tripang fishers. Through the settlers of Port Essington, also, the Australian language of Cobourg peninsula has received a small number of English words.


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 persons under him. It was this last personage, a man of 80, that, with his son-in-law and grandson, was put to death by Albuquerque, apparently on suspicion, and as a measure of precaution. The historian describes the execution as the first act of justice, according to the Portuguese laws, carried into effect in the city!

In further proof of the enterprise of the Javanese when Europeans first became familiar with the Archipelago, may be mentioned, on the same authority, the expedition which, in January, 1513, or the third year of the Portuguese occupation of Malacca, a Javanese prince of Japara undertook against the city. According to De Barros, it consisted of a fleet conveying 12,000 men, with much artillery; for, says the historian, "the Javanese are skilled in the art of founding, and in all manner of work in iron, besides what they receive from the continent of India." This armada was, of course, easily defeated and dispersed by a Portuguese squadron. I have already alluded to the share which the Javanese had in the spice trade on the first appearance of Europeans in the waters of the Archipelago. The testimony of De Barros on this point is very explicit. "Finally," says he, "when we first entered India, the two nations, the Javanese and Malays, carried on the whole trade in spices and other eastern produce,—bringing them to the celebrated emporium and fair of Malacca, which is now in our possession." To this I may add, that the first information given to the Portuguese of the arrival of the companions of Magellan was by the Javanese trading to the Spice islands. Portuguese ships from Malacca, some going to the Spice islands, and some returning, met at Gresik, in the island of Java. "Here," says De Barros, "they found a Javanese vessel, which had also been to Banda for a cargo of spices, the crew of which informed them that they had met white people like ourselves, lately arrived in the country, and that they had given to them, the Javanese, a letter of safe conduct in case they should encounter others of their party. Antonio de Brito, having seeu the letter, found it to be in the Castilian language, given by Castilians in the name of the king of Castile, as pompous, and as abounding in words, as is usual with this people in their writing, dealing


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 or Polynesian words. But there exist still more insurmount- able obstacles in the gap of above 2000 miles, without resting- places, which divides the nearest of the isles of the Pacific from America, and in the baffling winds which prevail for 400 miles along the shore of that continent. Even, however, had the distance been less, and the winds more propitious, we have not, at the nearest point of the Pacific islands to the western shore of America, the comparatively vigorous and enterprising populations of the Society, Navigators', and Friendly groups; but, instead, the poor, unenterprising inhabitants of small and barren Easter island, wholly unequal to the enterprises which have been achieved by the Polynesians of larger and more fertile islands. Even supposing any people of the Pacific, however, to have effected a landing on the continent of America, it must be with the certainty of encountering a hostile population, and consequently of being either absorbed or destroyed.

addition to the evidence given at page 47 of the influence exercised by the Javanese and their language over the other tribes and languages of the Archipelago and adjacent countries, I give that which is recorded in Joâo de Barros, the most authentic and intelligent of all the Portuguese historians of India. He describes Malacca, the principal emporium of the Archipelago at the time of its capture by Albuquerque, in 1511, as having been founded by a Javanese prince driven from Singapore by the Siamese. He further states, that when it was taken, the majority of its inhabitants consisted of Javanese, although the ruling tribe was Malay. The Javanese inhabitants appear to have dwelt in separate quarters of the town, and are described as being under the government of their own native chiefs, two in number,—one of whom is said to have had ten thousand


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 and never in any considerable number. It cannot, at the same time, be said that the Malayan nations have borrowed nothing from the Chinese, for they have imitated some of their customs and arts, and adopted their more precise system of weights and monies. But to express what they have borrowed, with few exceptions, they use their own polysyllabic language. The Malayan languages, indeed, are found intermixed with the native tongue of the inhabitants of Formosa; but here they met, not with a monosyllabic, but a polysyllabic tongue.

The Siamese are another example to the same effect. They are conterminous with the Malays, and for many centuries have ruled over the four Malay principalities nearest to them; and many Malays are settled within the proper Siamese terri- tory. With all this, there is little admixture of languages. The Siamese have not adopted half-a-dozen words of Malay, and the Malays no Siamese words at all. On the frontier a mixed race has sprung up, known to the Malays by the appel- lation of Samsam, and this race speaks a jargon of the two tongues, which has made no progress on either side.

At the southern neighbourhood of the Archipelago we find, on the continent of Australia, a total exclusion of the Malayan languages, throughout its many tongues, arising from another cause,—in my opinion, the incapacity of the very feeble and very barbarous race which occupies the whole continent. The whole of the tribes of the Polynesian race have adopted Malayan words into their dialects, and all the Negro races whose lan- guages have been examined have done the same thing; but the Australians, who are much nearer to the source of supply than most of them, have not adopted a single word. This looks more like the incapacity of the lower animals to acquire lan- guage than anything else. The Malayan languages planted in Australia are like the seed of a plant of the Equator sown in the soil and climate of Nova Zembla, where they would not even vegetate.

No Malayan words have ever been traced to the languages of America, nor are they ever likely to be. The opposite pho- netic character, and grammatical structure of the American languages, would of themselves be sufficient to exclude Malayan


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 by continents inhabited by fierce and warlike barbarians, inac- cessible to themselves and their language. This comparison must be restricted to the languages of the Indian and Philippine Archipelagos; for the presence of Malayan words in the lan- guages of the islands of the Pacific and in that of Madagascar, it must be admitted, appears more to resemble that of certain plants conveyed to distant shores, by winds, currents, or accident, than the ordinary migrations of man in other parts of the world.

The languages have been diffused over a portion of the earth's surface, more extensive than there is any example of in the history of rude nations,—than, indeed, owing to the peculiarity of their position, there could possibly have been. But it may be asked how they came not to be still more widely diffused. The answer is obvious. The cause which mainly led to their diffusion,—the peculiar physical geography of the country, ceased, and all the obstacles increased. I shall briefly point out how these operated at different quarters.

Distance, want of enterprise for the purpose, and the pre- sence of nations far more civilised and powerful than Malays and Javanese, have been obstacles quite sufficient to prevent the Malayan languages from making the slightest impression in the country of the Hindus. On the contrary, the Hindu lan- guages and civilisation made a considerable impression on the Malayan people and their languages.

Similar causes, to a greater or less extent, have arrested the progress of the Malayan languages in all the countries from Hindustan to China inclusive. But here there is an additional cause in operation. The languages of these countries are generally monosyllabic, and the Malayan polysyllabic. They refuse to amalgamate or intermix, of which we have some striking proofs. The Chinese have been settled in great numbers throughout the Archipelago for many centuries, and intermarried with the native inhabitants; yet there are cer- tainly not a dozen words of any Chinese language in Malay, Javanese, or any other native tongue of the Archipelago. Far more Portugucse words have been naturalised in them, although the Portuguese have not been one half the time in the country,


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 termed provincial differences arising chiefly from pronuncia- tion, but hardly a dialect in the sense in which we apply it to Scotch and English, to Welsh and Armorican, or to Irish and Gaelic. The languages of the Archipelago might, indeed, be classed in groups, according to their phonetic character and grammatical structure, but this would, by no means, make even all the languages of one group, the same tongue, as long as their elementary words and the body of each language are known to be different.

As far as my enquiry goes, the languages of the Negro races differ among themselves as much as those of the brown-com- plexioned;—to appearance, indeed, even more, since no common languages to any material degree connect them as is the case with the languages of the brown-complexioned races. Within the field of our enquiry there is just one example, and it is a remarkable one, of a wide-spread language split into true dialects. This is the Polynesian. Its dialects agree in phonetic character, in grammatical structure, in elementary words, and in the great majority of all their words;—in short, the unity of language is in this case unquestionable.

As to the manner in which the Malayan languages have been diffused, I presume to think that the nearest analogy to it will be found in the diffusion of Greek over the ancient vernacular languages of Italy and Asia Minor. The locality of the people with whom the Greek language originated bears no incon- siderable resemblance, in its leading features, to that of the Malayan nations. The early Greeks were as notorious for roving and piracy as the Malays themselves; like the Malayan nations, too, they were a rude people when they disseminated their language, and the history of the dissemination is almost as obscure. The Greek language, indeed, was not so far spread as the Malayan tongues, but this, assuredly, was not owing to inferior enterprise, but to obstacles insurmountable by a rude people; for, instead of being favoured by periodical winds and tranquil seas, after quitting the Mediterranean, the Greeks had to encounter the variable storms and winds of the Euxine on one side, and of the Ocean on the other, while to the north and south, instead of a continuity of islands, they were hemmed in


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 I imagine this may not inaptly be compared to the infusion of Latin which we find in the Irish, the Welsh, and Armorican.

That the Malayan words, fancifully imagined to afford evidence of a kind of universal language, proceeded from Sumatra and Java is demonstrated by the fact of their being found to diminish in amount as we recede, either by distance or other difficulty of communication, from those islands, and by their increasing as we approach them. I may give the proportions in 1000 words for some of the principal languages in proof. In the language of Madura, separated from Java only by a narrow Strait, it is 675; in the language of the Lampungs of Sumatra, conterminous with the Malays, it is 455; in the Bali, it is 470; in the Bugis of Celebes, it is 326; in the Kayan of Borneo, 114; in the Kisa, the language of an island between Timur and New Guinea, it is 56; in the Tagala of the Philippines, it is 24; in the Madagascar, 20, and in the Sandwich island dialect of the Polynesian, 16.

In corroboration of this argument, I may state that the Sanskrit and Arabic languages follow a similar proportion, in those insular languages in which they exist. Of the first Java, and of the last Sumatra were the chief seats. In 1000 words the Javanese itself contains about 110 words of Sanskrit; the Malay about 50; the Bugis 17; the Tagala of the Philippines fewer than 2; the Madagascar contains about half-a-dozen words in the whole dictionary, and the great pro- bability is, that the Polynesian contains none at all. Of Arabic, the Malay contains about 52 words in 1000; the Madura about 35, and the Bugis about 13. In the whole Tagala dictionary, I can find only 12 words, and in the Polynesian language, there is not one at all.

Instead of considering all the languages within the wide bounds described as mere dialects of one tongue, the results of my own enquiry confirm me in concluding that they are in- numerable. Within the Archipelago and the Philippines, all the languages differ in their elementary parts and in the majority of their words, so as to make it impossible to avoid coming to the conclusion that they are distinct and inde- pendent tongues. Within those limits, there are what may be


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 It may be objected to the explanation which I offer, that not one, but two languages are assumed to have been instrumental in diffusing the words which are common to so many tongues. The objection, however, falls to the ground, if the facts adduced prove that such has actually been the case. The history of language, however, affords several well-known examples of a similar proceeding. The Latin, with its Greek element, super- seded the current rude languages of Southern Europe. French, with its Teutonic as well as its Latin element, was engrafted on the language of the Anglo-Saxons of Britain; and Persian, with its Arabic element, on the languages of Hindustan. Even in the Malayan languages, along with the Sanskrit there came some Tâlugu, and along with Arabic some Persian.

In the intermixing of foreign languages with local idioms, it is evident that it matters little whether it has been brought about by commerce, by settlement, by religion, by conquest, or by a combination of two or more of these, if the cause has been sufficient to produce the effect. If the cause has been feeble the diffusion of language will be small in amount, and if powerful it may amount, not to intermixture alone, but even to a total supersession of the native idiom. Of all this, the Malay and Javanese languages afford examples on au obscure field, which are parallel to those which the Asiatic and European languages exhibit on conspicuous ones. The Malays have occupied the finest parts of Sumatra and their language prevails over all they occupy. The Javanese lan- guage prevails over all the finest parts of Java. This may be compared to the diffusion of the Latin tongue over Italy, France, and Spain. The Malay and Javanese languages are intermixed with all the languages of the more civilised nations of the Philippine islands, and this may be compared in degree with the mixture of Arabic in the Spanish and Portuguese languages,—of the Gothic tongues in the languages of the South of Europe, and of French in English. Conquest, indeed, has been the cause in the last cases, and commerce and settlement in the first case, but this matters little when the effect is similar. The Malay and Javanese languages are found intermixed in the Polynesian and language of Madagascar, and


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 The theory which I have adopted and endeavoured to demon- strate supposes the Malay and Javanese nations to have been the instruments of diffusing language, because they inhabit those localities in which, on account of their extent and fertility, civilisation is most likely to have earliest sprung up and attained the greatest maturity,—because we know them to have been, at all times, the most civilised, powerful, and enterprising people of the countries concerned, because, historically, we can trace some of their enterprises and settlements from Sumatra to the Moluccas and the Philippines,—and, finally, because we find words of their languages, and hardly of any others, in nearly every tongue from Madagascar to Easter island, and from Formosa to New Zealand.

The assumption made in favour of the Malay and Javanese nations is entirely consonant to the history of the diffusion of languages in other parts of the world. The diffusion in every case has been effected, not by rude or weak nations, but by civilised, powerful, and enterprising ones. The ancient Greeks, by commerce and settlement, intermixed their language with all the languages of ancient Italy. The language of the Latin nation was disseminated over Italy, Spain, and France. A German people spread their language over the best parts of Britain. Another Teutonic people, who had adopted the lan- guage of France, infused a large portion of it into the Latin tongue of the preceding conquerors of that country. The people, whoever they may have been, of whom the Sanskrit was the vernacular tongue, contrived, through the instru- mentality of religion, literature, trade, settlement, and in some situations, probably also of conquest, to intermix their tongue, in more or less quantity, with all the languages of Hindustan, and of many of the countries around it, extending even to some of the remotest of the Indian islands. The Arabs infused more or less of their language into most of the idioms which extend from Spain to the Philippine islands. The Arabs and the Per- sians, although neither of them ever effected permanent con- quests in Hindustan, have had their languages indirectly infused into every idiom of that country, as well as into most of those of the Malayan islands, although here, too, they made no conquests.


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 ornamental mat made of palm leaf. Mataram, the name of a province in Java, we find transferred to that of a place in the island of Lombok. The particular settlements of the Javanese are indicated on the north-eastern coast of Sumatra at the rivers of Dili and Asahan by the name Kut a-jawa, or the "Javanese castles," at the first of which, according to tradition, a colony of 5,000 persons established itself. To this people, too, must be ascribed the Sanskrit names of places beyond Java, as Indragiri, "the hill of Indra," in Sumatra, Sukadana, literally "parrots' gift," and Kuti, the "little fortress," in Borneo. With the exception of a few traces in the Philippines and Madagascar, no Malay or Javanese names of places are to be found beyond the limits of the Archipelago. We seek for them in vain in the islands of the Pacific; and I have already alluded to the few traces of them in Madagascar.

I shall conclude this enquiry with a recapitulation of the results which, I think, are fairly deducible from it. There is, then, no foundation for the prevalent notion, that, negroes excepted, all the descriptions of men from Madagascar to the utmost eastern limit of the Pacific, and from Formosa to New Zealand, are one and the same race. On the contrary, they amount to several. Nor is there any foundation for the received opinion that all the Oriental Negroes are, throughout, the same race; for they amount to still more varieties than the men of brown complexion.

Neither is there any ground whatever for the hypothesis that all the races of brown complexion speak essentially the same language, diversified by long time and separation into many dialects. Had this theory been true, the supposed parent tongue must have sprung up at a particular point, which the authors of the theory ought to be obliged to point out. Or it must have spontaneously sprung up at the same time at a hundred different and separate points, which would be a miracle in the history of. language. Before its dissemination on the first supposition, and when was created on the second, such a language must already have been, to a certain degree, a cultivated language; for many of the words of the supposed tongue imply no ordinary amount of civilisation, and are very widely spread.


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 which I have as yet hardly adverted—names of places and nations, and I shall here offer some observations on it. The great majority of the names of places and people belong to local idioms, but here and there at salient points, Malayan names, chiefly connected with navigation, are to be found. In the western parts of the Archipelago, indeed, they are very frequent, and need not be dwelt on, but they extend, also, to the most remote eastern parts, and may even be traced to the Philippines.

The following Malayan words, forming the first members of the compounded words by which the names of places are so frequently expressed, it appears to me certain, were imposed by the Malays or Javanese; pulo, "isle," "island," "islet;" tanjung, "headland or promontory;" batu and karang, "rock;" muwara and kwala, "embouchure of a river;" tâluk, "a bay or cove;" gunung, "a mountain;" labuhan, "a harbour" or "anchorage;" kampung, "a quarter;" and, although Sans- krit, kuta, "a fort or castle." Of these we have a good many examples. In the island of Bali, Karang-asâm is the name of a state, and signifies "the rock of the tamarind tree." Among the Molucca islands we have Pulo-babi, "hog island;" Pulo-ubi, "yam island;" Pulo-nila, "blue island; " nusa-laut, "sca island;" Pulo-lata, "the creeping islets," applied to a chain of rocky islands, and tanjung-kroh, "muddy point." In the island of Lombok, we have Labuhan-aji, which in Javanese means "king's anchorage," or "royal harbour." Gunung-api, a volcano," literally "fire-moun- tain," occurs frequently in the most easterly parts of the Archipelago.

Independent of these compounded names, we have specific ones derived from the Malayan languages. Lombok, which gives its European name to the island, signifies, in Javanese, the "capsicum pepper;" Alas, the name of a place in the island. of Sambawa, signifies, in the same language, "a forest." Timur, the name of the large island bearing it, means, in Malay, "the east." Dili, the name of a district of the same island, is also that of a Malay state on the north-eastern coast of Sumatra ; and Kupang, the name of another, signifies, in Malay, a kind of


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Rh


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 by the arrival of the strangers, or, in short, to a Malagasi "revolution."

The Hovas know neither the name of the people from whom their ancestors sprang, nor the place these ancestors came from, nor the time when they arrived in Madagascar. A ray of light may, however, be thrown on this subject. As the foreign insular languages mixed with the Malagasi are exclu sively Malay and Javanese, the principal emigrants must have been Malays or Javanese, and consequently must have come from Sumatra or Java, or both. They must have left these islands during the south-east monsoon, and, therefore, some time from April to October. They were not a rude and savage people when they migrated, or they would not have constructed boats capable of conveying them to Madagascar; and they were already acquainted with the culture of rice and the coco-palm, or they would not have carried them along with them. They were probably acquainted with the process of making malleable iron, and of manufacturing textile fabrics. In fine, they must have been tolerably civilised, or they would not have imposed any portion of their languages on men as civilised as them- selves, and far more numerous.

Among the Malayan words in the Malagasi, there are about half-a-dozen Sanskrit ones which are of common use in the Malagasi, and in the same senses in which they are used in the Malayan languages. It can scarcely be doubted but that these words were introduced along with the Malay and Javanese, and if this be allowed, it follows that the Malayan migration took place subsequent to the intercourse of the Hindus with the Eastern islands, and even after their settlement in Java and Sumatra. As the migration to Madagascar, then, took place after the Malayan nations had attained a considerable measure of civilisation, and subsequent to their intercourse with the Hindus, it may, after all, not be quite so remote as we fancy; or the civilisation of the Malayan islands, and the intercourse with the Hindus, which contributed to it, are themselves of greater antiquity than is commonly believed.

There is one important class of words connected with the migrations, navigation, and influence of the Malayan nations to


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 been improved by the three centuries of intercourse which they had held with the Arabs, who must even have shown them the way to the Red Sea, for the purpose of the pilgrimage to Mecca,—probably, even instructed them in the use of the mariner's compass. On the other hand, the voyage to the south of the equator, or that to Madagascar, is more direct and with more favourable winds than that to the north of it. The first of these voyages is performed with the north-east,—the last with the south-east monsoon, and trade wind. The return voyage, to the north of the equator, would be as easy as the outward, because the south-west monsoon prevails over the same tract as the north-east. Not so the return voyage to the south of the equator, for not a westerly monsoon but the adverse trade wind prevails over the principal part of it. The Malayan emigrants once in Madagascar, must remain there, for return would be impossible.

A tradition of the Hova, the superior tribe of Madagascar, and the supposed descendants of the original Malayan immi- grants, respecting their origin, is worth notice. I give it on the authority of a communication from the learned Society of the Mauritius, kindly furnished to me through the Colonial Office. The Hovas say that their ancestors reached the island, "by a long and devious sea journey." This could, of course, refer only to a voyage from the eastward; and as there is no country between, it could, necessarily, refer only to a voyage from the Malay islands. A voyage from the coast of Africa, across the comparatively narrow channel which divides it from Madagascar, would have been neither a long nor a devious sea journey. The word Hova may possibly be Malayan. In Malay, the word ubah, or in Javanese owah, means "change," "shift," "alteration." Now, to all Malayan words adopted by the Malagasi, and beginning with a vowel, it prefixes an aspirate; and it invariably cuts off one at the end of a word. By this process, the Javanese word Owah, and the Malagasi Hova, would be almost the same. But whether, after all, the word be Malayan, or have any application to the ruling tribe of Madagascar, is very doubtful. It may, however, be conjectured that the word, if Malayan, may refer to the change produced


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 the assistance of the Turks. The chief ambassador was the hero of Malay story, the Laksimana, or High Admiral. The fleet with which he sailed consisted of 42 praus, of various sizes, manned by 1600 mariners, and having as passengers the retinue and followers of the ambassadors, consisting of 300. Thus, on an average, each prau had a crew of about 40 men; and, passengers included, accommodated about 45 persons, a number which I believe is about the average of the crews and captives of a modern Malay or Lanun piratical fleet. The two fastest sailers of this squadron reached Achin, at the western end of Sumatra, in five days, and the rest of the fleet in seven. The distance is about 454 miles, and therefore the fastest sailing was at the rate of 90 miles a day, and the average of the fleet 65. The course was through the Straits of Malacca, in which not monsoons but variable winds and calms prevail, and therefore the oar was, most probably, occasionally plied.

After tarrying twelve days at Achin, the fleet sailed westward, and in ten days made the Maldive islands, called in Sanskrit Maladwipa, and by the Malays Pulo-dewa, a half Malay, half Sanskrit word, meaning "isles of the gods." Without touching at these, it sailed on, and after two lunar months, or fifty-six days' voyage, reached Jeddah, on the Arabian Gulf. The dis- tance from Achin to the Maldive islands is about 1456 miles; and therefore, the rate of sailing in this part of the voyage was 145 miles a day, not an exaggerated one at the height of the monsoon, and consequently, with a fair and strong wind. The voyage from the Maldive islands to Jeddah, in the Arabian Gulf, is about 1426 miles; but the rate of sailing is here reduced to $25 1⁄2$ miles a day, the wind not being equally favourable, and, in the northern part of the Red Sea, most probably adverse. The whole sailing voyage of 3836 miles, then, occupied 73 days, the average progress being above 45 miles a day. The ficet must have been well provisioned for so long a voyage, and is expressly stated to have been so in the narrative.

It is, however, to be remembered, that the Malays were, at the time of the supposed voyage, no longer the same people they must have been when I suppose them to have achieved their adventure to Madagascar. They must have


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 suppose them while either in quest of booty or adventure, to be driven into the south-east monsoon or the trade wind by a tempest. Unable to regain the shores of the Archipelago, they would, from necessity, and after some struggle, put before the wind, and make for the first land. That land would be Mada- gascar, for there is no other. In civilisation, the adventurers would be superior to the natives; their numbers would be too few for conquest, but their power, from superior civilisation, might be adequate to secure a compromise. They would settle—amal- gamate with the inhabitants, and convey some instruction to them, along with a portion of their languages. It is not necessary to limit such an enterprise to the single adventure of one nation, for in a course of ages there may have occurred several accidents of the same description. One, however, might have sufficed, for the roving fleets of the Archipelago, like our own bucaneers, have crews of several nations, among whom several languages would be spoken, but the most general the Malay and Javanese.

A fleet that had been more than a month at sea, going, it knew not where, is not likely to have saved any domesticated animals, even supposing it originally to have had such, and conse- quently, we find no domestic animal with a Malayan name in Madagascar. It is not only possible, however, but highly probable, that from its stock of provisions, it would save a few grains of rice, a few coconuts, and a few capsicums, perhaps even some yams and mango-seed, and all these in the Malagasi language bear, as already mentioned, Malayan names, and these only.

But I shall endeavour to show the possibility of such a voyage as I have imagined, by quoting the example of a similar one, asserted by the Malays to have been actually performed by them. The narrative of this supposed adventure is given in some detail in a book called "The History of the Raja of Malacca." This raja was Mahmud, from whom Albuquerque took Malacca, in 1511. The Portuguese Commander, Segueira, had, in 1509, attacked Malacca unsuccessfully, and it was in the time between this and the conquest that the sovereign of Malacca is said to have sent an embassy to Constantinople, to claim


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 be added. In person, intellect, and civilisation, the Hovas are represented to be much superior to the other inhabitants of Madagascar, and it follows that the Malayan blood must, to some extent, have improved the native race.

It remains only to attempt some explanation of the manner in which the Malayan languages, and consequently, the tribes that spoke them, found their way to the far, and to them, unknown, island of Madagascar. I must make the same assumption here that I did in attempting to account for the dissemination of the Malayan languages over the islands of the Pacific. It was assuredly neither commerce, religion, nor con- quest that engaged the Malayan nations in the enterprise, for they have never been known to go beyond their own shores in pursuit of such objects.

Madagascar is about 3000 miles distant from the nearest part of the Malayan Archipelago. Monsoons, or periodical winds, blow between them to the south of the equator; viz., the south- east and north-west monsoons; the first in the Austral winter from April to October, which is the dry and fair season of the year, and the last in the Austral summer, from October to April, which is the rainy and boisterous season. The south-eastern mon- soon, with which we are chiefly concerned in this enquiry, is, in fact, only a continuation of the trade wind that blows in the same direction with it, to the south of the equator. A native vessel, or a fleet of native vessels, sailing from the southern part of Sumatra or from Java, must, of course, sail with this monsoon in order to have the least chance of reaching Madagascar. Undertaking the voyage, however, such vessel or fleet would have a fair wind all the way, and the sailing distance from the Straits of Sunda would be 3300 miles. Making only at the rate of 100 miles a day, a vessel or a fleet of praus would reach the eastern shore of Madagascar in 33 days.

But it may be asked how Malays or Javanese, who never quit the waters of their own Archipelago, could come to con- template such an enterprise. I suppose the adventurers to have been composed of one of those strong fleets of rovers that, in all known times, have ranged the seas of the Archipelago, and which do so, from one extremity to the other, even at the present day. I


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200  That chamber was familiar, and I could not turn away— 'Twas my own deserted being that upon the couch yet lay. I watched with breathless eagerness—from 'neath her starry wing. The angel took a warbler, a bright and radiant thing, And with a tearful blessing she sent it down to rest On the spirit-chords forever within the sleeper's breast. Then darkness came upon me, the brightness left no trace, Down, down I felt me sinking through dark and dizzy space, Till I lay within my chamber, and the moonlight's silver gleam Startled me from my slumber, and I knew it was a dream! And now since that sweet vision, forever at the sight Of any thing that's beautiful, or eloquent, or bright— At every tone of music, at good and gentle things, I feel a flutter in my heart the the fluttering of wings— And I hear a low, wild warble, so strangely soft and sweet, That with feelings inexpressible my pulse doth faster beat; And I would not give the music that it sings unto my soul For the diamonds of Golconda or a crowned queen's control

The pale moon rises with her placid face— So from the restless beating of my heart A vision, fairer than the moon, steals up. There were wild storms upon the sea last night! Its waters had a sound of woe and madness— So were there storms of passion in my heart That had a sound of muttering and moans! The sea is full of light and song this eve; Its waves breathe music as they kiss the shore— And so my heart is melted in its mood, And murmurs e'er with tenderness and peace!


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 a native word is "one," but this is also the case with several other rude languages. In other respects the system is tolerably perfect, with the exception that the Malagasi has rejected the affix blas or wâlas, which with the units represent the numbers between ten and twenty in the Malayan system. It clumsily uses in its stead a copulative conjunction and an article, saying, for example, "ten and the one," "ten and the two," for the sablas, "eleven," and duablas, "twelve," of the Malay. A similar practice is followed with the odd numbers between even tens from 20 to 100. Most of the numerals, it will be seen, belong to the Javanese and not to the Malay form of them. The two highest numbers, notwithstanding the discre- pancy of orthography, I have ventured to mark as Sanskrit. They certainly correspond in sense with the Malayan numerals, includ- ing even the mistake made by the Malayan nations in adopting the first of them. Alina seems to be formed from laksa, chiefly by substituting a nasal for the sequent ks, a sound which a native of Madagascar could not pronounce. The turning of kât͘i into hetsi is more obvious. Here the guttural is converted into an aspirate, as is frequently done with other Malay words, as kala, a scorpion," for example, into hala; and then, the Madagascar consonant ts is substituted for the palatal t of the Malayan, a letter which is not found in the Malagasi.

What benefit, then, it may be asked, did the natives of Ma- dagascar derive from their communication with the Malayan nations? I think a good deal must be inferred from the examina- tion now made. They certainly derived more advantage from the connexion than the Polynesian tribes from the same inter- course. The Malayan nations, probably, instructed them in the knowledge of making malleable iron. There is every appearance of their having introduced into the island the cultivation of rice and of the coconut. They either introduced or taught the culture of the yam. It is not improbable but that it was they who in- troduced the arts of weaving and sewing. But the Malayan nations introduced no domesticated animal, and taught the natives of Madagascar neither letters, law, or religion. If it be true that the Hovas, or ruling race of the island, are the mixed descendants of the Malayan immigrants, another benefit must


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 of Sumatra, is among the few pantuns that are sufficiently intelligible to an European:—

Apa guna pasang pâlita Jika tiyada dângan sumbuña Apa guna bârmayin mata. Kalu tiyada dângân sunguña,

What is the use of lighting a lamp If it be without a wick? What is the use of playing with the eyes If you be not in earnest?


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 history refute this notion. Thus, the half-dozen languages spoken in ancient Italy were all, in time, absorbed by one of them. The languages spoken in Britain twenty centuries ago have been nearly supplanted by a German tongue. Several millions of negroes in the New World, whose parent tongues. were African, have exchanged them for English, Spanish, French, and Portuguese. For the languages spoken in ancient France and Spain, a language of Italian origin bas been almost wholly substituted. Although language often affords valuable historical evidence, it would only lead to error to consider it as invariably identical with race.

It is quite certain, that within the proper Indian Archipelago, or islands extending from Sumatra to the western shores of New Guinea, and respecting which our information is most complete, no languages exist derived from a common stock, and standing to each other in the relation of sisterhood, as Italian, Spanish, and French, do to each other; or as Gaelic does to Irish; or Armorican to Welsh, or Scotch to English. The only dialects that exist are of the Malay and Javanese languages, but they consist of little more than differences in pronunciation, or the more or less frequent use of a few words. In the Polynesian islands alone, real dialects of a common tongue do exist; but here, as will be afterwards shown, the number of words common to such dialects, and to the languages of the Archipelago, is so trifling, that it refutes at once the notion of a common origin.

Another insuperable argument against the theory of one original tongue is found in the nature of many of the words of the imagined derivative dialects. These abound in terms very widely diffused, indicating an advanced state of society; as for example, an useful system of numeration, terms connected with agriculture, navigation, the useful arts, and even with letters. The people that had such a language must necessarily have been in a tolerably advanced state of civilisation, in such a one for example as we find the principal nations of Sumatra, Java, and Celebes to be in, at the present day; and many of the tribes which the theory supposes to be derived from it, not only did not maintain the civilisation of the parent nation, but have even fallen into the condition of mere savages; a result


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 improbable and contrary to the usual history of society. If the imagined parent language had ever existed, we should be able to trace it to its locality, as we might the modern languages of the south of Europe to Latin, even had there been no history, or as we can assign a common origin to the Polynesian lan- guages from New Zealand to the Sandwich islands. The name of the language, and the name and locality of the advanced people who spoke it, might, among tribes acquainted with letters, be known; but there is no indication of such language or people, and the conjectures of European scholars on these subjects will be shown to have no shadow of foundation.

The tests applied, by the supporters of the theory, to prove the existence of a common-original language, have consisted in an essential identity of a few words, and in a supposed similarity of grammatical structure. To this last test, chiefly relied on by late German writers, I am not dis- posed to attach much weight, when applied to languages of remarkably simple structure, affording necessarily few salient points for comparison; and such is the case with all the insular languages. With respect to the test by identity of words, it is certain that the number, and the particular description of words, are alone entitled to any weight; and that the existence of a small number of words in common, in the languages under examination, is no more a proof of their derivation from a common tongue than the existence of Latin words in English that our Teutonic tongue is a sister dialect of Italian, Spanish, and French; or of Latin words in Irish that Irish is derived from Latin; or of Arabic words in Spanish that the Spanish language is of Arabian origin, and a sister dialect of Hebrew.

It has been imagined by some writers that when the class of words expressing the first and simplest ideas of mankind are the same in two or more languages, such languages may be con- sidered as derived from the same stock. This certainly does not accord with my experience of the Malayan and Polynesian languages, into which, from the simplicity of their structure, I find that well-sounding foreign words very readily gain admission. Instead of words expressing simple ideas being excluded, I should, on the whole, owing to the familiar and frequent use of