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72 ever, afforded me no means of ascertaining the dimensions of my dungeon; as I might make its circuit, and return to the point whence I set out, without being aware of the fact; so perfectly uniform seemed the wall. I therefore sought the knife which had been in my pocket, when led into the inquisitorial chamber; but it was gone; my clothes had been exchanged for a wrapper of coarse serge. I had thought of forcing the blade in some minute crevice of the masonry, so as to identify my point of, departure. The difficulty, nevertheless, was but trivial; although, in the disorder of my fancy, it seemed at first insuperable. I tore a part of the hem from the robe and placed the fragment at full length, and at right angles to the wall. In groping my way around the prison I could not fail to encounter this rag upon completing the circuit. So, at least I thought: but I had not counted upon the extent of the dungeon, or upon my own weakness. The ground was moist and slippery. I staggered onward for some time, when I stumbled and fell. My excessive fatigue induced me to remain prostrate; and sleep soon overtook me as I lay.

Upon awakening, and stretching forth an arm, I found beside me a loaf and pitcher with water. I was too much exhausted to reflect upon this circumstance, but ate and drank with avidity. Shortly afterward, I resumed my tour around the prison, and with much toil, came at last upon the fragment of the serge. Up to the period when I fell I had counted fifty-two paces, and upon resuming my walk, I counted forty-eight more—when I arrived at the rag. There were in all, then, a hundred paces; and, admitting two paces to the yard, I presumed the dungeon to be fifty yards in circuit. I had met, however, with many angles in the wall, and thus I could form no guess at the shape of the vault; for vault I could not help supposing it to be.

I had little object—certainly no hope—in these researches; but a vague curiosity prompted me to continue them. Quitting the wall, I resolved to cross the area of the enclosure. At first I proceeded with extreme caution, for the floor, although seemingly of solid material, was treacherous with slime. At length, however, I took courage, and did not hesitate to step firmly; endeavoring to cross in as direct a line as possible. I had advanced some ten or twelve paces in this manner, when the remnant of the torn hem of my robe became entangled between my legs. I stepped on it, and fell violently on my face.

In the confusion attending my fall, I did not immediately apprehend a somewhat startling circumstance, which yet, in a few seconds afterwards, and while I still lay prostrate, arrested my attention. It was this—my chin rested upon the floor of the prison, but my lips and the upper portion of my head, although seemingly at a less elevation than the chin, touched nothing. At the same time my forehead seemed bathed in a clammy vapor, and the peculiar smell of decayed fungus arose to my nostrils. I put forward my arm, and shuddered to find that I had fallen at the very brink of a circular pit, whose extent, of course, I had no means of ascertaining at the moment. Groping about the masonry juat below the margin, I succeeded in dislodging a small fragment, and let it fall into the abyss. For many seconds I hearkened to its reverberations as it dashed against the sides of the chasm in its descent; at length there was a sullen plunge into water, succeeded by loud echoes. At the same moment there came a sound resembling the quick opening, and as rapid closing of a door overhead, while a faint gleam of light flashed suddenly through the gloom, and as suddenly faded away.

I saw clearly the doom which had been prepared for me, and congratulated myself upon the timely accident by which I had escaped. Another step before my fall, and the world had seen me no more. And the death just avoided, was of that very character which I had regarded as fabulous and frivolous in the tales respecting the Inquisition. To the victims of its tyranny, there was the choice of death with it direst physical agonies, or death with its most hideous moral horrors. I hed been reserved for the latter. By long suffering my nerves had been unstrung, until I trembled at the sound of my own voice, and had become in every respect a fitting subject for the species of torture which awaited me.

Shaking in every limb, I groped my way back to the wall; resolving there to perish rather than risk the terrors of the wells, of which my imagination now pictured many in various positions about the dungeon. In other conditions of mind I might have had courage to end my misery at once by a plunge into one of these abyases; but now I was the veriest of cowards. Neither could I forget what I had read of these pits—that the sudden extinction of life formed no part of their most horrible plan.

Agitation of spirit kept me awake for many long hours; but at length again slumbered. Upon arousing, I found by my side, as before, a loaf and pitcher of water. A burning thirst consumed me, and I emptied the vessel at a draught. It must have been drugged; for scarcely had I drunk, before I became irresistibly drowsy. A deep sleep fell upon me—a sleep like that of death. How long it lasted of course, I know not; but when, once again, I unclosed my eyes, the objects around me were visible. By a wild sulphurous lustre, the origin of which I could not at first determine, I was enabled to see the extent and aspect of the prison.

In its size I had been greatly mistaken. The whole circuit of its walls did not exceed twenty-five yards. For some minutes this fact occasioned me a world of vain trouble; vain indeed! for what could be of less importance, under the terrible circumstances which environed me, than the mere dimensions of my dungeon? But my soul took a wild interest in trifles, and I busied myself in endeavors to account for the error I had committed in my mieasurement. The truth at length flashed upon me, In my first attempt at exploration I had counted fifty-two paces, up to the period when I fell; I must then have been within a pace or two of the fragments of serge; in fact, I had nearly performed the circuit of the vault. I then slept, and upon awaking, I must have returned upon my steps—thus supposing the circuit nearly double what it actually was. My confusion of mind prevented me from observing that I began my tour with the wall to the left, and ended it with the wall to the right.

I had been deceived, too, in respect to the shape of the enclosure. In feeling my way I had found many angles, and thus deduced an idea of great irregularity; so potent is the effect of total darkness upon one arousing from lethargy or sleep! The angles were simply those of a few slight depressions, or niches, at odd intervals, The general shape of the prison was square. What I had taken for masonry seemed now to be iron, or some other metal, in huge plates, whose sutures or joints occasioned the depression. The entire surface of this metallic enclosure was rudely daubed in all the hideous and repulsive devices to which the charnel superstitions of the monke has given rise. The figures of fiends in aspects of menace, with skeleton forms, and other more really fearful images, overspread and disfigured the walls. I observed that the outlines of these monstrosities were sufficiently distinct, but that the colors seemed faded and blurred, as if from the effects of a damp atmosphere. I now noticed the floor, too, which was of stone. In the centre yawned the circular pit from whose jaws I had escaped; but it was the only one in the dungeon.

All this I saw indistinctly and by much effort: for my personal condition had been greatly changed during slumber. I now lay upon my back, and at full length, on a species of low framework of wood. To this I was!securely bound by a long strap resembling a surcingle. It passed in many convolutions about my limbs and body, leaving at liberty only my head, and my left arm to such extent that I could, by dint of much exertion, supply myself with food from an earthen dish which lay by my side on the floor. I saw, to my horror, that the pitcher had been removed. I say to my horror; for I was consumed with intolerable thirst. This thirst it appeared to be the design of my persecutors to stimulate: for the food in the dish was meat pungently seasoned.

Looking upward I surveyed the ceiling of my prison. It was some thirty or forty feet overhead, and constructed much as the side walls. In one of its panels a very singular figure riveted my whole attention. It was the painted figure of Time as he is commonly represented, save that, in lieu of a scythe, he held what, at a casual glance, I supposed to be the pictured image of a huge pendulum such as we see on antique clocks. There was something, however, in the appearance of thia machine which caused me to regard it more attentively. While I gazed directly upward at it (for its position was immediately over my own) I fancied that I saw it in motion. In an instant afterward the fancy was confirmed. Its sweep was, brief, and of course slow. I watclied it for some minutes, somewhat in fear, but more in wonder. Wearied at length with observing its dull movement, I turned my eyes upon the other objects in the cell.

A slight noise attracted my notice, and, looking to the floor, I saw several enormous rats traversing it. They had issued from the well which lay just within view to my right. Even then, while I gazed, they came up in troops, hurriedly, with ravenous eyes, allured by the scent of the meat, From this it required much effort and attention to scare them away.

It might have been half an hour, perhaps even an hour, (for I could take but imperfect note of time) before I again cast my eyes upward. What I then saw confounded and amazed me. The sweep of the pendulum had increased in extent by nearly a yard. As a natural consequence, its velocity was also much greater. But what mainly disturbed me was the idea that it had perceptibly descended. I now observed—with what horror it is needless to say—that its nether extremity was formed of a crescent of glittering steel, about a foot in length from horn to horn; the horns upward, and the under edge evidently as keen as that of a razor. Like a razor also, it seemed tansy and heavy, tapering from the edge into a solid and broad structure above. It was appended to a weighty rod of brass, and the whole hissed as it swung through the air.

I could no longer doubt the doom prepared for me by monkish ingenuity in torture. My cognizance of the pit had become known to the inquisitorial agents—the pit whose horrors had been destined for so bold a recusant as myself—the pit, typical of hell, and regarded by rumor as the Ultima Thule of all their punishments.


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Author:Thabo Mbeki

Works

 * I Am an African (speech on behalf of the African National Congress, on the occasion of the adoption by the constitutional assembly of the "Draft Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996." Read in Cape Town on 8 May 1996.)

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Author:Thabo Mbeki


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first hospital in India appears to have been that at Goa, mentioned in Fryer's Travels. The first hospital at Madras was opened about 1664; the establishment of a hospital at Bombay was under discussion in 1670, but apparently it was not actually opened till 1676 ; the earliest hospital in Calcutta dates from 1707-08.

It will be most convenient to consider Indian hospitals geographically, taking each Presidency separately, in turn; the hospitals in each Presidency town being dealt with more or less in chronological order.

The first suggestion of a hospital in Bombay seems to have been made in 1670. In the Swat Diaries, Vol. Ill, 1669-75, is given a Commission of instructions, dated Bombay, 5th March, 1669/70, showing that it had been determined to build a hospital in the town.

"Commission of instructions, Bombay, 5th March, 1669/70. The necessary tender wee have for the health of our people hath putt us on a resolution to build a small hospitall for entertainment of the sick and weake ye rather because experience hath prooved the naturall Disease of the Countrey to be infectious and therefore dangerous to the Garrison, where-fore wee have pitched on a convenient place for the hospitall and desire you to order it to be erected in a frugall way as may consist wth prudence, but though the Comply are at ye charge of building the hospitall, yet those yt receive the benefitt thereof must beare their owne expences otherwise not to be admitted."

Apparently the project of opening a hospital hung fire for several years. The Minutes of the Bombay Council, dated 23rd Nov., 1675, contained in Bombay Diaries, Vol. II, 1674-81, direct that two models, apparently rather what would now be


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Rh III. The delivering of the letters, and how the messengers disposed of themselves.

1. When they were dismissed, had had their audience of leave of the apostles (it is probable that they were dismissed with prayer, and a solemn blessing in the name of the Lord, and with instructions and encouragements in their work) they then came to Antioch; they stayed no longer at Jerusalem than till their business was done, and then came back, and perhaps were met at their return by them that brought them on their way at their setting out; for those that have taken pains in public service, ought to be countenanced and encouraged.

2. As soon as they came to Antioch, they gathered the multitude together, and delivered the epistle to them, (v. 30, 31.) that they might all know what it was that was forbidden them, and might observe these orders, which would be no difficulty for them to do, most of them having been, before their conversion to Christ, proselytes of the gate, who had laid themselves under these restrictions already; but this was not all; it was that they might know that no more than this was forbidden them; that it was no longer a sin to eat swine's flesh, no longer a pollution to touch a grave or a dead body.

3. The people were wonderfully pleased with the orders that came from Jerusalem; (v. 31.) They rejoiced for the consolation; and a great consolation it was to the multitude, (1.) That they were confirmed in their freedom from the yoke of the ceremonial law, and were not burthened with that, as those upstart teachers would have had them to be. It was a comfort to them to hear that the carnal ordinances were no longer imposed on them, which perplexed the conscience, but could not purify or pacify it. (2.) That those who troubled their minds with an attempt to force circumcision upon them, were hereby for the present silenced and put to confusion, the fraud of their pretensions to an apostolical warrant being now discovered. (3.) That the Gentiles were hereby encouraged to receive the gospel, and those that had received it to adhere to it. (4.) That the peace of the church was hereby restored, and that removed, which threatened a division. All this was consolation which they rejoiced in, and blessed God for.

4. They got the strange ministers that came from Jerusalem to give them each a sermon, and more, v. 32. Judas and Silas, being prophets also themselves, endued with the Holy Ghost, and called to the work, and being likewise intrusted by the apostles to deliver some things relating to this matter by word of mouth, exhorted the brethren with many words, and confirmed them. Even they that had the constant preaching of Paul and Barnabas, yet were glad of the help of Judas and Silas; the diversity of the gifts of ministers is of use to the church. Observe what is the work of ministers with those that are in Christ; (1.) To confirm them, by bringing them to see more reason both for their faith in Christ, and their obedience to him; to confirm their choice of Christ, and their resolutions for Christ. (2.) To exhort them to perseverance, and to the particular duties required of them: to quicken them to that which is good, and direct them in it. They comforted the brethren (so it may be rendered ;) and that would contribute to the confirming of them; for the joy of the Lord will be our strength. They exhorted them with many words, they used a very great copiousness and variety of expression; one word would affect one, and another another: and therefore, though what they had to say might have been summed up in a few words, yet it was for the edification of the church that they used many words, —with much speech, much reasoning; precept must be upon precept.

5. The dismission of the Jerusalem ministers, v. 33. When they had spent some time among them (so it might be read,) —having made some stay, and having made it to good purpose, not having trifled away time, but having filled it up, they were let go in peace from the brethren at Antioch, to the apostles at Jerusalem, with all possible expressions of kindness and respect; they thanked them for their coming and pains, and the good service they had done, wished them their health and a good journey home; and committed them to the custody of the peace of God.

6. The continuance of Silas, notwithstanding, together with Paul and Barnabas, at Antioch. (1.) Silas, when it came to the setting to, would not go back with Judas to Jerusalem, but let him go home himself, and chose rather to abide still at Antioch, v. 34. And we have no reason at all to blame him for it, though we know not the reason that moved him to it. I am apt to think the congregations at Antioch were both more large and more lively than those at Jerusalem, and that tempted him to stay there, and he did well: so did Judas; who, notwithstanding this, returned to his post of service at Jerusalem. (2.) Paul and Barnabas, though their work lay chiefly among the Gentiles, yet continued for some time in Antioch, being pleased with the society of the ministers and people there, which, it should seem by divers passages, was more than ordinarily inviting. They continued there, not to take their pleasure, but teaching and preaching the word of God. Antioch being the chief city of Syria, it is likely that there was a great resort of Gentiles thither from all parts upon one account or other, as there was of Jews to Jerusalem; so that in preaching there, they did in effect preach to many nations; for they preached to those who would carry the report of what they preached to many nations, and thereby prepare them for the apostles' coming in person to preach to them. And thus they were not only not idle at Antioch, but were serving their main intention. (3.) There were many others also there, labouring at the same oar. The multitude of workmen in Christ's vineyard does not give us a writ of ease. Even there where there are many others labouring in the word and doctrine, yet there may be opportunity for us; the zeal and usefulness of others should excite us, not lay us asleep.

36. And some days after, Paul said unto Barnabas, Let us go again and visit our brethren in every city where we have preached the word of the Lord, and see how they do. 37. And Barnabas determined to take with them John, whose surname was Mark, 38. But Paul thought not good to take him with them, who departed from them from Pamphylia, and went not with them to the work. 39. And the contention was so sharp between them, that they departed asunder one from the other: and so Barnabas took Mark, and sailed unto Cyprus; 40. And Paul chose Silas, and departed, being recommended by the brethren unto the grace of God. 41. And he went through Syria and Cilicia, confirming the churches.

We have seen one unhappy difference among the brethren, that was of a public nature, brought to a good issue; but here we have a private quarrel between two ministers, no less men than Paul and Barnabas, not compromised indeed, yet ending well.

I. Here is a good motion Paul made to Barnabas


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PREFACE

XI records in Calcutta, as given in the Calcutia Press Lists. I have examined many of the original documents at Calcutta, which I have quoted, but have not seen any of those at Madras. References to MS. records, in which the initials M.P.L. and C.P.L. are not used, are to those in the India Office.

The volumes of Madras records, entitled Military and Secret Proceedings, Select Committee Proceedings, and Military and Political Proceedings, at the India Office, appear to be identical with those entitled Military Consultations set Madras. In quoting these records I have throughout, for the sake of brevity, referred to them as Mily. Cons.

The abbreviation O.C. is used in the India Office records for Original Correspondence, in Calcutta for Original Consultations, a difference which is apt to be a source of confusion.

The records of the discussions in Council at the three Presidencies are sometimes called Proceedings, sometimes Consultations. For the names of the Councils, Bengal, Fort William, and Calcutta, are used indiscriminately, as are also Madras and Fort St. George. Thus, Bengal Consultations and Calcutta Public Proceedings are one and the same thing. PersonaUy, I have usually used the word Cons.

The Calendar.-Vp to the year 1751 the official year began on the 25th March, and all days from ist January to 24th March were considered as belonging to the previous year. Thus, the date which would now be given as 12th February, 1731, was then 12th February, 1730. From ist January, 1752, the year was considered to begm on that day ; and in September, 1752, eleven days were omitted, assimUating English dates to those used on the Continent. The " old style " is still in use in Russia. Many writers now modernise the dates, giving them according to modem usage, not as when they were actuaUy written. Others give both years .... 12th February, 1730/31. i have followed this plan which seems the most accurate. In the original records, the dates both years.

The Coinage-The three Presidencies originally used, and made up their accounts in, three different coinages, and it was not


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xii

PREFACE till well on in the nineteenth century that the rupee became the universal standard of reckoning and of payment.

In Bombay, in the seventeenth and early in the eighteenth century, payments were made in Xeraphins or serafins. The word is a corruption of ashrafi, the name of a Persian gold coin, worth about iis. 6d. The Xeraphin, however, was worth only IS. 6d. to is. M. Surat Cons, of 28th Dec, 1702, (quoted in Chapter VI, Vol. I, p. 73), speak of Xeraphins at 2od. each. The rupee gradually superseded the Xeraphin in Bombay about 1710. An entry in the Bombay Cons, of i6th June, 1711, gives the salaries of the medical officers in rupees. A later entry, in the same Cons, of 6th October, 1712, gives one salary in Xeraphins and another in rupees. The word Xeraphins is often written as Xs.

In Madras, up to 1818, the pagoda was the standard coin, whence the phrase " to shake the pagoda tree." In 1818 the rupee was made the standard coin. The pagoda was then worth three and a half rupees, or, with the rupee at 2s. 6d., a little under nine shillings. The pagoda contained forty-two fanams, each fanam was worth eight kas or cash. An entry in the Fort St. David Cons, of 17th Jan., 1697/98, states that the Company's servants are paid at nine shillings to the pagoda. The entries of payments of medical officers' salaries from 1730 to 1750 show them as paid at the same rate, half a year's pay being given as ;^i8 or forty pagodas. The Madras Pay Lists of 1759 and 1770, quoted in Chapter XVIII, Pay, note the pagoda as equalling eight shillings.

In Bengal and in Northern India the rupee was the standard com before the first British settlement. H. H. Wilson states that the rupee was introduced by Sher Shah in 1542. But a coin of substantially the same value was in circulation at least 300 years earlier. Payment in rupees is mentioned in Balasore Cons. of 1676 (quoted in Chapter VIII, Vol. I, p. 102), and in Hugh Cons. of November, 1676. The use of the Murshidabad mint for their own coinage was one of the privileges asked for by and granted to Surman's Embassy to Delhi in iyiS-17 (see Chapter IX,

The earliest British rupee was struck at Bombay m 1677. Many different rupees used to be current, all varying somewhat


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PREFACE

xiii in weight and in value ; the Surat, Bombay, Farakhabad, Benares, Arcot, Sonat, and sikka rupees ; and besides all these the chalani or current rupee, in which the Company's accounts were kept. The sikka rupee was the highest in value, ii6 chalani rupees equalling lOO sikkas. Hence the well-known but unfounded story that, when Francis was condemned to pay 50,000 rupees damages to Grand, Mr. Justice Hyde interrupted the Chief Justice with the remark, " Sikkas, Brother Impey, sikkas." The modem rupee is the exact equivalent in weight and purity of the Farak- habad rupee;

The gold mohur was worth sixteen rupees. The term is still used in common parlance as equivalent to sixteen rupees, in speaking of a bet, a fee, etc., as the term guinea is used in England ; though an actual gold mohur is now worth more than double that amount. The first British coins, bearing the British Sovereign's head, from a rupee downwards, were issued in the reign of William IV. No gold mohur bearing the British Sovereign's head has ever been put into circulation, though such a coin, with the Queen's head, was minted as an essay in 1881.

The value of the rupee has varied greatly from time to time. An entry in the Court Minutes of the E.I. Co., on 28th April, 1640 {Calendar of Court Minutes, 1640-43, p. 36), speaks of the rupee as worth 5s. or 65. M., and fixes on the higher rate. This greatly enhanced value, however, appears to include the allowance of a large profit on money invested.

The Calcutta Pub. Cons, of 31st Dec, 1722, mention bills given to Surman at 2s. (^d. the rupee. For about a century the value of the rupee stood at about half a crown, and for another half century at about two shillings. A Bengal G.O. of 21st Nov., 1845, values the rupee at 2s. old. But a list of subscribers to the Company's bonded debt, entered in the Bombay Cons, of 14th Sept., 1786, gives the amounts held by each subscriber both in rupees and in sterling, and shows the rupee at rather less than two shillings.

In the 'seventies of last century, after the demonetisation of silver by Germany, the value of the rupee rapidly fell. In 1881 It was worth is. U. It gradually sank, until in 1890 it was


text:
Author:Henry Carey (1634-1663)

Works

 * The Marriage Night (1664)

title: Author:Henry Carey (1634-1663)


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Rh


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2 HISTORY OF THE INDIAN MEDICAL SERVICE The first medical officers in the employment of the E.I. Co. were Surgeons on board ship. The names of the Surgeons who served in this voyage have been preserved — John Banester in the Leicester, Lewis Attmer in the Edward, and Robert Myssenden in the Francis. Banester made a report on the health of the crew during the voyage to the Earl of Leicester, one of those who had shared in the expenses of the adventure. Altogether the Leicester lost 45 men, including three died of wounds and four drowned, out of about 125.

Three vessels sailed for the East Indies in 1591, under a charter from Queen Elizabeth, commanded by George Raymond, in the Penelope. This vessel parted company from the other two in a storm, and was never heard of again. The two remaining ships, under James Lancaster in the Edward, completed the voyage, visiting Nicobar and Ceylon. In 1596 Benjamin Wood sailed for China and the East, with three ships, fitted out chiefly at the expense of Robert Dudley, bearing a letter from Queen Elizabeth to the Emperor of Cathay. This expedition never returned.

The Company's first fleet sailed for the East in December, 1600. It consisted of four ships, the Malice Scourge, purchased from the Earl of Cumberland, and rechristened the Red Dragon, under Captain James Lancaster, who was in command of the whole expedition; the Hector, Captain Middleton, second in command; the Ascension, Captain William Brund; and the Susan, Captain John Howard. To each ship were appointed " Surgeons twoe and a Barber." With them also went a small victualler, the Guift, which was broken up and abandoned when the stores on board her had been consumed.

On 11th Dec, 1600, orders were given by the Court to Alderman Hollyday to pay to Ralph Salter, Surgeon of the Red Dragon—

"the somme of thertie and two pounds sterlinge being allowed unto him by composition for the furnishing of his chest with aU kinde of necessaries and remedies belonging to a chirurgion, to be used in this viage; upon paiment of which money he is to take his acquittannce."

And on the 15th Dec. Alderman Baninge was directed to make similar payments to the Surgeons of the other three ships.*

25/. sterUng to James Lovering, Surgeon of the Hector.

20I. sterling to Christopher Newchtirch, Surgeon of the Ascension.

 * Sainsbury, Cahndar. VoL I, p. 114, No. 279, of nth and 15th Dec.. 1600.


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THE FIRST BEGINNINGS 3 2ol. sterling to John Gammond, Surgeon of the Susan.

The names of a few other Surgeons on board the Company's early ships have been preserved, chiefly by notices recording their deaths.*

In Oct., 1607, Mr. Comber was entertained as Surgeon for the fourth voyage, and in Nov. George Sheather as Surgeon's Mate. The latter was found incompetent and discharged before starting. This shows that, from the first, the Company at least tried to provide competent medical officers. In Jan., 1607/08, f Lawrence Pegion was hired as Surgeon for the Ascension, at 33s. 4d. per month, and £iy to furnish his chest to sea, and Thomas Yonger as Surgeon's Mate at 20s. per month. On 22nd June, 1608, Anthony Marlowe, on board the Hector at Delisha, on the coast of Sokotra, writes to the Company : —

" The 19th present at mght, being never sick, died M'^' Blastock, our Master Surgeon, to our much discomfort."

In a list of casualties, the Surgeon's full name is given as Thomas Blastock. A letter to the Company from Edward Cocks at Bantam, dated 12th Jan., 1612/13, in a Ust of casualties in the fleet, gives the name of Edward Reeve, chirurgeon, died 24th March, 1611/12. On I2th July, 1613, Captain T. Best, at Achin, writes to Surat that Ralph Standish, Surgeon of the Osiander, is dead. Henry Pattison, writing to Bantam from the factory at Tecoo or Tiku, on the south-west coast of Sumatra, on 28th July, 1617, reports the death of Mr. Byll or Bell, master chirurgeon of the Unicorn.

Other names which occur in the records during the first twenty years are Thomas Wotton, Surgeon of the James, in 1614; Dr. Paiton in the Clove, in 1614; Samuel Bond in the Attendant, in 1614 ; George Power on the James, in July, 1617 ; Lawrence Welldo, in the Glohe, reports her arrival in Plymouth Sound on

 * Various entries in Sainsbury's Calendar, and in Letters received by the East W Foster'"^^**'^ " s«»'i'a«i!s in the East, edited by F. C. Danvers and

^ ^^^^ ^752 the year began on 25th March, and all days from ist fan

to 24th March were counted as belonging to the previous year. In Sept 17^2 eleven days were omitted, thus assimilating English dates to those used on the continent and from ist Jan., 1752. the year was considered to begin on that day


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4 HISTORY OF THE INDIAN MEDICAL SERVICE 23rd Aug.. 1617; John Neve, in the Globe, in Oct., 1617; William Wiley, in the Peppercorn, in Oct., 1617 ; Ralph Harries, in the Anne, in Oct., 1619, in the Hart, in Feb., 1620, and subsequently in the Mary, in 1627 ; and — EUis, in the Unity, in March, 1620.

It may be as well to give a few dates about the settlement of other European nations in India.

The Portuguese were the first European nation to visit and settle in India. On 8th Jan., 1454, Pope Nicholas V. granted to King Alfonso V. of Portugal an exclusive right to all countries which might be discovered in Africa and eastwards, including India. Bartholomeo Diaz doubled the Cape for the first time early in 1487. The first explorer to reach India was Vasco da Gama, who arrived at Calicut on 26th Aug., 1498. Pedro Alvarez Cabral discovered Brazil on 21st April, 1500, hadng been driven far out of his course to the west, when on the way to India, via the Cape. Much about the same time the Spaniards began to push their discoveries westwards. Columbus sailed on his voyage of discovery on 3rd Aug., 1492, and discovered Hispaniola, now Haiti, before the end of the year. On 4th May, 1493, Pope Alex- ander VI. issued a bull granting to Spain all countries discovered more than a hundred leagues west of the Cape Verde islands ; in 1494 the hne between the Spanish and Portuguese claims was changed to one drawn 370 leagues west of those islands. The Spaniards exploring westwards, and the Portuguese going east, came into collision before long, the actual meeting taking place in the Moluccas, in 1527. Each claimed that their own side was witliin its rights, and certainly there was a good deal to be said in favour of each side. Goa was captured by the Portuguese in 1510.

The first Portuguese explorer to visit Bengal was Joao da Silveira, in 1518. The first Portuguese fort at Hugh is said to have been built about 1537 or 1538, but it was not till about 1575 that they made a regular settlement there. Their fort at Hugli was captm-ed in 1632, in the reign of Shah Jahan, and the survivors taken as prisoners to Agra. They were aUowed to return, but from that time on had no pretension to independence in Bengal. When the other European nations began to trade with India, the only Portuguese possessions with which they came into contact, and conflict, were those on the west coast, where to this day Portugal still holds Goa. and a few minor setticments.


text: The Zoologist/3rd series, vol 1 (1877)/Issue 9/Proceedings of Scientific Societies


text: The Zoologist/3rd series, vol 1 (1877)/Issue 5/On the Migration of Birds


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80 Company was established by King Christian IV. in March, 1616, their first ship, the Ooresund, was despatched in Aug., 1618, and in 1620 they occupied Tranquebar, ceded to them by the Naik, or local ruler of the surrounding country.

The first Surgeon on the coast whose name has been recorded is John Clarke, appointed to the Fort of Armagon in Court Minutes of 12th Nov., 1630. A letter quoted by Sainsbury, dated 27th Sept., 1632, from Thomas Woodson at Masulipatam to Thomas Colley at Pettapolli, shows that there was then a Surgeon at Masulipatam also, but his name is not mentioned.

Among the staff transferred from Armagon to Madras in 1640, a Surgeon was probably included, but his name is not mentioned. The first Surgeon at Madras whose name has survived was Edward Whiting or Whiteinge, who appears to have arrived there in 1649, on transfer from Bantam. He had previously served at Jambi in 1645. A letter from Fort St. George to the Company, dated 15th Jan., 1650/51, quoted in Love's Vestiges of Old Madras (Vol. I, p. 99), says:—

"It shall bee our care providently to dispose of both medicines and instruments in the Chirurgery Chest, rendering our humble thanks both for it and the Surgeon, Edward Whiteinge, at whose arriveall Nathaniel Lumley lay very sick, and the 7th October last departed this life, without making any will in this place."

Charges brought by Henry Greenhill against James Martin, Captain of the garrison of Fort St. George, dated 27th March, 1654, accuse Martin of having challenged Whiting to a duel, which apparently was prevented. A letter from Fort St. George, dated 28th Jan., 1656/57, reports that permission to return to England had been granted to Whiting. He was again at Madras in 1663, when a letter dated 26 Feb., 1662/63, states that he had been ordered from Fort St. George to Bengal as Surgeon to the factories in the Bay.

Whiting's successor as Surgeon at Madras was Robert Cooper, who is shown as Surgeon in a list of the staff at Fort St. George, dated 18th Jan., 1657/58. Cooper had previously been a Factor in Pegu, and was recalled to Madras when the Pegu factory was abandoned in Feb., 1655/56.

Maiden's List of Burials at Madras notes the burial of Robert Cooper, Surgeon, on 21st July, 1690. But it seems very doubtful


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12 sociologist. It will suffice to mention the unrivalled material which they present for the study of variation and geographical distribution, both from the taxonomic and experimental standpoints, the extraordinary phenomena of polymorphism, parthenogenesis and sex-determination; the wonderful cases of parasitism and symbiosis, and last, but not least, the great importance of these insects in the problems of instinct and intelligence. The researches of Janet and others have shown what a wonderful field of anatomical study they present, and the embryonic and post-embryonic development have scarcely been studied. Add to all this the great facility with which they may be obtained in all localities and, owing to their remarkable adaptability, the ease with which they can be kept for long periods in artificial nests, and it becomes a matter of surprise that they have attracted so few students. To what extent this neglect on the part of entomologists and other biologists may be due to the absence in ants of a powerful appeal to the æsthetic sense, so readily aroused by birds, beetles and butterflies, would be an interesting matter for discussion. If this is, indeed, responsible for the very general neglect of the ants, their lack of æsthetic qualities may perhaps be regarded as a further advantage, since it must tend to discourage those who approach the subject merely as collectors of pretty things, while it does not necessarily repel the more serious and philosophical student.

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230 HISTORY OF THE INDIAN MEDICAL SERVICE from his juniors; nor would the Medical Board have been so divided in opinion in the matter.

The oldest list of the Bengal Medical Service which appears to be in existence is one dated 30th May, 1774, preserved in the Calcutta Record Office, in manuscript. In this hst Andrew Cranston's name stands fifth among the Assistant Surgeons, with the remark opposite to it " is an of6cer Hkewise." Had it been customary, or even common, for medical officers to hold the double rank, it is not likely that such a remark would have been entered opposite the name of one Assistant Surgeon, and of one only. Incidentally, this remark also seems to show that an Assistant Surgeon was not then considered an officer.

In this list Balfour's name is omitted, which seems to show that, at that time, he was considered permanently to have left the Medical Department.

No trace can be found of the G.O. issued in 1783, directing that officers doing the double duties should rehnquish one or the other, which is mentioned in Staunton's letter. No such order can be found in the Mily. Cons, and G.O.'s for the years 1782, 1783, and 1784.

On 4th Aug., 1777, a Board of Field Officers was appointed, with instructions " to investigate and determine the rank of Surgeons and Assistant Surgeons " in Bengal. They drew up a list in accordance with their instructions. This hst is included in the Mily. Cons, of 20th Oct., 1777. It comprises sixty-three officers, twenty Surgeons and forty-three Assistant Surgeons. Balfour's name is not included, though his rank as Surgeon is dated from loth Aug., 1777. The name of John Craigie stands twenty-sixth among the Assistant Surgeons. No mention is made of his ever having held a combatant commission. The officer referred to is John Craigie, who entered the service as Assistant Surgeon on 28th April, 1772, became Surgeon on 21st Feb., 1780, and died on board the Houghton, on his way home, on loth Feb.,

1795- ..

Captain Frederick Breton certainly served for some time m

the Medical Dept., as is shown by an entry in the Mily. Cons, of ist Jan., 1779.

"That M"^ Lynd, who was appointed Surgeon to Major Carnac's Detachment, having reported himself unable to proceed with it, from Indisposition, Lieutenant Frederick Britton, at the recommendation of


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THE DOUBLE COMMISSIONS 231 Major Carnac. be Appointed to act as ^-^^S^^^' i^:""^^ """^^ in the room of Lieutenant Britton as Adjutant to the Detachm.

A memorial by Breton about his rank, dated i6th Dec. 1776, contained in the Mily. Cons, of 26th Feb., 1777. two years before the date of the above order, says nothing about his ever havmg served as a medical officer. He was commissioned as Ensign on 22nd Dec, 1772, became Lieut, on 25th March, 1777. and Captain on 23rd March, 1781, and resigned in Dec, 1790.

Andrew Cranston, who, as weU as Balfour, undoubtedly held a combatant commission in addition to his medical warrant, entered as Assistant Surgeon in Oct.. 1769. received a commission as Ensign on 5th Oct., 1769, became Lieut, on 28th March, 1773, and died on 5th Sept., 1776, at Barhampur. In his case, therefore, the question of promotion never arose.

The only other cases in which medical officers can be shown with certainty to have held combatant commissions and medical warrants at one and the same time are those of James Ellis, and of two brothers. Charles and James Laird.

James Ellis went to India in 1758 as Surgeon's Mate of the StreatJiam, and after the loss of that ship was appointed in the same capacity to the Bengal Service from ist Nov.. 1759, was promoted to Surgeon less than two years later, on ist Oct., 1761, and after Crooke's death at Patna became Head Surgeon in Calcutta from 25th Nov., 1763. He became First Surgeon, vice Taylor, resigned, from 12th Feb.. 1771, and went home about April, 1774, but came out again about May, 1783, and succeeded Daniel Campbell as Surgeon-General. On the foundation of the Medical Board in 1786, he became its first President, with the title of Physician-General. He resigned on 24th Dec, 1789, and died on board the Burhidge, on his way home.

Among the Orme MSS. {Orme, Various, Vol. CXCVII, pp. 13 to 18) are preserved two copies of a memorial from Ellis, the first apparently in his own handwriting, recounting his services. The memorial is not dated, but from internal evidence appears to have been written after he went home in 1774. In this memorial he tells how he was sent on active service in Midnapur, received a commission as Ensign, and resigned it by the Company's rules on his promotion to Surgeon.

" This campaign was active and sharp, and the conduct of your memoriaUst was satisfying to the Commander, on whose recommendation


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 CHAPTER II

EUROPEAN SURGEONS IN THE SERVICE OF ORIENTAL

POTENTATES

" To Agra and Labor of great Mogul."

Milton, Paradise Lost, Book XI, line 391.

During the seventeenth century, a number of European medical men found employment as Siu-geons or Physicians at the Courts of various Indian and other Eastern rulers. Among these pioneers of medical science in the East were men from several different nations — Britain, France, Italy, Holland.

One of the first, in point of time, was the Scotsman, George Strachan,* who served as Surgeon to the Arab Emir Feiad in Arabia Deserta, in 1615-1618. Others, however, have left less transient impressions on the sands of time, especially Bernier and Manucci,

Frangois Bernier was born on 25th Sept., 1620, and took the degree of M.D. at MontpeHer on 26th Aug., 1652.! He reached Surat towards the end of 1658 or early in 1659, and in March, 1659, entered the service of Prince Dara Shikoh, eldest son of Shah Jahan, as his Surgeon. Dara had already lost his throw for empire, when defeated at Samugarh, near Agra, on 8th June, 1658, by the troops of his brothers, Murad and Aurangzeb. In March, 1659, he was on his way to Sind, where he was betrayed, taken prisoner to Delhi, and there murdered on 29th Aug., 1659.

Bernier was in Delhi from July, 1663, to Jan., 1664/65, when he went in Aurangzeb's train to Lahore. In Dec, 1665, he travelled to Bengal in company with Tavemier. They parted company at Rajmahal on 6th Jan., 1665/66, Bernier going on to

■ 1 Bernier are taken from the Chronicle prefixed to his Travels
 * See Chap. VI, Early History, Surat, Persia, Bombay, and the West.

in the edition of 1891, Constable's Oriental Miscellany, Vol. I.


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 CHAPTER III SURGEON GENERAL JOHN WOODALL*

" A citizen of credit and renown."

CowPER, John Gilpin.

John Woodall was bom about 1556, the son of Richard Woodall, of Warwick. Of his early hfe Uttle is known. He served as Siu-geon to Lord Willoughby's regiment in 1591, and spent the next seven years abroad, partly in medical study, in Germany, Poland, and France. In 1599 he estabhshed himself in practice in Wood Street, London, and was admitted a member of the London Company of Barber Surgeons, of which he became Warden in 1627, and Master in 1633. On 19th Jan., 1616, he was appointed Surgeon to St. Bartholomew's Hospital, and held that office till his death.

When plague broke out in London in 1603, Woodall, who had gained experience of the disease on the Continent, worked hard during the epidemic. He had a secret remedy of his own, which he caUed aurum vitae. In his works he states that he had himself twice recovered from plague, f

He was appointed " Surgeon General " to the East India Company in 1614.$ The first mention of him in the Company's records is in the Court Minutes of 23rd Sept., 1614, when he was sworn to provide competent surgeons, and to fit up their chests properly. He himself gives the foUowing account of his appoint- ment, but mentions no dates. §

Gazette for Jan., 1909 ; partly aisSrm^ h^^l ' "^"""^Y^^f^ the Indian Medical of State Papers, and fr^nf t^he Hfe b? Dr TrmSVon™ ^^^^f ^^^y.'^ Calendar National Biography. ^ JNorman Moore in the Dictionary of

SuipTat^^^t^^ ^ --ists of_ several prefaces, The

on Plague. The Surgeon's Mate -. JS^l^^li^^f^^^^^ ^ .^^^"^"^

A combined edition was pubUshed in 1639, and another nr ./'"''"'^

H.I.M.S.— VOL. I.


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 Replied the snail:

— Maybe I'd do better than a thick shell like you! And they each laughed inside at the sad picture the other would make of them, because in the animal kingdom, as well as among men, nobody knows each other.

When the waltz was over, Narizinho returned to the throne and watched a polka danced by a crab and a giant red silkworm moth, very fat, with a large gorgon sash around its waist.

Despite the respect due to the prince, the court laughed its ass off, and Narizinho even lost her breath. Because there was nothing more comical than Mr. Crab skipping polka steps in the arms of Mrs. Giant Silkworm Moth, who was sweating profusely. When the music stopped, she was so tired, that the lady couldn't even stand up, and they had to carry her in their arms and hand her over to Doctor Snail. After this comical incident, dragonfly dancers appeared in the room. A blue one, a red one and an emerald green one, all very light and nervous, began to dance, their beautiful transparent wings trembling. Their movements were so lively and fast that it was more like a ballet of brightly colored rays of light.

It was dazzling. And everyone was in awe, suspended in the air in admiration, when a rush was heard in front of the palace.


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 It was the crickets of the guard who came in breathless and pale with terror.

— The black scorpion! they announced, their eyes wide.

— The scorpion!" the guests repeated in terror.

It was like announcing the plague. Nervous ladies fell backwards, fainting; others climbed onto their chairs, screaming with terror. The giant silkworm moth, in a fit of nerves, fell unconscious into Crab's arms. The South American side-neck turtle closed itself inside its shell. The snails shrank into their shells. And there weren't any winged bugs left that didn't fly to the ceiling.

The time had come. The hideous Black Scorpion loomed at the palace door with its sting outstretched. It stopped. He snorted in anger and cast a challenging glance around the room.

— Who is this little human girl who dares to enter the realm of animals?" he said, cracking his fangs.


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 organ is The Appeal to Reason, which circulates more than a quarter of a million copies weekly from Kansas City. It is a Socialism reeking with class feeling and class hatred and altogether anarchistic in spirit; a new and highly indigestible contribution to the American moral and intellectual synthesis. It is remarkable chiefly as the one shrill exception in a world of plastic acceptance.

Now it is impossible to believe that this vast silence of these imported and ingested factors that the American nation has taken to itself is as acquiescent as it seems. No doubt they are largely taking over the traditional forms of American thought and expression quietly and without protest, and wearing them; but they will wear them as man wears a misfit, shaping and adapting it every day more and more to his natural form, here straining a seam and there taking in a looseness. A force of modification must be at work. It must be at work in spite of the fact that, with the exception of social democracy, it does not anywhere show as a protest or a fresh beginning or a challenge to the prevailing forms.

How far it has actually been at work is, perhaps, to be judged best by an observant stroller surveying the crowds of a Sunday evening in New York, or read in the sheets of such a mirror of popular taste as the Sunday edition of the New York American or the New York Herald. In the former just what I mean by the silent modification of the old tradition is quite typically shown. Its leading articles are written by Mr. Arthur Brisbane, the son of one of the Brook Farm Utopians, that gathering in which Hawthorne and


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 Then, seeing Narizinho standing on the back of the throne, pale with astonishment and fumbling with her tailed dress, he grinned fiercely, marked her well and charged at her.

A scream of horror filled the room, and all eyes closed to avoid seeing the catastrophe. The Black Scorpion advanced, his body swinging. He's already a meter away from the girl. One more step and it will reach her with its venomous sting.

Narizinho, distraught, looked at the prince, begging for help. He was her last hope.

Scaly didn't hesitate for a moment: he pulled out his sword and threw himself at the monster. A fearsome duel ensues. The beast launches successive stinging shots, but the prince parries them with his sword and, after many blows, manages to hit his enemy in the head. The Scorpion lets out a cry of pain and charges with redoubled fury.

Everyone trembles for the prince, who is in serious danger because his strength is unequal to that of a monster of that size. But the prince defends himself heroically, throwing blow after blow at the Scorpion's head, even though he was already feeling tired. The fight would have ended tragically if an astonishing event hadn't changed the si-


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 Henry James senior and Margaret Fuller participated, and in which the whole brilliant world of Boston's past, the world of Emerson, Longfellow, Thoreau, was interested. Mr. Brisbane is a very distinguished man, quite over and above the fact that he is paid the greatest salary of any journalist in the world. He writes with a wit and directness that no other living man can rival, and he holds up constantly what is substantially the American ideal of the past century to readers who evidently need strengthening in it. It is, of course, the figure of a man and not of a State; it is a man, clean, clean-shaved and almost obtrusively strong-jawed, honest, muscular, alert, pushful, chivalrous, self-reliant, non-political except when he breaks into shrewd and penetrating voting—"you can fool all the people some of the time," etc.—and independent—independent—in a world which is therefore certain to give way to him.

His doubts, his questionings, his aspirations, are dealt with by Mr. Brisbane with a simple direct fatherliness, with all the beneficent persuasiveness of a revivalist preacher. Millions read these leaders and feel a momentary benefit, en route for the more actual portions of the paper. He asks: "Why are all men gamblers?" He discusses our Longing for Immortal Imperfection, and "Did we once live on the moon?" He recommends the substitution of whisky and soda for neat whisky, drawing an illustration from the comparative effect of the diluted and of the undiluted liquid as an eye-wash ("Try whisky on your friend's eyeball!" is the heading), sleep ("The man who loses sleep will make a failure of his life, or at least diminish


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 tuation. And it was at the height of the battle that a rag-witch unexpectedly appeared from the kitchen, armed with a spit for roasting pork loin.

— Emilia!... shouted Narizinho, who had completely forgotten about her beloved doll since the incident with the frog on the day of her arrival.

Emilia, in her underwear, advanced towards Scorpio and hit him! Strike here! She pierced both his eyes in a flash. The monster roared so loudly that the palace shook, and then rolled over on the floor, foaming with cholera and pain. Hurrah! The battle was won, thanks to the spear of the strange, practically naked creature.

— Who is it? Who is it? the little animals asked from all sides, very curious to know who the exotic heroine was. Narizinho jumped down from the throne and came towards her with open arms.

— Forgive me, good Emilia, for forgetting you! But don't worry, I'll ask the prince to make you a countess of this court - and she embraced her, crying. Then he went to the prince and kissed his hands in thanks for risking his precious life for her love. It was a moving scene. But, despite the seriousness of the moment, the jealous cockroach peeked out to see if the cricket was nearby and said in the beetle's ear:

— You'll see that this ends in marriage...

And sighed. Poor thing! It was jealousy. Despite being old and ugly, this


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XVII]

“Ah, if I only knew him!” the noble wife did say,

“No mercy would I show him, in mind or body aye:

Such evil would I do him, that if his kith and kin

Had not good cause for weeping, ’twould be no fault of mine.”

Then in his arms did Siegmund the murder’d prince enfold;

Whereat his friends their sorrow so little could withhold,

That with their lamentation the palace rang and hall;

And even through Worms city, the sounds of woe did fall.

To none who strove to comfort did Siegfried’s wife give heed.

Meanwhile from out its clothing his body fair they freed;

They washed his wounds with water, and laid him on the bier;

The sorrow of his people right grievous was to hear.

Then up and spake his warriors the men of Niblung-land:

“With right goodwill shall vengeance be taken at our hand;

Within this very fortress is he who did the deed.”

Then ran they all for weapons the liegemen of Siegfried.

These thanes, for valour chosen, each with his shield, were there,

A thousand and one hundred, ready at hand they were

To follow noble Siegmund. The murder of his son

He to avenge was eager,— ’twas needful to be done.

Nor knew they ’gainst what foemen they had to strive withal,

Unless it might be Gunther and his bold liegemen all,

With whom their master Siegfried, did late a-hunting go.

Kriemhilda saw them arming, and grievous was her woe.


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176

However deep her sorrow, and dire as was her need,

Yet did she for the Niblungs fear with such mighty dread

Death, by her brother’s liegemen, that she would have them stay:

She warn’d them in all kindness, as friends each other may.

Thus spake the grief-lorn lady: “My lord Siegmund, what dost

Thou think to take in hand now? Thou hast not weigh’d the cost.

King Gunther hath so many bold warriors at command,

That all of ye will perish if ye his knights withstand.”

With shields already lifted, they needs must to the fray;

The noble queen besought them and even bade them stay,

And seek not for a conflict— these knights of courage high.

Yet would they not forego it; which grieved her verily.

So said she: “Noble Siegmund, ’twere best to let it be

Until a fitter season: then will I readily

Avenge with you mine husband. Who me hath widow made,

To him, when it is proven, shall evil be repaid.

“Hereby upon the Rhine-strand dwells many a haughty knight:

I cannot therefore counsel that you with them should fight.

Full thirty warriors have they against our every one.

God grant that they may prosper as they to us have done!

“Ye must remain beside me, this grief with me to share;

And, when the day is dawning, ye heroes bold prepare

To help me in his coffin my husband dear to lay.”

Then all the thanes made answer: “It shall be as you say.”


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Rh

deploying additional forces to Southeast Asia, and requesting a congressional resolution were held in abeyance pending that meeting. One of the kinds of developments which the ExCom thought would necessitate a flexible approach to its proposed action sequence occurred prior to the Honolulu Meeting.

Its effect was to remove some of the "crisis management" pressure from further policy deliberations. On 27 May, the Polish Government proposed a conference format for Laos that avoided many of the undesirable features of the Geneva proposals which had been supported by communist governments in the past. After two days of deliberations, during which time Secretary Rusk departed for Nehru's funeral in New Delhi, a policy group composed of several ExCom members determined that the United States should attempt initially "to treat [the] Lao question separately from [the] SVN-NVN problem." Reasoning that if [a] satisfactory Lao solution [were] not achieved, [a] basis should have been laid for possible subsequent actions that would permit our dealing more effectively with NVN with respect [to] both SVN and Laos, "the group decided to recommend to the President that he accept the Polish proposal. Integral to the approach would be a "clear expression of U.S. determination...that U.S. [is] not willing [to] write off Laos to [the] communists," and assurances to Souvanna Phouma "that we would be prepared to give him prompt and direct military support if the Polish Conference was [sic] not successful."

With respect to our larger objectives in Southeast Asia, the proposed discussions among representatives of Laos, the I.C.C. and the Geneva co-chairmen would have the advantage of permitting Scuvanna to continue to insist upon his preconditions for any resumed 14-nation conference, and would avoid the issue of Vietnam Rh


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 spinster cockroach had never given up hope of marrying the prince. The old woman couldn't see her own self...

The party ended at that point, even if it was before the hour. The guests went back to their homes, still frightened, while five hundred powerful hives dragged the Scorpion away. He struggled, but ended up in a stone jail, with an iron chain around his neck...

— Play the bully now, thief! said a Cricket from the guard, giving him a brave kick in the snout.

— Halt! shouted the Captain. It's cowardly to hit enemies who can't defend themselves. And he ordered the entrance to the prison to be closed with a heavy stone to prevent the people from lynching the prisoner.

he next day, Narizinho and Emilia got up late and had lunch in bed, served by bee maids, who looked very pretty in their stocking caps. They were still nervous from the big scare the day before. Doctor Snail prescribed Biotonico and recommended walks in the countryside. Narizinho, after taking the medicine, went out with Mrs. Spider


text: Translation:The girl with a turned up nose/Chapter 3


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XVII.]

No tongue could ever tell you the marvel of it, how

From knights as well as ladies arose the cries of woe,

So that throughout the city the noise thereof did sound.

The noble burghers heard it, and quickly throng’d around.

They mournéd with the strangers, for they themselves were sad.

If fault had been with Siegfried, none told them that it had,

Nor why the noble warrior had forfeited his life.

Then wept, too, with the women, each worthy burgher’s wife.

The smiths were bidden quickly a coffin to devise

Of gold y-wrought and silver, strong and of mickle size;

They bade them firmly bind it, with temper’d steel and good.

Then truly all the people were sorrowful of mood.

The night was spent, and daylight ’twas said would soon appear.

The noble lady bade them unto the minster bear

Siegfried their noble master, her husband well-beloved.

One saw his friends all weeping, as they the body moved.

They brought him to the minster, and toll’d was many a bell:

On every side the chanting of priests was heard to swell.

And thither came King Gunther, and all his folk with him,

To take part in the mourning; and likewise Hagen grim.

He said: “My dearest sister, alas, indeed, for thee!

That from thy sorrow’s burden can none of us be free:

We must bewail for ever the loss of Siegfried’s life.”

“That do ye without reason,” answer’d the mourning wife.


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Shouldn't we transcribe the text ? -- Beardo (talk) 12:17, 22 November 2023 (UTC)


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178

“It never need have happen’d if real your sorrow were;

Me must ye have forgotten,— that may I well aver,—

When I was there bereft of my own belovéd one.

I would to God,” said Kriemhild, “it had to me been done!”

They clave unto their lying. Kriemhild began again:

“Whoso of you is guiltless, now let him make it plain;—

Let each before the people walk up unto the bier;

Thereby the truth that’s in him shall presently appear.”

It is a wondrous marvel that oft hath happenéd:

That when one sees the slayer beside the murder’d dead,

The wounds afresh start bleeding; as here, too, came to pass.

Whereby men saw that Hagen the malefactor was.

Again the wounds bled freely, as they had done afore;

They who had mourn’d him sorely bewail’d him now the more.

Then spake aloud King Gunther: “I tell you everyone

’Twas vagabonds that slew him: ’twas not by Hagen done.”

“These vagabonds, too surely are known to me,” she spake,

“By friendly hands, God willing, we’ll vengeance on them take!

Thou Gunther and thou Hagen have surely done this thing.”

By this time Siegfried’s warriors for strife were hankering.

Kriemhilda spake yet further: “Now share with me my need.”

Then came those twain unto her who found him lying dead,—

They were her brother Gernot and Giselher the youth.

As many a man did later, these mourn’d for him in sooth.


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The ants form a natural family (Formicidæ), or, according

title: Page:Ants, Wheeler (1910).djvu/45


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title: Page:Poems, chiefly lyrical.pdf/117


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XVII.]

With all their hearts they mourn’d him, the husband of Kriemhild.

Now masses must be chanted: the minster soon was fill’d

With men, and wives, and children,— from every side they came.

E’en they who little miss’d him mourn’d Siegfried all the same.

Gernot, and Giselher with him, spake: “Sister dear to me,

Now, for this death, take comfort, as verily must be.

We will atone unto you as long as we shall live.”

Yet on the earth was no one who could her comfort give.

His coffin was made ready wellnigh about mid-day;

Then from the bier they raised him, whereon till then he lay.

Fain would the noble lady have kept him from the grave;

Which unto her attendants sore trouble surely gave.

In richly broider’d vestment they wrapp’d the body round,

And then, I ween, that noone unweeping there was found,

With all her heart wept Uté— a noble woman she—

And each of her attendants the goodly corpse to see.

When people heard the chanting within the church begin,

And knew that he was coffin’d, they throng’d to enter in;

For his soul’s weal and profit what offerings were made!

In sooth, among the foemen good friends enough he had!

Kriemhilda, the poor lady, said to her chamberlain:

“The love they bear towards me will be to them a bane,

Seeing they grudge him nothing and hold me also dear;

For Siegfried’s weal ’tis fitting that they his gold should share.


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title: Page:Poems, chiefly lyrical.pdf/118


text: Poems, Chiefly Lyrical/Chorus

title: Poems, Chiefly Lyrical/Chorus


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180

There was no child so little, who any wit might have,

But join’d in the almsgiving, ere he was laid in grave.

More than a hundred masses were sung ere day was done

And Siegfried’s friends and kinsmen came thronging ev’ry one.

When ended was the chanting the people went away.

Then spake the lady Kriemhild: “Ye must not let me stay

Alone to watch beside him, this knight exceeding brave.

My joys are, with his body, all buried in the grave.

“Three days and three nights longer here would I keep him still,

Until of my dear husband my heart has had its fill.

Then what if God should order that death should take me too?

Then would poor Kriemhild’s sorrows no longer trouble you.”

The people from the city now homewards went their way.

The priests and monks Kriemhilda besought with her to stay,

And eke her own attendants, to watch beside the knight.

Forbidding was the darkness and wearisome the light.

From eating and from drinking did many a man abstain.

If any cared to take it, to them it was made plain

That they might have in plenty: Siegmund of that took care.

And yet, full many a labour the Niblung-folk must share:

For three whole days, unceasing,— the story thus we hear—

They who had skill in singing must needs the burden bear

Of chanting many an office. What alms to them folk paid!

They who were poor aforetime now wealth in plenty had.


text: Page:Poems, chiefly lyrical.pdf/119

title: Page:Poems, chiefly lyrical.pdf/119


text: Poems, Chiefly Lyrical/Lost Hope

title: Poems, Chiefly Lyrical/Lost Hope


text:
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XVII.]

Whene’er they found poor people who nothing had to bring,

They sent them to the minster, with gold for offering

From Siegfried’s treasure taken. Since life he could not have,

Of marks for his soul’s welfare they many thousand gave.

The first-fruits were divided in all the land around,

Wherever cloister-houses or goodly folk were found.

Of silver and of raiment the poor got ample store:

Men did the like as showing what love to him they bore.

Upon the third day early, just at the hour of Mass,

The churchyard wide extending,— that by the minster was,—

With country-people’s wailing was fill’d from end to end.

In death they did him service, as to a well-loved friend.

In those four days of mourning, indeed, it hath been said,

That marks full thirty-thousand, or even more, were paid

For sake of his soul’s welfare, and given to the poor.

Laid low was all his beauty, his life was now no more.

When God was servéd duly, and all the chants were sung,

A dreadful cry of sorrow arose from out the throng;

Out of the minster must they now bear him to his grave.

Those who were loth to lose him fresh tears and cries forth gave.

With cries of lamentation the people follow’d then;

The faces all were joyless of women and of men.

Ere in his grave they laid him they sang and read withal;

Ay! and the priests were worthy who gave him burial.


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title: Page:Poems, chiefly lyrical.pdf/120


text: Page:Poems, chiefly lyrical.pdf/121

title: Page:Poems, chiefly lyrical.pdf/121


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182

Or ever Siegfried’s widow had come unto the grave,

Her faithful heart with sorrow such bitter strife did have

That they must needs revive her with water from the spring;

Her bitterness of sorrow was past all measuring.

It was a mickle wonder that strength again she found.

With cries of pity, helping, the women throng’d around.

Then spake the Queen: “O liegemen of Siegfried, hearken ye!

I pray you of your fealty a favour grant to me,—

“That after all my sorrow this small grace I may gain,

And on his goodly features may set my eyes again.”

So long did she beseech them, with all her sorrow’s strength,

That they the splendid coffin must break apart at length.

And then they brought the lady to where her love did lie,

And she his fair head lifted, with white hand tenderly,

And in his death she kiss’d him,— the noble knight and good;

Her shining eyes, for sorrow, were weeping tears of blood.

It was a piteous parting, if ever there was one.

And so away they bore her; she could not go alone,

For in a swoon and senseless that noble wife lay low;

Her life, for weal appointed, was wellnigh lost in woe.

When now their noble master within his grave was laid,

Unmeasured was the sorrow that all his followers had,

Who from the Niblung country had borne him company;

And little joy or gladness in Siegmund was to see.


text: Poems, Chiefly Lyrical/The Deserted House


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XVIII.]

Amongst them there were many who, for their sorrow’s sake,

Till those three days were ended nor meat nor drink did take.

Yet could they not their bodies abandon utterly:

So feasting follow’d sorrow, as evermore will be.

Kriemhilda’s husband’s father had to her presence come.

And to the queen thus spake he: “We now would fain go home,

I trow that we in Rhineland, unwelcome guests must be.

Kriemhilda, dearest lady, come to my land with me.

“Since that your noble husband, by treason underhand,

Hath from us all been taken here in this very land,

You must not overlook it: I will be kind to you

For love of my son Siegfried; doubt not that this is true.

Henceforward also, Lady, to you the power I’ll yield

That the bold warrior Siegfried did teach you how to wield . The land and the crown likewise shall subject be to you;

And all of Siegfried’s vassals will gladly service do.”

Then were the servants bidden that thence they were to ride;—

It was a mighty business the horses to provide!

Amidst their bitter foemen to dwell were sorry cheer.

They bade the dames and maidens to seek their travelling gear.


text:
User talk:Pals3003

— billinghurst  sDrewth  13:02, 22 November 2023 (UTC)

title: User talk:Pals3003


text: The Lay of the Nibelungs/Chapter 17

title: The Lay of the Nibelungs/Chapter 17


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Page:The Necromancer, or, The Tale of the Black Forest Vol. 1.djvu/166

 towards the dreadful phantom, and saw the vision hovering nearer, making some feeble signs with his left hand. I made an attempt to speak, but what I said I do not know.—The phantom uttered not a word, but was still making anxious signs with his left arm. Now I understood what he meaned—the right arm hung in a sling as if fractured.

As soon as I comprehended this pantomime, the phantom staggered back, a dark mist arose from under his feet and surrounded the vision by degrees 'till we at last could see him no more. I panted for breath, my senses forsook me, an horrid humming noise filled my ears, my eyes grew dim, I staggered to the wall and was nearly fainting. At once I felt my senses returning, and, opening my eyes, beheld myself in a spacious empty room, my companions around me, panting for breath like myself—Volkert was no where to be seen.


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 It lasted a good while before we could entirely recover the proper use of our benumbed senses. My comrades were chilled with horror, and every one seemed to ask his neighbour, by his inquisitive looks, whether what our senses had witnessed had been a deluding dream or reality.

The landlord was standing behind me, trembling like my companions, with crossed arms and downcast looks, buried in profound meditation, and exhibiting a woful picture of pallid fright; at length he begged us to follow him down stairs, and we went into the parlour with dejected spirits, he offered us a dish of tea, but we refused staying any longer, gave him two louis d'ors, and left his house.

The next morning I awoke, wearied and dispirited, having had only a few moments of restless sleep. I expected Volkert would come to fetch his stipulated reward, but I was disappointed, and esteemed him higher for his seeming disinterestedness. At noon


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 CHAPTER IV

EARLY HISTORY; THE ISLANDS; AMBOYNA

" Never was isle so little, never was sea so lone, But over the scud and the palm trees an English flag was flown."

Kipling, The English Flag.

To our generation India is a definite entity, the vast country or sub-continent which extends from the Himalayas to the sea. Our forefathers, three centuries ago, knew no such definition. What is now our Indian Empire then contained numerous more or less independent states. One indeed stood pre-eminent, the kingdom of the Great Mogul, the Badshah of Delhi, Agra, and Lahore. But much of southern or peninsular India was never included in the Delhi empire ; on the other hand, the sway of that monarchy extended over Kabul and Kandahar, which are not now considered as part of India. Even in the middle of the nineteenth century, Burma was a foreign country ; not, as it now is, a province of India.

The early ventures of the East India Company were not directed specially to India, but to the East Indies; this term including Burma, the Malay Archipelago, Siam, and even countries as far east as China and Japan. For the first quarter of a century it may be said that the islands of the Malay Archipelago, rather than continental India, were the chief aim and seat of the E.I. Co., as well as of the Dutch. Their factory at Bantam was founded nearly ten years before that at Surat, their first foothold in India itself. Men had then no reason to suppose that England would develop a great empire on the mainland of India.

The Company's first voyage was to the islands, in 1601-03, under Lancaster, where he founded the factories at Achin in Sumatra, and at Bantam in Java, in 1601. Captain Hippon, in the seventh voyage, founded a factory in Siam in 1610-11! Numerous other factories were started in the islands during the


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184

And when King Siegmund also was ready forth to ride,

The kinsmen of Kriemhilda besought her to abide:

Her place was with her mother, and there to stay ought she.

Then spake the noble lady: “Nay, that can hardly be!

“How could I bear for ever him with these eyes to see,

Through whom to me, poor woman, hath come such misery?”

Then Giselher, the youthful, made answer: “Sister dear,

For duty’s sake now shouldst thou bide with thy mother here.

“Of them who have distress’d thee, and brought thee to despair,

Thou dost require no service; my fortune thou shalt share.”

But to the knight she answer’d: “Nay, this can never be;

I needs must die of sorrow if I should Hagen see.”

“I see that doth not happen, my sister dear,” quoth he,

“With Giselher thy brother in safety shouldst thou be;

Amends will I make to thee, for thy dear husband’s death.”

Then spake the poor forlorn one: “True need Kriemhilda hath!”

When this so kindly offer to her the young man made,

Uté and also Gernot fell likewise to persuade,

With all her faithful kinsfolk: they begged her not to go:

For amongst Siegfried’s kindred not many did she know.

“They are all strangers to thee,” Gernot began to say;

“So strong is no man living but he must die one day.

Bethink thee then, dear sister, and comfort thy sad mood;

Stay with thy friends and kinsmen: it will be for thy good.”


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 my friend who had been challenged paid me a visit.

"Brother," exclaimed he, as he entered the room, "tell me, what did the vision of last night mean by the anxious motion of his arm?"

"That his right arm was fractured," replied I hastily.

"There, read that letter," resumed he, throwing an open letter on the table; I took it up and read as follows:

"Sir,

"An unhappy accident prevents me from fulfilling my promise, the day after to-morrow, having been thrown from my horse and fractured my right arm. However, as soon as I shall have sufficient strength to make a


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 CHAPTER V

THE LEGEND OF GABRIEL BOUGHTON

" I cannot tell how the truth may be, I say the tale as 'twas said to me." Scott, Lay of the Last Minstrel, Canto II, stanza 22.

One of the most widely known stories of the early history of the EngUsh in India is the legend of Gabriel Boughton, Surgeon of the Hopewell; how he was sent for to attend the daughter of the Emperor Shah Jahan, who had been badly burned; how he was successful in effecting a cure; and how, when desired to name his own reward, he asked for and obtained liberty for his masters, the Company, to trade in Bengal, after which the first settlement of the East India Company in Bengal was founded.

This legend is related by Stewart, in his History of Bengal, as follows (pp. 251-52).

"In the year of the Hezira 1046 (a.d. 1636), a daughter of the Emperor Shah Jehan having been dreadfully burnt, by her clothes catching fire, an express was sent to Surat, through the recommendation of the Vizier Assud Khan, to desire the assistance of an European Surgeon. In this service the Council at Surat nominated Mr. Gabriel Boughton, Surgeon of the ship Hopewell, who immediately proceeded to the Emperor's camp, then in the Dekkan, and had the good fortune to cure the young Princess of the effects of her accident. Mr. Boughton, in consequence, became a great favourite at court ; and having been desired to name his reward, he, with that liberality which characterizes Britons, sought not for any private emolument ; but solicited that his nation might have liberty to trade, free of all duties, to Bengal, and to estabUsh factories in that country. His request was complied with, and he was furnished with the means of travelling across the country to Bengal. Upon his arrival in that province, he proceeded to Pipley, and in the year 1048 (a.d. 1638), an English ship happening to arrive in that port, he, in virtue of the Emperor's firman * and the privileges granted to him, negociated the whole of the concerns of that vessel without the payment of any duties.

 * Footnote by Stewart. I was not able to find a copy of tliis firman among the Indian records, but Mr. Bruce mentions that it is in the State paper office and IS dated Feb. 2nd, 1633/34." No such document appears to be in existence now. v-AiQu


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 CHAPTER VI

EARLY HISTORY; SURAT, PERSIA, BOMBAY, AND THE WEST

" Once, two hundred years ago, the trader came Meek and tame."

Kipling, Departmental Ditties, A Tale of two Cities.

The E.I. Co.'s first factory in Western India was that founded at Surat in Jan., 1612/13, by Best and Aldworth. By the end of 1617, they had five factories in the Mogul's dominions— Surat, Broach, Barhanpur, Ahmadabad, and Agra.* Half a century later Bombay was added to the list. Douglas, in Glimpses of Old Bombay and Western India, pp. 249, 250, states—

" In 1538, ten years after its acquisition by the Portuguese, Bombay was rented in perpetuity to Garcia d'Orta, a physician and professor of Lisbon, who lived in India from 1534 to 1572. Garcia paid a yearly quit rent of about £85 (1432 J pardaos). In 1563 he wrote a work Dialogues on Simples and Drugs, in which he mentions the island under the names of Bombaim and Mombaim. He was a friend of Camoens, author of the Lusiad, who was in India at the same time."

In Malabari's Bombay in the Making, pp. 21, 22, the date of the grant to d'Orta is given as 1541. Had the descendants of the Portuguese physician been able to retain their property till the present day, they would have been rich men. The island of Bombay was ceded by Portugal to England, as part of the dowry of Katharine of Braganza, wife of Charles II., by the treaty of marriage, dated 23rd June, 1661, and ratified two months later. In 1668 Charles II. handed over the island to the Company.

Surat was a Presidency of the E.I. Co. from 1613 to 1678, and again from 1681 to 1686. From 1629 to 1635 Surat was the chief seat of all the Company's possessions in the East. In 1678

 * Foster, English Factories in India, 1618-21, p. v.


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early settlements on the Coromandel Coast were usually spoken of collectively as "The Coast"; those in Bengal as "The Bay." These terms continued in use till towards the end of the eighteenth century. The term "The West Coast" was always applied not, as one might expect, to the Bombay Presidency, but to the English settlements in Sumatra, which lay along the south-west coast of that island.

The first voyage to the East Coast of India was made by Captain Anthony Hippon, in the Globe, in 1611. Hippon founded the Company's first factory in the Bay of Bengal on 18th Aug., 1611, at Pettapolli, now known as Nizampatam, at the mouth of the Kistna, and shortly afterwards that at Masulipatam. Pettapolli factory was dissolved in 1621, when the English joined the Dutch at Pulicat, where they remained till 11th April, 1623.

In 1625 was founded Armagon, their first settlement on the Coromandel Coast proper. This factory was located at a place called Chenna Kuppam, at the northern end of the Pulicat Salt Lakes, in what is now the Nellore district. When Masulipatam was abandoned in 1628, Armagon remained for a few years the only settlement on the coast. The Star, a vessel of 300 tons, sailed from England in Dec, 1629, for the Coromandel Coast, being the first ship sent direct there, except the Globe in 1611. In 1630 all of the Company's factories in India and the islands were placed under the President of Surat; Henry Sill was ordered from Bantam as Agent for the Coast, and sailed on 1st April, 1630,


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 journey of twenty leagues, I shall insist upon your giving me satisfaction. I am fully persuaded that you would not suspect me of foul play, though I should not have sent you the inclosed certificate; yet, not to give you the least room to suspect my honor, and to screen yourself by mean subterfuges, I send you the enclosed certificate of our Surgeon-Major. Within six weeks at farthest I hope to recover the use of my right arm, by the skill of that honest man, 'till then I remain, without either spite or enmity, Baron T. Signed with my left hand.

I gazed in dumb amazement at my friend, who was walking up and down the room with hasty steps, and in a pensive attitude.


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Rh with the Falcon and the Dove, and established factories at Masulipatam. Pettapolli, Motupali, and Viravasaram all in or near the Kistna delta. The Golden Farman, for trade in Golkonda, was given at Haidarabad on 26th Feb., 1633/34.

In Feb.. 1639/40, Andrew Cogan and Francis Day moved from Armagon to Madraspatam, taking with them the staff of Armagon Factory, and founded the settlement of Fort St. George or Madras.

Andrew Cogan entered the Company's service about 1615. He served for fifteen years in the islands, at Bantam and Macassar, and returned to England, with a considerable fortune, about 1630. He went out again to Surat, as member of Council, in 1638, and was soon afterwards deputed to Masulipatam. With Francis Day he shares the honour of being the founder of Madras, and from the end of 1640 to July, 1642, he carried on the work of building the Fort, during Day's absence in England and on the double voyage. He left India for good in Aug., 1643, going home via Bantam, and reached England in 1644, during the Civil War. He then bought an estate near Greenwich. In 1648 he took part in the rising of the men of Kent against the Parliament; on its failure he fled to the Continent, was impeached, and his estate forfeited. He spent between £30,000 and £40,000 in the Royal cause, and was created a Baronet by Charles II. At the Restoration he returned to England, and died soon afterwards.

Francis Day was chief at Armagon in 1634, and at Masulipatam in 1639. He returned to England in 1641, leaving Madras at the end of 1640, went out again in 1642, and finally sailed for England in Sept., 1644. In 1647 he was fined £500 for private trading. An entry in the Court Minutes of 21st Jan., 1651/52, shows that he was then still living.

In 1653 Fort St. George, or Madras, was made an independent Presidency, and remained so until placed under Bengal, when Warren Hastings was appointed Governor-General of India in 1774, and Calcutta became the capital of the whole country.

The Dutch factory at Pulicat, some twenty-five miles north of Madras, was founded about 1610. The Danish East India


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Rh whether this can be the same man, more than thirty years

Philip Bradford came out with the recruits of 1665 as Surgeon of Fort St. George. He died at Madras in 1668.

In 1662 John Westrey was serving as Surgeon at Masulipatam. Thomas Morris, Physician to the same factory, died there on 21st Dec, 1675; before his death he declared that his real name was Woodward, of Ripley, in Worcestershire.

John Waldo reached Madras on 14th June, 1670, to serve as Surgeon there. In 1676 a second Surgeon was allowed, and Bezaliel or Bazaleel Sherman was sent out to fill the post, arriving on 7th Aug., 1676. A volume of Despatches from England, 1670-77, published at Madras in 1911, on page 25, quotes from a "Company Generall Letter to ye Ffort," dated 24th Dec, 1675, para. 56 of which runs—

"Considering how numerous the People wth you grow, [and] being desirous to use al means for the prservation [of] yor healths we have entertained here Bezaliell Sherman alsoe as Chirurgeon and at the Like Salery wth him already there he carries over wth him his wife Passage free and One [lacuna in original] an Apprentice at his Owne Charge and both are to be at his Charge there and he is Obleiged to Bring the sd Apprentice up a Chirurgeon and noe otherwise imployed and to remaine at the Fort."

It is a pity that the name of the apprentice has not survived. The Fort St. George Cons, of 19th May, 1677, record—

"Upon the address of the two Surgeons of the ffort, it is ordered that the wages of the said two Surgeons, John Waldo and Bazaliel Sherman from the time of the departure from Gravesend of the Shipps they came by until the time of their landing here be paid them by the purser."

Waldo went home on 27th Jan., 1677/78. A Mr. Waldo was afterwards Surgeon of the William and John, an interloping ship which visited Hugh in June, 1683.

Sherman is mentioned as one of the subscribers, giving ten pagodas, towards the erection of the new church, St. Mary's, founded on 25th March, 1768. Cons, of 25th Aug., 1680, report his death—

"Mr Bezaleel Sherman the Chyrurgeon died this day."

As early as 1675 a Mate or Assistant had been allowed to the Surgeons at Madras. The volume of Despatches from England,


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 "Well," exclaimed he at length, "what dost thou think of that letter? It was, as I suppose, only owing to the carelessness of the postman, that I received it so late. The certificate cannot be suspected, and I would have believed the Baron though he should not have sent it."

I remained silent, reading over again and again the letter of the unfortunate T. The preceding night and the whole morning I had been wavering between doubt and belief, but now I was convinced of the Necromancer's skill, as I am still, and dreaded to see his face. At length I suffered myself to be persuaded by my friend to pay him a visit; he was not at home, and we went several times to his lodgings without seeing him, 'till we at last, on the third day, met him on the parade. I approached him, and my three fellow adventurers did the same, Volkert wanted to give us the slip, when he saw us coming towards him, however we came up with him, and with great difficulty persuaded him to


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82 1670-77, quoted above, contains a General Letter to Fort St. George, dated 15th Dec, 1676. in which is enclosed a copy of a letter to the Court from the Rev. Patrick Warner, Chaplain of the Fort, dated 31st Jan., 1675/76, giving a very unfavourable account of the Asst. Surgeon, Henry Mallory.

"One Mr Mallory formerly Chyrurgeon's Mate in the President now Chyrurgeon's Mate in this place and another Barnes who formerly went to Sea as Master of some Small Vessels, but having wasted the money Intrusted to him hves now Idlely and out of any Imployment. These two are Constant Companions wth any of the Young men in whatever debaucheries they were guilty of, and it gives ground to suspect that they may be guilty of enticeing them thereunto."

It is only fair to state that the official records speak more favourably of Mallory. In 1677 he was commended by the Council as "a very dilligent and able Surgeon." In 1679 he accompanied Streynsham Master in his tour from Madras to the Bay factories. In 1680, after Sherman's death, he was appointed Surgeon in his place. In March, 1681, he was transferred from Madras to succeed Heathfield as Surgeon at Madapollam, and in Oct., 1681, to Masulipatam, where he died on 5th Aug., 1682, as reported in a letter from that factory dated nth August.

"Cons., 9th Sept., 1680. Mr Bezaleel Sherman the Chyrurgeon of this place being deceased and Henry Malory being a Person capable of the imployment, having served here severall yeares as Chyrurgeons Mate, It is thought fit upon his aplication and request to make his salary 3011, p. ann to begin at Michaellmas next comeing."

"Cons., 28th March, 1681. Mr John Heathfeild having left his imployment as Chyrurgeon to Madapollam and Metchlepatam Factorys, & come up to this place in Ship Sampson in January last, & from that time has been imployed as Chyrurgeon here, he being an able person his salary is now settled, 36ls p. ann. and there being want of one for y^ Factoryes at Madapollam and Metchlepatam It is Resolved and ordered to send Mr. Henry Mallory to be Chyrurgeon to them Factoryes & to take his passage upon ye Eagle."

John Heathfield, who, like Mallory, had served on the President Indiaman, was appointed Surgeon at Masulipatam and Madapollam on 25th Sept., 1673. The Cons, of 6th Aug., 1679, direct that he is "to reside at Metchlepatam and to remove to Madapollam as occasion requires." In July, 1680, he was allowed to come to Madras for his health, but apparently did not actually


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 and strolled around the palace gardens for a good hour, while the attas were trying on Emilia's dresses. The girl asked for news of the prince. She was told that he had left for the frontiers to organize the defense against the invasion of other monsters. Narizinho sighed with longing and said:

— I'm going to confess my big secret to you, my spider friend. Ever since yesterday, I've been in love with the prince... She said and blushed. The spider smiled and replied:

— And he very much deserves your love, because there isn't a prince in the whole world worth more than him. My wish is that you two get married, because otherwise the prince might


text:
Page:The lay of the Nibelungs; (IA nibelungslay00hortrich).pdf/263

XVIII.]

So Giselher she promised that there she would abide.

The horses all were ready for Siegmund’s men to ride,—

Who would be homeward riding unto the Niblung-land;

The pack-horses all laden with knightly gear did stand.

Lord Siegmund came, and standing before Kriemhilda, then

Said he unto the lady: “The whole of Siegfried’s men

Await you by the horses; ’tis time we rode away

For willingly I would not with the Burgundians stay.”

But lady Kriemhild’ answer’d: “My friends their counsel give—

So many as are faithful— that I with them shoould live:

For I have ne’er a kinsman within the Niblung land.”

Sad was the heart of Siegmund when he did understand.

Then answer’d her King Siegmund: “Let that be said by none!

Rather than to my kinsmen I’ll give to you my crown.

With power and might you’ll wear it, as you have done before;

You shall be none the worse that our hero is no more.

“Come back with us, if only it were for your child’s sake:

You surely will not, lady, the babe an orphan make.

When once your son a man is he’ll comfort your sad mood;

Meanwhile you’ll have the service of many heroes good.”

She spake: “Sir Siegmund, truly I cannot with you ride.

Whate’er may happen to me here must I still abide

Among my friends and kinsfolk, and mourn with me they will.”

The good knights at this answer began to take it ill.


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Page:A History of the Indian Medical Service, 1600-1913 Vol 1.djvu/109

Rh move there till Jan., 1680/81, when he was appointed Surgeon at Fort St. George, Mallory being sent to take his place m the northern factories. In Feb., 1681/82, he got sanction for the appointment of an Assistant, whose name has not been preserved In Jan 1682/83, the post of Surgeon's Mate being vacant, Samuel Wilmot Surgeon's Mate of the Resolution, was appointed, on five pagodas (about Rs. 17, or a little over £2) per month. Wilmot died on 7th Sept., 1687. On 25th May, 1685, Heathfield was appointed a Factor, on £15 a year, less than half his salary as Surgeon, but, of course, with better future prospects. For over two years he served as "Assistant to the Customer," i.e. in the Customs Office of the Fort. The Court of Directors disapproved his appointment as Factor, and he had to resume his former post as Surgeon from 25th July, 1687. During Heathfield's employment as Factor, Wilmot and Plummer were the two Surgeons of the Fort. Heath- field's petition for the post of Factor is contained in the Cons. of 25th May, 1685.

"25th May, 1685. Doctor Heathfield delivers in his Petition, (which is entered next after this Consultation) the contents whereof is, that he desires to be entertained as a Factor in the Honble Compas service, which was considered of, and by reason we have occation for sober persons, & he understanding the Portuguese language, & well experienced in business, Itt is thought convenient and agreed to entertain him as lowest Factor att fifteen pounds p. annum, provided the Rt. Honble Compas are pleased to confirm the same, and that he attend the Customers business att the Sea side, there being none of the Rt Honble Compas Covenant servants in that place att present, & for his security he proposeth Sr Edwd Winter, Mr Edward Read & Mr Nathaniell Cholmley."

(Petition) "To the Honble President & ca Council.

"May itt please yr Honf 'twas in the year 73 that I was taken prisoner by the Dutch, with the Ship President, att which time I underwent many hardships, besides the totall losse of what itt had pleesed God to bestow upon me, by my endeavours in five years before in the Honble Compos service, & after my confinement I was then rec^ into the Honble Compas service again as Surgeon, att Mechlepatam & Madapollam, and after seven years service there, was called up to this place, where I have served as Surgeon upwards of fower years, my experience in this time and observations I have made upon the Honble Compas affaires I humbly conceive has render'd me capable of serving them in another station, which I am desirous of, in hopes of future preferment, and knowing that itt has been the Custome of your Honr &ca and other Nations to alter the


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Page:The Necromancer, or, The Tale of the Black Forest Vol. 1.djvu/171

 come to my lodgings in the afternoon—having promised to meet us, he went instantly away with hasty steps.

At three o'clock he made his appearance, We shewed him the Baron's letter—having read it with apparent unconcern, he said, that he as well as ourselves had known the contents of it three days ago. We persuaded him with great difficulty to accept four louis d'ors for his trouble, and he promised to see us now and then, and to convince us of his warmest gratitude by every service in his power, if we would but promise him, on our word of honor, never to desire him any more to raise up ghosts.

"I have suffered very much," added he, "and I am determined to expose myself no more to like dangers: I am afraid some additional disaster awaits me. Baron T is no poltroon, which I am glad of, but I fear, I fear lest—"


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Page:The life and opinions of Tristram Shandy (Volume 7).pdf/21

 Though there are four convents, there is but one parochial church in the whole town; I had not an opportunity of taking its exact dimensions, but it is pretty easy to make a tolerable conjecture of 'em—for as there are fourteen thousand inhabitants in the town, if the church holds them all, it must be considerably large—and if it will not—'tis a very great pity they have not another—it is built in form of a cross, and dedicated to the Virgin Mary; the steeple which has a spire to it, is placed in the middle of the church, and stands upon four pillars elegant and light enough, but sufficiently strong at the same time—it is decorated with eleven altars, most of which are rather fine than beautiful. The great altar is a masterpiece in its kind; 'tis of white marble, and as I was told near sixty feet high