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 hast headed a night-party on the lake, to feed a half-dozen famishing families."

"I shall not dispute the matter with you, Judge Temple," said the Sheriff, with much dignity; "this night will I go-, and I invite the company to attend, and then let them decide between us."

Richard was busy, during most of the afternoon, making his preparations for the important occasion. Just as the light of the setting sun had disappeared, and a new moon had begun to cause faint shadows to be seen on the earth, the fishermen took their departure in a boat, for a point that was situated on the western shore of the lake, at the distance of rather more than half a mile from the village. The ground had become settled, and the walking was good and dry. Marmaduke, with his daughter, her friend, and young Edwards, continued on the high grassy banks, at the outlet of the placid sheet of water, watching the dark object that was moving with great rapidity across the lake, until it entered the shade of the western hills, and was lost to the eye. The distance round by land, to the point of their destination, was a mile, and he observed—

"It is time for us to be moving; the moon will be down ere we reach the point, and then the miraculous hauls of Dickon will commence."

The evening was warm, and, after the long and' dreary winter from which they had just escaped, delightfully invigorating, both to the mind and body. Inspirited by the scene, and their anticipated amusement, the youthful companions of the Judge followed his steps, as he led them along the shores of the Otsego, and through the skirts of the little village.

"See!" said young Edwards; "they are building their fire already; it glimmers for a mo-

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 Veldener at Utrecht, and Jean Brito at Bruges. Type 5, a larger fount, is not unlike Machlinia's type 1, both being of the same character as the fount used by Caxton known as no. 3, which like them was employed mainly for headings, etc.

As with the other group of books, none of those in the Holborn type are dated, and only two contain Machlinia's name, viz., the "Speculum Christiani" described later, and the Year-book of the 34th year of Henry VI, the colophon of which gives the information: "Enp$r$nte ꝑ moy Williā Maclyn en Holborn̄." The unsigned books of both groups, including the present work, are ascribed to Machlinia on typographical grounds.

On account of the clue as to date furnished by the "Statuta Ricardi" it seems desirable to notice this book first among those in this group. This work contains the statutes passed in the first year of Richard III, which ended on June 25, 1484. It must therefore have been printed after that date, but probably at no great interval. Now a comparison of the state of the type with that in the edition of Knutsson's work here reproduced shows clearly that only a brief period could have intervened between the printing of these books. The historical reasons for believing that the "Treatise on the pestilence" was printed in the autumn of 1485 have already been stated, and we shall probably not be much in error in attributing the "Statutes" to the early part of the same year.

Three editions of the work of Knutsson are known, each represented by a single copy preserved in the British

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 Museum, Cambridge University Library, and the John Rylands Library respectively. The British Museum copy has a title-page, the earliest occurrence of one in any book printed in this country. The next example of a titlepage is found in "The Chastysing of goddes Chyldern", printed by Wynkyn de Worde about 1491.

The only other certain production of Machlinia's press with which any definite date can be connected is a Bull of Innocent VIII confirming the marriage of Henry VII with Elizabeth of York, and excommunicating all who should rebel against Henry VII, which was issued by the Pope on March 27, 1486. There are two copies now extant, one of which is preserved in the John Rylands Library, and the other in the library of the Society of Antiquaries.

The unique copy of the "Regule, etc.", of the Chancery of Pope Innocent VIII preserved in the John Rylands Library, that must have been printed after Sept. 23, 1484, has also been regarded as one of the books which assist in the arrangement of Machlinia's productions. But, in spite of its close resemblance, the fount employed is not the same as type 4 of Machlinia, having a lighter face, and containing, too, a superior m which Machlinia does not appear to have used. If it is not formed by trimming up type 4, it is probably a fount employed by Veldener, or Jean Brito, so that the work would have to be assigned to a Low Country press.

One of the best known books in the Holborn group is the "Speculum Christiani" attributed to John Watton. It is a volume of theology, written partly in Latin, and partly


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 of land. A very considerable part of the produce of this tax arises from the rent of houses, and the interest of capital stock. The land tax of the city of London, for example, at four shillings in the pound, amounts to £123,399 6s. 7d. That of the city of Westminster, to £63,092 1s. 5d. That of the palaces of Whitehall and St. James's, to £30,754 6s. 3d. A certain proportion of the land tax is in the same manner assessed upon all the other cities and towns corporate in the kingdom, and arises almost altogether, either from the rent of houses, or from what is supposed to be the interest of trading and capital stock. According to the estimation, therefore, by which Great Britain is rated to the land tax, the whole mass of revenue arising from the rent of all the lands, from that of all the houses, and from the interest of all the capital stock, that part of it only excepted which is either lent to the public, or employed in the cultivation of land, does not exceed ten millions sterling a year, the ordinary revenue which government levies upon the people even in peaceable times. The estimation by which Great Britain is rated to the land tax is, no doubt, taking the whole kingdom at an average, very much below the real value; though in several particular counties and districts it is said to be nearly equal to that value. The rent of the lands alone, exclusive of that of houses, and of the interest of stock, has by many people been estimated at twenty millions, an estimation made in a great measure at random, and which, I apprehend, is as likely to be above as below the truth. But if the lands of Great Britain, in the present state of their cultivation, do not afford a rent of more than twenty millions a year, they could not well afford the half, most probably not the fourth part of that rent, if they all belonged to a single proprietor, and were put under


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 ment, and then dies again, like the light of a firefly."

"Now it blazes like a bonfire!" cried Elizabeth; "you can see the figures moving around the light. Oh! I would bet my jewels against the gold beads of Remarkable, that my impatient cousin Dickon had an agency in raising that bright flame;—and see; it begins to fade again, like most of his brilliant schemes."

"Thou hast guessed the truth, Bess," said her father; "he has thrown an armfull of brush on the pile, which has burnt out as soon as lighted. But it has enabled them to find a better fuel, for their fire begins to blaze with a more steady flame.  It is the true fisherman's beacon now; observe bow beautifully it throws its little circle of light on the water!"

The appearance of the fire urged the pedestrians on, for even the ladies had become eager to witness the draught of the seine. By the time they reached the bank, which rose above the low point where the fishermen had landed, the moon had sunk behind the tops of the western pines, and, as most of the stars were obscured by the clouds, there was but little other light, by which to view the scene, than that which proceeded from the large piles of brush, branches, and roots, that had been collected, under the superintendence of Richard. At the suggestion of Marmaduke, his companions paused to listen to the conversation of those below them, and examine the party, for a moment, before they descended to the shore.

The whole group were seated around the fire, on the ground, with the exception of Richard and Benjamin; the former of whom occupied the root of a decayed stump, that had been drawn to the spot as part of their fuel, and the latter was stand-

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 in English, but specially interesting on account of sundry pieces of English verse that are scattered through the volume. The colophon gives the book also a bibliographical importance, and on that account deserves to be cited in full. To quote it from the John Rylands copy: "Iste Libellus imp͛ssus est ī opulentissima Ciuitate Londoniaꝝ ꝑ me willelmū de Machlinia ad instanciam necnon expensas Henrici Vrankenbergh mercatoris."

From the "Descriptive Catalogue of Ancient Deeds in the Public Record Office" we glean a little information about the merchant at whose expense this work was printed. No. C. 1058 of vol. 1 (1890) is a "Demise by John Michell, steward of the lands and tenements belonging to Edward … heir of George Darell, knight, within the city of London and the suburbs thereof, with the consent of Dame Jane Darell, to Henry Franckenbergk and Barnard van Stondo, merchants of printed books, of an alley in St. Clement's Lane called 'St. Marcke's Aley', with houses, &c., in the same, reserving a right of way to Giles van Gaunt, master of the 'Currours'. 10 May, 1482."

The position of foreigners engaged in the production, or sale, of books was assured by an Act of Parliament passed in 1484, which expressly gave them permission to bring into this country, or to sell here, any books, written or printed, as well as to print them. Of this Act, which remained in force for fifty years until 1534, many foreign printers and stationers took advantage to establish businesses in London. One of them, Peter Actors,


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 a Savoyard by birth, received from Henry VII in 1485 the appointment of Stationer to the King.

Upwards of a dozen books, theological and grammatical, are ascribed to Machlinia's press at Holborn. One other notable book, probably one of his later productions, should not be allowed to pass without mention, namely, an edition of the "Chronicles of England". There is a copy of this rare volume in the John Rylands Library, a remarkable feature of which is that all the initials inserted in the blank spaces provided for the purpose have been filled in with gold paint.

There is the same uncertainty about the year when Machlinia terminated his typographical career as about the dates of the works which he printed. That he had ceased to print by 1490 may be regarded as tolerably certain, but, as with his former partner Lettou, we are unable to assign a reason for the cessation of his press. Mention has already been made of the engraved border belonging to Machlinia that was afterwards used by Pynson. Early bindings by Pynson have also been found lined with leaves from works printed by Machlinia. These two circumstances are sufficient to justify us in presuming some connexion between the two printers. As Pynson does not appear to have made use of Machlinia's types, it is unlikely that he actually assisted Machlinia at his press, or even took over his material. Perhaps Pynson may have taken the premises just quitted by Machlinia, and used up such waste stock as was left there.


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 ing, with his arms a-kimbo, so near to the flame, that the smoke occasionally obscured his solemn visage, as it waved around the pile, in obedience to the light night-airs, that swept gently over the surface of the water.

"Why, look you, Squire," said the Major-domo, "you may call a lake-fish that will weigh twenty or thirty pounds, a serious matter; but to a man who has hauled in a shovel-nosed shirk, d'ye see, it's but a poor kind of fishing, after all."

"I don't know, Benjamin," returned the Sheriff; "a haul of one thousand Otsego bass, without counting pike, pickerel, perch, bull-pouts, salmon-trouts, and suckers, is no bad fishing, let me tell you. There may be sport in sticking a shark, but what is he good for after you have got him? Now any one of the fish that I have named is fit to set before a king."

"Well, Squire," returned Benjamin, "just listen to the philosophy of the thing. Would it stand to reason, that such fish should live and be catched in this here little pond of water, where it's hardly deep enough to drown a man, as you'll find in the wide ocean, where, as every body knows, that is, every body that has followed the seas, whales and grampuses are to be seen, that are as long as one of them pine trees on yonder mountain?"

"Softly, softly, Benjamin," said the Sheriff, using a soothing manner, as if he wished to save the credit of his favourite; "why some of the pines will measure full two hundred feet, and even more."

"Two hundred or two thousand, it's all the same thing," cried Benjamin, with an air which manifested that he was not easily to be bullied out of his opinion, on a subject like the present—"Haven't I been there, and haven't I seen? I

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 This copy of Knutsson's treatise is printed in types 4 and 5 of Proctor, on paper folded in quarto, and quired in 5. It consists of 9 leaves, and as the watermark (a unicorn) appears on leaves 2 and 3, 8 and 9, the missing leaf must be the last one, which was doubdess blank. The height of the type-page is 139 mm. and its breadth 96 mm., the measurements of the copy being 212 x 135 mm. The work has no tide-page, nor indication of date, place of printing, or name of printer, the ascription to Machlinia being based on the identity of the type with that used in the two books which contain his name. The leaves are unnumbered, and without headlines, signatures, catchwords, or directors. A full page has 24 lines. The following stops are employed for punctuation: Full-stop, colon, semicolon, oblique stroke as comma. The capital A at the commencement of the text is supplied in red, as are also the initial strokes, and underlines. The copy is bound in brown russia leather, with blind stamped ornament, but with a richly gilt doublure.

The unicorn, which was a symbol of power adopted by Philip the Good, Duke of Burgundy, appears as a watermark in some of Caxton's productions. Another watermark occurring in Caxton's books, which is also found in those of Machlinia, is a representation of the arms of Champagne. Machlinia no doubt obtained his paper, like Caxton, from mills in the Low Countries.

The signature "Wyỻm lee" appears above the text on the first folio, written in a sixteenth-century hand. The


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 the negligent, expensive, and oppressive management of his factors and agents. The crown lands of Great Britain do not at present afford the fourth part of the rent, which could probably be drawn from them if they were the property of private persons. If the crown lands were more extensive, it is probable they would be still worse managed.

The revenue which the great body of the people derives from land is in proportion, not to the rent, but to the produce of the land. The whole annual produce of the land of every country, if we except what is reserved for seed, is either annually consumed by the great body of the people, or exchanged for something else that is consumed by them. Whatever keeps down the produce of the land below what it would otherwise rise to, keeps down the revenue of the great body of the people, still more than it does that of the proprietors of land. The rent of land, that portion of the produce which belongs to the proprietors, is scarce anywhere in Great Britain supposed to be more than a third part of the whole produce. If the land, which in one state of cultivation affords a rent of ten millions sterling a year, would in another afford a rent of twenty millions; the rent being, in both cases, supposed a third part of the produce; the revenue of the proprietors would be less than it otherwise might be by ten millions a year only; but the revenue of the great body of the people would be less than it otherwise might be by thirty millions a year, deducting only what would be necessary for seed. The population of the country would be less by the number of people which thirty millions a year, deducting always the seed, could maintain, according to the particular mode of living and expense which might take place in the different ranks of men among whom the remainder was distributed.


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 manuscript foliation in the book may have been added by the same person. At the beginning of the last century the copy was in the possession of the bookseller Robert Triphook, when it was seen by Dibdin. Triphook sold it to the Marquis of Blandford, and on the sale of this nobleman's library in 1819 (White Knights Library—Cat. no. 331) it was purchased (for £9) by Triphook again for a collector, who has prefixed to the copy a note to this effect, subscribed "I. B." It was afterwards in the Ashburnham library, and on the dispersal of that collection was acquired in June 1897 (Cat. no. 158) for the John Rylands Library at a cost of £147.

The facts known about the writer of this treatise are so few in number, and depend so much for their interpretation on our knowledge of the general history of Sweden at that period, that to appreciate their real significance it is necessary to pass in review very briefly the history of that country from the close of the fourteenth century, when Sweden began to be subject to the supremacy of Denmark.

Margaret, the daughter of Waldemar IV of Denmark, had married Haakon, king of Norway, the son of Magnus Smek of Sweden, who was dispossessed of his throne by Albert of Mecklenburg. Their only son Olaf, born in 1370, succeeded his grandfather Waldemar as king of Denmark in 1375, and five years later, on the death of his father, he became in addition sovereign of Norway. On account of Olaf's youth the task of ruling the two


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 countries was entrusted to his mother Margaret as regent, who, on the death of her son in 1387, became the actual sovereign.

The kingdom of Sweden had long been in a state of turmoil. On the one side were the nobles and hierarchy, eager only for their own aggrandizement, and ready to welcome any change by which their own power seemed likely to be increased; on the other hand, there was the great mass of the people still, in spite of the oppression of the nobility, full of national spirit and independence. To the nobles the idea of a foreign supremacy that might leave them free from all but nominal restraint seemed highly attractive. They resolved to invite Margaret to become the ruler of Sweden. But the Swedish people were not willing to acquiesce in the arrangement, and offered an active resistance under their king. Albert of Mecklenburg was soon captured in 1389, but Stockholm withstood a lengthy siege by the Danish troops, and did not actually come into the hands of Margaret until 1398, when it was surrendered in lieu of a ransom for the liberation of their monarch.

Already in June 1397 Eric of Pomerania, the grandnephew of Margaret, had, at her instance, been accepted as her successor, and crowned at Kalmar. As he was at this time only about fifteen years of age, Margaret was to act as regent, thus retaining an active control of affairs, which, indeed, she never relinquished during her lifetime. The following month witnessed the conclusion at Kalmar of the celebrated compact, known as the Union of Kalmar,


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 by the terms of which the three kingdoms of Denmark, Norway, and Sweden were to be henceforward under the rule of a single sovereign.

Causes for dissatisfaction with this arrangement were not long in making their appearance. A struggle arose as to the feudal rights of Denmark over the duchy of Schleswig, and this developed on the death of Margaret in 1413 into a war which lasted twenty years. To meet the expenses of this war Eric levied heavy taxes on the Swedes, who in 1434 took up arms under a miner, named Engelbrekt Engelbrektsson, and compelled the Swedish Council of State to proclaim the deposition of the king in 1436. By the influence of the nobility Eric regained his authority to a large extent, but he was obliged to appoint as viceroy in Sweden Karl Knutsson, one of the leaders of the national party.

Eric was not destined, however, to enjoy his regal power much longer, for in 1439 he was dethroned by the three countries, and was obliged to seek safety elsewhere. In his stead Denmark chose his nephew, Christopher of Bavaria, whose authority was soon recognized in the other two kingdoms. On his death in 1448 Christian, count of Oldenburg, was chosen to fill the throne of Denmark, to which was added shortly that of Norway. The Swedish people were not so compliant as the sister state, and elected Karl Knutsson king, under the title of Karl VIII. With the nobility and clergy, at the head of whom was the Archbishop of Upsala, openly disaffected towards him, his position became at last untenable, and he was obliged in


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 1457 to fly from the country and take refuge in Dantzig. Christian, who had the support of the Holy See, now became king. Never acceptable, however, to the patriotic section of the people, he managed very soon by various arbitrary actions to alienate the ecclesiastical powers that had been so largely instrumental in securing the crown for him. At last coming to an open rupture with the Archbishop of Upsala, Jons Bengtsson, who had helped to put him on the throne, he seized the powerful prelate and threw him into prison in Copenhagen. But Christian was to learn that the power which could raise him to the throne was also strong enough to remove him at its pleasure. The clergy were incensed at his high-handed action, and, when the threat of excommunication from the Pope failed to secure the release of the archbishop, the nephew of the latter, Kettil Karlsson, bishop of Linkoping, issued a proclamation by which the Swedes were declared to be no longer bound by their oath of allegiance, and were exhorted to take up arms in defence of their rights and liberties.

The appeal was responded to with enthusiasm, and, unable to stamp out the flame of insurrection, Christian was forced to abandon the country. In 1464 Karl VIII was restored to the throne, which, with the exception of a short interval, he contrived to hold until his death In 1470, when he was succeeded by his nephew, Sten Sture, with the title of Regent.

To pursue the history of Sweden any farther would be unnecessary for our purpose, but without such a brief


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 summary of the events which happened during the lifetime of our author it is impossible, in the absence of certain information, to reconstruct with any degree of probability the outline of his career.

For our author's name and office we are indebted to Latin editions of this treatise printed in the fifteenth century. In these the work is described thus, with variations: " Kegimen contra pestilentiam . . . Kaminti (or Kamiti), episcopi Arusiensis civitatis, regni Dacie, medicine expertissimi professoris." The form Kaminti, or Kamiti, has long been recognized as a mistake for Kannuti, or Kanuti; but owing to the fact that "Arusiensis civitatis" was wrongly identified with Aarhuus in Denmark instead of Arosia, the Latin form of Vasteras near Stockholm in Sweden, the author could not be traced, as no bishop of Aarhuus bore a name at all resembling his. The apparent geographical difficulty connected with the expression "regni Dacie", i.e. kingdom of Denmark, explains itself on reference to the history of the two countries of Sweden and Denmark, and, indeed, by narrowing the limits of our search helps us to fix with the more certainty on Bengt Knutsson (Benedict Kanuti), who was elected bishop in 1461, as the author of this work.

Our author was a man of rank we learn from the Swedish chronicle of the bishops of Vasteras, compiled by Peder Svart, a bishop of the see who died in a. d. 1562. From the fact of his appointment to the bishopric of this


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 important city at so critical a time we may presume that to the distinction of good birth he added high qualifications of counsel, or of action. Peder Svart tells us that he had travelled far and wide. In the present treatise Bishop Knutsson asserts that he had practised medicine at Montpellier, the seat of the foremost medical school in Europe: "In the mount of Pessulane I might not eschewe the company of people for I wente fro hous to hous by cause of my pouerte to cure feke [sic] folkes."

The mention of his poverty, which, in the case of one born of high family, at first seems a matter of surprise, when taken in conjunction with the other circumstances of his career, may furnish a clue as to the cause of his wanderings that may well have originated in political intrigue, so rife in Sweden at this period, in which, willingly or unwillingly, he may have been involved. It is at least significant that his return to Sweden seems to have taken place during the Danish supremacy. Again, in speaking of his see, he describes it as situated in the kingdom of Denmark. It seems, too, in the highest degree improbable that any one would be appointed to the see of Vasteras who was not a more, or less, active supporter of Christian I, and, in consequence, acceptable to that monarch. Over the election to the vacant see of Drontheim Christian is known to have interfered, inducing the chapter to choose his nominee. The Pope refused to ratify the election, and appointed another to the bishopric. A protracted struggle resulted in that case in the triumph of the Holy See.


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 There are grounds for believing that some such conflict between the civil and spiritual powers arose in the present instance. Bishop Svart's chronicle states that "Knutsson was appointed bishop by the Council of the Kingdom in King Christian's absence"—which need by no means imply his ignorance—"and that he held the office two years." Official documents of Pope Pius II, however, show that immediately after the death of Olaf Gunnari in 1 46 1 the Pope appointed to the see Birger Mansson, who generally figures as successor, in May 1462, to Knutsson. As two letters are in existence, one of July 25, 1462, and another of 1463, in which Knutsson is spoken of as bishop of Vasteras, it seems fairly certain that one is not justified in assuming the death of Knutsson to have necessarily taken place before May, 1462, when Birger Mansson is credited with being elected bishop, a date that may only mark the time when the Papal nomination was accepted by the chapter. Supposing Knutsson to have been a partisan of the Danish king, as suggested above, one can easily understand that the Swedish clergy in their growing state of alienation from Christian I would welcome the opportunity of removing from office one of his supporters.

As to the time and place of Knutsson's death we are in ignorance. The same obscurity in which the earlier portion of his life is wrapt surrounds the closing scenes. The compilation of the work on the plague—the outcome of the experiences gained in his days of poverty—that was the source of all the treatises published on the subject for


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408 poems, among which are "Luisella," and "Noveller berättade på ottave rime," have become great favorites on account of their elegant form and charming contents. (born 1832) has published a number of merry songs, and under the pseudonym "Carlino," a series of interesting "Bilder från Italien." (1838-68) created by his "Naturbilder," which were crowned by the Academy, and by a few other poems, great and well founded expectations, the realization of which was cut off by his early death.

Among the Swedish lyric poets still living count is decidedly the first. He has not written much, but every thing proceeding from his pen is marked by a wealth of original thought and splendid style. He has rendered Goethe's ballads in Swedish in so masterly a manner that nothing has been lost of their original depth and grace. (born 1828) is the author of a few very fine historical plays (Brölloppet på Ulfåsa, etc.), but his stories and lyric poems are not equally good.

During the present century Swedish literature has been enriched with a great number of excellent translations from foreign languages. We may add to those already mentioned the translation of Shakespeare by (1810-64); of Tasso and Ariosto by  (born 1818); of Dante and Camoens by  (died 1858); of Milton by  (born 1833), etc.

The national movement in Swedish literature in the beginning of this century could not fail to have a fruitful influence on the national. Next after Geijer, (1786-1862) is especially emi-


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 150 years, has alone preserved his name from entire oblivion. The disease that had devastated Sweden from 1450 to 1455, and again in 1464 and 1465, had probably never entirely quitted the country in the interval between these visitations, and it was in anticipation of its breaking out with increased virulence that we may assume the author to have written his work about 1461-63.

As the text is available in this reproduction, it is unnecessary to dwell upon the causes assigned by Knutsson for the spread of the pestilence, or on the remedies which he recommended.

The various forms in which his work was circulated need to be briefly described before terminating this notice of his treatise. Several Latin editions were printed in the fifteenth century, lacking for the most part any indication of printer, place, or date. On typographical grounds they are assigned to Antwerp, Paris, etc. None of them are likely to be much, if at all, earlier than the English version printed by Machlinia. A versified form of the work appears in an edition of "Albertus Magnus de Virtutibus herbarum", which was printed about 1500.

The history of the English version is of greater interest. One of the Sloane manuscripts in the British Museum is said to agree so closely in wording and spelling that it may actually have been the original from which the text was set up by Machlinia. This is the manuscript described as no. 2276-2 in Ayscough's Catalogue, and no.


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Rh nent. From early childhood he had lived in the most needy circumstances, and he had frequently suffered almost absolute want. Thus after studying a few years, he was compelled to leave the University in order to eke out an existence as a journeyman printer, and later he earned a precarious living by reading proofs, etc. Still he had the strength of character to devote himself to profound historical studies, and this he did with such signal success, that his first published work forthwith attracted great attention, and secured him assistance from the government and from the Academy, of which he afterward became a member. His best works are: "Svenska Folkets historia under Konungarne af Vasaätten," of which only three volumes appeared; "Svenska folkets historia från äldsta till närvarande tider;" and "Sveriges historia i sammandrag." Both these works are incomplete, the former closing with the year 1319, the latter with Gustav Vasa. Strinholm does not possess Geijer's genial method of discovering the finer threads of history; but while Geijer distinguishes himself by his grand summaries, and is able, with a few vigorous strokes, to shed the brightest light on persons and events, we find in Strinholm a careful comparison of all the facts bearing on the interpretation of a single phenomenon, and these are frequently arranged and grouped with a skill and art that remind us of the epic poet, and his language is remarkably clear, simple and dignified.

(1795-1881) has written the Swedish history for the people, and this he has done on a magnificent plan, his "Berättelser ur svenska historien," being a work of forty-four volumes. The narration is vivid and interesting, though not altogether reliable. Persons and events are frequently presented from a somewhat one-sided standpoint. Among the numerous works on various epochs in Swedish history we may mention: *'s (born 1811) excellent "Sveriges historia under Konungarne af Pfalziska huset," which may be regarded as a continuation


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410 of Geijer's history; and 's (born 1822) "Sveriges politiska historia från Karl XII's död till 1772." has also written some very meritorious works. Archbishop Henrik Reuterdahl has produced an interesting history of the Swedish church down to 1533, and the history of Swedish literature has been treated in a worthy manner by, and others. ("Hagkomster från hembygden och skolan"), ("Folklifvet i Skytts härad),  ("Värend och Virdarne") have contributed valuable works to the knowledge of life and customs among the lower classes of the people. Antiquarian research has found able scholars in, and others.

Philosophical studies have long been pursued with great zeal in Sweden. At the close of the last century Benjamin (1767-1812) sought to introduce into Sweden the Kant-Fichte principles, and his critical and philosophical works contributed much to hasten the crisis out of which the modern literary epoch emerged. He particularly exercised a strong influence on Geijer, in whose writings the philosophical element is very prominent.

(1797-1866) is, however, the only Swede who has created an independent philosophical system. Among his pupils (1827-59) and  (born 1821) are the most eminent. The latter belongs, like the above-mentioned Viktor Rydberg, to the so-called new rational tendency, which, in recent times, has found many adherents in Sweden. Among the representatives of the other branches of science we must confine ourselves to simply mentioning the most eminent names. The following are known throughout the world: The chemist, (1779-1848); the botanist,  (1794-1878); the botanist and statistician,  (1785-1859); the geologist and


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Rh antiquarian, (born 1787); and the anatomist,  (1796-1864).

Sweden may look with pride on her achievements in the world of science and literature.


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LONDON, Nov. 10, (British Wireless Service.)—The German courier bearing the text of the armistice conditions arrived at German headquarters at 10 o'clock this morning, according to the official announcement from Paris. The courier, Captain Helldorf, was long delayed while the German batteries persisted in bombarding the route he had to follow.

On Saturday morning the German delegates suggested that the courier's mission might be attempted by airplane. The French High Command saw no objection to this and offered to furnish a machine on condition that the German High Command pledge itself that the airplane would not be fired at. A rapid message was sent to German headquarters, which was replied to without delay as follows:

"We grant free passage to the French airplane bringing our courier. We are issuing orders that it shall not be attacked by any of our machines. For the purpose of recognition it should carry two white flags very clearly marked."

The orders from the German headquarters staff, however, were inoperative as regarded the land batteries, for on La Capelle road the enemy's fire, despite reiterated requests to desist, went on without intermission.

A French airplane, piloted by an officer of the French Air Service, was soon available, and the pilot was ordered to hold himself ready to start on his journey. About that time a message came from General Headquarters, announcing that orders for the cessation of fire had been given to the batteries directed against La Capelle Road, and that Captain Helldorf was at liberty to start by automobile. Almost immediately the German fire ceased, and the courier set out on the road for Spa at 3:20 o'clock in the afternoon.

German headquarters was notified of his departure, and informed that he might be expected to arrive in the evening. But the road was long and hard, and many delays occurred.

PARIS, Nov. 10.—"It is possible," says the Temps, after recording the delayed arrival of the German courier at Spa with the armistice conditions, "that, owing to this delay, due to material circumstances, the seventy-two hours' grace may be prolonged. Such prolongation may be necessary through the events which are occupying Germany."

BERLIN, Nov. 10. (By Wireless to London, 3:50 P.M.)—The arrival of the armistice conditions in Berlin is expected hourly.

LONDON, Nov. 9.—The German armistice terms, The Daily Express says it understands, are even more stringent than those forecast on Oct. 31. Germany will be absolutely deprived, the newspaper adds, of further military power or action on land and sea and in the air.

The British War Cabinet sat late tonight, Premier Lloyd George having returned purposely from the country.

Mr. Balfour, the Foreign Minister, had an audience today with the King, who, on account of the armistice situation, has postponed his projected tour of the provinces.

A message from the German Commissaries to the German High Command, transmitted by the French Government wireless, says:

"We acknowledge receipt of two radios announcing the arrival of the four Commissaries (delegates?) and their probably delay for some hours."

Copyright, 1918, by The New York Times Company.

Special Cable to.

AMSTERDAM, Nov. 8.—"I believe by Sunday the guns will be at rest," said Maximilian Harden in a lecture on Wednesday in Berlin. Minute-long applause followed the statement. Reason had triumphed, he went on, and though the conditions formulated at Versailles would be hard, Germany must not forget that forty-seven years ago the Germans at the same place set forth iron-hard terms.

Dealing with the problem, who was to blame for the sorry position wherein Germany now found herself, Harden said that civilians might be acquitted of guilt for what was done in August, 1914. It was the military régime which was to blame for the war.

In August last, he went on, Ludendorff, for the first time, recognized the impossibility of victory, and advised von Hintze to make peace. Though Harden termed Ludendorff the "German Bonaparte," and said he accomplished great things, "it cannot be hidden," he added, "that he was completely deceived regarding the economic and technical strength of the Entente. But things would not have happened as they have, had not Hindenburg and Ludendorff for four years kept the German people in a maze of falsehood and deception as to the actual situation. The policy of the military leaders has suffered the most complete shipwreck."

Harden supported the demand for the abdication of the Kaiser, and warned the Government that it was necessary to protect the country against Bolshevism.

BERLIN, Nov. 10, (via London.)—An official communication issued today says the Wolff Bureau, the semi-official news agency, has been placed under control of "Comrade William Karle."

No records showing who William Karle is are available. If he is a journalist his name has not appeared among those who have been writing for the German press during the war.

LONDON, Nov. 8.—Lieutenant George Nolonebe, an aviator from California, fell with his machine into the sea on Wednesday night and was drowned.

When the first bulletin of the signing of the armistice, with the acceptance of the terms of the Allies, came into the office of shortly before 3 o'clock this morning orders were given immediately for the lighting up of both The Times Building and The Times Annex, and they remained lighted throughout the rest of the hours of darkness.

A few minutes after the first word had reached the newspaper office the searchlight on the tower of The Times Building played its rays all over the city. It had been put into operation to announce the results of the election on last Tuesday, and the flashing of more momentous news attracted crowds to Times Square.

In such a few minutes that it was almost beyond the belief of persons who have never seen a great city rejoicing over the greatest of former victories and over events of a magnitude to stun the mind, the Square was filled with many hundreds of persons. It was a mystery to all where they came from. Many came out of the subway, others came out of the restaurants, cigar stores, and other places that remain open all night.

This throng was increased by drivers who left their milk wagons, their newspaper wagons, by men on their way to work, by taxicab chauffeurs, by street car conductors, and by many other folk who had heard the tooting of sirens in their neighborhoods and who arose from their beds to find out just what was the latest event of a day that will be marked forever in history.

The display of large bulletins in the windows of The Times Building saying that the armistice had been signed, together with the news in the earlier editions of the paper that the former German Kaiser had fled from just retribution, moved these many hundreds to full-throated and full-lunged jubilance.

The same bulletins were displayed in the windows of the offices of in other parts of the city, and soon they were the centre of crowds that had forgotten completely that the city had already had one day of celebration over what had been a false report of the event all longed for.

Celebration began all over again, and at that late hour it looked as if the city would outdo its "fake rumor" day, or London's Mafeking Day, and every other day where millions rejoiced.

Police sirens and bells all over the city again took up the Swan Song of the Kaiser, of militarism, and thousands were waked from their slumbers by the din. Hundreds got up from their beds and walked the streets in tousled clothes to get confirmation of the news they had been expecting. Other hundreds saw the flashing of the searchlights from the tower of and telephone calls by the hundreds began to pour into the newspaper office.

The invariable question was: "Has the armistice been signed?" and when the question was answered with the affirmative, with the additional information that the Kaiser's right to rule had passed with him in unroyal flight, there were cheers at the other end of the wire.

Among the hundreds around the bulletin boards in Times Square were many sailors and soldiers who had service stripes on their sleeves, some of them having more than one stripe. Many had medals, and many more had scars, scars put upon them by the soldiers of the man whose downfall was reported.

At first these men were unable to comprehend the news. The crowds of civilians were not so slow. They seized the soldiers and sailors and made them prisoners to admiration. The crowd waltzed the soldiers and sailors on their shoulders and bounced them around, pounded them on the backs, cheered them, set them down and tried to force them to make speeches, and then drowned their first words with cheers.

Groans and cries went up from the crowd when the name of William Hohenzollern was mentioned. "Poor Bill! He tried to pinch off the world! He's gone! Bill's dead," one man cried. The man who was taken seriously only a few weeks ago had suddenly become a joke because the allied armies had beaten him so decisively and because he had run away, with his Crown Prince, his General Staff, and a train full of food.

the throne as Grand Duke Sept. 28, 1907.

 * BAVARIA—King Ludwig III., proclaimed Nov. 5, 1913.

 * BRUNSWICK—Duke Ernest Augustus.

HESSE—Grand Duke Ernest Ludwig, succeeded at the death of his father March 13, 1892.

LIPPE—Prince Leopold IV. Leopold assumed the Regency in succession to his father, Sept. 27, 1904, but the right of succession was claimed by Prince Georg of Schaumburg-Lippe, and the dispute was settled in Leopold's favor by a judicial court at Leipsig, Oct. 25, 1905.

MECKLENBURG-SCHWERIN—Grand Duke Friedrich Frans IV. succeeded on the death of his father, April 10, 1897.

OLDENBURG—Grand Duke Friedrich August succeeded at the death of his father, June 13, 1900.

PRUSSIA—Wilhelm II. succeeded his father, June 15, 1888.

REUSS, (Elder Branch)—Prince Heinrich XXIV. succeeded his father, April 19, 1902.

REUSS, (Younger Branch)—Prince Heinrich XXVII. succeeded his father, March 29, 1913.

SAXE-ALTENBURG—Duke Ernest II. succeeded to the throne, Feb. 7, 1908.

SAXE-COBURG AND GOTHA.—Duke Charles Edward, succeeded his uncle, Alfred, July 30, 1900.

SAXE-MEININGEN.—Duke Bernhard, succeeded on the death of his father, June 25, 1914.

GRAND DUCHY OF SAXE-WEIMAR-EISENACH.—Grand Duke Wilheim Ernst, succeeded his grandfather, Jan. 5, 1901.

 * KINGDOM OF SAXONY.—King Friedrich August III., succeeded to the throne on the death of his father, Oct. 15, 1904.

SCHAUMBURG-LIPPE.—Prince Adolf, succeeded his father, April 29, 1911.

SCHWARZBURG-RUDOLSTADT—Prince Gunther succeeded his cousin Jan. 19, 1890.

SCHWARZBURG-SONDERHAUSEN—Since the decease on March 28, 1909, of Prince Karl Gunther, this principality has been united with Schwarzburg-Rudolstadt by a personal bond of union under the government of Prince Gunther.

WALDECK—Prince Friedrich succeeded at the death of his father, May 12, 1893.

 * WURTTEMBERG—King Wilheim II. ascended the throne Oct. 6, 1891.

Wilheim II., King of Wüttemberg, was born Feb. 25, 1848, the son of Prince Friedrich of Württemberg and of Princess Katharine of Württemberg. He ascended the throne Oct. 6, 1891. He married twice. His first wife was Princess Katharine of Württenberg. He died April 30, 1882, leaving a daughter, Princess Pauline, born Dec. 19, 1877. His second wife was Princess Charlotte of Schaumburg-Lippe, who died April 8, 1886.

The former Duchy of Württemberg became, with a large increase of territory, an electorate in 1803 and was created a kingdom by the Peace of Pressburg, 1805, and by a decree of Jan. 1, 1806. Württemberg is a constitutional hereditary monarchy, the Constitution of which bears the date of Sept. 25, 1819, but changes were made in 1905.

Friedrich August III. was born May 25, 1865, the son of King George, and succeeded to the throne on the death of his father, Oct. 15, 1904. He married Princess Luise of Tuscany Nov. 21, 1891, and the marriage was dissolved Feb. 11, 1903. Children born of the marriage were Prince George, Prince Friedrich Christian, Prince Ernst Heinrich, Princess Margarethe, Princess Marie Alix and Princess Anna Monica.

The royal house of Saxony is one of the oldest reigning families in Europe. Saxony included the Governmental divisons of Dresden, Leipsig, Bautzen, Chemnitz, and Swickau. Its estimated population in 1914 was 4,984,500, and its areas is 5,787 square miles.

Although the religion of the royal family is Catholic, the vast majority of the inhabitants are Protestants. In proportion to its size Saxony is the busiest industrial State in the German Empire.

The house of Saxony dates back to Heinrich of Ellenberg, of the family of Wettin, who was Margrave of Meissen, 1089-1103. The house spread subsequently into numerous branches, the elder of which, called the Ernestine line, is represented by the ducal families of Saxe-Alternburg, Saxe-Coburg-Gotha, and Saxe-Meiningen, and the grand ducal family of Saxe-Weimar, while the tounger, the Albertine line, lives in the rules of the Kingdom of Saxony. In 1806 the Elector Friedrich August III., on entering the Confederation of the Rhine, took from Napoleon the title of King of Saxony, which was confirmed by the Congress of Vienna in 1815.

Copyright, 1918, by The New York Times Company.

Special Cable to.

PARIS, Nov. 10.—Are the Germans manoeuvring for a further military struggle or are they prepared to surrender, no matter what the terms?

That is a question the French people are asking themselves. But putting the question apparently is more for the sake of speculative interest than because of doubt. There is remarkable unanimity in the answer to the effect the Germany must and will surrender.

The thought that is in the air all over Paris is, "The war is finished." You can feel it. You can see it in the faces in the street. It is just as tangible a thing as was the gloom last Spring and Summer, before the beginning of the great victory of July 18.

It is many weeks since things have fallen out of the sky to kill Parisians and damage property. Today things are going up, instead. I mean toy balloons. This is worth mentioning, because, if anything is symbolic of festive cheer, it is the sight of old men and women in the crowds with bunches of red and blue balloons over their shoulders to sell to the children.

There are such crowds today in the Place de la Concorde and the Champs Elysées looking at the hundreds of captured German cannon and gleefully commenting on the coming of a white flag from the armies that were so recently using those same cannon with deadly effect against the allied troops.

There are thousands of these cannon of all kinds and all calibers clustered thickly in the centre of the Place de la Concorde, where the guillotine was set up a little over a century ago, and spreading out in long lines along the Seine, in the Tuileries Gardens and up the Champs Elysées.

In one short block I counted 130 big cannon pointing at one another on opposite sides of the street.

On a smaller scale it is the same way throughout the towns all over France, where captured cannon are being given to municipalities for public squares as rewards for their good showing on Liberation Loan subscriptions.

There are no rope guards around the captured guns in the Paris streets. Children are allowed to swarm over them, play horse on them, fight imaginary battles, and monkey with the mechanism that raises and lowers the muzzles to their hearts' content.

Thousands of pairs of little breeches in Paris are no doubt streaked with rust from climbing over the cannon today. But no boy gets scolded. The war is finished, says the crowd, and the great victory is ours; nothing else matters for the moment.

More seriously there is much comment on the personnel of Germany's truce quartet. Von Winterfeld is thought as little of in Paris as a Bernstorff or von Papen would be in New York.

But inasmuch as Foch will do all the talking at the armistice conferences nobody cares much about the personality of those who bear the white flag. The development of the last few days, the Austrian surrender and the German surrender being almost taken for granted, seem to have done much to change that portion of French public opinion which was adverse to conversations between Washington and Berlin.

ITALIAN ARMY HEADQUARTERS IN NORTHERN ITALY, Nov. 10, (Associated Press.)—More than a quarter of a million Italian prisoners of war held in Austria have been returned to Italy. Sick and wounded men will be returned later by way of Switzerland.

The repatriated soldiers say that violent conditions are not prevalent in Austria, except disorders due to hunger strikes. They declare that the civilians desire heartily to see the return of their own men home. The soldiers in Austria are indifferent or else express happiness that the war is over.

Italian officers returning from Austria express the opinion that for the present there will be no disturbances in Austria like those in Russia.

Copyright, 1918, by The New York Times Company.

Special Cable to.

LONDON, Monday, Nov. 11.—While it will be necessarily take some time to arrange the preliminaries for a peace conference, since America's plenipotentiaries, for instance, could hardly arrive with requisite agenda under a month, and in some quarters a much longer period is expected to elapse before the conference gets to work, there is a profound feeling here that the utmost expedition is desirable.

The expectation here is that the first step will be to summon a more or less informal conference of the Allies to settle the preliminaries. Much, however, will depend on the question as to what enemy Governments will be in existence to deal with.

The conclusion of hostilities finds England with greatly enhanced prestige in the world and with power such as she never before wielded. The Chronicle says:

"By her alliance with America she is indeed arbiter of war and peace in the universe. Satisfaction is profound in this country that the peace is in every sense a British peace, responding exactly to our desires and providing, if such is possible, some compensation for our sacrifices."

However, the lengths to which the revolution will go in Germany will influence to a large extent the character of the peace. Some fears are expressed that no durable government may at first rise out of the ashes of imperialism. On the other hand, a wide extension of the revolution does not necessarily portend Bolsehvism, as it is considered that the natural discipline of the German people will restrain them from excesses, provided the morale of the army is not too hopelessly compromised by the sweeping movements of the allied troops.

It is clearly within the power of any General who retains the confidence of his troops to restore quiet by suppressing outbreaks. An analogy between Russia and Germany is by no means complete, for the Germans are educated and accustomed to self-control.

The weakness of the position, however, resides in the fact that the middle classess lack initiative and have depended in the past entirely upon the Government.

They are therefore little likely to contribte materially to the re-establishment of order. Again there is not the same reason why Germany should follow the example of Austria and break into constitutent parts.

There are no racial differences to accentuate the political divisions in the German Empire, yet there are undoubted signs of separatism. The effort to form a republic in Schleswig-Holstein is due largely to racial causes, for the Danish element is notoriously anti-German.

Though Ebert belongs to the majority Socialists, who until recently supported the Government in all its proceedings, there is evidence elsewhere that minority Socialists such as Haase and Ledebour at Hamburg are themselves co-operating to restore order. The danger is that tomorrow the public, maddened by its sufferings and by deceptions practiced upon it, will proceed to extreme lengths.

BOSTON, Nov. 10.—The chime of bells in the tower of the Old North Church, Salem Street, which for 180 years has pealed in celebration of great historical events, again rang out today in celebration of the announced abdication of the German Emperor.

Patriotic airs were chimed from 10:15 to 10:45 A.M. These chimes were played before the Revolution by Peter Faneuil and Paul Revere. They pealed out the glad news when the Stamp Act was repealed in 1776, and informed Boston of the Declaration of Independence in the same year.

Copyright, 1918, by The New York Times Company.

Special Cable to.

PARIS, Nov. 10.—An automobile journey overland from Holland to Paris has just been completed by Gilman Paul, Secretary, and Captain Robert Goelet, Assistant Military Attaché of the American Legation at The Hague. They left there a little over a week ago and made their way from The Hague to Flushing and ferried across the Scheldt to Breskens, where they were met by a French military motor.

Crossing the Dutch frontier at Sluis, they were compelled to make a detour via Zeebrugge to Bruges, the direct road having been blown up by the Germans.

The actual time occupied was two days, but several days were spent on the way taking observations.

Paul and Goelet say that the electric fence which the Germans maintained between Holland and Germany, with its 4,000 volts of current, has been destroyed and that work is progressing on road repairs, so that within a few days an auto trip from Paris to Holland can be completed in twenty-four hours.

They saw mountains of material that had been abandoned by the German Army in the retreat.

Mr. Paul and Captain Goelet came to Paris to prepare for a weekly courier service overland between Paris and The Hague.

Copyright, 1918, by The New York Times Company.

Special Cable to.

PARIS, Nov. 9.—The moonlit boulevards and streets of Paris were filled tonight with joyous crowds, waiting momentarily for expected news of the armistice. In the meantime, all other good news was received with shouts, and it is coming fast. Hardly had the crowds finished cheering over the request of Prince Maximilian made to be relieved of the Chancellorship when newspaper office bulletins recorded the fact that the Kaiser had abdicated.

Almost simultanouesly Paris learned that Romanoues had become Premier of Spain and General Coanda Premier of Rumania. Both these men are firm friends of the Allies. Coanda's wife is a Frenchwoman.

But all these big things, even to abdication itself, which had been discounted, were looked upon only as the curtain-raisers for the big fact yet to come of the ending of the war. No details have been received here as to who will succeed the Kaiser, but it is taken for granted that the German Socialists are in the saddle.

Copyright, 1918, by The New York Times Company.

Special Cable to.

PARIS, Nov. 10.—General Townshend, the British commander captured by the Turks at Kut, arrived in Paris today. He will remain here for some time. He shows signs of the severe treatment he experienced, together with his fellow-prisoners, at the hands of the Turks.

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HE emerges from the shop. She is any woman, and the shop from which she emerges is any shop in any town. She has been shopping. This does not imply that she has been buying anything or that she has contemplated buying anything, but merely that she has been shopping a very different pursuit from buying. Buying implies business for the shop; shopping merely implies business for the clerks.

As stated, she emerges. In the doorway she runs into a woman of her acquaintance. If she likes the other woman she is cordial. But if she does not like her she is very, very cordial. A woman's aversion for another woman moving in the same social stratum in which she herself moves may readily be appraised. Invariably it is in inverse ratio to the apparent affection she displays upon encountering the object of her disfavor. Why should this be? I cannot answer. It is not given for us to know.


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 Very well, then, she meets the other woman at the door. They stop for conversation. Two men meeting under the same condition would mechanically draw away a few paces, out of the route of persons passing in or out of the shop. No particular play of the mental processes would actuate them in so doing; an instinctive impulse, operating mechanically and subconsciously, would impel them to remove themselves from the main path of foot travel. But this woman and her acquaintance take root right there. Persons dodge round them and glare at them. Other persons bump into them, and are glared at by the two traffic blockers. Where they stand they make a knot of confusion.

But does it occur to either of them to suggest that they might step aside, five feet or ten, and save themselves, and the pedestrian classes generally, a deal of delay and considerable annoyance? It does not. It never will. If the meeting took place in a narrow passageway or on a populous staircase or at the edge of the orbit of a set of swinging doors or on a fire escape landing upon the front of a burning building, while one was going up to aid in the rescue and the other was coming down to be saved if it took place just outside the Pearly Gates on the Last Day


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 when the quick and the dead, called up for judgment, were streaming in through the portals still would they behave thus. Where they met would be where they stopped to talk, regardless of the consequences to themselves, regardless of impediment to the movements of their fellow beings.

Having had her say with her dear friend or her dear enemy, as the case may be, our heroine proceeds to the corner and hails a passing street car. Because her heels are so high and her skirts are so snug, she takes about twice the time to climb aboard that a biped in trousers would take. Into the car she comes, teetering and swaying. The car is no more than comfortably filled. True, all the seats at the back where she has entered are occupied; but up at the front there still is room for another sittee or two. Does she look about her to ascertain whether there is any space left 4 ? I need not pause for reply. I know it already, and so do you. Midway of the aisle-length she stops and reaches for a strap. She makes an appealing picture, compounded of blindness, helplessness, and discomfort. She has clinging vine written all over her. She craves to cling, but there is no trellis. So she swings from her


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 strap.

The passengers nearest her are all men. She stares at them, accusingly. One of them bends forward to touch her and tell her that there is room for her up forward; but now there aren't any seats left. Male passengers, swinging aboard behind her, have already scrouged on by her and taken the vacant places.

In the mind of one of the men in her immediate vicinity chivalry triumphs over impatience. He gives a shrug of petulance, arises and begs her to have his seat. She is not entitled to it on any ground, save compassion upon his part. By refusing to use the eyes in her head she has forfeited all right to special consideration. But he surrenders his place to her and she takes it.

The car bumps along. The conductor, making his rounds, reaches her. She knows he is coming ; at least she should know it. A visit from the conductor has been a feature of every one of the thousands of street-car rides that she has taken in her life. She might have been getting her fare ready for him. There are a dozen handy spots where she might have had a receptacle built for carrying small change in a pocket in her skirt, in a fob at her belt, in her sleeve or under her cuff. Counting fob pockets and change pockets, a man has from nine to fifteen pockets in his everyday


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 garments. If also he is wearing an overcoat, add at least three more pockets to the total. It would seem that she might have had at least one dependable pocket. But she has none.

The conductor stops, facing her, and meanwhile wearing on his face that air of pained resignation which is common to the faces of conductors on transportation lines that are heavily patronized by women travelers. In mute demand he extends toward her a soiled palm. With hands encased in overtight gloves she fumbles at the catch of a hand bag. Having wrested the hand bag open, she paws about among its myriad and mysterious contents. A card of buttons, a sheaf of samples, a handkerchief, a powder puff for inducing low visibility of the human nose, a small parcel of .something, a nail file, and other minor articles are disclosed before she disinters her purse from the bottom of her hand bag. Another struggle with the clasp of the purse ensues; finally, one by one, five coppers are fished up out of the depths and presented to the conductor. The lady has made a difficult, complicated rite of what might have been a simple and a swift formality.

The car proceeds upon its course. She sits in her seat, wearing that look of comfo


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 rtable self-absorption which a woman invariably wears when she is among strangers, and when she feels herself to be well dressed and making a satisfactory public appearance. She comes out of her trance with a start on discovering that the car has passed her corner or is about to pass it. All flurried, she arises and signals the conductor that she is alighting here. From her air and her expression, we may gather that, mentally, she holds him responsible for the fact that she has been carried on beyond her proper destination.

The car having stopped, she makes her way to the rear platform and gets off gets off the wrong way. That is to say, she gets off with face toward the rear. Thus is achieved a twofold result: She blocks the way of anyone who may be desirous of getting aboard the car as she. gets off of it, and if the car should start up suddenly, before her feet have touched the earth, or before her grip on the hand rail has been relaxed, she will be flung violently down upon the back of her head.

From the time he is a small boy until he is in his dotage, a man swings off a car, facing in the direction in which the car is headed. Then, a premature turn of a wheel pitches him forward with a good chance to alight upon his feet,


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 whereas the same thing happening when he was facing in the opposite direction would cause him to tumble over backward, with excellent prospects of cracking his skull. But in obedience to an immutable but inexplicable vagary of sex, a woman follows the patently wrong, the obviously dangerous, the plainly awkward system.

As the conductor rings the starting bell, he glances toward a man who is riding on the rear platform.

"Kin you beat 'urn?" says the conductor. "I ast you kin you beat 'urn?"

The man to whom he has put the question is a married man. Being in this state of marriage he appreciates that the longer you live with them the less able are you to fathom the workings of their minds with regard to many of the simpler things of life. Speaking, therefore, from the heights of his superior understanding, he says in reply:

"Oh, well, you know how women are!"

We know how women are. But nobody knows why they are as they are.

Please let me make myself clear on one point: As an institution, and as individuals, I am for women. They constitute, and deservedly too, the most popular sex we have. Since a


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 way back yonder I have been in favor of granting them suffrage. For years I have felt it as a profound conviction that the franchise should be expanded at one end and abridged at the other made larger to admit some of the women, made smaller to bar out some of the men. I couldn't think of very many reasons why the average woman should want to mix in politics, but if she did wish so to mix and mingle, I couldn't think of a single valid reason why she should not have full permission, not as a privilege, not as a boon, but as a common right. Nor could I bring myself to share, in any degree, the apprehension of some of the anti-suffragists who held that giving women votes would take many of them entirely out of the state of motherhood. I cannot believe that all the children of the future are going to be born on the first Tuesday after the first Monday in November. Surely some of them will be born on other dates. Indeed the only valid argument against woman suffrage that I could think of was the conduct of some of the women who have been for it.

To myself I often said :

"Certainly I favor giving them the vote. Seeing what a mess the members of my own sex so often make of the job of trying to run the coun


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 try, I don't anticipate that the Republic will go upon the shoals immediately after women begin voting and campaigning and running for office. At the helm of the ship of state we've put some pretty sad steersman from time to time. Better the hand that rocks the cradle than the hand that rocks the boat. We men have let slip nearly all of the personal liberties for which our fathers fought and bled that is to say, fought the Britishers and bled the Injuns. Ever since the Civil War we have been so dummed busy telling the rest of the world how free we were that we failed to safeguard that freedom of which we boasted. "We commiserate the Englishman because he chooses to live under an hereditary president called a king, while we are amply content to go on living under an elected king called a president. We cannot understand why he, a free citizen of the free-est country on earth, insists on calling himself a subject; but we are reconciled to the fiction of proclaiming ourselves citizens, while each day, more and more, we are becoming subjects the subjects of sumptuary legislation, the subjects of statutes framed by bigoted or frightened lawgivers, the subjects of arbitrary mandates and of arbitrary decrees, the subjects, the abject, cringing subjects, of the servant classes,


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 the police classes, the labor classes, the capitalistic classes"

Naturally, as a Democrat I have felt these things with enhanced bitterness when the Republicans were in office; nevertheless, I have felt them at other times, too. And, continuing along this line of thought, I have repeatedly said to myself:

"In view of these conditions, let us give 'em the vote eventually, but not just yet. While still we have control of the machinery of the ballot let us put them on probation, as it were. They claim to be rational creatures; very well, then, make J em prove it. Let us give 'em the vote just as soon as they have learned the right way in which to get off of a street car."

In this, though, I have changed my mind. I realize now that the demand was impossible, that it was oh, well, you know what women are !

We have given woman social superiority; rather she has acquired it through having earned it. Shortly she will have been put on a basis of political equality with men in all the states of the Union. Now she thinks she wants economic equality. But she doesn't; she only thinks she does. If she should get it she would refuse to abide by its natural limitations on the one side


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and its natural expansions for her sphere of economic development on the other. For, temperamentally, God so fashioned her that never can she altogether quit being the clinging vine and become the sturdy oak. She'll insist on having all the prerogatives of the oak, but at the same time she will strive to retain the special considerations accorded to the vine which clings. If I know anything about her dear, wonderful, incomprehensible self, she belongs to the sex which would eat its cake and have it, too. Some men are constructed after this design. But nearly all women are.

Give her equal opportunities with men in business put her on the same footing and pay to her the same salary that a man holding a similar job is paid. So far so good. But then, as her employer, undertake to hand out to her exactly the same treatment which the man holding a like position expects and accepts. There's where Mr. Boss strikes a snag. The salary she will take oh, yes but she arrogates to herself the sweet boon of weeping when things distress her, and, when things harass her, of going off into tantrums of temper which no man in authority, however patient, would tolerate on the part of another man serving under him.


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 Grant to her equal powers, equal responsibilities, equal favors and a pay envelope on Saturday night containing as much money as her male coworker receives. That is all very well; but seek, however gently, however tactfully, however diplomatically, to suggest to her that a simpler, more businesslike garb than the garb she favors would be the sane and the sensible thing for business wear in business hours. And then just see what happens.

A working woman who, through the working day, dresses in plain, neat frocks with no jangling bracelets upon her arms, no foolish furbelows at her wrists, no vain adornments about her throat, no exaggerated coiffure, is a delight to the eye and, better still, she fits the setting of her environment. Two of the most competent and dependable human beings I know are both of them women. One is the assistant editor of a weekly magazine. The other is the head of an important department in an important industry. In the evening you would never find a woman better groomed or, if the occasion demand, more ornately rigged-out than either one of these young women will be. But always, while on duty, they wear a correct and proper costume for the work they are doing, and they match the picture. These


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 two, though, are, I think, exceptions to the rule of their sex.

Trained nurses wear the most becoming uniforms, and the most suitable, considering their calling, that were ever devised. To the best of my knowledge and belief there is no record where a marriageable male patient on the road to recovery and in that impressionable mood which accompanies the convalescence of an ordinarily healthy man, failed to fall in love with his nurse. A competent, professional nurse who has the added advantage on her side of being comely and it is powerfully hard for her to avoid being comely in her spotless blue and starchy white stands more chances of getting the right sort of man for a husband than any billionaire's daughter alive.

But I sometimes wonder what weird sartorial eccentricities some of them would indulge in did not convention and the standing laws of their profession require of them that they all dress after a given pattern. And if the owners and managers of big city shops once lifted the rule prescribing certain modes for their female working staffs - if they should give their women clerks a free hand in choosing their own wardrobes for store hours i well, you know how wo


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 men are!

Nevertheless and to the contrary notwithstanding, I will admit while I am on this phase of my topic that there likewise is something to be said in dispraise of my own sex too. In the other and better half of this literary double sketch-team act, my admired and talented friend, Mrs. Mary Roberts Rinehart, cites chapter and verse to prove the unaccountable vagaries of some men in the matter of dress. There she made but one mistake a mistake of under-estimation. She mentioned specifically some men; she should have included all men.

The only imaginable reason why any rational he-biped of adult age clings to the habiliments ordained for him by the custom and the tailors of this generation, is because he is used to them. A man can stand anything once he gets used to it because getting used to a thing commonly means that the habitee has quit worrying about it. And yet since the dawn of time when Adam poked fun at Eve's way of wearing her fig-leaf and on down through the centuries until the present day and date it has ever been the custom of men to gibe at the garments worn by women. Take our humorous publications, which I scarcely need point out are edited by men. Hardly could our comic weeklies manage to come out if the jokes about


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 the things which women wear were denied to them as fountain-sources of inspiration. To the vaudeville monologist his jokes about his wife and his mother-in-law and to the comic sketch artist his pictures setting forth the torments of the stock husband trying to button the stock gown of a stock wife up her stock back these are dependable and inevitable stand-bys.

Women do wear maniacal garments sometimes ; that there is no denying. But on the other hand styles for women change with such frequency that no quirk of fashion however foolish and disfiguring ever endures for long enough to work any permanent injury in the health of its temporarily deluded devotees. Nothing I can think of gets old-fashioned with such rapidity as a feminine fashion unless it is an egg.

If this season a woman's skirt is so scantily fashioned that as she hobbles along she has the appearance of being leg-shackled, like the lady called Salammbo, it is as sure as shooting that, come next season, she will have leapt to the other extreme and her draperies will be more than amply voluminous. If this winter her sleeves are like unto sausage casings for tightness, be prepared when spring arrives to see her wearing practically all the sleeves there are. About once in


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 so often she is found wearing a mode which combines beauty with saneness but that often is not very often.

But even when they are at apogee of sartorial ridiculousness I maintain that the garments of women, from the comfort standpoint, anyhow, are not any more foolish than the garments to which the average man is incurably addicted. If women are vassals to fashion men are slaves to convention, and fashion has the merit that it alters overnight, whereas convention is a slow moving thing that stands still a long time before it does move. Convention is the wooden Indian of civilization; but fashion is a merry-go-round.

In the Temperate zone in summertime, Everywoman looks to be cooler than Everyman and by the same token is cooler. In the winter she wears lighter garments than he would dream of wearing, and yet stays warmer than he does, can stand more exposure without outward evidence of suffering than he can stand, and is less succeptible than he to colds and grips and pneumonias. Compare the thinness of her heaviest outdoor wrap with the thickness of his lightest ulster, or the heft of her so-called winter suit with the weight of the outer garments which he wears to business,


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 and if you are yourself a man you will wonder why she doesn't freeze stiff when the thermometer falls to the twenty-above mark. Observe her in a ballroom that is overheated in the corners and draughty near the windows, as all ballrooms are. Her neck and her throat, her bosom and arms are bare. Her frock is of the filmiest gossamer stuff; her slippers are paper thin, her stockings the sheerest of textures, yet she doesn't sniff and her nose doesn't turn red and the skin upon her exposed shoulders refuses to goose-flesh. She is the marvel of the ages. She is neither too warm nor too cold; she is just right. Consider now her male companion in his gala attire. One minute he is wringing wet with perspiration; that is when he is dancing. The next minute he is visibly .congealing. That is because he has stopped to catch his breath.

Why this difference between the sexes ? The man is supposed to be the hardier creature of the two, but he can't prove it. Of course there may be something in the theory that when a woman feels herself to be smartly dressed, an exaltation of soul lifts her far above realization of bodily discomfort. But I make so bold as to declare that the real reason why she is comfortable and he is not, lies in the fact that despite all eccentricities of


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 costume in which she sometimes indulges, Everywoman goes about more rationally clad than Everyman does.

For the sake of comparing two horrible examples, let us take a woman esteemed to be over-dressed at all points and angles where she is not under-dressed, and, mentally, let us place alongside her a man who by the standards of his times and his contemporaries is conventionally garbed. To find the woman we want, we probably must travel to New York and seek her out in a smart restaurant at night. Occasionally she is found elsewhere but it is only in New York, that city where so many of the young women are prematurely old and so many of the old women are prematurely young, that she abounds in sufficient profusion to become a common type instead of an infrequent one. This woman is waging that battle against the mounting birthdays which nobody ever yet won. Her hair has been dyed in those rich autumnal tints which are so becoming to a tree in its Indian summer, but so unbecoming to a woman in hers. Richard K. Fox might have designed her jewelry; she glistens with diamonds until she makes you think of the ice coming out of the Hudson River in the early spring. But about her complexion there is no suggestion of a


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 March thaw. For it is a climate-proof shellac. Her eyebrows are the self-made kind, and her lips were done by hand. Her skirt is too short for looks and too tight for comfort; she is tightly prisoned at the waistline and not sufficiently confined in the bust. There is nothing natural or rational anywhere about her. She is as artificial as a tin minnow and she glitters like one.

Next your attention is invited to the male of the species. He is assumed to be dressed in accordance with the dictates of good taste and with due regard for all the ordinary proprieties. But is he? Before deciding whether he is or isn't, let us look him over, starting from the feet and working upward. A matter of inches above his insteps brings us to the bottom of his trouser-legs. .Now these trouser-legs of his are morally certain to be too long, in which event they billow down over his feet in slovenly and ungraceful folds, or they are too short, in which event there is an awkward, ugly cross-line just above his ankles. If he is a thin man, his dress waistcoat bulges away from his breastbone so the passerby can easily discover what brand of suspenders he fancies; but if he be stoutish, the waistcoat has a little way of hitching along up his mid-riff inch by inch until finally it has accordion-pleated itself


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 in overlapping folds thwartwise of his tummy, coyly exposing an inch or so of clandestine shirt-front.

It requires great will-power on the part of the owner and constant watchfulness as well to keep a fat man's dress waistcoat from behaving like a railroad folder. His dinner coat or his tail coat, if he wears a tail coat, is invariably too tight in the sleeves; nine times out of ten it binds across the back between the shoulders, and bulges out in a pouch effect at the collar. His shirt front, if hard-boiled, is as cold and clammy as a morgue slab when first he puts it on; but as hot and sticky as a priming of fresh glue after he has worn it for half an hour in an overheated room and all public rooms in America are overheated. Should it be of the pleated or medium well-done variety, no power on earth can keep it from appearing rumply and untidy; that is, no power can if the wearer be a normal man. I am not speaking of professional he-beauties or models for the illustrations of haberdashers' advertisements in the magazines. His collar, which is a torturer's device of stiff linen and yielding starch, is not a comparatively modern product as some have imagined. It really dates back to the Spanish Inquisition where it enjoyed a great vogue.


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 Faring abroad, he encloses his head, let us say in a derby hat. Some people think the homeliest thing ever devised by man is Grant's Tomb. Others favor the St. Louis Union Depot. But I am pledged to the derby hat. And the high or two-quart hat runs second.

This being the case for and against the parties concerned, I submit to the reader's impartial judgment the following question for a decision: Taking everything into consideration, which of these two really deserves the booby prize for unbecoming apparel the woman who plainly is dressed in bad form or the man who is supposed to be dressed in good form? But this I will say for him as being in his favor. He has sense enough to wear plenty of pockets. And in his most infatuated moments he never wears nether garments so tight that he can't step in 'em. Can I say as much for woman? I cannot.

A few pages back I set up the claim that woman, considered as a sex and not as an exceptional type, cannot divorce the social relation from the economic. I think of an illustration to prove my point: In business two men may be closely associated. They may be room-mates besides; chums, perhaps, at the same club; may borrow money from each other and wear each other's


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 clothes ; and yet, so far as any purely confidential relation touching on the private sides of their lives is concerned, may remain as far apart as the poles.

It is hard to imagine two women, similarly placed, behaving after the same common-sense standards. Each insists upon making a confidante of her partner. Their intimacy becomes a thing complicated with extraneous issues, with jointly shared secrets, with disclosures as to personal likes and dislikes, which should have no part in it if there is to be continued harmony, free from heartburnings or lacerated feelings, or fancied slights or blighted affections. Sooner or later, too, the personality of the stronger nature begins to overshadow the personality of the weaker. Almost inevitably there is a falling-out.

I do not share the somewhat common opinion that in their friendships women are less constant than men are. But the trouble with them is that they put a heavier burden upon friendship than so delicate, so sensitive a sentiment as real friendship is was ever meant to bear. Something has to give way under the strain. And something does.

To be sure there is an underlying cause in extenuation for this temperamental shor


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 tcoming which in justice to the ostensibly weaker sex should be set forth here. Even though I am taking on the role of Devil's Advocate in the struggle to keep woman from canonizing herself by main force I want to be as fair as I can, always reserving the privilege where things are about even, of giving my own side a shade the better of it: The main tap-root reason why women confide overmuch and too much in other women is because leading more circumscribed lives than men commonly lead they are driven back upon themselves and into themselves and their sisters for interests and for conversational material.

Taking them by and large they have less with which to concern themselves than their husbands and their brothers, their fathers and their sons have. Therefore they concern themselves the more with what is available, which, at the same time, of tener than not, means some other woman's private affairs.

A woman, becoming thoroughly imbued with an idea, becomes, ninety-nine times out of a hundred, a creature of one idea. Everything else on earth is subordinated to the thing cabal, reform, propaganda, crusade, movement or what not in which she is interested. Now the average man may be very sincerely and very enthusiastically


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 devoted to a cause; but it does not necessarily follow that it will obsess him through every waking hour. But the ladies, God bless 'em and curb 'em are not built that way. A woman wedded to a cause is divorced from all else. She resents the bare thought that in the press of matters and the clash of worlds, mankind should for one moment turn aside from her pet cause to concern itself with newer issues and wider motives. From a devotee she soon is transformed into a habitee. From being an earnest advocate she advances or retrogrades to the status of a plain bore. To be a common nuisance is bad enough ; to be a common scold is worse, and presently she turns scold and goes about railing shrilly at a world that criminally persists in thinking of other topics than the one which lies closest to her heart and loosest on her tongue.

Than a woman who is a scold there is but one more exasperating shape of a woman and that is the woman who, not content with being the most contradictory, the most paradoxical, the most adorable of the Almighty's creations to wit, a womanly woman tries, among men, to be a good fellow, so-called.

But that which is ordinarily a fault may, on occasion of extraordinary stress, become the most


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 transcendent and the most admirable of virtues. I think of this last war and of the share our women and the women of other lands have played in it. No one caviled nor complained at the one-ideaness of womankind while the world was in a welter of woe and slaughter. Of all that they had, worth having, our women gave and gave and gave and gave. They gave their sons and their brothers, their husbands and their fathers, to their country ; they gave of their time and of their energies and of their talent; they gave of their wonderful mercy and their wonderful patience, and their yet more wonderful courage; they gave of the work of their hands and the salt of their souls and the very blood of their hearts. For every suspected woman slacker there were ten known men slackers T yea, ten times ten and ten to carry.

Each day, during that war, the story of Mary Magdalene redeemed was somewhere lived over again. Every great crisis in the war-torn lands produced its Joan of Arc, its Florence Nightingale, its Clara Barton. To the women fell the tasks which for the most part brought no public recognition, no published acknowledgments of gratitude. For them, instead of the palms of victory and the sheaves of glory, there were the crosses of sacrifice, the thorny diadems of suffer-


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 ing. We cannot conceive of men, thus circumstanced, going so far and doing so much. But the women—

Oh, well, you know how women are!