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File:Wayne'sWorld2Soundtrack.jpg

Fair use in Wayne's World 2 (soundtrack)
Though this image is subject to copyright, its use is covered by the U.S. fair use laws because:
 * 1) It's a low resolution copy of a CD/album cover.
 * 2) It doesn't limit the copyright owner's rights to sell the CD/album in any way, in fact, it may encourage sales.
 * 3) Because of the low resolution, copies could not be used to make illegal copies of the album artwork on another CD.
 * 4) The image is itself a subject of discussion in the article or used in the infobox thereof.
 * 5) The image on the cover is significant because it was made by a famous artist, Various artists.

Source

 * 1) Derived from a digital capture (scan/photo) of the album/CD cover (creator of this digital version is irrelevant as the copyright in all equivalent images is still held by the same party). Copyright held by the record company or the artist. Claimed as fair use regardless.

title: File:Wayne'sWorld2Soundtrack.jpg


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Frémy's salt

Frémy's salt is a chemical compound with the formula (K4[ON(SO3)2]2), sometimes written as (K2[NO(SO3)2]). It is a bright yellowish-brown solid, but its aqueous solutions are bright violet. The related sodium salt, disodium nitrosodisulfonate (NDS, Na2ON(SO3)2, CAS 29554-37-8) is also referred to as Frémy's salt.

Regardless of the cations, the salts are distinctive because aqueous solutions contain the radical [ON(SO3)2]2−.

Applications
Frémy's salt, being a long-lived free radical, is used as a standard in electron paramagnetic resonance (EPR) spectroscopy, e.g. for quantitation of radicals. Its intense EPR spectrum is dominated by three lines of equal intensity with a spacing of about 13 G (1.3 mT).

The inorganic aminoxyl group is a persistent radical, akin to TEMPO.

It has been used in some oxidation reactions, such as for oxidation of some anilines and phenols  allowing  polymerization and cross-linking of peptides and peptide-based hydrogels.

It can also be used as a model for peroxyl radicals in studies that examine the antioxidant mechanism of action in a wide range of natural products.

Preparation
Frémy's salt is prepared from hydroxylaminedisulfonic acid. Oxidation of the conjugate base gives the purple dianion:

 * HON(SO3H)2 → [HON(SO3)2]2− + 2 H+
 * 2 [HON(SO3)2]2− + PbO2 → 2 [ON(SO3)2]2− + PbO + H2O

The synthesis can be performed by combining nitrite and bisulfite to give the hydroxylaminedisulfonate. Oxidation is typically conducted at low-temperature, either chemically or by electrolysis.

Other reactions:

 * HNO2 + 2 →  + H2O
 * 3 +  + H+  →  3  + MnO2 + 2 H2O
 * 2 + 4 K+ → K4[ON(SO3)2]2

History
Frémy's salt was discovered in 1845 by Edmond Frémy (1814–1894). See:
 * Frémy, E. (1845) "Sur un nouvelle série d'acides formés d'oxygène, de soufre, d'hydrogène et de d'azote" (On a new series of acids formed from oxygen, sulfur, hydrogen, and nitrogen), Annales de Chimie et de Physique, 3rd series, 15 : 408-488. Frémy's salt appears on p. 447, where it's called "sulfazidate de potasse".
 * Frémy, E. (1845) "Sur un nouvelle série d'acides formés d'oxygène, de soufre, d'hydrogène et de d'azote" (On a new series of acids formed from oxygen, sulfur, hydrogen, and nitrogen), Comptes rendus, 21 : 218–226. This is a condensed version of the article that appeared in Annales de Chimie et de Physique.
 * "Séances académiques," L'Institut, no. 604, 23 July 1845, pp. 265–266.
 * "Séances académiques," L'Institut, no. 619, 12 November 1845, pp. 393. Here a committee of the French Academy of Sciences reviewed Frémy's findings.
 * Edward Divers and Tamemasa Haga (1900) "Identification and constitution of Frémy's sulphazotised salts of potassium," Journal of the Chemical Society, Transactions, 77 :  440-446. doi:10.1039/CT9007700440 Here, correct formulae for Frémy's salts are presented.  On p. 445, the salt that Frémy called sulfazidate is identified as ON(SO3K)2.  Its use in organic synthesis was popularized by Hans Teuber, such that an oxidation using this salt is called the Teuber reaction.

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Frémy's salt


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User talk:Soulman (renamed)

Welcome!

Hello, and welcome to Wikipedia. Thank you for your contributions. I hope you like the place and decide to stay. Here are a few good links for newcomers: I hope you enjoy editing here and being a Wikipedian! By the way, please be sure to sign your name on Talk and vote pages using four tildes (~~~~) to produce your name and the current date, or three tildes (~~~) for just your name. If you have any questions, see the help pages, add a question to the village pump or ask me on my Talk page. Again, welcome! --Ragib 22:19, 22 July 2005 (UTC)
 * The Five Pillars of Wikipedia
 * How to edit a page
 * Editing, policy, conduct, and structure tutorial
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 * How to write a great article
 * Naming conventions
 * Manual of Style
 * Merging, redirecting, and renaming pages
 * If you're ready for the complete list of Wikipedia documentation, there's also Topical index.

 * Hi Soulman,
 * May I ask for a favor? It seems that since you created this account you have not been very active. So maybe you might be willing to let me use the nick soulman.

 * I do use this name on several Wiki projects including de:wikipedia (with over 1000 edits) wikibooks, and meta.wikimedia. I would be happy if I could use the same nick here too, since then I could bind it to my global user account. Currently I´m forced to use a different user on en.wikipedia.org.

 * What do you think?

 * You may answer me right here or here talk or send me an email to "soulman ( a t ) soulman (dot) de"

 * Thanks for considering,

 * Soulman aka UltraBlonz (talk) 03:18, 8 January 2010 (UTC)

 * Hi Soulman.de, I agree I haven't used this login in a while, yet, I still use wikipedia several times a week. Just haven't taken the time to login.  I am going to keep the login, and make sure that I use it more often.  I really like the screenname and also use it elsewhere on the internet.  If I ever give it up then I'll let you know. Soulman (talk) 03:39, 14 March 2010 (UTC)

 * Well... Bummer!   Thanks anyhow, Cheers Soulman...err... UltraBlonz (talk) 00:36, 30 March 2010 (UTC)

 * Its 2012 now and your last contribution (besides answering me in 2010) was 2007, thus over 5 years ago. May that count as "giving up" your user account? May I ask again, if you are willing to consider letting me use the name? As mentioned I use that name in almost all wikipedia projects including commons and wikibooks . I cannot get a unified log in in all wiki projects because en.wikipedia.org is the only project where I don't have the nick.  I mean since you do not write anything it would not hurt that much, right?
 * Soulman aka UltraBlonz (talk) 22:01, 12 October 2012 (UTC)
 * Hi again. I'm sorry to inform you that I filed an usurpation request on June 1st. UltraBlonz (talk) 20:13, 3 June 2013 (UTC)

I am sorry but, following the decision to unify accounts across Wikimedia projects, I have renamed your account. Please let me know if there is another name you would like to be known by and I will rename you to it if possible. WJBscribe (talk) 19:18, 6 June 2013 (UTC)

title: User talk:Soulman (renamed)


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Wayne's World 2: Music from the Motion Picture

Wayne's World 2: Music from the Motion Picture is the soundtrack album for the 1993 comedy sequel film Wayne's World 2. It features two live tracks from Aerosmith, and a version of "Louie, Louie" by Robert Plant.

Track listing

 * 1) "Louie, Louie" - Robert Plant (2:54)
 * 2) "Dude (Looks Like a Lady)" - Aerosmith* (5:05)
 * 3) "Idiot Summer" - Gin Blossoms (4:12)
 * 4) "Superstar" - 'Superfan' (a collective including Chrissie Hynde on vocals and the musicians from Urge Overkill) (3:50)
 * 5) "I Love Rock 'n' Roll" - Joan Jett & the Blackhearts (2:55)
 * 6) "Spirit in the Sky" - Norman Greenbaum (4:03)
 * 7) "Out There" - Dinosaur Jr. (5:53)
 * 8) "Mary's House" - 4 Non Blondes (4:02)
 * 9) "Radar Love" - Golden Earring (5:03)
 * 10) "Can't Get Enough" - Bad Company (4:15)
 * 11) "Frankenstein" - Edgar Winter (4:43)
 * 12) "Shut Up and Dance" - Aerosmith* (4:43)
 * 13) "Y.M.C.A." - Village People ('uncredited hidden track on some releases') (3:44)

 * An asterisk (*) indicates live performances from the movie


text:
Will Marshall

Will Marshall is one of the founders of the New Democrat movement. Since its founding in 1989, he has been president of the Progressive Policy Institute, a think tank formerly affiliated with the Democratic Leadership Council (DLC). He also serves as honorary vice president of Policy Network, and previously served on the board of the National Endowment for Democracy and the District of Columbia Public Charter School Board.

He served on the board of the Committee for the Liberation of Iraq, an organization chaired by Joe Lieberman (I) and John McCain (R) designed to build support for the invasion of Iraq. Marshall also signed, at the outset of the war, a letter issued by the Project for the New American Century (PNAC) expressing support for the invasion. Marshall signed a similar letter sent to President Bush put out by the Social Democrats USA on Feb. 25, 2003, just before the invasion. The SDUSA letter urged Bush to commit to "maintaining substantial U.S. military forces in Iraq for as long as may be required to ensure a stable, representative regime is in place and functioning."

He writes frequently on political and public policy matters, especially the "Politics of Ideas" column in Blueprint, the DLC's magazine. Notably, he is one of the co-authors of Progressive Internationalism: A Democratic National Security Strategy.

Prior to the founding of PPI, Marshall was variously a speechwriter for Lieutenant Governor Dick Davis of Virginia, Governor Jim Hunt of North Carolina and Representative Gillis Long of Louisiana.

Marshall holds a B.A. in English and History from the University of Virginia.

title: Will Marshall


text:
Talk:Wayne's World 2: Music from the Motion Picture

Fair use rationale for Image:Wayne'sWorld2Soundtrack.jpg
Image:Wayne'sWorld2Soundtrack.jpg is being used on this article. I notice the image page specifies that the image is being used under fair use but there is no explanation or rationale as to why its use in this Wikipedia article constitutes fair use. In addition to the boilerplate fair use template, you must also write out on the image description page a specific explanation or rationale for why using this image in each article is consistent with fair use.

Please go to the image description page and edit it to include a fair use rationale. Using one of the templates at Fair use rationale guideline is an easy way to insure that your image is in compliance with Wikipedia policy, but remember that you must complete the template. Do not simply insert a blank template on an image page.WAAAAAAANKKKKKINNNNNGGGGGG

If there is other fair use media, consider checking that you have specified the fair use rationale on the other images used on this page. Note that any fair use images uploaded after 4 May, 2006, and lacking such an explanation will be deleted one week after they have been uploaded, as described on criteria for speedy deletion. If you have any questions please ask them at the Media copyright questions page. Thank you.

BetacommandBot 05:04, 11 July 2007 (UTC)


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Amy Millan

Amy Millan (born December 3, 1973) is a Canadian indie rock singer and guitarist. She records and performs with the bands Stars and Broken Social Scene as well as having a successful solo career. Her second solo album, Masters of the Burial, was released by Arts & Crafts Productions in September 2009.

Early life
Amy Millan grew up in the Cabbagetown neighbourhood of Toronto. She attended high school at Jarvis Collegiate Institute, and later the Etobicoke School of the Arts where she studied drama alongside future Broken Social Scene bandmates Kevin Drew and Emily Haines. Millan dabbled in acting, appearing as a pregnant teen in the first episode of the second season of Degrassi Junior High.

Millan and Haines formed the band Edith's Mission. Although short-lived, Edith's Mission did play a sold-out show at the Horseshoe Tavern in Toronto.

After high school, Millan moved to Montreal for three years to attend Concordia University and gained experience as a solo performer by playing in coffee shops. Upon returning to Toronto, she formed the roots-rock band 16 Tons and wrote many of the songs that she would use to launch her solo career several years later. After the breakup of 16 Tons, Millan moved to Los Angeles.

While living there, her song with 16 Tons, "Bury Me," was added to the soundtrack of the film Drowning Mona. However, Millan, missing a city where walking was encouraged over driving, returned to Toronto.

Stars
Stars was formed by Torquil Campbell and Chris Seligman in New York City. The line-up subsequently grew to incorporate Evan Cranley, with whom Millan had played gigs while a member of 16 Tons. Feeling that Millan would be a good fit for the group, Cranley invited her to New York City to audition in December 1999. After receiving assurances that she would be actively involved in the songwriting process, Millan agreed to join the band. As much of their debut album had been recorded prior to her joining, Millan's involvement in 2001's Nightsongs was limited, although she did write and sing lead vocals on "Toxic Holiday". Desiring to return to Canada, but not wanting to move to Toronto, the band relocated to Montreal. Drummer Pat McGee was recruited as their fifth member prior to the release of their second album, Heart, in 2003.

Millan's influence was more evident on this album, and a number of the tracks were performed as duets between her and Torquil Campbell, establishing a style for which the band would become well known. Stars' commercial breakthrough came with their 2004 album Set Yourself on Fire and the accompanying single "Ageless Beauty", which she wrote and featured a lead vocal by Millan. Their fourth album, In Our Bedroom After the War, was released in 2007 and was followed by the EP Sad Robots the following year. In June 2010, they released their fifth full-length album, The Five Ghosts.

Broken Social Scene
Although she did not officially contribute to Broken Social Scene's first two albums, due to scheduling conflicts for BSS members Emily Haines and Leslie Feist, she was asked by former classmate Kevin Drew to "be the girl" and sing with the band for the release concert of the band's second album, You Forgot It in People. From 2002 onward, Millan has often performed in BSS alongside fellow Stars members Evan Cranley, Chris Seligman and Torquil Campbell. She appeared on their 2005 self-titled album and also contributed vocals and writing to Kevin Drew's 2007 solo album Spirit If... as well as to Brendan Canning's 2008 solo album Something For All of Us. As in Stars, Amy usually sings with BSS but also plays guitar and percussion during live shows.

Honey from the Tombs
Amy Millan released her debut solo album, Honey from the Tombs, in 2006. It consisted of songs largely written before 2000, from when Millan was a member of 16 Tons. The album title was inspired by a Tom Waits interview where he compared the release of older songs to the discovery of sweet honey buried in Egyptian tombs. The album was produced by Ian Blurton and musical contributors included Brendan Canning and Kevin Drew of Broken Social Scene and Dan and Jenny Whiteley from Crazy Strings.

In contrast to her work with Stars, Millan's solo work is strongly influenced by country and folk music. Thematically, many of the songs deal with loss and loneliness, and taking solace in alcohol is sung about numerous times. Millan's upbringing in Toronto provided the inspiration for the song "Wayward and Parliament", which is based on her time working in the coffee shop "Jet Fuel" on Parliament Street.

Two videos were shot to promote Honey from the Tombs: "Skinny Boy" was directed by George Vale, and "Baby I" was directed by Anthony Seck. The songs "Losin' You" and "Baby I", were released as 7" singles in Europe. Millan also toured extensively to support the album, playing dates in North America, Japan and Europe.

Masters of the Burial
Millan released her second album, Masters of the Burial, on September 8, 2009. The album is produced by Martin Kinack and musicians appearing include Evan Cranley, Dan and Jenny Whiteley, Mark Roy, Leslie Feist and Liam O'Neil. The album features several cover songs, including some written by Death Cab for Cutie and Sarah Harmer.

Personal life
Millan is married to Stars bandmate Evan Cranley. Their daughter, Delphine Rita Jane Cranley, was born on March 21, 2011. Millan gave birth to a son in 2017.

Collaborations
For Amy Millan's work with Stars, see Stars discography.

title: Amy Millan


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John Crossingham

John Crossingham is a Canadian indie rock singer-songwriter based in Toronto, Ontario. He performs with the bands Raising the Fawn and Broken Social Scene.

title: John Crossingham


text: User talk:70.18.41.60

title: User talk:70.18.41.60


text:
Saturday Night Slam Masters

Saturday Night Slam Masters, known in Japan as Muscle Bomber: The Body Explosion (マッスルボマー ザ・ボディー・エクスプロージョン), is a 1993 pro wrestling arcade game released for the CP System by Capcom. The game features character designs by manga artist Tetsuo Hara, famous for Fist of the North Star.

The game was followed by an updated version titled Muscle Bomber Duo: Ultimate Team Battle in 1993, and a sequel called Ring of Destruction: Slam Masters II in 1994.

Gameplay
The original Slam Masters plays like a traditional wrestling game, only the game used a view similar to that commonly used in the fighting game genre. The game uses a three button configuration (grab, attack, and jump).

Each character has two special attacks: a non-grappling technique and a finisher. When an opponent's life meter is depleted, he must either be pinned for a three-count or forced to submit. Defeating all of the other wrestlers results in winning the championship belt, which must then be defended against the entire roster.

There are two game modes: Single Match, where the player fights in a series one-on-one matches against the CPU; and Team Battle Royale, where the player and another partner (controlled by another player or by the CPU) competes in a series of two-on-two matches. The game can be played by up to four players.

Characters
The game features a playable roster of ten wrestlers. Only eight of the wrestlers are selectable in the Single Match mode. The remaining two: Jumbo and Scorpion, are non-playable boss characters in Single Match and selectable only in Team Battle Royale. In the English localization, Capcom changed the names of all the characters and modified much of the backstory. The English names are used in this article, followed by the original Japanese names (when they differ) in parentheses.

 * Biff Slamkovich (アレクセイ・ザラゾフ) – The main protagonist of the series. In the Japanese version of the game, Zalazof is a Russian wrestler who trained under Haggar alongside his rival, Gunloc. No such character connection is established in the English version, although Biff makes a reference to "Comrade Zangief" in his losing quote. Alex from Street Fighter III bears a strong resemblance to Biff.
 * Gunloc (ラッキー・コルト) – In the Japanese version of the game, Colt is another apprentice of Haggar and Zalazof's rival, explaining the similar fighting styles. The English version implies that Gunloc is a relative of Guile (from Street Fighter II), a character relation that was mentioned again in the Street Fighter: The Movie arcade game where it is revealed that Gunloc is Guile's brother.
 * The Great Oni (ミステリアス・ブドー) – A Japanese wrestler who dresses with a kabuki-like theme. He is apparently a rival of El Stingray.
 * Titanic Tim (タイタン・ザ・グレート) – A huge English wrestler who uses both his size and strength to intimidate his opponents. His backstory explains that he was once a tag team partner to Birdie of the Street Fighter series.
 * El Stingray (エル・スティンガー) – A Mexican luchador who amazes the crowds with his high-flying speed and techniques.
 * Mike "Macho" Haggar (マイク・”マチョ”・ハガー) – Originally one of the main characters from Final Fight. The Japanese version establishes that Haggar's appearance in this game takes place before being elected mayor in Final Fight. However, the English version refers to Haggar as the "former Mayor of Metro City". His daughter, Jessica (also from Final Fight), sometimes enters into the ring to celebrate with him when he wins a match.
 * Alexander the Grater (シープ・ザ・ロイヤル) – An Australian wrestler who has a merciless attitude in the ring.
 * King Rasta Mon ("ミッシングIQ" ゴメス) – A wild and feral-like man who acts like a savage beast in combat. He is always accompanied by his pet monkey, Freak, who happens to be his "manager".
 * Jumbo Flapjack (キマラ・ザ・バウンサー) – A very large and sadistic wrestler who enjoys making his opponents bleed. He is the right-hand man of the Scorpion who serves as the penultimate sub-boss of the game.
 * The Scorpion (アストロ) – The game's final boss and main antagonist of the series. A mysterious masked wrestler whose true identity and history is shrouded in both mystery and darkness. He is also known to be the leader of the BWA (Blood Wrestling Association).

Series
The table below summarizes the appearances of every character in the Slam Masters series. A green cell means the character is present in that series. A red cell means the character is absent from that series. A yellow cell means the character is present in the series, but cannot be played as. (i.e.: NPC Bosses or ending cameos)

 * Notes

Ports
The original Slam Masters was ported to the Super Nintendo Entertainment System, Sega Genesis and FM Towns. The Super NES version retains the Team Battle Royale mode of Muscle Bomber Duo (which can be played with a Multi-Player Adapter for up to four players), while the Genesis version replaces it with an exclusive Death Match mode. The Genesis version is also the only version of the game that allows the player to select The Scorpion and Jumbo for the Single Battle mode. In contrast to the arcade version, which only used Tetsuo Hara's artwork for promotional illustrations, the console versions of Slam Masters for the Super NES and Genesis use Hara's actual artwork in the game.

Reception
In Japan, Game Machine listed Saturday Night Slam Masters on their September 1, 1993 issue as being the sixth most-successful table arcade unit of the month. In North America, Play Meter listed it to be the 22nd most-popular arcade game in October 1993.

Reviewing the Super NES version, GamePro praised the four-player gameplay, the variety of moves, and the unique graphical touches to each of the characters. They concluded "If you want a breather from intense fighting games, this wrestling cart's a refreshing break."

A reviewer for Next Generation panned the Genesis version, saying that the game is generic and unoriginal, and that only the barbed-wire ring in the Death Match "[saves] the game from being horrible." He urged wrestling fans to get WWF Raw instead.

Video Games: The Ultimate Gaming Magazine gave the Super NES version an overall score of 8/10 praising the colors and sounds, the smooth character controls, and the gameplay as “slammingly brutal”. Stating the game as “A great home version of a great arcade game.”

In 2018, Complex ranked the game 30th on their "The Best Super Nintendo Games of All Time."

Muscle Bomber Duo
Muscle Bomber Duo: Ultimate Team Battle, released in Japan as Muscle Bomber Duo: Heat Up Warriors, is an updated version of the original Slam Masters which eliminates the Single Match mode from the original game, focusing solely on the two-on-two Team Battle mode. The same character can now be chosen by more than one player and each wrestler now has two additional special moves: a dual side attack and a vacuum move. Duo is the only game in the series to retain the Muscle Bomber title for its international releases.

Although the players can choose and pick their team as they please, there are five "official" combinations that the game will recognize and give a name to. The official tag teams are as follows:
 * Hyper Cannons (Biff and Gunloc)
 * Exotic Warriors (Rasta and Oni)
 * Deadly Brothers (Titan and Stingray)
 * Knuckle Busters (Haggar and Grater)
 * Silent Assassins (Scorpion and Jumbo)

Ring of Destruction
Ring of Destruction: Slam Masters II, released in Japan as Super Muscle Bomber: The International Blowout, is the proper sequel to Slam Masters, now a CP System II game. Unlike the original, this game was never ported.

The game's format was changed to play more like a traditional one-on-one 2D fighting game with the action restricted to one plane (similar to Street Fighter II), albeit with an emphasis on grappling. Controls were upgraded to five buttons: two punch buttons, two kick buttons, and a grapple button. The objective of each match is to deplete the opponent's life bar in two out of three rounds. It is no longer possible for the player to pin their opponent to win a match, though all other wrestling-style moves have been retained.

All ten characters from the original Slam Masters returned, along with four new selectable characters:
 * Victor Ortega (ヴィクター・オルテガ) – A legendary champion wrestler who vanished from the ring for years and has come out of retirement. Ortega was the wrestler who appeared in the intros of both the first and second games. His special move is the backdrop.
 * The Wraith (ザ・レイス) – A supernatural-themed wrestler from New Delhi, India. His special move is the guillotine drop.
 * Rip Saber (リップ・セイバー) – A military-themed wrestler from Calgary, Canada who attacks with dangerous weapons.
 * Black Widow (ブラック・ウィドー) – A fully costumed wrestler from Hanover, Germany with a spider-motif. Widow's ending reveals that she's actually a female wrestler in disguise. Her special move is the Frankensteiner. Widow is mentioned in Hugo's end sequence in Street Fighter III: 2nd Impact.

In Japan, Game Machine listed Ring of Destruction: Slam Masters II on their November 1, 1994 issue as being the ninth most-successful table arcade unit of the year.

In other media
In the Street Fighter animated series episode "New Kind of Evil", Mike Haggar appears in a fight against Blanka, and the human forms of the three guys who become monsters resemble that of Gunloc, The Great Oni, and Titanic Tim. It is also mentioned in the 1994 arcade game Street Fighter: The Movie that the "Blade" character is actually a deep cover agent named Gunloc in disguise as one of Bison's Shock Troops, and is shown to be Guile's brother (playing into the well-known rumor that the two are related). This is not canon for either game series, as the Japanese version of Slam Masters does not have him related to Guile in any way, shape, or form, and this connection made between the two is probably nothing more than a reference to a popular video game rumor.

title: Saturday Night Slam Masters


text:
Talk:Amyraldism

Four point Calvinism
Since Amyraldism is perhaps the most popular form of Calvinism, in the wider Evangelical world, should we add the Calvinism template here? Amyraldians very commonly think of themselves as Calvinian Calvinists (a term that I think was coined by a professor of mine - an Amyraldian). Mkmcconn (Talk) 22:22, 22 July 2005 (UTC)

 * True Amyraldism is Calvinistic in that it maintains the particularity of sovereign grace in election. Therefore, I have no problem including the Calvinism template, which by the way, looks good.  I believe most would agree that technically it is a brand of Calvinism, even though I don't agree with it.  :-)  Jim Ellis 22:52, July 22, 2005 (UTC)

Cleanup
There have been numerous edits (and I believe, improvements) since the Clean-up banner was added by User:Flex. I'm not sure what else is needed. I will wait for Flex to review and perhaps delete the banner. Jim Ellis 16:28, August 11, 2005 (UTC)

Recent edits
In the recent edits by 69.19.14.40, there seems to be some helpful, non-controversial material, but there is also a distinct bias as noted by the use of the qualifier on "Bezan Calvinism" that will need to be neutralized. I know that it has been suggested by some scholars that Calvinism, especially as it exists today, does not represent Calvin's Calvinism but Beza's expansion and modifications thereof (similar to how modern Lutheranism is supposed to have been largely mediated through Melancthon). What can we do to make this perspective more represented in the articles on Calvinism? While what we call Calvinism today is fairly accurately described by the Calvinism article IMHO, I think this viewpoint on the historical development of Calvinism certainly deserves a (preferably documented) paragraph or section in that article. --Flex 20:49, 5 July 2006 (UTC)

 * The recent edits 69.19.14.40 reflect a particular POV especially with the term "Bezan" Calvinism. Also, to refer to "universal atonement similar to that of John Calvin" is a POV which is nowhere considered a concensus.  While some of the recent edits are helpful, I believe some selected reversions or re-edits are in order here. Jim Ellis 13:53, 10 July 2006 (UTC)

I'm fine with that, but I still think mention should be made of this alternate perspective at least in Calvinism and possibly here also. It's a minority view, but it deserves representation. --Flex 17:24, 10 July 2006 (UTC)

 * I made a few edits addressing some of my concerns. A section on "Calvin versus Calvinism" would  seem most appropriate on the Calvinism page. A brief reference here to the fact that some deny that Calvin would have supported limited atonement may be OK if fairly stated. Jim Ellis 18:05, 10 July 2006 (UTC)

Footnote method
I just used the method to insert a footnote, only to discover the other method was already in use for the existing notes. Unified note tagging method required. DFH 21:07, 27 August 2006 (UTC)
 * Now done. DFH 09:12, 28 August 2006 (UTC)

So called "weasel" eliminations
I am curious as to why the following sentence was deleted: "In recent years Amyraldism has become more popular in certain theological circles." It would be difficult to argue that this is an untrue statement. There simply has been an increase of those who hold to this view during the middle-to-late 20th century and into the 21st due in some part to the recent popularization of Barthian theology (although surely a number of other factors contribute).

I recognize why someone who held to an Amyraldian atonement would not like the statement that "Still, the majority of Reformed interpreters today would reject Amyraldism as unbiblical." However, again I think it would be difficult to argue with the validity of such a statement. Certainly, at the very least, the faculty of the various Reformed seminaries in America would be overwhelmingly against the Amyraldian view (at least the seminaries that actually still care about the atonement...for once-Reformed places like Union, Columbia, etc. these kinds of questions aren't even on the radar). In reality the only significant group of (so-called) Reformed groups who hold to this view are those of the neo-orthodox school. My understanding is that the majority of those who consider themselves Reformed do not accept many of the significant neo-orthodox theological innovations as within the bounds of Reformed theology. If you are going to make the change that you did it would seem you would have to offer evidence that what was written was untrue. Take a poll of the theologians at places like Westminster, Reformed, Covenant, Regent, or even those at a place like Gordon-Conwell that consider themselves Reformed and I think you will find this to be the case. In the meantime we should keep in mind that the Synod of Dort declared this view heretical and that ALL of the historic Reformed confessions teach a particular atonement.

Finally, why delete the statement, "Needless to say, Amyraldianism remains extremely controversial"? What is Amyraldism if not controversial?

Let's discuss this so that we can come to an agreement. In the meantime, I deleted the statement that "however, the Amyraldian version of Calvinism seems to have gained permanence as a recognised version of classic Calvinist theology." This is obviously an interpretation of the facts rather than the facts as such.

Amyraldism in 17th century England and Scotland
This needs cleaning up as it is historically untenable. The first point is that (with the possible exception of Baxter) the English (and Irish as Archbishop James Ussher was a driving force in this regard) hypothetical universalist tradition owed nothing to Amyraut as its advocates had arrived at the position before Amyraut or were Amyraut's contemporaries who had come to their position via Davenant and Ussher. Secondly, John Davenant, Bishop of Salisbury was not (as far as I can find) a student of John Cameron. Thirdly, the hypothetical universalism advocated by Edmund Calamy and others such as Lazarus Seaman and Stephen Marshall at the Westminster Assembly was the indiginous English hypothetical universalism that differed on many points to Amyraldianism (such as fundamental differences in the ordering of the eternal decrees).

Requested move

 * The following discussion is an archived discussion of a requested move. Please do not modify it. Subsequent comments should be made in a new section on the talk page. Editors desiring to contest the closing decision should consider a move review. No further edits should be made to this section.

The result of the move request was: No move. Cúchullain t/ c 21:32, 23 September 2013 (UTC)

Amyraldism → Hypothetical universalism – Hypothetical universalism is a broader term than Amyraldism. RSes distinguish Amyraldian and non-Amyraldian hypothetical universalisms. "Hypothetical universalism" is also apparently more common. JFH (talk) 04:26, 15 September 2013 (UTC)
 * Oppose: Jonathan D. Moore argues in English Hypothetical Universalism: John Preston and the Softening of Reformed Theology that the two are "not connected in any significant organic or structural way, so perhaps we need two separate articles. But the Evangelical Dictionary of Theology has an article on Amyraldianism, which suggests that this is the "main" topic/term. StAnselm (talk) 04:40, 15 September 2013 (UTC)
 * Moore admits that the terms are used interchangeably by scholars of the seventeenth century. I don't think it's an accepted use of the term to use hypothetical universalism as a distinct thing that does not include Amyraldism. Muller uses "non-Amyraldian hypothetical universalism", and says in a review of Moore's book that rather than two new systems in the seventeenth century, various "non-speculative" hypothetical universalisms have always been part of the Reformed tradition. So really the article should start with Bullinger, Musculus, etc. --JFH (talk) 14:13, 15 September 2013 (UTC)

 * Oppose, no great compulsion for changing titles. Aready, it exactly identified its subject. Torquemama007 (talk) 17:12, 19 September 2013 (UTC)
 * The above discussion is preserved as an archive of a requested move. Please do not modify it. Subsequent comments should be made in a new section on this talk page or in a move review. No further edits should be made to this section.

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Abercrombie & Fitch
A long-lost prized-possesion of mine was a 1912 A&F catalog. That was back when they were a hunting/camping/sporting goods store. Quite a different company today. Your changes look good, I'll try to get over to the page and say so. Thanks for your contributions, -Willmcw 22:20, 9 November 2005 (UTC)

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title: User talk:Socalmikey84


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Bertha Harris

Bertha Harris (December 17, 1937 – May 22, 2005) was an American lesbian novelist. She is highly regarded by critics and admirers, but her novels are less familiar to the broader public.

Personal life
Bertha Anne Harris was born in Fayetteville, North Carolina on December 17, 1937 to John Holmes Harris and Mary Zeleka Jones.

In 1959, Harris graduated from the Women's College of University of North Carolina. Upon graduation, she moved to New York City at age twenty-two, spending her summers in Westport, Massachusetts. She stated that she wanted to live in New York "to find lesbians", but, ended up in a brief heterosexual marriage and had a daughter, Jennifer Harris Wyland. To support herself and her daughter, she worked as an editor and proofreader for a time, before returning to North Carolina to receive her M.F.A.

Harris returned to New York by at least 1984.

She died at age 67, on May 22, 2005, in New York City.

Career
Harris began her career as she was completing her M.F.A. in North Carolina. As part of her degree requirements, she wrote what would end up being her first novel, Catching Saradove, published in 1969. The novel was semi-autobiographical and is probably her novel that comes closest to conventional fiction.

From 1969-1972, Harris was a professor at East Carolina University and at UNC Charlotte. She was later the director of Women's Studies and a Professor of Performing and Creative Arts at the College of Staten Island CUNY.

Harris has said that she is obsessed by two things: music (particularly opera) and the South. These two obsessions define her second novel, Confessions of Cherubino, published in 1972. However, she is most well known for her stylistically bold third novel, Lover, published in 1976. Lover was brought out by the Vermont-based independent publisher Daughters, Inc., a small publisher of women's fiction. She says she wrote it "straight from the libido, while I was madly in love, and liberated by the lesbian cultural movement of the mid-1970s."

In all three of Harris' novels, she engages the aesthetics of late twentieth-century literature; they may be considered examples of literary postmodernism. Her novels are stylistically akin to the work of modernist authors as Virginia Woolf, Gertrude Stein, and Djuna Barnes (whom Harris greatly admired). She once proclaimed that Djuna Barnes's work was "practically the only available expression of lesbian culture we have in the modern western world" since Sappho. Much of Harris's work, most notably Lover, is written with the women's movement of the 1970s as its primary inspiration and its audience. Indeed, Lover might be viewed as a literary mother of queer theory; her novel resonates almost as strongly with third-wave feminism as it does with the second-wave feminism of its origins.

Harris co-authored The Joy of Lesbian Sex in 1977 with Emily L. Sisley. Lover was reissued in 1993 by the New York University Press with a preface by Karla Jay and a new introduction by the author, mainly recounting her involvement with Daughters Press and its owners, June Arnold and Parke Bowman.

At the time of her death she was completing her fourth novel, a comedy, Mi Contra Fa.

The Bertha Harris Women's Center at the College of Staten Island is named after Harris.

Selected works

 * Catching Saradove (1969)
 * Confessions of Cherubino (1972)
 * Lover (1976)

title: Bertha Harris


text:
Terror management theory

Terror management theory (TMT) is both a social and evolutionary psychology theory originally proposed by Jeff Greenberg, Sheldon Solomon, and Tom Pyszczynski and codified in their book The Worm at the Core: On the Role of Death in Life (2015). It proposes that a basic psychological conflict results from having a self-preservation instinct while realizing that death is inevitable and to some extent unpredictable. This conflict produces terror, which is managed through a combination of escapism and cultural beliefs that act to counter biological reality with more significant and enduring forms of meaning and value—-basically countering the personal insignificance represented by death with the significance provided by symbolic culture.

The most obvious examples of cultural values that assuage death anxiety are those that purport to offer literal immortality (e.g. belief in the afterlife through religion). However, TMT also argues that other cultural values – including those that are seemingly unrelated to death – offer symbolic immortality. For example, values of national identity, posterity, cultural perspectives on sex, and human superiority over animals have been linked to calming death concerns. In many cases these values are thought to offer symbolic immortality, by either a) providing the sense that one is part of something greater that will ultimately outlive the individual (e.g. country, lineage, species), or b) making one's symbolic identity superior to biological nature (i.e. one is a personality, which makes one more than a glob of cells). Because cultural values influence what is meaningful, they are foundational for self-esteem. TMT describes self-esteem as being the personal, subjective measure of how well an individual is living up to their cultural values.

Terror management theory was developed by social psychologists Greenberg, Solomon, and Pyszczynski. However, the idea of TMT originated from anthropologist Ernest Becker's 1973 Pulitzer Prize-winning work of nonfiction The Denial of Death. Becker argues most human action is taken to ignore or avoid the inevitability of death. The terror of absolute annihilation creates such a profound – albeit subconscious – anxiety in people that they spend their lives attempting to make sense of it. On large scales, societies build symbols: Laws, religious meanings, cultures, and belief systems to explain the significance of life, define what makes certain characteristics, skills, and talents extraordinary, reward others whom they find to exemplify certain attributes, and punish or kill others who do not adhere to their cultural worldview. Adherence to these created "symbols" aids in relieving stresses associated with the reality of mortality. On an individual level, self-esteem provides a buffer against death-related anxiety.

Background
In the 1st century CE, Statius in his Thebaid suggested that "fear first made gods in the world".

Cultural anthropologist Ernest Becker asserted in his 1973 book The Denial of Death that humans, as intelligent animals, are able to grasp the inevitability of death. They therefore spend their lives building and believing in cultural elements that illustrate how to make themselves stand out as individuals and to give their lives significance and meaning. Death creates an anxiety in humans; it strikes at unexpected and random moments, and its nature is essentially unknowable, causing people to spend most of their time and energy to explain, forestall, and avoid it.

Becker expounded upon the previous writings of Sigmund Freud, Søren Kierkegaard, Norman O. Brown, and Otto Rank. According to clinical psychiatrist Morton Levitt, Becker replaces the Freudian preoccupation with sexuality with the fear of death as the primary motivation in human behavior.

People desire to think of themselves as beings of value and worth with a feeling of permanence, a concept in psychology known as self-esteem. This feeling counters the cognitive dissonance created by an individual's realization that they may be no more important than any other living thing. Becker refers to high self-esteem as heroism: "the problem of heroics is the central one of human life, that it goes deeper into human nature than anything else because it is based on organismic narcissism and on the child's need for self-esteem as the condition for his life. Society itself is a codified hero system, which means that society everywhere is a living myth of the significance of human life, a defiant creation of meaning."

The rationale behind decisions regarding one's own health can be explored through a terror-management model. A 2008 research article in Psychological Review proposes a three-part model for understanding how awareness of death can ironically subvert health-promoting behaviors by redirecting one's focus towards behaviors that build self-esteem instead:

"Proposition 1 suggests that conscious thoughts about death can instigate health-oriented responses aimed at removing death-related thoughts from current focal attention. Proposition 2 suggests that the unconscious resonance of death-related cognition promotes self-oriented defenses directed toward maintaining, not one's health, but a sense of meaning and self-esteem. The last proposition suggests that confrontations with the physical body may undermine symbolic defenses and thus present a previously unrecognized barrier to health promotion activities."

Evolutionary backdrop
Terror-management theorists regard TMT as compatible with the theory of evolution: Valid fears of dangerous things have an adaptive function that helped facilitate the survival of our ancestors' genes. However, generalized existential anxiety resulting from the clash between a desire for life and awareness of the inevitability of death is neither adaptive nor selected for. TMT views existential anxiety as an unfortunate byproduct of these two highly adaptive human proclivities rather than as an adaptation that the evolutionary process selected for its advantages. Just as human bipedalism confers advantages as well as disadvantages, death anxiety is an inevitable part of our intelligence and awareness of dangers.

Anxiety in response to the inevitability of death threatened to undermine adaptive functioning and therefore needed amelioration. TMT posits that humankind used the same intellectual capacities that gave rise to this problem to fashion cultural beliefs and values that provided protection against this potential anxiety. TMT considers these cultural beliefs (even unpleasant and frightening ones, such as ritual human sacrifice) when they manage potential death-anxiety in a way that promotes beliefs and behaviors which facilitated the functioning and survival of the collective.

Hunter-gatherers used their emerging cognitive abilities to facilitate solving practical problems, such as basic needs for nutrition, mating, and tool-making. As these abilities evolved, an explicit awareness of death also emerged. But once this awareness materialized, the potential for terror that it created put pressure on emerging conceptions of reality. Any conceptual formation that was to be widely accepted by the group needed to provide a means of managing this terror.

Originally, morality evolved to facilitate co-existence within groups. Together with language, morality served pragmatic functions that extended survival. The struggle to deny the finality of death co-opted and changed the function of these cultural inventions. For example, Neanderthals might have begun burying their dead as a means of avoiding unpleasant odors, disease-infested parasites, or dangerous scavengers. But during the Upper Paleolithic era, these pragmatic burial practices appear to have become imbued with layers of ritual performance and supernatural beliefs, suggested by the elaborate decoration of bodies with thousands of beads or other markers. Food and other necessities were also included within the burial chamber, indicating the potential for a belief system that included life after death. Many human cultures today treat funerals primarily as cultural events, viewed through the lens of morality and language, with little thought given to the utilitarian origins of burying the dead.

Evolutionary history also indicates that "the costs of ignoring threats have outweighed the costs of ignoring opportunities for self-development." This reinforces the concept that abstract needs for individual and group self-esteem may continue to be selected for by evolution, even when they sometimes confer risks to physical health and well-being.

Self-esteem
Self-esteem lies at the heart of TMT and is a fundamental aspect of its core paradigms. TMT fundamentally seeks to elucidate the causes and consequences of a need for self-esteem. Theoretically, it draws heavily from Ernest Becker's conceptions of culture and self-esteem. TMT not only attempts to explain the concept of self-esteem, it also tries to explain why we need self-esteem. One explanation is that self-esteem is used as a coping mechanism for anxiety. It helps people control their sense of terror and nullify the realization that humans are just animals trying to manage the world around them. According to TMT, self-esteem is a sense of personal value that is created by beliefs in the validity of one's cultural worldview, and the belief that one is living up to the cultural standards created by that worldview.

Critically, Hewstone et al. (2002) have questioned the causal direction between self-esteem and death anxiety, evaluating whether one's self-esteem comes from their desire to reduce their death anxiety, or if death anxiety arises from a lack of self-esteem. In other words, an individual's suppression of death anxiety may arise from their overall need to increase their self-esteem in a positive manner.

Research has demonstrated that self-esteem can play an important role in physical health. In some cases, people may be so concerned with their physical appearance and boosting their self-esteem that they ignore problems or concerns with their own physical health. Arndt et al. (2009) conducted three studies to examine how peer perceptions and social acceptance of smokers contributes to their quitting, as well as if, and why these people continue smoking for outside reasons, even when faced with thoughts of death and anti-smoking prompts. Tanning and exercising were also looked at in the researchers' studies. The studies found that people are influenced by the situations around them. Specifically, Arndt et al. (2009) found in terms of their self-esteem and health, that participants who saw someone exercising were more likely to increase their intentions to exercise. In addition, the researchers found in study two that how participants reacted to an anti-smoking commercial was affected by their motivation for smoking and the situation which they were in. For instance, people who smoked for extrinsic reasons and were previously prompted with death reminders were more likely to be compelled by the anti-smoking message.

Self-esteem as anxiety buffer
An individual's level of self-consciousness can affect their views on life and death. To a point, increasing self-consciousness is adaptive in that it helps prevent awareness of danger. However, research has demonstrated that there may be diminishing returns from this phenomenon. Individuals with higher levels of self-consciousness sometimes have increased death cognition, and a more negative outlook on life, than those with reduced self-consciousness.

Conversely, self-esteem can work in the opposite manner. Research has confirmed that individuals with higher self-esteem, particularly in regard to their behavior, have a more positive attitude towards their life. Specifically, death cognition in the form of anti-smoking warnings weren't effective for smokers and in fact, increased their already positive attitudes towards the behavior. The reasons behind individuals' optimistic attitudes towards smoking after mortality was made salient, indicate that people use positivity as a buffer against anxiety. Continuing to hold certain beliefs even after they are shown to be flawed creates cognitive dissonance regarding current information and past behavior, and the way to alleviate this is to simply reject new information. Therefore, anxiety buffers such as self-esteem allow individuals to cope with their fears more easily. Death cognition may in fact cause negative reinforcement that leads people to further engage in dangerous behaviors (smoking in this instance) because accepting the new information would lead to a loss of self-esteem, increasing vulnerability and awareness of mortality.

Mortality salience
The mortality salience hypothesis (MS) states that if indeed one's cultural worldview, or one's self-esteem, serves a death-denying function, then threatening these constructs should produce defenses aimed at restoring psychological equanimity (i.e., returning the individual to a state of feeling invulnerable). In the MS paradigm, these "threats" are simply experiential reminders of one's own death. This can, and has, taken many different forms in a variety of study paradigms (e.g., asking participants to write about their own death; conducting the experiment near funeral homes or cemeteries; having participants watch graphic depictions of death, etc.). Like the other TMT hypotheses, the literature supporting the MS hypothesis is vast and diverse. For a meta analysis of MS research, see Burke et al. (2010).

Experimentally, the MS hypothesis has been tested in close to 200 empirical articles. After participants in an experiment are asked to write about their own death (vs. a neutral, non-death control topic, such as dental pain), and then following a brief delay (distal, worldview/self-esteem defenses work the best after a delay; see Greenberg et al. (1994) for a discussion), the participants' defenses are measured. In one early TMT study assessing the MS hypothesis, Greenberg et al. (1990) had Christian participants evaluate other Christian and Jewish students that were similar demographically, but differed in their religious affiliation. After being reminded of their death (experimental MS induction), Christian participants evaluated fellow Christians more positively, and Jewish participants more negatively, relative to the control condition. Conversely, bolstering self-esteem in these scenarios leads to less worldview defense and derogation of dissimilar others.

Mortality salience has an influence on individuals and their decisions regarding their health. Cox et al. (2009) discuss mortality salience in terms of suntanning. Specifically, the researchers found that participants who were prompted with the idea that pale was more socially attractive along with mortality reminders, tended to lean towards decisions that resulted in more protective measures from the sun. The participants were placed in two different conditions; one group of participants were given an article relating to the fear of death, while the control group received an article unrelated to death, dealing with the fear of public speaking. Additionally, they gave one group an article pertaining to the message that "bronze is beautiful", one relating to the idea that "pale is pretty", and one neutral article that did not speak of tan or pale skin tones. Finally, after introducing a delay activity, the researchers gave the participants a five-item questionnaire asking them about their future sun-tanning behaviors. The study illustrated that when tan skin was associated with attractiveness, mortality salience positively affected people's intentions to suntan; however, when pale skin was associated with attractiveness people's intentions to tan decreased.

Mortality and self-esteem on health risks
Studies have shown that mortality and self-esteem are important factors of the terror management theory. Jessop et al. (2008) study this relationship within four studies that all examine how people react when they are given information on risks, specifically, in terms of the mortality related to the risks of driving. More specifically, the researchers were exploring how participants acted in terms of self-esteem, and its impact on how mortality-related health-risk information would be received. Overall, Jessop et al. (2008) found that even when mortality is prominent, people who engage in certain behaviors to improve their self-esteem have a greater chance of continuing with these activities. Mortality and self-esteem are both factors that influence people's behaviors and decision-making regarding their health. Furthermore, individuals who are involved in behaviors and possess motivation to enhance their self-worth are less likely to be affected by the importance placed on health risks, in terms of mortality.

Self-esteem is important when mortality is made salient. It can allow people a coping mechanism, one that can cushion individuals' fears; and thus, impacting one's attitudes towards a given behavior. Individuals who have higher levels of self-esteem regarding their behavior(s) are less likely to have their attitudes, and thus their behaviors changed regardless of mortality salience or death messages. People will use their self-esteem to hide behind their fears of dying. In terms of smoking behaviors, people with higher smoking-based self-esteem are less susceptible to anti-smoking messages that relate to death; therefore, mortality salience and death warnings afford them with an even more positive outlook on their behavior, or in this instance their smoking.

In the Hansen et al. (2010) experiment the researchers manipulated mortality salience. In the experiment, Hansen et al. (2010) examined smokers' attitudes towards the behavior of smoking. Actual warning labels were utilized to create mortality salience in this specific experiment. The researchers first gave participants a questionnaire to measure their smoking-based self-esteem. Following the questionnaire, participants were randomly assigned to two different conditions; the first were given anti-smoking warning labels about death and the second control group were exposed to anti-smoking warning labels not dealing with death. Before the participants' attitudes towards smoking were taken the researchers introduced an unrelated question to provide a delay. Further research has demonstrated that delays allow mortality salience to emerge because thoughts of death become non-conscious. Finally, participants were asked questions regarding their intended future smoking behavior. However, one weakness in their conduction was that the final questionnaire addressed opinions and behavioral questions, as opposed to the participants level of persuasion regarding the different anti-smoking warning labels.

Social influences
Many people are more motivated by social pressures, rather than health risks. Specifically for younger people, mortality salience is stronger in eliciting changes of one's behavior when it brings awareness to the immediate loss of social status or position, rather than a loss, such as death that one can not imagine and feels far off. However, there are many different factors to take into consideration, such as how strongly an individual feels toward a decision, his or her level of self-esteem, and the situation around the individual. Particularly with people's smoking behaviors, self-esteem and mortality salience have different effects on individuals' decisions. In terms of the longevity of their smoking decisions, it has been seen that individuals' smoking habits are affected, in the short-term sense, when they are exposed to mortality salience that interrelates with their own self-esteem. Moreover, people who viewed social exclusion prompts were more likely to quit smoking in the long run than those who were simply shown health-effects of smoking. More specifically, it was demonstrated that when individuals had high levels of self-esteem they were more likely to quit smoking following the social pressure messages, rather than the health risk messages. In this specific instance, terror management, and specifically mortality salience is showing how people are more motivated by the social pressures and consequences in their environment, rather than consequences relating to their health. This is mostly seen in young adult smokers with higher smoking-based self-esteems who are not thinking of their future health and the less-immediate effects of smoking on their health.

Death thought accessibility
Another paradigm that TMT researchers use to get at unconscious concerns about death is what is known as the death thought accessibility (DTA) hypothesis. Essentially, the DTA hypothesis states that if individuals are motivated to avoid cognitions about death, and they avoid these cognitions by espousing a worldview or by buffering their self-esteem, then when threatened, an individual should possess more death-related cognitions (e.g., thoughts about death, and death-related stimuli) than they would when not threatened.

The DTA hypothesis has its origins in work by Greenberg et al. (1994) as an extension of their earlier terror management hypotheses (i.e., the anxiety buffer hypothesis and the mortality salience hypothesis). The researchers reasoned that if, as indicated by Wegner's research on thought suppression (1994; 1997), thoughts that are purposely suppressed from conscious awareness are often brought back with ease, then following a delay death-thought cognitions should be more available to consciousness than (a) those who keep the death-thoughts in their consciousness the whole time, and (b) those who suppress the death-thoughts but are not provided a delay. That is precisely what they found. However, other psychologists have failed to replicate these findings.

In these initial studies (i.e., Greenberg et al. (2004); Arndt et al. (1997) ), and in numerous subsequent DTA studies, the main measure of DTA is a word fragment task, whereby participants can complete word fragments in distinctly death-related ways (e.g., coff_ _ as coffin, not coffee) or in non death-related ways (e.g., sk_ _l as skill, not skull). If death-thoughts are indeed more available to consciousness, then it stands to reason that the word fragments should be completed in a way that is semantically related to death.

Importance of the Death Thought Accessibility hypothesis
The introduction of this hypothesis has refined TMT, and led to new avenues of research that formerly could not be assessed due to the lack of an empirically validated way of measuring death-related cognitions. Also, the differentiation between proximal (conscious, near, and threat-focused) and distal (unconscious, distant, symbolic) defenses that have been derived from DTA studies have been extremely important in understanding how people deal with their terror.

It is important to note how the DTA paradigm subtly alters, and expands, TMT as a motivational theory. Instead of solely manipulating mortality and witnessing its effects (e.g., nationalism, increased prejudice, risky sexual behavior, etc.), the DTA paradigm allows a measure of the death-related cognitions that result from various affronts to the self. Examples include threats to self-esteem and to one's worldview; the DTA paradigm can therefore assess the role of death-thoughts in self-esteem and worldview defenses. Furthermore, the DTA hypothesis lends support to TMT in that it corroborates its central hypothesis that death is uniquely problematic for human beings, and that it is fundamentally different in its effects than meaning threats (i.e., Heine et al., 2006 ) and that is death itself, and not uncertainty and lack of control associated with death; Fritsche et al. (2008) explore this idea.

Since its inception, the DTA hypothesis had been rapidly gaining ground in TMT investigations, and as of 2009, has been employed in over 60 published papers, with a total of more than 90 empirical studies.

Death anxiety on health promotion
How people respond to their fears and anxiety of death is investigated in TMT. Moreover, Taubman-Ben-Ari and Noy (2010) examine the idea that a person's level of self-awareness and self-consciousness should be considered in relation to their responses to their anxiety and death cognitions. The more an individual is presented with their death or death cognitions in general, the more fear and anxiety one may have; therefore, to combat said anxiety one may implement anxiety buffers.

Due to a change in people's lifestyles, in the direction of more unhealthy behaviors, the leading causes of death now, being cancer and heart disease, most definitely are related to individuals' unhealthy behaviors (though the statement is over-generalising and certainly cannot be applied to every case). Age and death anxiety both are factors that should be considered in the terror management theory, in relation to health-promoting behaviors. Age undoubtedly plays some kind of role in people's health-promoting behaviors; however, an actual age related effect on death anxiety and health-promoting behaviors has yet to be seen. Although research has demonstrated that for young adults only, when they were prompted with death related scenarios, they yielded more health-promoting behaviors, compared to those participants in their sixties. In addition, death anxiety has been found to have an effect for young adults, on their behaviors of health promotion.

Terror management health model
The terror management health model (TMHM) explores the role that death plays on one's health and behavior. Goldenberg and Arndt (2008) state that the TMHM proposes the idea that death, despite its threatening nature, is in fact instrumental and purposeful in the conditioning of one's behavior towards the direction of a longer life.

According to Goldenberg and Arndt (2008), certain health behaviors such as breast self-exams (BSEs) can consciously activate and facilitate people to think of death, especially their own death. While death can be instrumental for individuals, in some cases, when breast self-exams activate people's death thoughts an obstacle can present itself, in terms of health promotion, because of the experience of fear and threat. Abel and Kruger (2009) have suggested that the stress caused by increased awareness of mortality when celebrating one's birthday might explain the birthday effect, where mortality rates seem to spike around these days.

On the other hand, death and thoughts of death can serve as a way of empowering the self, not as threats. Researchers, Cooper et al. (2011) explored TMHM in terms of empowerment, specifically using BSEs under two conditions; when death thoughts were prompted, and when thoughts of death were non-conscious. According to TMHM, people's health decisions, when death thoughts are not conscious, should be based on their motivations to act appropriately, in terms of the self and identity. Cooper et al. (2011) found that when mortality and death thoughts were primed, women reported more empowerment feelings than those who were not prompted before performing a BSE.

Additionally, TMHM suggests that mortality awareness and self-esteem are important factors in individuals' decision making and behaviors relating to their health. TMHM explores how people will engage in behaviors, whether positive or negative, even with the heightened awareness of mortality, in the attempt to conform to society's expectations and improve their self-esteem. The TMHM is useful in understanding what motivates individuals regarding their health decisions and behaviors.

In terms of smoking behaviors and attitudes, the impact of warnings with death messages depends on:
 * 1) The individuals' level of smoking-based self-esteem
 * 2) The warnings' actual degree of death information

Emotion
People with low self-esteem, but not high self-esteem, have more negative emotions when reminded of death. This is believed to be because these individuals lack the very defenses that TMT argues protect people from mortality concerns (e.g., solid worldviews). In contrast, positive mood states are not impacted by death thoughts for people of low or high self-esteem.

Leadership
It has been suggested that culture provides meaning, organization, and a coherent world view that diminishes the psychological terror caused by the knowledge of eventual death. The terror management theory can help to explain why a leader's popularity can grow substantially during times of crisis. When a follower's mortality is made prominent they will tend to show a strong preference for iconic leaders. An example of this occurred when George W. Bush's approval rating jumped almost 50 percent following the September 11 attacks in the United States. As Forsyth (2009) posits, this tragedy made U.S. citizens aware of their mortality, and Bush provided an antidote to these existential concerns by promising to bring justice to the terrorist group responsible for the attacks.

Researchers Cohen et al. (2004), in their particular study on TMT, tested the preferences for different types of leaders, while reminding people of their mortality. Three different candidates were presented to participants. The three leaders were of three different types: task-oriented (emphasized setting goals, strategic planning, and structure), relationship-oriented (emphasized compassion, trust, and confidence in others), and charismatic. The participants were then placed in one of two conditions: mortality salient or control group. In the former condition the participants were asked to describe the emotions surrounding their own death, as well as the physical act of the death itself, whereas the control group were asked similar questions about an upcoming exam. The results of the study were that the charismatic leader was favored more, and the relationship-oriented leader was favored less, in the mortality-salient condition. Further research has shown that mortality salient individuals also prefer leaders who are members of the same group, as well as men rather than women (Hoyt et al. 2010). This has links to social role theory.

Religion
TMT posits that religion was created as a means for humans to cope with their own mortality. Supporting this, arguments in favor of life after death, and simply being religious, reduce the effects of mortality salience on worldview defense. Thoughts of death have also been found to increase religious beliefs. At an implicit, subconscious level, this is the case even for people who claim to be nonreligious.

Mental health
Some researchers have argued that death anxiety may play a central role in numerous mental health conditions. To test whether death anxiety causes a particular mental illness, TMT researchers use a mortality salience experiment, and examine whether reminding participants of death leads to increased prevalence of behaviors associated with that mental illness. Such studies have shown that reminders of death lead to increases in compulsive handwashing in obsessive-compulsive disorder, avoidance in spider phobias and social anxiety, and anxious behaviors in other disorders, including panic disorder and health anxiety, suggesting the role of death anxiety in these conditions according to TMT researchers.

Criticisms
Criticisms of terror management theory have been based on several lines of arguments:
 * Suppression of fear and anxiety is implausible from an evolutionary point of view.
 * The observed psychological responses to terrifying cues are better explained by coalitional psychology and theories of collective defense.
 * The responses can be explained as fear of uncertainty and the unknown.
 * The responses can be explained as search for meaning of life and mortality.
 * The experimental results are difficult to replicate.

These arguments are discussed in the following sections.

Evolutionary argument
Anxiety and fear are psychological responses that have evolved because they help us avoid danger. A mechanism to suppress anxiety and fear, as postulated by TMT, is unlikely to have evolved because it would reduce the chances of survival. It is argued that TMT relies on misguided assumptions about evolved human nature originating from psychoanalytic theory. Proponents of TMT argue that the cultural self-esteem that counters death anxiety is either a spandrel or exaptation created as a byproduct of the human survival instinct being impinged upon by the awareness of death brought about by increased intelligence. It is not responses to immediate danger that are suppressed, but existential reminders of mortality. They posit a "dual defense model" whereby "proximal" and "distal" defenses deal with threats differently, with the former doing so more "pragmatically" due to greater conscious awareness, and the latter more symbolically due to unconscious thought recession. Critics argue that the observed responses are not only evoked by cues of essential mortality, but more generally by cues of danger or insecurity.

Coalitional psychology and collective defense as alternative explanations
TMT posits that people respond to cues about mortality by strengthening shared worldviews. Critics believe that such a worldview defense is better explained by coalitional psychology. People confronted with danger tend to build shared worldviews and a pro-normative orientation in order to garner social support and to build coalitions and alliances. Proponents of TMT argue that the coalitional psychology theory is a black box explanation that 1) cannot account for the fact that virtually all cultures have a supernatural dimension; 2) does not explain why cultural worldview defense is symbolic, involving allegiance to both specific and general systems of abstract meaning unrelated to specific threats, rather than focused on the specific adaptive threats it supposedly evolved to deal with; and, 3) dismisses TMT's dual process account of the underlying processes that generate MS effects without providing an alternative of any kind or attempting to account for the data relevant to this aspect of the TMT analysis. . The coalitional theory is supported by a large statistical study finding that conservatism, traditionalism, and other responses represented by TMT theory are connected with collective danger, while individual danger has very different and often opposite effects. The observed connection with collective danger supports the coalitional theory, while contradicting CP's interpretation of TMT, which is understood as explicitly dealing with individual danger only. TMT theorists however, have explained how CP dismisses TMT's dual process shown in lab studies whereby proximal and distal defenses deal with threats differently; with the former doing so more "pragmatically" due to greater conscious awareness, and the latter more symbolically due to unconscious thought recession. This would account for the study's distinction between individual and collective danger — with the former being more proximal and the latter more distal. Unlike TMT, CP does not view national, political and religious coalitions as imagined communities that represent primarily cultural worldviews (distal defenses). Similarly, another study has found that the response of system justification postulated by TMT theorists is increased by salience of terrorism, not by salience of individual mortality. Earlier experimental findings can be explained by the fact that individual danger and collective danger are seriously confounded. The findings that the observed responses are connected with collective danger rather than individual danger was predicted by regality theory. This finding is in agreement with authoritarianism theory, realistic group conflict theory, and Ronald Inglehart's theory of modernization, but not in agreement with CP's interpretation of terror management theory, which omits its distal/proximal dual defense model.

Prevalence of death
Since findings on mortality salience and worldview defense were first published, other researchers have claimed that the effects may have been obtained due to reasons other than death itself, such as anxiety, fear, or other aversive stimuli such as pain. The experimental manipulations in TMT research are likely to elicit a mixture of different types of negative emotions, including fear, anxiety, sadness, and anger.

Other studies have found effects similar to those that mortality salience results in – for example, thinking about difficult personal choices to be made, being made to respond to open-ended questions regarding uncertainty, thinking about being robbed, thinking about being socially isolated, and being told that one's life lacks meaning. While these cases exist, thoughts of death have since been compared to various aversive experimental controls, such as (but not limited to) thinking about: failure, writing a critical exam, public speaking with a considerable audience, being excluded, paralysis, dental pain, intense physical pain, etc.

With regards to the studies that found similar effects, TMT theorists have argued that in the previously mentioned studies where death was not the subject thought about, the subjects would quite easily be related to death in an individual's mind due to "linguistic or experiential connection with mortality" (p. 332). For example, being robbed invokes thoughts of violence and being unsafe in one's own home – many people have died trying to protect their property and family. A second possible explanation for these results involves the death-thought accessibility hypothesis: these threats somehow sabotage crucial anxiety-buffering aspects of an individual's worldview or self-esteem, which increases their death thought accessibility. For example, one study found increased death thought accessibility in response to thoughts of antagonistic relations with attachment figures. However, this makes it difficult or impossible to isolate the effect of mortality salience.

While many TMT theorists claim that affective responses to mortality salience are suppressed and pushed out of consciousness, later studies contradict this and show that affective responses are indeed observable.

Meaning maintenance model
The meaning maintenance model (MMM) was initially introduced as a comprehensive motivational theory that claimed to subsume TMT, with alternative explanations for TMT findings. Essentially, it posits that people automatically give meaning to things, and when those meanings are somehow disrupted, it causes anxiety. In response, people concentrate on "meaning maintenance to reestablish their sense of symbolic unity" and that such "meaning maintenance often involves the compensatory reaffirmation of alternative meaning structures". These meanings, among other things, should "provide a basis for prediction and control of our...environments, help [one] to cope with tragedy and trauma...and the symbolic cheating of death via adherence to the enduring values that these cultures provide".

While TMT regards the search for meaning as a defense mechanism, meaning management theory regards the quest for meaning as a primary motive  because  we  are  meaning-seeking  and meaning-making creatures living in a world of meanings. When people are exposed to mortality salience, both TMT and meaning management theory would predict an increase in pro-culture and pro-esteem activities, but for very different reasons. The latter theory is replacing death denial by death acceptance.

TMT theorists argue that meaning management theory cannot describe why different sets of meaning are preferred by different people, and that different types of meaning have different psychological functions. TMT theorists argue that unless something is an important element of a person's anxiety-buffering worldview or self-esteem, it will not require broad meaning maintenance. TMT theorists believe that meaning management theory cannot accurately claim to be an alternative to TMT because it does not seem to be able to explain the current breadth of TMT evidence.

Offensive defensiveness
Some theorists have argued that it is not the idea of death and nonexistence that is unsettling to people, but the fact that uncertainty is involved. For example, these researchers posited that people defend themselves by altering their fear responses from uncertainty to an enthusiasm approach. Other researchers argue for distinguishing fear of death from fear of dying and, therein, posit that ultimately the fear of death has more to do with some other fear (e.g., fear of pain) or reflects uncertainty avoidance or fear of the unknown.

TMT theorists agree that uncertainty can be disconcerting in some cases and it may even result in defense responses, but note that they believe the inescapability of death and the possibility of its finality regarding one's existence is most unsettling. They also note that people actually seek out some types of uncertainty, and that being uncertain is not always very unpleasant. In contrast, there is substantial evidence that, all things being equal, uncertainty and the unknown represent fundamental fears and are only experienced as pleasant when there is sufficient contextual certainty. For example, a surprise involves uncertainty, but is only perceived as pleasant if there is sufficient certainty that the surprise will be pleasant.

Though TMT theorists acknowledge that many responses to mortality salience involve greater approaches (zealousness) towards important worldviews, they also note examples of mortality salience which resulted in the opposite, which offensive defensiveness cannot account for: when negative features of a group to which participants belong were made salient, people actively distanced themselves from that group under mortality salience.

Replication failure
In addition to the criticisms from alternative theoretical perspectives, a large-scale attempt by Many Labs 4 to replicate published findings failed to replicate the mortality salience effect on worldview defense under any condition. The test is a multi-lab replication of Study 1 of Greenberg et al. (1994). Psychologists in 21 labs across the U.S. re-executed the original experiment among a total of 2,200 participants. In response to the Many Labs 4 paper, Tom Pyszczynski (one of the founding psychologists of TMT), criticized the study for insufficient sample sizes, failure to follow the advice of researchers, and deviation from a preregistered protocol.

Popularity
Psychologist Yoel Inbar summarized the popularity of the theory: "I can not explain to people who were not around during this time - which I would say was roughly 2004 to 2008 - how much everything at the time was about terror management theory. You would go to SPSP and it seemed like half of the posters were about terror management theory. It was just everywhere. There is just an explosion of terror management theory stuff. And then it sort of receded. And now you barely see it. Which is also kind of weird. We were obsessed with this for a period of 3-5 years, then we moved on to other things."

title: Terror management theory


text:
Wikipedia:Articles for deletion/Gualen

 This page is an archive of the proposed deletion of the article below. Further comments should be made on the appropriate discussion page (such as the article's talk page or on a Votes for Undeletion nomination). No further edits should be made to this page.

The result of the debate was delete CDC   (talk)  22:32, 29 July 2005 (UTC)

Gualen
Not in correct language Hansonc 22:26, July 22, 2005 (UTC)
 * This ought to be a Speedy. It is a definition of a purported slang word meaning "French kiss", but I've never run across it, although then again I'm not a native speaker of Spanish. If not Speedy, then Delete at any rate. Bill 22:30, 22 July 2005 (UTC)

 * Delete not encyclopedic. JamesBurns 04:50, 23 July 2005 (UTC)
 * The above discussion is preserved as an archive of the debate. Please do not modify it. Subsequent comments should be made on the appropriate discussion page (such as the article's talk page or in an undeletion request). No further edits should be made to this page.

title: Wikipedia:Articles for deletion/Gualen