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Hough riots

The Hough riots were riots in the predominantly African-American community of Hough (pronounced "Huff") in Cleveland, Ohio, United States which took place from July 18 to 23, 1966. During the riots, four African Americans were killed and 50 people were injured. There were 275 arrests and numerous incidents of arson and firebombings. City officials at first blamed black nationalist and communist organizations for the riots, but historians generally dismiss these claims today, arguing that the cause of the Hough Riots were primarily poverty and racism. The riots caused rapid population loss and economic decline in the area, which lasted at least five decades after the riots.

Hough in 1966
During the 1950s, middle-class whites largely left the neighborhood of Hough in Cleveland, Ohio, and working-class African Americans moved in. By 1966, more than 66,000 people, nearly 90 percent of them African American, lived in Hough. Most businesses in the area remained white-owned, however. Residents of the Hough neighborhood complained extensively of inferior and racially segregated public schools, poor delivery of welfare benefits, a lack of routine garbage collection, no street cleaning, and too few housing inspections. Recreational facilities in Hough were nonexistent except for minimal equipment at a few school playgrounds. Hough was a relatively small area, but the population density in the neighborhood was one of the highest in Cleveland. Housing was often substandard in Hough, with a fifth of all housing units considered dilapidated and absentee landlords (most of them white) were common. The deindustrialization of Cleveland hit the African American community hard, and unemployment was over 17 percent. Median income for black residents was just 65 percent the median income of whites. Although Hough contained just 7.3 percent of Cleveland's population, it had more than 19 percent of its welfare cases. Single mothers (half of them teenagers) bore one-third of the children in Hough in 1966, and infant mortality was twice as high as the rest of the city. High unemployment and the rapid deterioration of the neighborhood created extensive racial tension in Hough. Although the city had engaged in some urban renewal housing projects in Hough, these had displaced more people than they housed and those displaced had received little to no help in finding new housing. Moreover, failed urban renewal to the east of Hough had displaced several thousand poor families, most of whom moved into Hough.

A racially segregated Cleveland Division of Police also led to interracial tension in the city. Twenty percent of Cleveland's major crimes were committed in Hough, even though it had just 7 percent of the city's population. Only 165 of Cleveland's 2,100 police officers were African American, the city routinely declined to promote black patrolmen, and the police had a reputation for exhibiting "crude racism" and ignoring the needs of the black community. The police were perceived as unwilling to enforce the law and slow to respond in black communities, and police harassment of African Americans was the norm. Subsequently, African Americans in Cleveland tended to strongly distrust the police. There had also been several incidents of brutality committed by the police in Cleveland in the last few years, which worsened the tension between the police and the city's African American citizens.

In 1963 and 1964, the United Freedom Movement, a coalition of African American civil rights groups, led a nine-month protest campaign against poor-quality, racially segregated schools and racial discrimination against blacks by labor unions. Cleveland Mayor Ralph S. Locher, who was white, dismissed these concerns. This was not unusual: The political culture of Cleveland had long been dominated by the mayor, city council, big business, the larger newspapers, and a few powerful white ethnicities. The city had a long history of ignoring social ills, while favoring low taxes and small government. African American protests in the past had been small and died out swiftly, and progress (what little there was of it) was generally achieved through traditional behind-the-scenes deal-making. The school protests were Cleveland's first large, lengthy racial protests, and the failure to achieve significant progress taught the black community that negotiation and legal action produced only limited results. Although 10 of the city council's 22 members were African American, black council members were seen as too conservative and out of touch with the vast majority of Cleveland's African Americans.

Start of the riot
Throughout the first half of 1966, there had been a large number of incidents (such as roving gangs of youth, and rock throwing) indicating unrest in the neighborhood. In April 1966, the United States Commission on Civil Rights held hearings in Cleveland, during which time it gathered extensive evidence about employment discrimination, police brutality, poor housing, ongoing school segregation, and racism in the community. Televised locally, "the hearings revealed that the city's racial powder keg was about to explode".

The Seventy-Niner's Café was a Jewish-owned bar located on the southeast corner of E. 79th Street and Hough Avenue, and popular with African American residents of the community. Seventy-Niner's suffered from a number of problems, including drug dealing, the sale of stolen goods, and prostitution, and the owners had begun barring certain individuals from the establishment. Local sex workers Margaret Sullivan and her friend, Louise (an African American), were among those who had been banned. Sullivan died on July 16, leaving three young children. On July 17, Louise attempted to leave a box at the bar so patrons could donate money for the care of Sullivan's children. The owners refused to permit the collection. Louise returned about 5 PM on Monday, July 18. The owners argued with her, allegedly using defamatory and racist language, and she was thrown out. A short while later, another racially charged incident occurred, although the exact details are unclear. In one account, one of the bar owners denied water to an African American man who had entered the bar, and then posted a sign on the door which read "No Water for Niggers". In another account, an African American man purchased a bottle of liquor in the bar, and then requested a cup of ice. One of the owners denied his request, and then posted a sign on the door which read "No water for niggers". In a third account, an African American man entered the bar and asked for a glass of water. One of the owners denied his request and told a waitress that there was "no water for niggers". This co-owner then posted a sign on the door which read "No Ice Water". In an interview with The Plain Dealer newspaper, the Feigenbaums denied being present at the bar during the incident, and denied that one of their employees had denied a man water.

Allegedly, the Seventy-Niner's Café was robbed about an hour after the water incident. A crowd of angry African Americans, some bar patrons and some residents, gathered around the bar. The Feigenbaums said they received a report that their establishment had been robbed at about 8 PM, and arrived at the Seventy-Niner at 8:20 PM. They claimed that a crowd of about 300 people had already gathered outside the bar, and began throwing rocks at the windows once the owners had gone inside. Abe Feigenbaum then said he went outside with a .44 caliber Ruger Model 44 rifle in his hands, followed by his brother Dave armed with a pistol. The rock-throwing stopped, they said, but resumed when they went back inside. After four calls to the police for help went unanswered, the Feigenbaums called the fire department in desperation and fled the café. The crowd now attempted to burn down the bar, but the attempt failed. At 9:11 PM, the Cleveland Division of Fire arrived at the Seventy-Niner's Café. Worried fire officials notified the Cleveland police of the large crowd, and the police arrived at 9:30 PM.

July 18
About 8:30 PM, the crowd—which included youth, adults, and even senior citizens—began to move down Hough Avenue, looting stores and setting fires as it went. Firefighters responding to the Seventy-Niner's Café fire claimed they came under small arms fire. When the first contingent of 75 Cleveland Police finally arrived at 9:30 PM, the crowd began throwing rocks at them.

Initially, about 200 rioters roamed over a 30-square block area centered on Hough Avenue. Police first came under fire shortly before 10 PM at the intersection of E. 75th and Hough Avenue, returning fire and lobbing tear gas grenades onto building roofs to clear out gunmen. The police responded by sending more than 300 additional officers into the area. They fanned out throughout the neighborhood, but came under attack as rioters threw bricks and bottles at them. The police responded by launching tear gas grenades into any crowds they encountered. When fired upon, the police used extremely aggressive tactics to find the snipers, especially on Hough Avenue—where they broke down doors and "rampaged" through apartments to try to find and arrest their attackers. Police set up a command post in a van at E. 73rd Street and Hough Avenue, but it took heavy fire from buildings located on E. 73rd and E. 75th Streets. The police were for a time unable to control the situation, and police Captain Richard Sherry called the scene "sheer bedlam". Rioters grabbed tear gas grenades and threw them back at the police, hurled Molotov cocktails, and destroyed police vehicles. At one point, police were briefly pinned down by sniper fire at Hough and E. 75th Street. Police sealed off eight blocks around Hough Avenue in an attempt to contain the violence, and a police helicopter was used to direct the police toward suspected gunmen on top of buildings and report incidents of looting. Police initially shot out streetlights, and later were forced to bring in searchlights to illuminate dark streets and alleys, searching for rioters and gunmen.

The Cleveland Division of Fire responded to the numerous small fires set by the rioters. Shots were fired at them, Molotov cocktails were tossed at them, and a mob of about 100 people seized control of a fire pumper, and the fire department withdrew its personnel from the area. Attacks on firefighters were so numerous, many considered resigning the next day. James Higginbotham, a lieutenant with the fire department, said "we're not hired to fight a guerrilla war and this is what this is".

The rioting largely died down after a heavy thunderstorm struck the area around midnight, and gunfire ended around 1 AM. Joyce Arnett, a 26-year-old African American mother of three, was shot in the head by an unidentified gunman when she leaned out a window. African American man Alton Burks was shot in the hip and African American man Wallace Kelly was shot in the jaw by unidentified gunmen as well. A White man and wife, the Nopwaskis, were hit by rocks while riding a public bus and also suffered minor injuries. Another five civilians were shot (but only lightly injured), and three were injured by rocks or bottles, while 12 policemen were injured (although only slightly). Ten buildings were destroyed by fire, and 53 African Americans—most of them teenagers—were arrested.

July 19
During the day on July 19, Cleveland Mayor Locher and Police Chief Richard Wagner assured the public that they had the situation under control. Very early in the morning, Locher toured the area and then later conferred with white and black city leaders. Locher initially resisted pleas to send in the Ohio Army National Guard, but Cleveland City Council members John W. Kellogg and Edward F. Katalinas both pressured him to do so. At 3:30 PM, Locher asked Governor James A. Rhodes to send in 1,500 National Guardsmen. Governor Rhodes declared a state of emergency in Cleveland. At 5 PM, Locher announced the arrival of the National Guard was imminent, and ordered all bars and cafes in the Hough neighborhood closed. This marked the first time the Ohio National Guard had been mobilized to counter a racial incident.

Most African American residents of Cleveland believed Locher to be completely out of touch with the black community, and the rioting spread outside the Hough neighborhood on the night of July 19–20. Locher ordered the entire police force on duty for 12 hours, beginning at 7 PM. Violence began to erupt about 8:30 PM, when police arrested two men, a woman, and a child at E. 87th and Hough Avenue. A large crowd gathered and began jeering the police. Snipers on the rooftop of a nearby building exchanged fire with police, and the crowd dispersed. The National Guard, armed with M1 Garand rifles equipped with bayonets, did not arrive until nearly 11 PM. Only 275 Guardsmen made it to Cleveland on the evening of July 19, and 75 of these were stationed at the main point of violence at E. 79th and Hough Avenue, where a Cleveland Police mobile command post was once more established. Guardsmen began patrolling the neighborhood in Jeeps, with a Cleveland Police officer riding with them. In the early morning hours of July 20, more Guardsmen arrived in Cleveland and augmented these patrols. Gunfire directed at police was much less frequent than the night before, but bottle and rock throwing and looting was widespread and extensive. Most of the rioting ended about 1 AM again.

During the night, arsonists attacked abandoned houses and commercial buildings, setting 67 fires (small and large). Firefighters were able to respond without being attacked or fired upon. The hardest-hit area was on Hough Avenue between E. 84th and E. 86th, where 11 buildings burned. Another death occurred on July 19 when 36-year-old African American Percy Giles was shot in the back of head by a Cleveland police officer according to witnesses at E. 86th Street and Hough Avenue at about 8:30 PM. Another man, 26-year-old Mallory Richardson, was shot in the leg at E. 31st and Euclid Avenue at about 10 PM, and 39-year-old Paul Richardson was grazed in the arm by gunfire at 10:30 PM while standing outside near his home on E. 79th Street. In all, 60 people were arrested that night. A white male, Joseph Brozich, was assaulted by a small group of African American youth at E. 105th and Superior Avenue and suffered minor cuts and abrasions.

July 20
During the day on July 20, Mayor Locher spoke to Vice President Hubert Humphrey, and asked for the federal government's assistance in rebuilding Hough after the riots. A group of African American clergy asked the President of the United States to declare Hough a disaster area, so that it would qualify for federal disaster relief personnel and funds.

In separate press conferences, both Locher and Cleveland Safety Director John N. McCormick said that "outsiders" were the cause of the riots. McCormick asserted that between 200 and 300 teenagers were being directed by adults, and he blamed black nationalist groups for the riots. Representatives of some of these groups, which were extensively active in Hough, denied encouraging the violence. United States Attorney General Nicholas Katzenbach scoffed at McCormick's claims.

A group of local businessmen in the Central neighborhood of Cleveland, citing a few scattered incidents of vandalism, urgently pressed Mayor Locher to expand the National Guard's patrol area to include their neighborhood. Locher agreed, and expanded the patrol zone to 10 sqmi (centered on Hough). This expanded the patrol zone as far south as Woodland Avenue, with about 40 Guardsmen and police patrolling the Central neighborhood.

At dusk, Mayor Locher again ordered all bars in Hough to close.

By the morning of July 20, 1,700 National Guardsmen were in Cleveland, although only about 1,000 were actually on patrol duty. Rioting had continued during the day, with firebombing and vandalism occurring throughout Hough. Police uncovered a number of caches of Molotov cocktails, which were destroyed. Throughout the day and night, Cleveland firefighters continued to respond to blazes, although they moved in convoys and were protected by National Guardsmen armed with rifles and machine guns. Seven teenagers were arrested during daylight hours, six of them for looting.

Extensive rioting began again in Hough before dark. As night fell, a series of National Guard/police guardposts was established in Hough. When a large crowd gathered at Stephen E. Howe Elementary School (where clergyman Bruce Klunder had died in 1964 protesting against segregation in Cleveland schools), worried law enforcement officials stationed about 100 police and Guardsmen around the school and on its roof to prevent it from being burned down. Military vehicles were stationed at every other intersection along the entire 50-block length of Hough Avenue, and three Guardsmen were posted at every intersection on Hough Avenue between E. 55th and E. 105th Streets. Police and National Guard continued to patrol the riot zone on Jeeps on which .30 caliber machine guns were mounted. A police helicopter (which occasionally drew gunfire) was used to help identify where mobs formed and where extensive looting was occurring. Throughout the night, police and the firefighting personnel were harassed by hundreds of false alarms, which tended to disperse their forces and allow crowds to form and continue the rioting and looting. Police later said that most reports of gunfire were inaccurate, the result of people lighting firecrackers to distract police.

Rioting in Hough largely ended around midnight. By dawn on July 21, a total of 24 people had been injured in the Hough Riots. Police made a few more arrests during the night, primarily for looting, bringing the total number of arrestees to 150. Cleveland fire officials said they had responded to between 45 and 50 blazes during the two nights of rioting, which spread into the adjacent Glenville neighborhood, and a total of 10 buildings had been lost.

July 21
During the day on July 21, Hough was calm, with no incidents of gunfire, vandalism, or arson reported. Nine people arrested during the previous three days of rioting were charged with felonies, the first felony charges to be made during the event.

Many Cleveland-area officials and reporters spent much of July 21 blaming black nationalists and outsiders for fomenting and sustaining the riots. Doris O'Donnell, a reporter with The Plain Dealer, wrote that "A 'hate whitey' revolution, plotted and predicted for many months" by "a small band of extremists" was the real cause of the riots, and said the riots were implemented "as if by a diversionary enemy". She reported that the police, city hall, and unnamed federal agencies had extensive evidence that "points to certain groups and certain individuals as the suspected plotters" behind the riots. O'Donnell reported that black activists told her that certain businesses had been told to place a sign in the windows or on their front doors as a "signal not to fire bomb the place", and that agitators had worked up lists (one for businesses to be firebombed, one for business to be protected). Quoting unnamed black residents of Hough, she said that unnamed organizations had created a "ready-made army", which had drilled for months in use of firearms, burn-and-run tactics, and the manufacture and use of firebombs. O'Donnell placed the blame for the riots on welfare, which encouraged women to have large numbers of illegitimate children and allowed unemployed husbands to "sponge" off their welfare-supported wives. Police Chief Wagner declared that he saw a pattern in the making of false alarms which "indicate there was some form of organization behind them", and The Plain Dealer said unnamed police officers believed they saw a pattern in the false reports of arson or gunfire. Cleveland City Council President James V. Stanton said, "I definitely feel this was organized", and Bertram E. Gardner, executive director of the Cleveland Community Relations Board, claimed, "There's a fringe element in the streets, and they're fighting for control of the streets. They've got to be removed." Gardner demanded that the police significantly step up the numbers of arrests. Representative Michael A. Feighan, a Democrat who represented Cleveland's west side, said that he had evidence that the rioters "have had training in firearms and Molotov cocktails", and pledged to have the House Judiciary Committee hold hearings into the cause of the riots.

As dusk approached on July 21, police and Guardsmen maintained the expanded patrol zone. About 400 Cleveland police officers patrolled with the Guard, although no police patrolled in the Hough neighborhood itself. Hough was so quiet during the night that only a handful of National Guardsmen were needed there. The National Guard did, however, close Hough Avenue between E. 79th and E. 93rd Streets. Most police patrolled around the perimeter of the expanded patrol zone, where most of the reports of gunfire, vandalism, and arson occurred during the night of July 21. The first indication of trouble occurred at about 7:45 PM, when a large number of small fires were set and false reports of fire were made. The only large fire of the evening occurred when a vacant apartment building just south of E. 79th Street and Hough Avenue burned to the ground. Later in the evening, Cleveland Police shot a mother, three of her young children, and her teenaged nephew near E. 107th Street and Cedar Avenue near the scene of a five-alarm fire. During the attack on the mother's car, a National Guardsman was hit in the leg by a ricocheting police bullet. Later, four policemen were injured when two police vehicles collided at the intersection of E. 105th Street and Chester Avenue. Most of the evening's disturbances were minor, as no widespread rioting occurred. Minor incidents of vandalism were reported, and the National Guard easily dispersed any small groups which formed in the Hough area. Some police officers claimed to have seen two or three cars with out-of-state license plates (each vehicle carrying several African American men), but these were unsubstantiated claims. The only substantiated incident occurred when police found two automobiles full of white youths inside the patrol zone, and ordered them to leave. By dawn on July 22, the Cleveland Fire Department had responded to 115 fires (52 started by firebombs), and just 12 false alarms. One firefighter was allegedly shot at. A total of 30 individuals had been injured during the four nights of rioting. One person was arrested for arson and 11 were arrested for carrying firebombs on the night of July 21–22, bringing the total number of individuals arrested (regardless of charge) to 150.

July 22
The shooting of citizens heightened racial tension in Hough on July 22. Cleveland City Councilman M. Morris Jackson, who represented Hough, had been pressing for the mayor to declare martial law in the area since the riots first began. In a front-page editorial on the morning of July 22, The Plain Dealer also demanded the imposition of martial law. Mayor Locher refused these requests. Mayor Locher also decided not to ask the governor for additional National Guard troops, saying that the riot situation had improved over the past two nights. He also declined to impose a curfew. During the afternoon of July 22, Major General Erwin C. Hostetler, Adjutant General of the Ohio Army National Guard, issued an order authorizing his troops to shoot looters and arsonists. Chief Wagner continued to claim that black nationalists were fomenting the riot, and specifically named the leaders of the JFK House, a privately run African American community center, for orchestrating the firebombing campaign. When pressed by the media, Wagner declined to say what evidence he had for the accusation. Wagner also claimed that firebombing "forays emanated" from JFK House, but declined to elaborate on his claim.

Racial tensions worsened on the night of July 22–23. Initially, the night was quieter than previous nights. The police and National Guard largely deployed toward the edge of the expanded patrol zone. Cleveland police made 72 arrests for public intoxication, which they said was about usual for a Friday night. There were far fewer fires set the night of July 22–23 (only 14), and only a few false alarms. Cleveland fire investigators determined that none of the fires had been caused by a firebomb, and no firefighters were harassed as they put out blazes.

The first trouble during the night began at 7:20 PM, when a jeering crowd of about 30 individuals gathered at E. 79th and Hough Avenue as the National Guard, bayonets fixed, told an African American man to move his car from the intersection. Another incident occurred at 10:30 PM, when Cleveland police arrested 15 juveniles and three adults in Glenville (on the border with the city of East Cleveland) for harassing a National Guard unit.

The situation deteriorated at about 3 AM, when 29-year-old African American Benoris Toney was shot in the head in the parking lot of the Dougherty Lumber Co. at 12100 Euclid Avenue. Toney had been traveling on Euclid when, according to police eyewitnesses, another vehicle began to parallel him. Toney pulled into the parking lot, where police had been stationed all night long, and the other vehicle followed him. The men in the second vehicle then shot Toney twice with a shotgun through the open window of Toney's automobile. The assailants' vehicle then sped away. The police gave chase and stopped it, arresting six white adults and teenagers. Another 100 Cleveland police and Guardsmen, as well as a Cleveland police helicopter, rushed to the scene. Police later released four of the suspects, but sought a third man who allegedly fled the vehicle. Toney died on the afternoon of July 23.

Shortly after the Toney killing, a crowd of about 125 white people gathered at the foot of Murray Hill in the Little Italy neighborhood on the far eastern border of Cleveland. This was the site of a riot in January 1964, and worried Cleveland police dispersed the crowd as swiftly as they could.

Another murder occurred at 4 AM, when 54-year-old African American Sam Winchester was shot at the corner of E. 116th and Regalia Avenue. As he lay dying in an ambulance, he claimed a white male shot at him from an automobile. Cleveland police, however, said they were unsure if Winchester's death was riot-related.

By dawn on July 23, a total of 10 people had been wounded by gunfire during the Hough Riots, bring to 40 the number of people injured by guns and hand-thrown missiles. Cleveland police made an additional 72 arrests during the night. The New York Times reported that "scores" of small fires had been set throughout the riot patrol zone area, but that only a handful of them had been large blazes. Contradicting the statement of The Plain Dealer, the Times reported that nearly all fires had been set by firebombs. Hysteria appeared to be driving the public perception of the riots, The New York Times said. It quoted unnamed National Guard sources who said that law enforcement had received hundreds of calls for help from individuals claiming to be besieged by mobs or firebombers. When the National Guard rushed to the scene, however, they found no arsonists, no crowds, no rioting, and no vandalism.

The New York Times claimed that the Cleveland Police Department appeared to be contributing to the riot. The National Guard was much more respectful toward citizens than the police, the newspaper claimed, noting that "police appeared to be adding to the problem by being chronic under-achievers in diplomacy".

July 23 and the end of the riots
The night of July 23–24 saw the rioting largely end. No roving gangs were seen in the expanded patrol zone area. The Cleveland Division of Fire responded to about five alarms an hour, and the number of fire alarms in the Hough area was actually below normal for an average night. Cleveland Safety Director McCormick announced on July 24 that he was surprised by the extent to which the rioting had died down overnight. Calm continued Sunday morning, and Cleveland was drenched with heavy rains on the afternoon of July 24 which kept most people indoors.

The total number of those killed in the riots was four, and the total number of injured was 50.

On July 26, the first 528 National Guard troops left Hough. The remainder withdrew to camps around the city. Withdrawals continued until the last 800 troops left on July 31.

Purported cause: Black nationalism and communism
During the event as well as immediately after, some individuals asserted (in what one scholar has called the "official narrative") that the Hough Riots had been caused by black nationalists or communists. During the riots, Mayor Richard Locher, Police Chief Richard Wagner, Safety Director John N. McCormick, Cleveland City Council President James V. Stanton, and The Plain Dealer newspaper all claimed that, while the initial violence on the night of July 23 may have been spontaneous, the riot had long been planned by violent, black nationalist or communist organizations, and had been sustained by them for several days.

The "official narrative" was reinforced when Cleveland law enforcement officials formed a grand jury on July 25 to investigate the causes of the riot. The jury foreman was Louis B. Seltzer, an editor of the Cleveland Press who had retired early in 1966. On August 9, 1966, the grand jury issued its 17-page report, blaming the riots on black nationalists and communist organizations. The grand jury reported that "This jury finds that the outbreak of lawlessness and disorder was both organized, precipitated, and exploited by a relatively small group of trained and disciplined professionals of this business. They were aided and abetted willingly or otherwise by misguided people of all ages and colors, many of whom are avowed believers in violence and extremism, and some of whom are either members of, or officers in the Communist Party." At a press conference on July 26, Seltzer stated, "The grand jury saw enough to realize the violence was organized and planned because of specific targets singled out for burning and looting." The report strongly praised the Cleveland Police for their courage and restraint during the crisis. Although it issued no indictments, the grand jury specifically named Lewis G. Robinson, director of JFK House and organizer of the Medgar Evers Rifle Club; Harllel Jones, a city sewer department employee; and Albert D. Ware-Bey, a member of several clubs to which Robinson and Jones belonged. Chief Wagner said he was not surprised that no indictments were forthcoming, since Ohio lacked an anti-criminal syndicate law.

In addition to the focus on black nationalists and communist groups, the report listed a number of social ills which it said was the "uneasy backdrop" to the riots. The report also made several recommendations, including stronger enforcement of gambling, liquor, and prostitution laws; more frequent housing code inspections; improved garbage collection; and much greater and swifter efforts at urban renewal. The report also listed too-dense housing, substandard housing, overly high rents, a lack of neighborhood recreational facilities, excessive food prices, substandard educational facilities, a lack of jobs, welfare (which encouraged excessive pregnancies), and common-law marriage (which allowed men to escape their marital and child-rearing duties) as social evils which allowed frustration and bitterness to arise among African Americans. This, in turn (the report said), allowed communist and black nationalist groups to find support and foment riot. The grand jury report pointedly declined to discuss allegations of police brutality.

The grand jury report also called for new laws defining and providing for harsh penalties for incitement to riot, arson or attempted arson during a riot, and assault against a police officer or firefighter while engaged in official duties. The report also called for the state to redefine "riot" under the law, to make it easier for law enforcement to arrest rioters.

The grand jury report was embraced by city officials and local law enforcement. Mayor Locher praised the grand jury for "the guts to fix the approximate cause which has been hinted at for a long time, that subversive and Communist elements in our community were behind the rioting."

The "official narrative" also received support in other quarters. On June 22, during the riot, five members of a local W.E.B. Du Bois Club—including staff members Steve Shreefter and Mike Bayer—were riding in a car. Stopped by a National Guardsmen, posters were found in their vehicle which The Plain Dealer characterized as inflammatory. The United States Department of Justice had attempted to have the group declared a Communist front organization in March 1966 under the Subversive Activities Control Act of 1950. In 1967, the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) released a report characterizing the literature as "communist" In 1967, Phillip Abbott Luce, a former member of the Communist Party USA, asserted in his book Road to Revolution that the Communist Party played a significant role in causing and sustaining the Hough and other riots in the United States in the 1960s.

Purported cause: Racism and poverty
Arguments against the "official narrative" fell into two categories. The first was that there was no evidence for any black nationalist or communist involvement in the Hough Riots. For example, Maj. Gen. Erwin C. Hostetler, Ohio National Guard Adjutant General, criticized Seltzer's conclusions, saying, "There is absolutely nothing to substantiate his statement".

Another argument against the "official narrative" was that it was willfully blind to the problems which sparked the riots. Carl Stokes and many African American community leaders called the grand jury report a whitewash designed to insulate and absolve the Locher administration. In response to the 1966 grand jury report, leaders from the local chapters of the Congress of Racial Equality, National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, National Association of Social Workers, National Council of Churches, Negro American Labor Council, and Urban League, in association with the Hough Area Council (a neighborhood improvement association), Hough Community Opportunity Board (the Hough neighborhood branch of the Council for Economic Opportunities in Greater Cleveland, a private nonprofit which served low-income people), the local Negro Pastors' Association, and the Wade Park Citizens' Association created the Citizens' Committee for Review of the Grand Jury Report. After holding several public hearings, during which extensive testimony about police brutality during the riot was heard, the panel released its own report on October 5, 1966. The citizens' committee report condemned the grand jury report as specious, and concluded that despair, police brutality, poverty, racism, and a city government heedless of the plight of African Americans caused the riots. The citizens' panel requested that the grand jury report be legally quashed; that fair housing legislation be adopted by the city; that the city immediately implement a 16-point urban renewal agreement previously negotiated with the federal government; that the mayor begin meeting regularly with representatives of the Hough neighborhood; that the city study the constitutionality of a law giving police immunity from false arrest; that the city call for a U.S. Department of Justice investigation into the Cleveland police and their practice of holding people without charge; that the state pass a law giving citizens a mechanism to file grievances against government workers; that a grand jury investigate the shootings of Arnett, Giles, and the Townes family; and that the state of Ohio increase the level of welfare payments.

Contemporary historical analyses of the Hough Riots do not find evidence for claims of communist influence. As early as 1972, historians Estelle Zannes and Mary Jean Thomas pointed out that no evidence existed to implicate either black nationalists or communist organizations in the Hough Riots. Cleveland historian Leonard N. Moore notes that two undercover Cleveland police officers spent more than a year investigating the JFK House and black nationalist and communist groups in Hough, but found no evidence that these groups or individuals had planned or sustained the riots. In 2003, noted Ohio historian George W. Knepper called the grand jury report a "simplistic and comfortable conclusion" the nearly all-white city administration was more than willing to accept. Kyle Swenson, writing in Cleveland Scene in July 2016, called the grand jury report "almost laughable. Instead of scratching at the deep economic and political grievances that led to a mass group of people to express their frustrations through violence, the official Cuyahoga County explanation was that the commies did it. Seriously." The report, he said, helped reinforce racial tension in Cleveland for decades. In the 21st century, all scholars reject the "official narrative" and its assertion that the riots were fomented and sustained by radical groups, and instead point to social problems like racism and poverty as the riot's cause.

Devastation and redevelopment of Hough
"Hough cast a pall of fear and resentment that took years to dissipate, if it ever truly passed", said Michael D. Roberts, who covered the Hough Riots as a reporter in 1966.

The Hough Riots caused $1 to $2 million in property damage ($0 million to $0 million in dollars), and destroyed the Hough Avenue commercial strip between E. 71st and E. 93rd Streets. Many merchants said they would never return to Hough. The riots depressed property values for decades below those found in surrounding black neighborhoods. Both black and white residents fled the area, causing population loss that lasted into 1990s before stabilizing. The attempts of residents who remained to redevelop their neighborhood were stymied by public and economic policies that led to further disinvestment.

Although Cleveland needed financial assistance from the federal government to both rebuild and address its extensive problems, the United States Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD) cut off federal urban renewal funding to the city in the wake of the Hough Riots because the administrations of Mayor Locher and his predecessors had been so dilatory and incompetent in completing projects. HUD also cancelled an existing $10 million grant, and rejected Cleveland's Model Cities Program application for fear the city would misspend the funds.

The Hough Area Development Corporation was formed in 1967 to stimulate investment in the neighborhood, but it proved ineffective and was disbanded in 1983 when federal funding ran out. Not until the late 1990s did the Community Development Corporations (CDCs) begin to play an important role in redevelopment of the neighborhood.

Hough changed radically between 1966 and 2000. Whereas the neighborhood had nearly 23,000 housing units in 1966, by the turn of the century it had just 8,409. The population had dropped to just 16,409 in 2000, while median income in the area had slumped to just 45 percent of the median of whites in Cleveland.

Toney murder prosecutions
Warren LaRiche was tried for the murder of Benoris Toney. LaRiche claimed self-defense, saying that Toney had pointed a gun at the car in which he was riding. An all-white jury deadlocked over his conviction in February 1967. LaRiche was acquitted of murder charges by a second all-white jury in December 1967.

Court of Common Pleas Judge John J. McMahon dismissed second-degree murder charges against Patsy C. Sabetta, driver of the car in which LaRiche rode, for lack of evidence.

Election of Carl Stokes
Mayor Locher came under near-constant media attack in 1966 and 1967 for his failure to revitalize Cleveland and address the worsening racial tension in the city in the wake of the Hough Riots. He was perceived as an unsophisticated political populist whose administration lacked the modern bureaucratic and professional skills to effectively deal with the city's problems. The city's (mostly white) business establishment also withdrew its support for Locher.

Cleveland's African American community reacted very negatively to the "official narrative" of the Hough Riots. The city's black community was divided on how to solve issues like racism and poverty, and African American members of the Cleveland City Council focused more on patronage than meeting the needs of the communities they represented. Cleveland's African Americans were unified in condemning the "official narrative", however. Mayor Locher's refusal to acknowledge racism, poverty, and police brutality as causes of the Hough Riots united the black community so strongly that it propelled Carl Stokes to the mayor's office in 1967. Cleveland's business community rallied around Stokes largely because it had lost faith in Locher's analysis of the race problem in the city, and believed Stokes would implement policies which would prevent additional riots.

title: Hough riots


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Knoxville Raceway

Knoxville Raceway is a semi-banked half-mile dirt oval raceway (zook clay) located at the Marion County Fairgrounds in Knoxville, Iowa. Races at the "Sprint Car Capital of the World" are held on Saturday nights from April through September each year. Some special events such as the Knoxville Nationals, 360 Knoxville Nationals and Late Model Knoxville Nationals are multi-day events. Weekly racing events at the track features multiple classes of sprint cars including 410 cubic inch, 360 cubic inch and Pro Sprints (previously 305 cubic inch). Each August, the Raceway holds the paramount sprint car event in the United States, the Knoxville Nationals. The track is governed by the 24-member fair board elected by Marion County residents.

History
The first weekly races were held at the Knoxville Raceway in 1954. After internal issues with the sanctioning body—the Southern Iowa Stock Car Racing Association—in 1956, Marion Robinson of Des Moines, Iowa was appointed as race promoter. During Robinson's tenure, the cars progressed from stock cars to modifieds to supermodifieds to sprint cars. Robinson created what would become the Knoxville Nationals in 1961. The event took place over two days and featured a $5,000 purse where today it is now nearly one million dollars.

Timeline

 * 1878 – Race track is built for horse racing.
 * 1901 – First automobile race staged with 2 cars owned by Well's Manufacturing and Tone's Spices Co.
 * 1914 – First race.
 * 1917 – Old wooden grandstand was built (2,000 capacity).
 * Until late 1930s: Infield is used for Knoxville high school football games.
 * 1950–1954 – Stock car racing becomes popular after WWII and a few races per year are sanctioned by Newton Stock Car Association.
 * 1954 – Weekly racing begins. Banking, fencing, and lights are added to the track.
 * 1955 – Weekly racing sanctioned under the Oskaloosa's Southern Iowa Stock Car Racing Association.
 * 1956 – Marion County Fair Board begins sanctioning its own racing and hires Marion Robinson as race promoter.
 * 1959 – Wooden bleachers were added to the west of existing grandstand. (5,000)
 * 1961 – First Knoxville Nationals held, and won by Roy Robbins.
 * 1969 – Wood grandstand was razed.
 * 1970 – New steel and aluminum grandstand. (8,139 seats)
 * 1974 – Promoter Marion Robinson leaves May 1974.
 * 1974 – P. Ray Grimes named promoter, later expands the Nationals to 4 days and creates Nationals scoring point system.
 * 1978 – Remainder of wooden bleachers replaced with steel and aluminum.
 * 1978 – Ralph Capitani named Race Director and Promoter.
 * 1981 – New lighting.
 * 1982 – Wings on sprint cars becomes mandated for safety.
 * 1983 – 360 sprint cars begin competing.
 * 1984 – Grandstands expanded to higher rows in sections A-J.
 * 1987 – First year Nationals were on TNN television.
 * 1987 – Grandstand expansion completed upper tier in sections K-N (11,584).
 * 1990 – Temporary seating added to backstretch for Nationals.
 * 1991 – NSCHoF&M built (400 additional seats).
 * 1991 – Backstretch permanent grandstand added, Sections P-Z (17,224).
 * 1991 – First year of 360 Nationals.
 * 1994 – Backstretch grandstand expanded, sections P-ZZ (19,400).
 * 1995 – Knoxville Nationals broadcast live for first time on TNN.
 * 1996 – Main grandstand upper tier addition, VIP suites, new Musco Lighting. (23,200).
 * 2002 – Concrete added to infield pit area.
 * 2003 – Main grandstand sections AA & BB refitted, added handicap seating (24,192).
 * 2004 – First year of Late Model Knoxville Nationals.
 * 2010 – First points season for 305 sprint cars.
 * 2011 – Ralph Capitani retires at the end of the 2011 season.
 * 2012 – Toby Kruse named GM & Promoter, John McCoy named Race Director.
 * 2013 – Brian Stickel named GM & Promoter.
 * 2014 – New video boards added by Impact Signs.
 * 2015 – McKenna Haase became the first woman to win a feature Sprint Car race at Knoxville Raceway.
 * 2015 – GM Brian Stickel resigns.
 * 2016 – John McCoy given the Promoter and Race Director title. Gary Schumacher named as Business Manager.  Spire Sports + Entertainment's Kendra Jacobs, named as Marketing Director.
 * 2017 – Additional fencing constructed in turns 1 and 2
 * 2018 – Seats were widened during the off season, eliminating 3,320 seats from the main grandstand and lowering the overall seating capacity to 21,135.
 * 2021 – The track hosted a NASCAR Camping World Truck Series race on July 9 as part of the Corn Belt 150. This will be the first race at the track to ever be sanctioned by NASCAR. On September 29, 2021, NASCAR announced that the Truck Series will return for the 2022 season as the full schedule was released for the series.

Track records

 * The driver with the most 410 feature wins at the Knoxville Raceway is Danny Lasoski of Dover, Missouri with 112 feature wins.
 * The driver with the most 360 feature wins is David Hesmer of Marshalltown, Iowa with 65 feature wins.
 * The driver with the most consecutive wins is Doug Wolfgang of Sioux Falls, SD with 10 wins to start the 1977 season. He won 13 of the 18 events that year including the Knoxville Nationals.

National Sprint Car Hall of Fame & Museum
The National Sprint Car Hall of Fame & Museum is located just outside Turn 2 of the Knoxville Raceway. It features rotating exhibits to highlight the history of both winged and non-wing sprint cars.

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Knoxville Raceway


text:
Wikipedia talk:Articles for deletion/Lue online

This site is not affiliated with GameFAQs, merging the articles is a ridiculous proposal.


text:
Washington Township, Auglaize County, Ohio

Washington Township is one of the fourteen townships of Auglaize County, Ohio, United States. The 2020 census found 1,944 people in the township.

Geography
Located in the southern part of the county, it borders the following townships:
 * Moulton Township - north
 * Duchouquet Township - northeast corner
 * Pusheta Township - east
 * Dinsmore Township, Shelby County - southeast corner
 * Van Buren Township, Shelby County - south
 * Saint Marys Township - west
 * Noble Township - northwest corner

The village of New Knoxville is located in southwestern Washington Township.

According to the U.S. Census Bureau, the area of the township is 80.5 sqkm.

Name and history
It is one of forty-three Washington Townships statewide.

Originally part of Allen County, the township was formed in 1836.

Government
The township is governed by a three-member board of trustees, who are elected in November of odd-numbered years to a four-year term beginning on the following January 1. Two are elected in the year after the presidential election and one is elected in the year before it. There is also an elected township fiscal officer, who serves a four-year term beginning on April 1 of the year after the election, which is held in November of the year before the presidential election. Vacancies in the fiscal officership or on the board of trustees are filled by the remaining trustees.

Public services
The township is split between the Wapakoneta City School District, the Saint Marys City School District, and the New Knoxville Local School District.

The northwestern section of the township is served by the Saint Marys (45885) post office, the northeastern section by the Wapakoneta (45895) post office, the southern section by the New Knoxville (45871) post office, and the extreme southeastern section by the Botkins (45306) post office.


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Three-field system

The three-field system is a regime of crop rotation in which a field is planted with one set of crops one year, a different set in the second year, and left fallow in the third year. A set of crops is rotated from one field to another. The technique was first used in China in the Eastern Zhou period, and was adopted in Europe in the medieval period.

The three-field system lets farmers plant more crops and therefore increase production. Under this system, the arable land of an estate or village was divided into three large fields: one was planted in the autumn with winter wheat or rye; the second field was planted with other crops such as peas, lentils, or beans; and the third was left fallow (unplanted). Cereal crops deplete the ground of nitrogen, but legumes can fix nitrogen and so fertilize the soil. The fallow fields were soon overgrown with weeds and used for grazing farm animals. Their excrement fertilized that field's soil to regain its nutrients. Crop assignments were rotated every year, so each field segment would be planted for two out of every three years.

Previously a two-field system had been in place, with half the land being left fallow. The change happened around the 11th century. With more crops available to sell and agriculture dominating the economy at the time, the three-field system created a significant surplus and increased economic prosperity.

The three-field system needed more plowing of land and its introduction coincided with the adoption of the moldboard plow. These parallel developments complemented each other and increased agricultural productivity. The legume crop needed summer rain to succeed, and so the three-field system was less successful around the Mediterranean. Oats for horse food could also be planted in the spring, which, combined with the adoption of horse collars and horseshoes, led to the replacement of oxen by horses for many farming tasks, with an associated increase in agricultural productivity and the nutrition available to the population.

In his 1769 work Lehre vom Gyps als vorzueglich guten Dung zu allen Erd-Gewaechsen auf Aeckern und Wiesen, Hopfen- und Weinbergen, Johann Friedrich Mayer was one of the first Germans to advocate for new ways of expanding beyond the medieval three-field system.

title: Three-field system


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Okhotny Ryad (Moscow Metro)

Okhotny Ryad (Охотный ряд) is a station on the Sokolnicheskaya Line of the Moscow Metro. It is situated in the very centre of Moscow in the Tverskoy District, near the Kremlin, Manezhnaya Square and State Duma. It is named after a nearby street, whose name literally means "hunters' row".

History
Okhotny Ryad station is located under what was originally the swamplands of the upper Neglinnaya River. Later two ancient churches stood on the site, and their graveyards were excavated during the construction of the station. The station opened as part of the original Metro line on 15 May 1935.

Okhotny Ryad has been renamed more times than any other Metro station. Planned to be called Okhotnoryadskaya, it was opened as Okhotny Ryad instead. The station was renamed Imeni Kaganovicha in honour of Lazar Kaganovich during the brief period between 25 November 1955 and 1957, when its original name was restored. The station's name was changed once more on 30 November 1961, to Prospekt Marksa (the station still contains a mosaic portrait of Karl Marx). Finally, on 5 June 1990, the original name was restored once more.

Construction
The construction of Okhotny Ryad presented a number of engineering challenges. The task of wedging a metro station into the narrow space between two major buildings, the Hotel Moskva that has been re-built, and what is now the State Duma building, at a depth of only 8 m without damaging their foundations was further complicated by the difficult soil conditions in the area, including numerous underground water channels. The station was built using a so-called "German" method in which the station walls were constructed above ground and then lowered into the construction site. This helped to brace the foundations of the nearby buildings during the subsequent construction of the station vault and pylons.

The station was originally planned to be a bi-vault design similar to many London Underground stations, but Lazar Kaganovich, who was in charge of the Moscow Metro project at the time, insisted that the station be changed to a tri-vault design after 20 m of tunnel had already been bored. A major setback occurred when accumulated rainwater broke through the vault before it had been completely sealed and flooded the station. Though no one was injured in the disaster, construction had to be halted while the damage was repaired.

Interiors
The architects, Yuri Revkovsky, N. Borov, and G. Zamskoy, employed a silvery marble from Italy for the finishing of the pylons, the only documented case where imported material was used in the Metro. The walls are faced with ceramic tile. The finishing of the station, which involved the installation of more than 3000 sqm of marble, 20000 sqm of plaster, and thousands of square metres of tile as well as lighting and decorations, was completed in just two weeks.

In 2004, Okhotny Ryad underwent a major renovation which included replacing the lighting elements inside the spheres and repainting the plaster from light beige to white. A further renovation took place in 2007/2008 when the old ceramic tiles were replaced by bright marble, though a small tiled section was retained. An average of 42,110 passengers per day enter the station through its vestibules with an additional 241,000 passengers entering via Teatralnaya.

Entrances
The station has two subterranean vestibules, each linked with the platform via an escalator. During the construction of the vestibules, orders of the Moscow's party committee prohibited the obstruction of traffic, so American bridges had to be built over the pits of the future vestibules.

The eastern vestibule, through a mezzanine level is situated on the ground floor of a building situated on the corner of Bolshaya Dmitrovka street, Teatralny Drive, and Teatralnaya Square. The facade of this building was redesigned by Dmitry Chechulin and originally incorporated sculptures of athletes which were modeled after performers from the Moscow Circus. The original three N-type escalators were replaced by ET-5M units in 1997 (9.2 metres/30 ft high). The vestibule also acts as a transfer point to the Teatralnaya station.

The western vestibule's original N-type escalators were replaced in 1990 by the ET-5M series (also 9.2 metres/30 ft high). The vestibule's original entrance was built into the ground floor of Hotel Moskva, on the corner of Manezhnaya Square and Okhotny Ryad street. In 1959 the original structure was expanded with the first of many underground subway networks, and opened on 21 November. Dual descent entrances appeared on both corners of the Tverskaya Street, in front of the original entrance. The tunnel the continued along the facade of the Hotel Moskva, to offer entrance on both sides of the driveway between Manezhnaya Square and Revolution Square (closed to traffic only in 1990s). The final addition came in 1997 when a new underground mall was opened under the Manezhnaya Square, a direct access was made possible from the 1959 network. When the original Hotel Moskva was closed for demolition in 2004, the original entrance on its northwest corner was also demolished. It is unknown whether there are plans to restore it in the new building.

Transfers
Okhotny Ryad station is connected to Teatralnaya station of the Zamoskvoretskaya Line. Originally, when opened in 1938, transfer was only possible via the eastern vestibule. A direct transfer was under construction, but did not open until 30 December 1944. It features a long inclined tunnel that descends towards Teatranalaya. As the system grew, the original arrangement proved inadequate to handle the large passenger load and on 7 November 1974 a second transfer tunnel was opened.

Access to both transfer routes is done via escalators in the centre of the platform. The original two tandem N-type escalator pairs were replaced in 2001 by ET-5M series (8.3 metres high). In the mezzanine under the platform the northwards direction carries passenger to Teatralnaya, whilst the southern direction brings them from the station via the older 1940s transfer. Thus the escalators are also one way, with the western on descent and vice versa.

There is no direct transfer to Ploshchad Revolyutsii station of the Arbatsko-Pokrovskaya Line, which must be reached via Teatralnaya station.

title: Okhotny Ryad (Moscow Metro)


text:
Jason Ricci

Jason Ricci (born February 3, 1974) is an American harmonica player and singer. In addition to his solo albums, Ricci has appeared as a guest harmonica player on albums with Johnny Winter, Terence Blanchard, Nick Curran, Ana Popović, Walter Trout, Cedric Burnside, The Mannish Boys and Joe Louis Walker among others. Ricci was named "Best Harmonica Player" at the 2010 Blues Music Awards, and also performed on Grammy winning 2014 Johnny Winter album Step Back. In February 2015, Ricci played at the Rock and Roll Hall of Fame with the Paul Shaffer Band, Tom Morello and Zac Brown to induct The Paul Butterfield Blues Band. Ricci also continues touring with his band Jason Ricci and the Bad Kind as well as with other bands such as: "Harmonicon" (Sugar Blue, Billy Branch, Ricci), "JJ Appleton and Jason Ricci" and "Mark Hummel's Harmonica Blowout". In 2017, Jason Ricci and The Bad Kind signed a record deal with the Eller Soul label and released their new album Approved By Snakes released on June 16, 2017.

Early life
Raised in Portland, Maine, United States, Jason Ricci is the son of Joseph Ricci (co-founder of Elan School), and his first wife Cheryl Benton. His parents divorced in 1979. Ricci started performing in punk bands at the age of 14. Initially a vocalist, Ricci decided to pursue an instrument as well and the band chose harmonica for him. Being a blues fan, Ricci's mother encouraged his development as a harmonica player. Ricci names Howard Levy and his overblowing technique as having influenced his early harmonica playing as well as his decision not to switch to the saxophone. He further developed his playing style listening to and emulating Little Walter, Paul Butterfield, Pat Ramsey, and Adam Gussow. Jason has also directly referenced Pat Ramsey as a major influence in his developing a fast pentatonic approach to his playing, stating he prefers to be deliberate in his note choice in favor of speed for "speed's sake".

Musical career
In 1995, Ricci moved from Portland to Memphis, TN, where shortly thereafter he placed first in the Sonny Boy Blues Society contest at 21 years of age. Later that same year Ricci recorded his first album, Jason Ricci.

In Memphis, Ricci began playing with David Malone Kimbrough, son of Junior Kimbrough, and soon was a part of the bands of both Kimbroughs and was sitting in with R. L. Burnside. This also marked a dark period for Ricci, as drug addiction led to a one-year stint in jail.

In 1999, Ricci won the Mars National Harmonica Contest, and began playing with Keith Brown, later recording with him as well. In 2000, he received a two-page write up in Blues Access magazine by Adam Gussow (harmonica player for Satan and Adam) saying:

"I am convinced he along with New Jersey's Dennis Gruenling is one of the best harmonica players of his generation."

Gussow has also included Jason Ricci in the Top 10 All Time Harmonica Players list on his Modern Blues Harmonica website.

After 15 months with Big Al and the Heavyweights, and a brief period of living in Raleigh, North Carolina, Ricci started his own band, Jason Ricci & New Blood, in 2002. This band features Shawn Starski, who, in June 2008, was named by Guitar Player magazine as one of the "Top Ten Hottest New Guitarists." In 2005, Ricci was honored with the Muddy Waters Most Promising New Blues Artist award.

In 2007, Ricci and New Blood were signed to Eclecto Groove, a new subdivision of Delta Groove Productions. His first album with the label, titled Rocket Number Nine, was released October 23, 2007. Later in 2009 the band recorded Done With The Devil for the same Label. Done With The Devil signaled a new direction in Ricci's musical inspiration, as his study of the occult strongly influenced the writing on the album. The band as a whole has been nominated for Blues Band of the Year three times by Blues Wax magazine. Ricci won the Blues Critic Award for Harmonica Player of the Year (2008) and was nominated for a Blues Music Award for Harmonica Player of the Year in 2009 and 2010. By January 2011, Ricci had relocated to New Orleans, and assembled a new band, Approved By Snakes, with guitarist John Lisi. Ricci received "Best Harmonica Player" at the May 6, 2010 Blues Music Awards.

Ricci played harmonica on the  song "My Babe" on Johnny Winter's 2014 album Step Back. The album won the Grammy Award for Best Blues Album in February 2015.

In February 2015, Ricci began a national tour with a new band named Jason Ricci and the Bad Kind.

In April 2015, Ricci played harmonica on the song "Born in Chicago" with Zac Brown and Tom Morello at the 2015 Rock and Roll Hall of Fame induction ceremony for The Paul Butterfield Blues Band. In August 2017, Ricci was awarded the "Bernie Bray Harmonica Player of the Year Award" by The Society for the Preservation and Advancement of the Harmonica at the SPAH annual conference in Tulsa, OK. In 2018, Ricci received Blues Music Award nominations both for best harmonica instrumentalist and best rock blues artist, of which he was awarded best harmonica instrumentalist.

Side projects
Ricci participates as an Expert Guide (instructor) in the Harmonica Collective, an annual conference for harmonica players wishing to improve their skills and collaborate with other musicians, which he co-founded with Winslow Yerxa in 2013. He also posts free video harmonica lessons to his web site, and teaches live lessons via Skype.

Personal life
Ricci has been openly "queer" gay/bisexual most his career and has been outspoken about this subject in many interviews. This has been a professional obstacle as well as an opportunity for Ricci to challenge both gay stereotypes and traditional blues expectations:

"The [gay] community doesn't like drum sets and guitars and actual live music. They're used to lip-synching, and dudes in dresses, and Madonna, and Cher, and techno beats. Those are the things that kept me from coming out earlier. I felt like I had nothing in common with the gay community, and I still don't feel like I have a lot in common with the community. I'm hoping that changes, but the majority of their icons are press-friendly little Mickey Mouse-doll figureheads that you're more likely to see on a show redecorating somebody's house than onstage at a blues festival... When I came out of the closet as a gay white male from an upper-middle-class suburban home, I came out as not just gay, but as a white guy, and as a guy who likes punk, and as a guy who didn't come from total poverty, and all those things that we associate with being 'blues' things. And when I did that, I wanted to sing about that. I wanted to write songs about what my life was like, and I wanted to use terminology that was modern." Ricci's openness with being gay has occasionally been a difficult issue in the traditionally conservative blues world, as he's been "disinvited" from a number of venues and events.

Jason Ricci married Kaitlin Dibble on May 17, 2017.

Discography

 * 1995: Jason Ricci
 * 1997: Down At The Juke
 * 2001: Feel Good Funk
 * 2004: Live At Checkers Tavern
 * 2005: Her Satanic Majesty Requests Harmonica Music (compilation)
 * 2006: Blood on the Road
 * 2007: Rocket Number 9
 * 2009: Done with the Devil
 * 2010: Down That Road... (compilation)
 * 2015: Dirty Memory (with JJ Appleton)
 * 2017: Approved By Snakes (Jason Ricci & The Bad Kind)
 * 2019: My Chops Are Rolling!! (Jason Ricci & The Bad Kind)

Ricci has also appeared as a guest harmonica player with Johnny Winter, Nick Curran, Ana Popović, Walter Trout, Cedric Burnside, The Mannish Boys, Altered Five Blues Band and Joe Louis Walker among others.

title: Jason Ricci


text:
Stormcrow

Stormcrow or storm crow may refer to:
 * Yellow-billed cuckoo, a species of bird
 * Gandalf, also called Stormcrow by Théoden, King of Rohan, in Tolkien's legendarium
 * Stormcrow (album), a 2015 album by Cain's Offering
 * Stormcrow, member of the British metal band Desecration
 * Nomenclature of the title 'Stormcrow' may refer to prophetic soothesayers/oneiromancers like Mother Shipton and Nostrodamus
 * Stormcrow (Ryoken), an omnimech weighting 55 tons in the Battletech universe

title: Stormcrow


text:
Wayne Franklin

Gary Wayne Franklin (born March 9, 1974) is an American former professional baseball pitcher. He played seven seasons in Major League Baseball (MLB) for the Houston Astros (2000-2001), Milwaukee Brewers (2002-2003), San Francisco Giants (2004), New York Yankees (2005), and Atlanta Braves (2006). Franklin bats and throws left-handed.

Minor League Baseball (1996–2000)
Franklin was originally drafted by the Los Angeles Dodgers in the 36th round of the 1996 amateur draft out of the University of Maryland. He signed with the team on June 8, 1996, just four days after being drafted. Wayne began his professional career with the Los Angeles farm team the Yakima Bears in 1996, where he went 1–0 with 1 save and a 2.52 ERA. The following year, he pitched mostly as a reliever for the Single-A Savannah Sand Gnats. He did, however, make 7 starts, and he finished the 1997 season with a 5–3 record, a 3.11 ERA, and 2 saves. In 1998, playing with the Vero Beach Dodgers, Franklin earned a career-high 9 wins and he also notched 10 saves and a 3.53 ERA in 86.2 innings pitched. However, it was his last season in the Dodgers organization. On December 14, Franklin was drafted by the Houston Astros in the Rule 5 Draft. After going 3–0 with a 1.53 ERA in 12 games for Single-A Kissimmee, Franklin was called up to the Jackson Generals in May 1999. After being called up, Franklin posted a 3–1 record with 20 saves and a 1.61 ERA. He was named to the Texas League All-Star team and placed 2nd in relievers with a .178 opponent batting average. Franklin began the 2000 season with the AAA New Orleans Zephyrs, but was called up after 48 games when he put up a 3–3 record with a 3.63 ERA.

Houston Astros (2000–2001)
He made his big league debut with the Astros on July 24 against the Cincinnati Reds. The first batter he faced was Ken Griffey Jr., getting him to ground out. He recorded a 2.79 ERA in 16 appearances and only gave up 6 hits to 34 batters faced. In 2001, Wayne was on the Houston Opening Day roster and made 11 relief outings, but was sent down to the Zephyrs on May 5 after putting up a 6.75 earned run average. With New Orleans, he went 2–1 with 51 strikeouts in 41 relief appearances.

Milwaukee Brewers (2002–2003)
In 2002, Franklin became a starter, going 13–9 with a 3.17 ERA for the Zephyrs and leading the Pacific Coast League with 163 K's. On September 3, he was traded to the Milwaukee Brewers along with Keith Ginter to complete an earlier deal involving Mark Loretta. He debuted for the Brewers on September 19 against the St. Louis Cardinals. Wayne ended the year with a 2–1 record, a 2.62 ERA, and 17 strikeouts in 4 starts for Milwaukee. After going 10–13 with a 5.50 earned run average and a career-high 116 strikeouts for the Brewers in 2003, Franklin was traded to the San Francisco Giants along with Leo Estrella, for Carlos Villanueva and Glenn Woolard on March 30, 2004.

San Francisco Giants (2004)
Franklin was converted back to a reliever in 2004 for San Francisco after having led the league in home runs allowed the year before, going 2–1 with a 6.39 ERA and 40 strikeouts. He notched his first victory with the Giants on May 21 vs. the Montréal Expos. On July 28 against the San Diego Padres, Wayne was removed from the game with a lower back strain. Franklin was activated from the disabled list on August 18, in between games of a double header against the Expos. He made a spot start for San Francisco in the nightcap, only giving up one run in six innings to earn the victory. Franklin returned to the bullpen for his final 6 appearances, recording a 4.26 ERA. He played in the Venezuelan Winter League in the offseason.

New York Yankees (2005)
On March 30, 2005, Franklin was released by the Giants after appearing in 8 spring training games for the team. He was picked up by the New York Yankees as a free agent on April 4. He had posted a 2–3 record and a save in 46 games with the AAA Columbus Clippers before his contract was purchased by the Yankees on July 1. He made five appearances out of the bullpen before being demoted to Columbus on July 20. Wayne was granted free agency at the season's end.

Atlanta Braves (2006)
Franklin signed a minor league contract with the Tampa Bay Devil Rays on January 11, 2006, and was invited to spring training. He was assigned to minor league camp on March 28. On August 6, Franklin's contract was purchased by the Atlanta Braves from AAA Richmond. He made his first appearance for the Braves on August 7 against the Philadelphia Phillies. On December 5, 2006, Franklin signed a minor league contract with the Kansas City Royals and was invited to spring training.

International & Independent League career (2007-2014)
In 2007, Franklin signed with the York Revolution of the independent Atlantic League of Professional Baseball and later signed with Uni-President Lions of Chinese Professional Baseball League in Taiwan. On January 24, 2008, Franklin re-signed with the Revolution. He also played for the Potros de Tijuana of the Mexican League. In 2009, he re-signed with the Revolution and also saw time with the Southern Maryland Blue Crabs and Camden Riversharks of the Atlantic League. He then signed with the Chico Outlaws of the Golden Baseball League. In 2010, he split the season between Chico and the Lancaster Barnstormers of the Atlantic League. In 2013, he played for the East Bay Lumberjacks of the Pacific Association. In 2014, he was hired to be the first manager of the new Pittsburg Mettle ballclub in the Pacific Association. Franklin led the league in complete games (5) and innings pitched (116) while managing the team to a 22–56 record.

Coaching
From (2019-2020), Franklin managed the San Diego Jets, a Collegiate summer baseball team in the San Diego League. In his first season, Franklin led the Jets to a League Championship. In 2021, he became manager of the Lake Mills 94's of the Dairyland Collegiate League where they held a 12–14 record. Franklin has also spent time in recent years as a pitching coach for San Francisco State, Menlo and Holy Names.

title: Wayne Franklin


text:
Soft-World

Soft-World is a games distributor/developer in Taiwan, based in Taipei, Taiwan. Founded in 1983 and now public, Soft-World currently focuses on MMORPG operation in Taiwan, Hong Kong, Macau, Southeast Asia. It is the largest games software company in Taiwan.

title: Soft-World


text:
User talk:Graytooth

Around?
You still around? Scott P. (talk) 08:20, 24 February 2014 (UTC)

title: User talk:Graytooth


text:
Talk:The Hindu

Invisible section
Under the section "Partial list of Directors", there is an invisible section entitled "reviews". Anybody know why it's invisible? Lord Spongefrog, (I am the Czar of all Russias!)  12:34, 12 September 2009 (UTC)

Requested move 8 May 2020

 * The following is a closed discussion of a requested move. Please do not modify it. Subsequent comments should be made in a new section on the talk page. Editors desiring to contest the closing decision should consider a move review after discussing it on the closer's talk page. No further edits should be made to this discussion.

The result of the move request was: not moved (non-admin closure)  ~SS49~   {talk}  08:35, 15 May 2020 (UTC)

The Hindu → The Hindu (newspaper) – Hindu primary meaning is Hindu religion. Just adding the article "The" wont change the meaning. So having "The Hindu" for this newspaper article is ambiguous. Hence disambiguation (newspaper) is necessary. Crashed greek (talk) 07:24, 8 May 2020 (UTC)

 * Oppose Wikipedia article titling clearly distinguishes between X and The X in general (although I couldn't locate the exact MOS page where this is spelled out). For example, The Telegraph, The Monitor, The Register, The Chronicle, The Times, The Australian etc are not redirects to Telegraph, Monitor, Register... etc. They are either articles about the respective publication (if a single such publication towers over the others with that name) or disambiguation pages to (mainly) the newspapers when no single publication is dominant. Since The Hindu is (by far) the main publication/subject with that exact name, IMO its article should stay at The Hindu. Abecedare (talk) 07:45, 8 May 2020 (UTC)
 * The pages you have mentioned The Telegraph, The Monitor, The Chronicle are disambiguation articles, they are not articles like The Hindu, so the analogy doesnt hold. Crashed greek (talk) 08:55, 8 May 2020 (UTC)
 * I discussed that in my original post and therefore the list didn't end there. See The Times and The Australian mentioned earlier. Also The New Yorker, The Londoner, The Scotsman, The Musalman, The Oregonian, The Oklahoman, The Tennessean, The Nation, The Atlantic, The Observer, The Press, The Guardian etc. Abecedare (talk) 16:57, 8 May 2020 (UTC)'
 * The relevant guideline is at WP:NCTHE (hat tip, ), which supports using The in the article title for the newspaper but not for followers of Hinduism. Abecedare (talk) 17:14, 9 May 2020 (UTC)

 * Oppose - as per . -- Kautilya3 (talk) 09:17, 8 May 2020 (UTC)
 * Oppose per above discussion. The prominence of this newspaper creates the common name, few Wikipedia readers will find this confusing. Randy Kryn (talk) 13:51, 8 May 2020 (UTC)
 * Oppose As per explanation by  ~Amkgp ( ✉ ) 14:43, 8 May 2020 (UTC)
 * Oppose. The definite article eliminates any ambiguity, as nobody would ever actually refer to the Hindu religion as just "The Hindu". Bearcat (talk) 16:06, 8 May 2020 (UTC)
 * Oppose per all above. No ambiguity exists. In common with the style of headwords in other English reference works, MOS:AT only allows grammatical articles to begin article titles for topics that are works or bodies where the article itself forms part of the proper noun ("The" not "the"). This sort of WP:NATURALDIS is the primarily preferred form of WP:D. Llew Mawr (talk) 05:45, 9 May 2020 (UTC)
 * (Additional) comment:
 * The article title is also italicised to show it is the title of a work.
 * With regard to the comment on the most recent move, Hindu main word is about religion, the name of the religion is Hinduism, not "the Hindu".
 * Also, although I am a practising Hindu, I cannot imagine anyone referring to me, unidiomatically, as "the Hindu" (which would immediately make me think of the newspaper, despite my not living in India nor ever reading a copy).
 * I'm glad the move is being debated though. It wasn't in keeping with a spirit of consensus when the nominator twice moved this article, this year, to The Hindu (newspaper) without discussion or a proposal on this talk page.  Llew Mawr (talk) 06:20, 9 May 2020 (UTC)
 * Hinduism is also called as Hindu religion. Also an adherent of the religion is called Hindu. So it is the primary meaning. Crashed greek (talk) 07:26, 11 May 2020 (UTC)

 * Oppose per the above generally. The phrase "the Hindu" is not used in English as a noun phrase to mean anything general about Hindus and Hinduism (except in an obsolescent, borderline-poetic writing style, e.g. "For the Hindu, divinity is a more flexible and multifaceted concept than for the Christian.")  This would be a different matter for the plural, as social struggles between the Hindus and the Buddhists of India is a common enough subject.  — SMcCandlish ☏ ¢ 😼  17:24, 9 May 2020 (UTC)
 * Snow Oppose per all. Johnbod (talk) 23:36, 9 May 2020 (UTC)

 * The discussion above is closed. Please do not modify it. Subsequent comments should be made on the appropriate discussion page. No further edits should be made to this discussion.

Redirects
These four are all redirects to this page, but there are no mention of them anywhere in the article. Although I can't be sure if it matches the Redirects for discussion policy, should't these be deleted?
 * Education Plus
 * The hindu features
 * The Hindu Centre
 * The Hindu Centre for Politics and Public Policy

Note: "Education Plus" and "The hindu features" were merged to this article following a discussion here.--YTRK (talk) 13:00, 14 May 2020 (UTC)

Section about controversies and criticisms is missing
This is regarding this edit and other edits in its vicinity. A section dedicated for “controversies and criticism” is present in the Wikipedia articles of almost every major newspaper except The Hindu. Therefore, we need a separate section for listing “controversies and criticism” about this newspaper. This doesn’t fit well in the history section. Please see the article of The New York Times as an approximate template. —  Vaibhavafro  💬 15:54, 4 October 2020 (UTC)
 * , The "controversies and critcism" section on The News York Times refers to actual controversies, accusations and criticisms with appropiate summarisation of references and a neutral presentation. Whereas your addition in Special:Diff/981743203 and Special:Diff/981743203 was a random jumble of quotes with no context and no reference to the internal dispute on editorial control, the subject of the cited articles.
 * I made a seperate edit solely to fix this issue in Special:Diff/981780581 which retains the section by name. If you want to retain it, that is fine but it should ideally belong in the history section considering the current state the article is in. If and when necessary, a section on controversies and criticism can be created in an appropriate manner..
 * Please go through, WP:CSECTION; a well developed article like that of The New York Times is not comparable to this one which doesn't even appropiately summarise its basic history as it stands. Tayi Arajakate  Talk 16:16, 4 October 2020 (UTC)
 * Please go through, WP:CSECTION; a well developed article like that of The New York Times is not comparable to this one which doesn't even appropiately summarise its basic history as it stands. Tayi Arajakate  Talk 16:16, 4 October 2020 (UTC)
 * Please go through, WP:CSECTION; a well developed article like that of The New York Times is not comparable to this one which doesn't even appropiately summarise its basic history as it stands. Tayi Arajakate  Talk 16:16, 4 October 2020 (UTC)

 * wp:CSECTION is a valid point. I hereby withdraw my proposal to create a dedicated section for controversies and criticism. However, the content added in this edit is important for maintaining WP:NPOV since it mentions the views critical of the newspaper. Without it, there’s hardly any content in the article critical of the newspaper. —  Vaibhavafro  💬 16:26, 4 October 2020 (UTC)
 * There are apparently editorial disputes. You can research them and write about them instead of name-dropping and cherry-picked quotations. -- Kautilya3 (talk) 16:34, 4 October 2020 (UTC)

 * I have elaborated the quotations by adding the context. Thank you for the suggestion. —  Vaibhavafro  💬 17:13, 4 October 2020 (UTC)
 * I can agree to the new edit as it stands since it is presented within its appropriate context, although that edit summary certainly isn't appropriate considering you couldn't even wait for 30 minutes for a response here. In any case, I wouldn't be making changes to that edit so I suppose this is settled here. Tayi Arajakate  Talk 17:29, 4 October 2020 (UTC)
 * Thank you. I am sorry for my haste, if you feel I have shown some of it. I shall be refining the content I added today further to improve its cohesion, context and coherence. Please feel free to suggest improvements. Regarding the supposedly inappropriate “edit summary”, please see my reply here. —  Vaibhavafro  💬 17:40, 4 October 2020 (UTC)

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