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Dele Giwa

Dele Giwa (16 March 1947 – 19 October 1986) was a Nigerian journalist, editor, and founder of Newswatch magazine.

He was murdered when he opened the package with a bomb at his Ikeja, Lagos residence on October 19, 1986.

Early life and career
Sumonu Oladele "Baines" Giwa hailed from Ugbekpe Ekperi, Etsako East local government area of Edo state. He was born on 16 March 1947, to a family working in the palace of Oba Adesoji Aderemi, the Ooni of Ife. He attended local Authority Modern School in Lagere, Ile-lfe. When his father moved to Oduduwa College, Ile-Ife as a laundry man, he gained admission to that school. Dele Giwa travelled to the USA for his higher education, earning a BA in English from Brooklyn College in 1977 and enrolled for a Graduate program at Fordham University. He worked for The New York Times as a news assistant for four years after which he relocated to Nigeria to work with Daily Times.

Dele Giwa and fellow journalists Ray Ekpu, Dan Agbese and Yakubu Mohammed founded Newswatch in 1984, and the first edition was distributed on 28 January 1985. A 1989 description of the magazine said it "changed the format of print journalism in Nigeria [and] introduced bold, investigative formats to news reporting in Nigeria". However, in the first few months of the administration of General Ibrahim Babangida, who took power in August 1985. It printed his face on the cover four times and even criticised "anyone who attempted to make life unpleasant for Babangida". Later, the paper took a more hostile view of the Babangida regime.

Personal life
Dele Giwa married an American nurse in 1974. His second marriage, to Florence Ita Giwa, lasted 10 months. He later married Olufunmilayo Olaniyan on 10 July 1984, and they were married until his death in 1986. He was survived by his mother, wives and children.

Death
Dele Giwa was killed by a parcel bomb in his home at Ikeja, Lagos, while in his study with Kayode Soyinka, on Sunday 19 October 1986. The assassination occurred two days after he had been interviewed by State Security Service (SSS) officials. In an off-the-record interview with airport journalists, Lt. Col. A.K. Togun, the Deputy Director of the SSS had claimed that on 9 October Dele Giwa and Alex Ibru had organised a media parley for media executives and the newly created SSS. Togun claimed that it was at this meeting that the SSS and the media executives reached a secret censorship agreement. Under this agreement, the media was to report any story with potential to embarrass the government to the SSS before they tried to publish same.

Giwa had been invited by the SSS to their headquarters for the first time on 19 September 1986, after writing an article in which he described the newly introduced Second-Tier Foreign Exchange Market (SFEM) as "God's experiment" and suggested that if SFEM failed, the people would stone their leaders in the streets. Giwa was interviewed and his statement taken by two SSS operatives. He was later taken to meet with Lt Col Togun, the deputy director of the agency in his office. Togun is reported to have told Giwa that he found nothing offensive in the story as Giwa had also stated in the same story that he was hopeful that Babangida seemed determined to make SFEM work.

According to Giwa's neighbour and colleague, Ray Ekpu, on 16 October 1986, Giwa had been questioned over the telephone by Col Halilu Akilu of the Directorate of Military Intelligence (DMI) over an allegation that Dele had been heard speaking to some people about arms importation. SSS officials reportedly summoned Giwa to their headquarters again on 16 October 1986, and on the next day Ekpu accompanied him to the SSS headquarters for the interview. Lt. Col Togun accused Giwa and Newswatch of planning to write the "other side" of the story on Ebitu Ukiwe who was removed as Chief of the General staff, to General Babangida. The magazine had published a cover story titled, "Power Games: Ukiwe loses out", in its edition of 20 October which was on sale on 13 October 1986. Togun also accused Giwa plotting with the Nigeria Labour Congress, NLC, the Academic Staff Union of Universities, ASUU, and students to carry out a socialist revolution. Giwa was also accused of saying that Newswatch would employ the suspended police public relations officer Alozie Ogugbuaja. Ogugbuaja claims that on 16 October 1986, a bomb was defused by the police bomb squad at his official residence in GRA, Ikeja, Lagos. Ogugbuaja also said that he suspected that his phone might have been bugged because Giwa and Ray Ekpu in one of their telephone conversations with him had indeed promised to employ him in Newswatch if the police dismissed him. Ray Ekpu also believed that their houses and phones may have been bugged because he did discuss employing Ogugbuaja in Newswatch with dele Giwa over the phone only; he said that he found two bugging devices in the cover of two books inside his study. Lt. Col. Togun while questioning Giwa had claimed that he wasn't aware of the fact that Akilu had already questioned Giwa over the gun running allegations the day before, this was after Giwa had brought it to his attention.

Giwa reported the interrogations to his friend Prince Tony Momoh who was then the Minister of Communications, Giwa had told Momoh that he feared for his life because of the weight of the accusations levelled against him. According to Ekpu, Momoh "dismissed it as a joke and said the security men just wanted to rattle him"; Momoh promised to look into the matter. On Saturday 18 October, Giwa also spoke to Admiral Augustus Aikhomu, the Chief of General Staff who said he was familiar with the matter and also promised to look into it.

Later on 18 October, a day before the bombing, a staff of the DMI had phoned Giwa's house and asked for his office phone number from his wife Funmi. This same person from the DMI later called back to say he couldn't reach Giwa at the office and then put Col Akilu on the line. Ekpu alleges that Akilu asked Giwa's wife for driving directions to the house and when she asked him why he needed the directions he explained that he wanted to stop by the house on his way to Kano and he wasn't very familiar with Ikeja, he also offered that the President's ADC had something for Giwa, probably an invitation. According to Ekpu, this didn't come as a surprise because Giwa had received advance copies of some of the President's speeches in the past through Akilu.

On the morning of 19 October, Giwa phoned Akilu to ask why he had been calling his house the previous day. Akilu had earlier called one of Dele Giwa's wife to request for his home address. Akilu was alleged to have explained that he only wanted to tell Giwa that the matter had been resolved. Ekpu says Giwa replied Akilu that it wasn't over and that he had already informed his lawyer, Chief Gani Fawehinmi to follow up on the matter. Akilu then told Giwa that there was no need for that, that it wasn't a matter for lawyers and that he should consider the matter resolved.

About 40 minutes after the telephone conversation with Akilu, a package was delivered to Giwa's guard while the guard handed it over to Giwa's son, Billy. (the accounts of which vehicle was used to deliver the package vary). According to Billy, the parcel had the seal of Nigerian Coat of Arms, restricting the letter to the name written on it. Billy also said that was not the first time his father will be receiving letters from the government When Giwa received the package from his son, he was with Kayode Soyinka (London Bureau Chief of Newswatch). The package exploded on Dele Giwa's laps, mortally wounded him and temporarily deafening Soyinka, who had excused himself to the rest room shortly before Giwa was supposed to have attempted opening the package. Giwa was rushed to the hospital where he eventually died from his wounds.

Investigation, litigation and controversy
On 20 October, the day after the bombing, the government convened a press conference presided over by Augustus Aikhomu. Before the press conference started, all press photographers, foreign journalists, and Nigerians that worked for foreign news media were ordered out. Those left behind were told that the briefing was "off the record" and Aikhomu would not be entertaining any questions.

Aikhomu then went on to ask Ismaila Gwarzo, the Director of the SSS and Haliru Akilu to render their accounts of what had transpired between Dele Giwa and their agencies in the recent past. Gwarzo confirmed that the SSS had invited Giwa for questioning over allegations of gun running. Akilu on his part confirmed that he had called Giwa's home on 18 October to ask for directions to the house so he could stop over to see Giwa while on his way to Kano through Ikeja airport. Akilu also said that he had wanted to visit Giwa at home to "prove a Hausa adage that if you visit someone in his house, you show him you are really a friend." Ekpu claimed that he remembered Gwarzo saying that the killing was "quite embarrassing" and also that Tony Momoh had described it as "a clear case of assassination"; later he was quoted saying, "a special probe would serve no useful purpose". Graffiti of the time implied a belief that the SSS had been responsible.

In a newspaper interview years later in retirement, Chris Omeben who at the time was the Deputy Inspector General of Police (DIG) in charge of the Federal Investigation and Intelligence Bureau (FIIB) at Alagbon, on his part recalled that he was the second officer to have handled the case file after he had taken it over from his predecessor at the FIIB, Victor Pam. Omeben explained that he had done what any competent investigator would have done in unraveling the circumstances surrounding the death of Dele Giwa. He went on to say that he had examined the crime scene and found it suspicious that the toilet adjacent to the blast site which Kayode Soyinka alleged he was occupying when the explosion occurred had also suffered damage from the blast but Soyinka was left unscathed. Omeben described the force of the explosion to have been strong enough to blow out the steel bars over the toilet window (burglary protection), which in his own assessment made Soyinka's story less convincing. Omeben also claims he requested to interview Dan Agbese, Ray Ekpu and Kayode Soyinka. Of the three, only Agbese turned up, he was later to find out that Soyinka had fled the country. Omeben also recalled that in the course of his investigations he had cause to interrogate both Haliru Akilu and Tunde Togun. According to Omeben Akilu defended Giwa's invitation to the DMI by saying Giwa was invited to clarify statements he made to a New York daily which had been assessed as having potential to paint the country in a bad light in the international press. The only known interview Giwa gave to any New York daily was one published eight months earlier in a New York Times story about rising religious nationalism and extremism in Nigeria. On the issue of rising Islamic nationalism, Giwa gave this singular quote in the story, It's a dangerous, explosive trend,...in the worst case, I see a situation where die-hard Christians and die-hard Moslems are fighting in the streets. Omeben said he was satisfied with the reasons Akilu and Togun gave for inviting Giwa.

However, Soyinka has come out to reply Omeben and accused him of spreading deliberate falsehood with his comments on him on his involvement with the parcel bomb incident. In an interview he granted The Nation newspaper of Lagos of Saturday, 19 January 2013, Soyinka denied that he ran to the toilet when the bomb exploded. He said he did not know where Omeben got that false information from. When questioned, Soyinka requested to not be required to relive the experience again.

Omeben also alleged that he was being pressured into naming Babangida and Akilu as suspects when he yet had no evidence linking them to the crime. Some of this pressure led to the formation of a special squad to investigate the case, the squad was headed by Assistant Commissioner of Police Abubakar Tsav. Omeben alleges that the then Inspector General of Police Gambo Jimeta has asked him to leave the case with the Tsav team out of anger at how messy the whole situation was getting.

Omeben also spoke about certain "fixations" in the minds of the general public about the case, in his own words "...There is the tendency for people to make up their minds as to what they want to see or hear. It may not necessarily be the truth and once they are so fixated, every other thing that somebody else would say would not mean anything to them. Dele Giwa's case suffered such a fixation".

In testimony that he gave on 3 July 2001, before the Justice Oputa led Human Rights Violations Investigations Commission (HRVIC), Tsav alleged that the government stonewalled his investigation into the assassination. Tsav claimed that he was not granted permission to question key actors involved, including Tunde Togun, Ismaila Gwarzo and Haliru Akilu. He also said that he had requested that the privileges of these officers be withdrawn so he could take their statements and conduct a search of their offices and residences for items of evidential value but this request was denied. Tsav averred that in his final report, he had concluded that there was enough circumstantial evidence to accuse the duo of Togun and Akilu of conspiracy to murder but still the government did not make these two officers available for interrogation or a voice identification as he had requested.

Tsav claims that he handed the case file back to Chris Omeben. Tsav alleged that none of his recommendations were implemented, the case file was never returned to him and that there was no evidence that the case was transferred to another officer or agency. Tsav said he believed Giwa was killed because he believed Giwa was in "the way of some powerful forces".

After the investigation stalled, various conspiracy theories arose to explain why Giwa was killed. One of the most popular and still the most enduring has been the Gloria Okon connection. Gloria Okon was a Lady who was arrested in 1985 at the Aminu Kano International airport on suspicion of drug smuggling. Soon after, it was alleged that she had died in custody, the government subsequently constituted a commission of inquiry to investigate the matter.

Conspiracy theorists allege that Gloria Okon was a drug mule working for the wife of General Ibrahim Babangida who was then the Minister of Defence in the regime of General Muhammadu Buhari. The theorists allege that during interrogation Okon had claimed that she worked for highly placed Nigerians, in particular Babangida's wife. The theory goes on that Babangida spirited Okon out of detention to the United Kingdom, sold the public the ruse of a dead Gloria Okon and that Dele Giwa happened upon Okon on a trip to the UK where she told him her story. The story goes on that armed with this information, Giwa tried to blackmail the now Military President, Ibrahim Babangida and this was why he was killed. This blackmail theory might not be unconnected with the off-the-record interview that Lt Col A.K Togun gave to airport correspondents of the Guardian on 27 October 1986. In the interview, when asked about Dele Giwa's killing and the suspicion in the public that he was killed by the government, Togun was quoted as saying "...one person cannot come out to blackmail us. I am an expert in blackmail. I can blackmail very well. I studied propaganda so no one person can come and blackmail us after an agreement...". Togun's statement was in the context of the secret agreement reached by Giwa and other media executives at the 9 October meeting, he seemed to accuse Giwa of reneging on the agreement leading to Giwa being invited for questioning on 16 October. Theorists also allege that Babangida's drug running activities were brought to the attention of the Buhari-Idiagbon regime which led the regime to slate him for retirement on 1 October 1985. They also say that it was his impending retirement that inspired him to plan the coup that toppled Buhari in August 1985.

Giwa's colleagues at Newswatch have debunked this theory and deny any link between Giwa, Gloria Okon and Mrs. Babangida. In a Newswatch interview marking the 25th anniversary of the magazine, one of the founding partners of the organisation Yakubu Mohammed explained the Giwa-Newswatch-Gloria Okon link. Mohammed claims that Dele Giwa had not been writing any Gloria Okon story and that the closest Newswatch got to a Gloria Okon story was at one of the magazine's editorial conferences where a Newswatch reporter, Bose lasaki, who was a niece to President Olusegun Obasanjo spoke about a "rumour" making the rounds to the effect that Gloria Okon had not died in detention but had been spirited out of the country. Mohammed claimed that Lasaki's story was dismissed off-hand but that she was asked to find out more about the rumour. Lasaki was alleged to have returned for the next editorial conference the following week and declared that there was no substance to the rumour. Mohammed alleged that Giwa was not at any of these meetings. The Ibrahim Babangida drug running angle was also called into question by revelations made by the embittered former head of the National Security Organization (NSO), Alhaji Mohammed Lawal Rafindadi. In 1985, following a request by the Supreme Military Council, the NSO under Rafindadi investigated Babangida and found him complicit of forgery and activities inimical to national security. This issue arose as a result of Babangida and his in-law, Mr Sunny Okogwu's interest in an arms manufacturing venture in Kaduna called Black Gold. The SMC, based on the NSO's findings slated Babangida for retirement. The only witness to the events shortly before the bomb exploded, Mr Kayode Soyinka had alleged that the package had a label with the seal of the Nigerian President and also claimed that the label indicated that it was from the office of the president. However, no other witness has corroborated this claim, Giwa's 17-year-old son, Billy, who had delivered the package to Giwa has never corroborated this claim. Soyinka's testimony about the events prior to and after the bombing have also been brought into question, there have been accusations made to the effect that he might have been the same person that detonated the bomb by remote control as he was not injured in the explosion.

Soyinka is also alleged to have given conflicting accounts of the events to the Police and media outlets, he is also accused of fleeing the country while investigations were ongoing. To the accusation of fleeing the country, Soyinka has this to say in that his interview with The Nation (Saturday, 19 January 2013): "Dele was very close to his mother. He did not joke with her at all. It was an honour for me to have met her. The last time I saw her was at Dele's burial in their village near Auchi, in Edo State. I was there live with my wife contrary to the erroneous story of Babangida's government's mischief makers who tried to deceive the Nigerian people in order to exonerate the government from the assassination of Dele Giwa, saying that I had fled the country. They deliberately spread all kinds of falsehood, ignoring even newspaper reports and pictures of myself and my wife in attendance at the burial. And mind you, how could I have fled the country? My wife and children were not in Nigeria with me when the bomb exploded, they had to take the next available flight to Nigeria to join me. Yet, Babangida's men said I fled the country. And my family and I remained in the country throughout the whole period of the controversy and burial arrangement. We returned to London together through the former British Caledonian Airways, through Muritala Mohammed Airport. There was no way we could have left quietly. We were accompanied to and seen off at the airport by friends, including the Newswatch editors, and family. The airline people recognised us. Our two children were still small then. The air hostesses took them from us, played with them, and they were asking me if I was feeling better – knowing the trauma one must have been through in the past weeks, and took us straight and right inside the aircraft, even before checking in other passengers. Yet the Babangida men kept saying, even till today, that I fled the country. Can you imagine?"

Giwa's lawyer was also accused of prematurely accusing the government of Dele Giwa's murder thereby truncating the investigation into the case, Newswatch magazine in an edition of 18 November 1986, disowned Fawehimni.

The subsequent court cases instituted by Fawehinmi against the government to enable him try the case as a private prosecutor after the Director of Public Prosecution, Mrs. Eniola Fadayomi had refused to prosecute based on the evidence available were mostly unsuccessful. An excerpt of the Judgement by the then Lagos State Chief Judge, Justice Candido Johnson reads thus "...Even if one considers the reasonableness of time, I would say that the incident that gave birth to the death of the late Dele Giwa is not only unique in its form but also complex and would require sufficient time to conduct detailed and balanced investigation, a report on which the appropriate authority would reasonably act. The timing here appears hasty and premature. It appears impulsive without giving reasonable time and chance for a detailed and balanced investigation into this sordid incident. In the circumstances and having regard to the review made above, it is my ruling that this (ex-parte) application is misconceived and it is therefore dismissed. Leave to apply for mandamus is hereby refused."

Fawehinmi went on to the Supreme Court and got a favourable judgement which enabled him go back to the Lagos State High Court, this judgement also mandated the Justice Candido to recuse himself from the case and appoint another judge to hear the case. On 23 February 1988, Justice Longe ruled that the two security officers, Lt. Col Tunde Togun and Col. Haliru Akilu could not be tried for the murder of Dele Giwa. In his ruling Justice Longe averred among other things that,"...the Attorney general did not oppose the objection raised by counsel to the 'accused' persons, Chief Rotimi Williams, on the ground that the information was filed by private prosecutor (Chief Gani Fawehinmi) when the information had not been completed and especially when the 'INFORMATION IMPLICATED ONE OF THE PROSECUTION WITNESSES'(Kayode Soyinka)...the proof of evidence before the Court was mere HEARSAY…. Based on the evidence available before the court, it will be an abuse of the process of court to call the two security chiefs for trial. The information is therefore quashed accordingly." Kayode Soyinka was represented in court by Kayode Sofola SAN, representing the chambers of Kehinde Sofola SAN, that succeeded to getting the court to rule as frivolous the reference to Soyinka being "implicated". The court also ordered that cost be paid Soyinka by the 'accused' persons.

In 2001, General Ibrahim Babangida refused to testify before a national human rights commission about the Giwa murder. Babangida, Hakilu and Togun went to court and obtained an order restraining the commission from summoning them to appear before it. The Chairman of the commission commented that the commission had the power to issue arrest warrants for the trio but decided against this "in the over-all interest of national reconciliation".

In 2008, the Government of Nigeria named a street in the New Federal Capital Abuja after Dele Giwa, as they did with other activists such as Fela Anikulapo-Kuti and Ken Saro Wiwa

title: Dele Giwa


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Return to Flight

Return to Flight can refer to:

 * Apollo 7, NASA's first mission after the Apollo 1 fire
 * Apollo 14, NASA's first mission after the failure of Apollo 13
 * Falcon 9 Flight 20
 * Space Shuttle mission STS-26, NASA's first mission after the Space Shuttle Challenger disaster
 * Space Shuttle mission STS-114, NASA's first test mission after the Space Shuttle Columbia disaster
 * Space Shuttle mission STS-121, NASA's second test mission following the Columbia disaster
 * ISRO's successful launch of GSLV-D5 with indigenously developed CE-7.5 cryogenic rocket engine

title: Return to Flight


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Talk:Kathy Richards

 * I propose moving the information from this article to the article called Kathy Hilton and making this page a redirect. Few people would identify this woman as "Kathy Richards." --MatthewUND 08:26, July 14, 2005 (UTC)

 * I agree. It's done. FredR 14:07, 14 July 2005 (UTC)

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List of current world boxing champions

This is a list of current male world boxing champions. Since at least John L. Sullivan, in the late 19th century, there have been world champions in professional boxing. The first of the current organizations to award a world title was the World Boxing Association (WBA), then known as the National Boxing Association (NBA), when it sanctioned its first title fight in 1921 between Jack Dempsey and Georges Carpentier for the world heavyweight championship.

There are now four major sanctioning bodies in professional boxing. The official rules and regulations of the World Boxing Association (WBA), World Boxing Council (WBC), International Boxing Federation (IBF), and World Boxing Organization (WBO) all recognize each other in their rankings and title unification rules. Each of these organizations sanction and regulate championship bouts and award world titles. American boxing magazine The Ring began awarding world titles in 1922.

There are 18 weight divisions. To compete in a division, a boxer's weight must not exceed the upper limit. Manny Pacquiao has won world championships in eight weight divisions, more than any other boxer in history. The Klitschko brothers, Vitali and Wladimir, held all four major titles in the heavyweight division from 2011 to 2013; they were the first brothers to hold versions of the heavyweight championship at the same time.

Championships
When a champion, for reasons beyond his control such as an illness or injury, is unable to defend his title within the normal mandatory time, the sanctioning bodies may order an interim title bout and award the winner an interim championship. The WBA and WBC have often changed the status of their inactive champions to a "Champion in Recess" or "Champion Emeritus".

World Boxing Association
The World Boxing Association (WBA) was founded in 1921 as the National Boxing Association (NBA), a national regulating body of the United States. On August 23, 1962, the NBA became the WBA, which today has its head office in Panama. According to WBA championship rules, when a champion also holds a title of one of the other three major sanctioning bodies in an equivalent weight division, that boxer is granted a special recognition of "Unified Champion", and is given more time between mandatory title defenses. The WBA Championships Committee and President may also designate a champion as a "Super Champion" or "Undisputed Champion" in exceptional circumstances; the standard WBA title is then vacated and contested between WBA-ranked contenders. When a WBA "Regular Champion" makes between five and ten successful defenses, he may be granted the WBA "Super" title upon discretion of a vote of the WBA's board of governors.

World Boxing Council
The World Boxing Council (WBC) was founded in Mexico City, Mexico on February 14, 1963, to establish an international regulating body. The WBC established many of today's safety measures in boxing, such as the standing eight count, a limit of 12 rounds instead of 15, and additional weight divisions. More information about the WBC's other titles including "Silver", "Diamond", "Emeritus", "Franchise", "Honorary", and "Supreme Champion" can be read at the WBC article.

International Boxing Federation
The International Boxing Federation (IBF) originated in September 1976 as the United States Boxing Association (USBA) when American members of the WBA withdrew to legitimize boxing in the United States with "unbiased" ratings. In April 1983, the organization established an international division that was known as the United States Boxing Association-International (USBA-I). In May 1984, the New Jersey-based USBA-I was renamed and became the IBF.

World Boxing Organization
The World Boxing Organization (WBO) was founded in San Juan, Puerto Rico (which is a self-governing commonwealth of the United States) in 1988. In its early years the WBO's titles were not widely recognized. By 2012 when the Japan Boxing Commission officially recognized the governing body, it had gained similar status to the other three major sanctioning bodies. Its motto is "dignity, democracy, honesty." When a WBO champion has reached "preeminent status", the WBO's Executive Committee may designate him as a "Super Champion". However, this is only an honorary title and not the same as the WBA's policy of having separate "Super" and "Regular" champions. A WBO "Super Champion" cannot win or lose that recognition in the ring; it is merely awarded by the WBO.

The Ring
The boxing magazine The Ring awards its own belts. The original title sequence began from the magazine's first publication in the 1920s until its titles were placed on hiatus in 1989, continuing as late as 1992 in some divisions. When The Ring started awarding titles again in 2001, it did not calculate retrospective lineages to fill in the gap years, instead nominating a new champion.

In 2007, The Ring was acquired by the owners of fight promoter Golden Boy Promotions, which has publicized The Ring's world championships when they are at stake in fights it promotes (such as Joe Calzaghe vs. Roy Jones Jr. in 2008). Since 2012, to reduce the number of vacant titles, The Ring allows fights between a number one or two contender; or alternatively a number three, four, or five contender to fill a vacant title. This has prompted further doubts about its credibility. Some boxing journalists have been extremely critical of the new championship policy and state that if this new policy is followed, the Ring title may lose the credibility it once held.

Current champions
The current champions in each weight division are listed below. Each champion's professional boxing record is shown in the following format: wins–losses–draws–no contests (knockout wins).

Heavyweight (+200 lb/+90.7 kg or +224 lb/+101.6 kg)

 * style="text-align:center;"|Oleksandr Usyk Super champion 22–0 (14 KO) September 25, 2021
 * rowspan="2" style="text-align:center;"|Oleksandr Usyk 22–0 (14 KO) May 18, 2024
 * rowspan=2 style="text-align:center;"|Daniel Dubois 21–2 (20 KO) June 26, 2024
 * style="text-align:center;"|Oleksandr Usyk 22–0 (14 KO) September 25, 2021
 * rowspan="2" style="text-align:center;"|Oleksandr Usyk 22–0 (14 KO) August 20, 2022
 * style="text-align:center;"|Mahmoud Charr Regular champion 34–4 (20 KO) August 31, 2023
 * style="text-align:center;"|Joseph Parker Interim champion 35–3 (23 KO) March 8, 2024
 * style="text-align:center;"|Joseph Parker Interim champion 35–3 (23 KO) March 8, 2024

Bridgerweight (224 lb/101.6 kg)

 * rowspan="2" style="text-align:center;"|Muslim Gadzhimagomedov 4–0 (3 KO) July 12, 2024
 * style="text-align:center;"|Lawrence Okolie 20–1 (15 KO) May 24, 2024
 * style="text-align:center;"|Kevin Lerena Interim champion 30–2 (14 KO) November 25, 2023
 * style="text-align:center;"|Kevin Lerena Interim champion 30–2 (14 KO) November 25, 2023

Cruiserweight/Junior heavyweight (200 lb/90.7 kg or 190 lb/86.2 kg)

 * style="text-align:center;"|Gilberto Ramírez Super champion 46–1 (30 KO) March 30, 2024
 * style="text-align:center;"|Noel Mikaelian 27–2 (12 KO) November 4, 2023
 * style="text-align:center;"|Jai Opetaia 25–0 (19 KO) May 18, 2024
 * style="text-align:center;"|Chris Billam-Smith 20–1 (13 KO) May 27, 2023
 * style="text-align:center;"|Jai Opetaia 25–0 (19 KO) July 2, 2022

Light heavyweight (175 lb/79.9 kg)

 * rowspan=2 style="text-align:center;"|Dmitry Bivol Super champion 22–0 (11 KO) September 23, 2017
 * style="text-align:center;"|Artur Beterbiev 20–0 (20 KO) October 18, 2019
 * rowspan=2 style="text-align:center;"|Artur Beterbiev 20–0 (20 KO) November 11, 2017
 * rowspan=2 style="text-align:center;"|Artur Beterbiev 20–0 (20 KO) June 18, 2022
 * rowspan=2 style="text-align:center;"|vacant
 * style="text-align:center;" |David Benavidez Interim champion 29–0 (24 KO) June 15, 2024
 * style="text-align:center;" |David Benavidez Interim champion 29–0 (24 KO) June 15, 2024

Super middleweight (168 lb/76.2 kg)

 * style="text-align:center;"|Canelo Álvarez Super champion 61–2–2 (39 KO) December 19, 2020
 * style="text-align:center;"|Canelo Álvarez 61–2–2 (39 KO) December 19, 2020
 * rowspan="2" style="text-align:center;"|Canelo Álvarez 61–2–2 (39 KO) November 6, 2021
 * rowspan="2" style="text-align:center;"|Canelo Álvarez 61–2–2 (39 KO) May 8, 2021
 * rowspan="2" style="text-align:center;"|Canelo Álvarez 61–2–2 (39 KO) December 19, 2020
 * style="text-align:center;"|David Morrell Regular champion 10–0 (9 KO) January 19, 2021
 * style="text-align:center;" |David Benavidez Interim champion 29–0 (24 KO) May 21, 2022
 * style="text-align:center;" |David Benavidez Interim champion 29–0 (24 KO) May 21, 2022

Middleweight (160 lb/72.6 kg)

 * style="text-align:center;"|Erislandy Lara 30–3–3 (18 KO) May 1, 2021
 * style="text-align:center;"|Carlos Adames 24–1 (18 KO) May 7, 2024
 * style="text-align:center;"|Janibek Alimkhanuly 15–0 (10 KO) October 14, 2023
 * style="text-align:center;"|Janibek Alimkhanuly 15–0 (10 KO) August 26, 2022
 * style="text-align:center;"|vacant

Super welterweight/Junior middleweight (154 lb/69.9 kg)

 * rowspan="2" style="text-align:center;"|Israil Madrimov 10–0–1 (7 KO) March 8, 2024
 * style="text-align:center;"|Sebastian Fundora 21–1–1 (13 KO) March 30, 2024
 * rowspan="2" style="text-align:center;"|Bakhram Murtazaliev 22–0 (16 KO) April 6, 2024
 * rowspan="2" style="text-align:center;"|Sebastian Fundora 21–1–1 (13 KO) March 30, 2024
 * rowspan="2" style="text-align:center;"|Jermell Charlo 35–2–1 (19 KO) September 26, 2020
 * style="text-align:center;"|Serhii Bohachuk Interim champion 24-1 (23 KO) March 30, 2024
 * style="text-align:center;"|Serhii Bohachuk Interim champion 24-1 (23 KO) March 30, 2024

Welterweight (147 lb/66.7 kg)

 * style="text-align:center;"style="text-align:center;"|Terence Crawford Super champion 40–0 (31 KO) July 29, 2023
 * rowspan="2" style="text-align:center;"|Mario Barrios 28–2 (18 KO) June 18, 2024
 * rowspan="2" style="text-align:center;"|Jaron Ennis 30–0–0–1 (28 KO) November 9, 2023
 * style="text-align:center;"|Terence Crawford 40–0 (31 KO) June 9, 2018
 * rowspan="2" style="text-align:center;"|Terence Crawford 40–0 (31 KO) July 29, 2023
 * style="text-align:center;"|Eimantas Stanionis Regular champion 15–0–0-1 (9 KO) April 16, 2022
 * style="text-align:center;"|Brian Norman Jr. Interim champion 26–0–0-1 (20 KO) May 18, 2024
 * style="text-align:center;"|Brian Norman Jr. Interim champion 26–0–0-1 (20 KO) May 18, 2024

Super lightweight/Junior welterweight (140 lb/63.5 kg)

 * style="text-align:center;"|Isaac Cruz 26–2–1 (18 KO) March 30, 2024
 * rowspan="2" style="text-align:center;"|Alberto Puello 23–0 (10 KO) June 24, 2024
 * rowspan="2" style="text-align:center;"|Liam Paro 25–0 (15 KO) June 16, 2024
 * rowspan="2" style="text-align:center;"|Teofimo Lopez 21–1 (13 KO) June 10, 2023
 * rowspan="2" style="text-align:center;"|Teofimo Lopez 21–1 (13 KO) June 10, 2023
 * style="text-align:center;"|Ismael Barroso Interim champion 25–4–2 (23 KO) January 6, 2024
 * style="text-align:center;"|Ismael Barroso Interim champion 25–4–2 (23 KO) January 6, 2024

Lightweight (135 lb/61.2 kg)

 * style="text-align:center;"|Gervonta Davis 30–0 (28 KO) November 29, 2023
 * style="text-align:center;"|Shakur Stevenson 21–0 (10 KO) November 16, 2023
 * style="text-align:center;"|Vasiliy Lomachenko 18–3 (12 KO) May 12, 2024
 * style="text-align:center;"|Denys Berinchyk 19–0 (9 KO) May 19, 2024
 * style="text-align:center;"|vacant

Super featherweight/Junior lightweight (130 lb/59 kg)

 * style="text-align:center;"|Lamont Roach Jr. 25–1–1 (10 KO) November 25, 2023
 * rowspan="2" style="text-align:center;"|Robson Conceição 19–2–1–1 (9 KO) July 6, 2024
 * rowspan="2" style="text-align:center;"|Anthony Cacace 22–1 (7 KO) May 18, 2024
 * style="text-align:center;"|Emanuel Navarrete 38–1–1 (31 KO) August 12, 2023
 * rowspan="2" style="text-align:center;"|vacant
 * style="text-align:center;"|Albert Batyrgaziev Interim champion 10–0 (7 KO) July 12, 2024
 * style="text-align:center;"|Óscar Valdez Interim champion 32–2 (24 KO) March 29, 2024
 * style="text-align:center;"|Óscar Valdez Interim champion 32–2 (24 KO) March 29, 2024

Featherweight (126 lb/57.2 kg)

 * rowspan="2" style="text-align:center;"|Nick Ball 20–0–1 (11 KO) June 1, 2024
 * style="text-align:center;"|Rey Vargas 36–1–1 (22 KO) July 9, 2022
 * rowspan="2" style="text-align:center;"|Luis Alberto Lopez 30–2 (17 KO) December 10, 2022
 * rowspan="2" style="text-align:center;"|Rafael Espinoza 25–0 (21 KO) December 9, 2023
 * rowspan="2" style="text-align:center;"|vacant
 * style="text-align:center;"|Brandon Figueroa Interim champion 25–1–1 (19 KO) March 4, 2023
 * style="text-align:center;"|Brandon Figueroa Interim champion 25–1–1 (19 KO) March 4, 2023

Super bantamweight/Junior featherweight (122 lb/55.3 kg)

 * style="text-align:center;"|Naoya Inoue Super champion 27–0 (24 KO) December 26, 2023
 * style="text-align:center;"|Naoya Inoue 27–0 (24 KO) July 25, 2023
 * style="text-align:center;"|Naoya Inoue 27–0 (24 KO) December 26, 2023
 * style="text-align:center;"|Naoya Inoue 27–0 (24 KO) July 25, 2023
 * style="text-align:center;"|Naoya Inoue 27–0 (24 KO) December 26, 2023

Bantamweight (118 lb/53.5 kg)

 * style="text-align:center;"|Takuma Inoue 20–1 (5 KO) April 8, 2023
 * style="text-align:center;"|Junto Nakatani 27–0 (21 KO) February 24, 2024
 * style="text-align:center;"|Ryosuke Nishida 9–0 (1 KO) May 4, 2024
 * style="text-align:center;"|Yoshiki Takei 9–0 (8 KO) May 6, 2024
 * style="text-align:center;"|vacant

Super flyweight/Junior bantamweight (115 lb/52.2 kg)

 * style="text-align:center;"|Fernando Martínez 17–0 (9 KO) July 7, 2024
 * style="text-align:center;"|Jesse Rodriguez 20–0 (13 KO) June 29, 2024
 * rowspan="2" style="text-align:center;"|Fernando Martínez 17–0 (9 KO) February 26, 2022
 * rowspan="2" style="text-align:center;"|Kosei Tanaka 20–1 (11 KO) February 24, 2024
 * rowspan="2" style="text-align:center;"|Jesse Rodriguez 20–0 (13 KO) June 29, 2024
 * style="text-align:center;"|David Jiménez Interim champion 16–1 (11 KO) April 20, 2024
 * style="text-align:center;"|Pedro Guevara Interim champion 42–4 (22 KO) May 12, 2024
 * style="text-align:center;"|Pedro Guevara Interim champion 42–4 (22 KO) May 12, 2024

Flyweight (112 lb/50.8 kg)

 * style="text-align:center;"|Seigo Yuri Akui 20–2–1 (11 KO) January 23, 2024
 * style="text-align:center;"|vacant
 * style="text-align:center;"|vacant
 * style="text-align:center;"|Anthony Olascuaga 7–1 (5 KO) July 20, 2024
 * style="text-align:center;"|vacant

Light flyweight/Junior flyweight (108 lb/49 kg)

 * style="text-align:center;"|Kenshiro Teraji Unified champion 23–1 (14 KO) November 1, 2022
 * style="text-align:center;"|Kenshiro Teraji 23–1 (14 KO) March 19, 2022
 * style="text-align:center;"|Sivenathi Nontshinga 13–1 (10 KO) February 16, 2024
 * style="text-align:center;"|Jonathan González 28–3–1–1 (14 KO) October 17, 2021
 * style="text-align:center;"|Kenshiro Teraji 21–1 (13 KO) November 1, 2022

Minimumweight/Mini flyweight/Strawweight (105 lb/47.6 kg)

 * style="text-align:center;"|Knockout CP Freshmart Super champion 24–0 (9 KO) June 29, 2016
 * style="text-align:center;"|Melvin Jerusalem 22–3 (12 KO) March 31, 2024
 * style="text-align:center;"|Ginjiro Shigeoka 11–0–0–1 (9 KO) October 7, 2023
 * style="text-align:center;"|Oscar Collazo 10–0 (7 KO) May 27, 2023
 * style="text-align:center;"|vacant

title: List of current world boxing champions


text:
Waiting for Herb

Waiting for Herb is the sixth studio album by the Pogues, released in 1993, and their first without lead singer Shane MacGowan.

Overview
The album saw the band continue to expand their musical reach past the traditional Irish roots it had been founded on, and was only their second full-length album without a single traditional song. The album featured the track "Tuesday Morning", which was the band's first Top Twenty hit since "Fairytale of New York."

With MacGowan departed, his singing and songwriting duties fell to the other members. While Spider Stacy took the role of lead vocalist, much of the songwriting fell to Jem Finer, who along with Terry Woods had previously been the most prolific songwriter apart from MacGowan. However, the album saw contributions by other members who had not written songs for the band previously, including James Fearnley, Andrew Ranken, and Darryl Hunt. Ranken also sang lead vocals on "My Baby's Gone".

The song "Smell of Petroleum", with its refrain "The secret of the universe is hidden in this song", references the following anecdote from Bertrand Russell's A History of Western Philosophy:

William James describes a man who got the experience from laughing-gas; whenever he was under its influence, he knew the secret of the universe, but when he came to, he had forgotten it. At last, with immense effort, he wrote down the secret before the vision had faded. When completely recovered, he rushed to see what he had written. It was: "A smell of petroleum prevails throughout."

It was the last Pogues album to feature Terry Woods, James Fearnley and Philip Chevron, all of whom left the group after the album's release.

Standard edition

 * 1) "Tuesday Morning" (Spider Stacy) – 3:30
 * 2) "Smell of Petroleum" (Jem Finer) – 3:13
 * 3) "Haunting" (Terry Woods) – 4:04
 * 4) "Once Upon a Time" (Finer) – 3:55
 * 5) "Sitting on Top of the World" (Finer, James Fearnley, Woods) – 3:37
 * 6) "Drunken Boat" (Fearnley) – 6:38
 * 7) "Big City" (Darryl Hunt) – 2:41
 * 8) "Girl from the Wadi Hammamat" (Finer, Andrew Ranken) – 4:53
 * 9) "Modern World" (Hunt) – 3:55
 * 10) "Pachinko" (Finer) – 3:09
 * 11) "My Baby's Gone" (Finer, Ranken) – 2:24
 * 12) "Small Hours" (Finer) – 4:31

Bonus tracks (2004 reissue)

 * 1) "First Day of Forever" (Philip Chevron) – 3:20 (B-side to "Tuesday Morning")
 * 2) "Train Kept Rolling On" (Ranken) – 3:18 (B-side to "Once Upon a Time")
 * 3) "Paris St. Germain" (Stacy, Woods) – 3:07 (B-side to "Once Upon a Time")

Personnel
Credits are adapted from the album liner notes.

 * The Pogues
 * Spider Stacy - lead and backing vocals
 * Jem Finer - banjo, soprano saxophone, hurdy-gurdy, guitar, pachinko, backing vocals
 * James Fearnley - accordion, guitar, banjo, piano, organ, harmonica, clarinet, dulcimer, mouth percussion
 * Andrew Ranken - drums, backing vocals, lead vocals on "My Baby's Gone"
 * Philip Chevron - guitar, backing vocals
 * Terry Woods - mandolin, concertina, cittern, banjo, bazouki, lead vocals on "Haunting"
 * Darryl Hunt - bass, synthesizer, backing vocals
 * Additional musicians
 * Michael Brook - "infinite" guitar; keyboards on "Girl from the Wadi Hammamat"
 * David Coulter – percussion; foghorn on "Drunken Boat", ukulele on "Small Hours"
 * Alastair Gavin - programming on "Tuesday Morning", "Haunting" and "Small Hours"
 * Sarah Stanton - backing vocals on "Smell of Petroleum"
 * Debsey Wykes - backing vocals on "Small Hours"
 * James Pinker - percussion on "Girl from the Wadi Hammamat"
 * Hijaz Mustapha - strings on "Girl from the Wadi Hammamat"
 * Johnnie Fingers - Tokyo pachinko parlor recording on "Pachinko"
 * Technical
 * Michael Brook - producer, engineer, mixing
 * Richard Evans - engineer, mixing
 * Nick Robbins - engineer
 * Russell Kearney - assistant engineer
 * Tony Cousins - mastering
 * Ryan Art - design
 * Steve Pyke - photography (band portraits)
 * front cover photograph "The Chief" courtesy of Bailey's African Photo Archives

title: Waiting for Herb


text:
Talk:Ternopil

Untitled
Article: de:Ternopil Corresponding English-language article: Ternopil Worth doing because: famous shtetl and no article Originally Requested by: --Sheynhertz-Unbayg 04:38, 12 July 2005 (UTC) Status: translation finished Lectonar 08:20, 14 July 2005 (UTC) Other notes: Supported:

I deleted the jew history paragraph because a city in a country is not a "jew related stub" as the previuos version said. That information about jewish history should be placed in another article. I will add relevant information in the future.

New edits
Vasyl Avramenko was not born in Ternopil. If anything, he may have passed through there later in life, but I don't have that information at this moment. I will remove him unless there's a reason to keep him. With that in mind, what do the other names signify, and are they from the same source as the one that listed Avramenko? Can the Jewish Tarnopol paragraph be integrated with the rest of the article? Right now it looks segregated like an alternate history.--tufkaa 22:19, 12 August 2006 (UTC)

Demographics 1939
"In 1939 it was a city of 40,000; 50% of the population was Polish, 10% Ukrainian and most of the remaining part was Jewish." I can't find the source of this. Does anyone have this? --Jeroenvrp 23:20, 2 January 2007 (UTC)
 * That is simle speculation which seems to be common throughout the towns that used to be part of Poland. The main goal of that statistics to show that no nationality such as the Ukrainian existed. And if it even did it was a pure minority. Such edits usually done by a common ethnic Polish who does not recognize and never will that Ukrainian nationality carries no less value as the Polish. That is the result of the historical discrimination that took place throughout the history. Ukrainians on the right bank of Dnipro were discriminated by Polish, and on the left bank -- by Russians. Russians as well as Polish tried to fight the influence of the other culture, building all of the blame upon the Ukrainian culture and considering it as the scewed version of its own by the neighboring country. At the end the Ukrainian nationality was never recognized. The Ukrainian literature was forbidden and the Ukrainian culture was consider as of the less developed version of eather Russian or Polish counterpart. Those were the basic grounds of hatred that existed among Ukrainians and caused the war for independence by Bohdan Khmelnytskyi, Koliivschina, OUN-UPA. Aleksandr Grigoryev (talk) 20:00, 9 September 2008 (UTC)

Polish Residents
Would the residents of Ternopil/Tarnopol have been considered Polish citizens in the years 1918-1920? Kaiser matias 22:32, 11 April 2007 (UTC)
 * That is an odd question. At that period in Ternopil lived not only Polish citizens, but also Hungarian citizens, Russian citizens, German citizens, and many others. It wasn't like there was a thourough ethnic cleansing that had taken place or the mass pasport exchange. The city simply became a part of the Ukrainian state with the possibility for Ukrainians to recognize themselve as such rather than Polish, if you that intended to ask. Aleksandr Grigoryev (talk) 20:12, 9 September 2008 (UTC)

Polish town and Judeocentrism
For me as a Pole it's an insult,not the first and last one on Wikipedia,the Jew and German pushing medium,that there's no talk of its Polishness,how the city was for centuries (!) part of Poland,how it was funded,built and defended by Poles and the scale of its links with Polishness;yet there is a whole paragraph about Jews!Could someone tell me why Wikipedia is writing about places thoroughly linked with Poles and Poland like about a city with no links to my nation?The Germans are pushing their agenda full scale on topics related to western Poland and there are hords of germanophiles on the English Wikipedia and they also want to erase every notion of Polishness east of the Bug river.In short their agenda is that:extend German propaganda wherever it is possible (and where it is not!) and at the same time belittle Polish rule east of the Bug river. — Preceding unsigned comment added by 78.9.72.14 (talk) 21:59, 28 November 2011 (UTC)

History - Ukrainian POV

 * Soviet repressions 1939-1941 weren't only anti-Ukrainian, so why only Ukrainian patriots are mentioned? Poles are "members of former administration".
 * What happened to the Polish police commander, wasn't he murdered by NKVD? Families were deported, police officers murdered.
 * What was the ethnicity of "local inhabitants" who murdered the Jews? Xx236 (talk) 07:06, 4 October 2012 (UTC)
 * What is the connection between Joseph Perl and Russian rules? The second partition means probably the Congress of Vienna, doesn't it?Xx236 (talk) 07:15, 4 October 2012 (UTC)

Removing irrelevant naming conventions from the lead
I am removing the German and Russian naming conventions from the lead per WP:UNDUE and WP:LEADCLUTTER. The German (well, actually Austro-Hungarian) and Russian connection is in the body of the article, and is not relevant to recent history. --Iryna Harpy (talk) 22:37, 1 September 2014 (UTC)
 * You clearly like to make controversial edits and insist on them, despite being challenged several times. I'm going to roll back one last time – to the stable version – please don't make the same edit again until there's a consensus established here.
 * Now let's discuss the merits of why you insist on this particular edit. The way I see it, the article has been stable with respect to the lead containing 4 different versions on the name, and all of them are clearly relevant to the history of the place – with multiple references existing to all four spellings (well, it's actually 3 spellings across 4 languages). So there's a good reason to mention them all in the article, so that the readers who come to the article could understand the different naming variations used in reference to the city, could connect them all to the same city, and not have to guess about this (or have to browse through inter-wiki – which is a very round-about way).
 * So here: there are three arguments to keep the stable version as is: stability of the article, historical relevance of all the names (indeed, all of them are used in the article itself), and readers' convenience. What's the argument for removal that is strong enough to outweigh these? cherkash (talk) 06:50, 3 September 2014 (UTC)
 * I've already pointed out WP:UNDUE for the WP:LEAD. Please provided some policy and guideline arguments as to why an extensive list of naming conventions are relevant to the lead.

 * As regards 'stable version', if you care to check, I've actually restored the version you're advocating in the past, however there has never actually been any discussion as to all of the naming conventions being of relevance in the lead. The German variant was only added by an IP a couple of years ago. As for my bold edits "being challenged several times", the only challenger was you alone. You've yet to convince me that it's WP:DUE for the lead. No one else is participating in this discussion, therefore how could I "... clearly like to make controversial edits and insist on them..."? Also note that you are violating WP:NPA in drawing negative conclusions as to my character. We're discussing the content in the lead, yet you're constant reverts with lack of policy-based arguments would indicate that you're treating the subject matter as a WP:BATTLEGROUND. I have no objections to the naming conventions being mentioned in the body of the article, but fail to see why they are of relevance in such a brief lead. --Iryna Harpy (talk) 23:25, 3 September 2014 (UTC)

 * There's nothing personal in this discussion, so let's focus on the subject: whether mentioning of Polish, Ukrainian, German & Russian names belongs to the lead or not. German and Polish names are spelled the same way, so the discussion is about relevance of 3 spelling variants to the article's lead. I've already mentioned three reasons:
 * Stability: all 3 spellings have been in the article's lead since the very beginning, going back to at least August 2004, more than 10 years.
 * Historical relevance (obvious in this case, in fact there are many sources mentioning the city by each variant)
 * Readers' convenience: the city referred to by all 3 name variants in the body of the article, as well as in multiple sources – and hence the lead (more precisely, the naming in the first sentence) is the most natural place to mention all three.
 * cherkash (talk) 18:14, 4 September 2014 (UTC)
 * Apologies for not getting back on this matter sooner, . I've been flat out on other articles and... well, it all gets put into perspective. To be honest, I'm not actually fussed. If you truly believe that it's historically warranted, I'm fine with it. If you check against Russian Wikipedia, there's no mention of their spelling in the lead. The only version that makes a point of featuring the German spelling is, of course, German Wikipedia (where it's simply noted as having the same spelling as the Polish). It doesn't appear to be a matter any of the countries involved seem concerned about in terms of naming conventions, but certainly not a matter worth being WP:POINTy about. Cheers! --Iryna Harpy (talk) 10:14, 9 September 2014 (UTC)

Historical Affiliations Box
I made a timeline and this little box. Debating on which one to throw into the article. I want to include the month and days into here but I feel as if it would be too much. 155.247.166.28 (talk) 21:46, 4 November 2015 (UTC)

 * The first problem is with the nomenclature. "Affiliation" implies a positive and voluntary association. Definition: 1. To adopt or accept as a member, subordinate associate, or branch. 2. To associate (oneself) as a subordinate, subsidiary, employee, or member. 3. To assign the origin of. I don't know how one establishes that a territory (or inhabitants thereof) has/have nominated to 'affiliate' themselves with dynastic empires, etc... but I'm fairly certain that it's WP:OR to suggest that these are related to the will of the people.

 * I'm not sure whether such a timeline is desirable. Other editors may have a different opinion. --Iryna Harpy (talk) 23:58, 8 November 2015 (UTC)

I suggest the use of "Association" instead of affiliation then. I would also suggest checking the english 'Lviv' page which has a similar timeline. Ternopil has a complex history of numerous powers ruling over it over the years and I think it helps people orient themselves. 129.32.224.78 (talk) 19:58, 16 November 2015 (UTC)
 * "Associated" is definitely more neutral. What would you say to opening a discussion of the terminology on the Lviv talk page, and asking for opinions for this article simultaneously? The Lviv article has far more eyes on it and would assist in expediting the use of such boxes with consensus as to appropriate nomenclature. --Iryna Harpy (talk) 22:22, 16 November 2015 (UTC)

Searching 'Historical affiliations' in Wikipedia brings about more than a few dozen city/town articles with the same exact phrasing with no issues from any users of using this word on the talk pages. I will reinstate this unless there is any objection. 129.32.224.73 (talk) 23:44, 16 November 2015 (UTC)
 * Could you point out some of the articles, please? I've found an example on the Chernyanka, Belgorod Oblast. The fact that it's been 'adopted' for articles in Slavic regions, for example, doesn't mean that the convention is a good one. Most of these articles have been developed by editors for whom English is not a native language, therefore it's not written in stone. Personally, I find it particularly disquietening to see Nazi Germany as an 'affiliation'. Applied in this sense, "Historical affiliations" is misleading. --Iryna Harpy (talk) 21:11, 20 November 2015 (UTC)

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Camenca https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Aurich https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cottbus https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Weißenfels https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Rîbnița https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Emden https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Meissen https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sangerhausen https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Freiberg https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bautzen https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Merseburg https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Timeline_of_Wrocław https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Timeline_of_Bydgoszcz https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lebus https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Marijampolė https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Friedland,_Brandenburg https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bielefeld https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Köpenick https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Wittenberg https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Belaya_Kalitva https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Donetsk,_Russia https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Salsk https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Krasny_Sulin https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Müncheberg https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Valletta https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tadjoura

These are some examples of articles using the term. I will switch the term to 'Associations' and include the box into the article 72.94.101.244 (talk) 23:07, 22 November 2015 (UTC)
 * That's fine with me. No other editors appear to be interested one way or the other. Leave it as 'affiliations' for parity between articles. By all means, go ahead! --Iryna Harpy (talk) 01:03, 24 November 2015 (UTC)

External links modified
Hello fellow Wikipedians,

I have just modified 4 external links on Ternopil. Please take a moment to review my edit. If you have any questions, or need the bot to ignore the links, or the page altogether, please visit this simple FaQ for additional information. I made the following changes:
 * Corrected formatting/usage for http://www.info.elblag.pl/index.php?id=niezbednik_&pid=31&strona=1
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 * Corrected formatting/usage for http://www.batumi.ge/en/?page=show&sec=5
 * Added archive https://web.archive.org/web/20070717041444/http://www.ternopil.net.te.ua/index.php?dir=%2Fternopil_%28Leonid_Tit%29%2F to http://www.ternopil.net.te.ua/index.php?dir=%2Fternopil_%28Leonid_Tit%29%2F

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Commons files used on this page have been nominated for deletion
The following Wikimedia Commons files used on this page have been nominated for deletion: Participate in the deletion discussions at the nomination pages linked above. —Community Tech bot (talk) 21:36, 18 November 2019 (UTC)
 * Ternopil-2017-2.jpg (discussion)
 * Ternopil-2017-3.jpg (discussion)

A Commons file used on this page or its Wikidata item has been nominated for deletion
The following Wikimedia Commons file used on this page or its Wikidata item has been nominated for deletion: Participate in the deletion discussion at the. —Community Tech bot (talk) 12:20, 25 December 2020 (UTC)
 * Внутрішнє оздоблення тернопільського собору P1170829.jpg

Irene Gut
This is the town where Irene Gut helped Jews  during WWII. 164.47.187.32 (talk) 19:10, 27 January 2022 (UTC)

Split proposed
The history section of this article is long enough to merit its own article. See also Ukrainian-language article: History of Ternopil. Thoughts? -- M2545 (talk) 10:37, 2 March 2022 (UTC)

 * Yes, it makes sense to me. Ymblanter (talk) 08:53, 19 August 2022 (UTC)

Remove all other translation of the city
Please leave only the translations of the name of the city in Ukrainian since it's a Ukrainian city and in English which is an international language, the article is written in English. At least you can delete the ruzzian and belaruzzian translations, it has no place in the article, as a Ukrainian I find offensive and disrespectful.

Thank you very much in advance.

Kind regards, P.Lykhoviter (talk) 20:41, 23 June 2023 (UTC)

title: Talk:Ternopil


text:
Jim Hacker

James George Hacker, Baron Hacker of Islington,, BSc (Lond.), Hon. D.Phil. (Oxon.) is a fictional character in the 1980s British sitcom Yes Minister and Yes, Prime Minister. He is the minister of the fictional Department of Administrative Affairs, and later Prime Minister of the United Kingdom. He was portrayed originally by Paul Eddington, with David Haig taking on the part for the 2013 revival.

Before Yes Minister
Hacker attended the London School of Economics (around 25 years before his appointment to the cabinet ) and graduated with a third class honours degree. He had a career in political research, university lecturing and journalism – including editorship of a publication named Reform – and was elected as a Member of Parliament, initially serving as a backbencher.

While his party was in opposition, Hacker served for seven years as Shadow Minister of Agriculture. During an internal contest for leadership of his party, Hacker ran the campaign of his colleague Martin Walker, but this was unsuccessful, leaving Hacker with a strained relationship with the party leader.

Yes Minister
When Hacker was in his late 40s, his party won a general election victory, with Hacker himself being re-elected in the Birmingham East constituency with an increased majority. Hacker expected to be appointed Minister of Agriculture, due to his extensive knowledge of the subject, but the Civil Service, for the same reason, encouraged the new Prime Minister to appoint him elsewhere. Hacker was appointed Minister of Administrative Affairs. The Department of Administrative Affairs (DAA) was described by a commentator as a "political graveyard", implying the Prime Minister may have chosen it as an act of revenge.

Hacker worked with the ministry's Permanent Secretary, Sir Humphrey Appleby, who as a senior civil servant tries to control the ministry and the minister himself, and his own Principal Private Secretary, Bernard Woolley.

Hacker had been helped in his re-election by political adviser Frank Weisel, saying of him, "I depend on him more than anyone." Initially Hacker brought Weisel with him to the DAA, but his presence was resented by the civil servants, who referred to him as "the weasel" (derived from an obstinate mispronunciation of the name Weisel, which Frank often corrects on screen). Eventually Hacker and Weisel came to conflict when Weisel proposed reforming the quango system, as he put it, "ending the scandal of ministerial patronage". Sir Humphrey arranged a situation where Hacker could avoid a scandal only by appointing an unqualified candidate to chair such a quango. When Hacker agreed, Weisel was disgusted and threatened to go to the press, but instead accepted Hacker's offer of heading a well compensated "super-quango" on the abolition of quangos. This left Hacker to be advised entirely by civil servants for the remainder of his time at the DAA.

Hacker hoped for promotion to a more prestigious Cabinet post, such as Foreign Secretary. He considered the "top jobs" to be Foreign Secretary, Chancellor of the Exchequer and Home Secretary, and dreaded the prospect of being made Secretary of State for Northern Ireland or Minister with General Responsibility for Industrial Harmony. The Prime Minister still saw Hacker as a supporter of his rival, Martin Walker, and at one point almost abolished the Department of Administrative Affairs, in which case Hacker may have been "kicked upstairs" to the House of Lords. Hacker was able to blackmail the Prime Minister into abandoning the idea. However, fearing demotion in an upcoming Cabinet reshuffle, he seriously considered accepting an offer to become an EEC Commissioner, a move he considered to be "curtains as far as British politics is concerned. It's worse than a peerage... You're reduced to forming a new party if ever you want to get back," in reference to Roy Jenkins. Sir Humphrey persuaded Hacker to refuse the offer, and Hacker remained Minister of Administrative Affairs.

Hacker was pleased to take on additional responsibilities while remaining at the same department, including the role of "Transport Supremo", responsible for an integrated transport policy. Following a cabinet reshuffle, his department absorbed the Local Authority Directorate.

Hacker was awarded an honorary doctorate of Law from Baillie College, Oxford (a possible reference to Balliol College), in return for allowing them to continue taking overseas students.

Hacker was appointed Chair of his party. When he had held this position for less than a year, and been a minister for two, the Prime Minister unexpectedly retired following the resignation of the Home Secretary due to a drink-driving scandal (but which Hacker himself surmised was the result of the Prime Minister merely wishing to deny the premiership to his then deputy). Sir Humphrey, who was now Cabinet Secretary, encouraged and assisted Hacker in using the position of Chair to his advantage, resulting in Hacker becoming party leader and Prime Minister.

Yes, Prime Minister
Although Hacker had believed the Prime Minister had more freedom to act than Cabinet ministers, he found that in his new role Sir Humphrey was still able to prevent him implementing many of his ideas. Early in his premiership, Hacker intended to implement what he called his "Grand Design" – actually the idea of the Chief Scientific Adviser – which involved cancelling the Trident missile programme, enlarging the armed forces and reintroducing conscription. Sir Humphrey, through the Permanent Secretaries of the various departments, was able to persuade the Cabinet to oppose the scheme.

The former Prime Minister posed a problem for Hacker by describing him unflatteringly in his memoirs. Hacker was delighted by his sudden death, not only because the memoirs would not be finished, but because the funeral offered the opportunity for him to host an unofficial summit of world leaders, during which he discussed with the French President the terms of joint British-French management of the Channel Tunnel.

Notable policies that Hacker supported throughout the series have included:

 * The sale of the National Theatre building so that the institution could spend more of its budget on productions rather than building maintenance and become truly national by operating out of provincial theatres and low-cost rented offices (albeit as a bargaining chip intended to deter its director from criticising the government in a public speech).
 * His Health Secretary's aggressive ameliorative anti-smoking plan involving the banning of tobacco advertising and increasing taxes on tobacco to sumptuary levels (albeit as a bargaining chip to persuade the Civil Service to agree to one-and-a-half billion pounds' worth of budget cuts so as to avoid the loss of four billion pounds in revenue).
 * The establishment of a National Education Service and the abolition of the Department of Education (but backed down after learning from Humphrey that the school which he intended to model his education reforms on had stolen materials for its woodworking classes).
 * Reforming local government so that local boroughs were elected by districts of two-hundred households each, effectively being granted their own parliaments and cabinets (but backed down after learning from the plan's proponent, Professor Marriott, that it would, if applied to Westminster, result in the collapse of party discipline and prevent the passage of unpopular but necessary legislation).
 * The relocation of military bases from the South of England to the North to create jobs (which was unsuccessfully challenged by the Civil Service and the General Staff through the fabrication of a leadership challenge by the Employment Secretary).

After Yes, Prime Minister
The original television series ended in 1988 with Hacker still in office as Prime Minister; however, both before and after this, writers Antony Jay and Jonathan Lynn made references to Hacker's career in print which reveal his life after the series ended.

In 1981, Jay and Lynn adapted the first series of Yes Minister into book form, presenting it in the form of Hacker's diaries, ostensibly edited by Jay and Lynn more than thirty years later in 2017. In summarizing his career, they say that he "failed upwards from one senior cabinet post to the next, culminating with his ultimate failure at Number Ten and his final demise on his elevation to the House of Lords (as it then was)." This would be partly contradicted by the 1984 episode "Party Games", as Hacker does not hold any other cabinet post between being Minister for Administrative Affairs and becoming Prime Minister.

The foreword to the third volume of the book series (published 1983, but dated September 2019) makes clear that Hacker has died, not merely suffered a political demise. All five volumes of the book series are supposedly written at "Hacker College, Oxford", an institution apparently named after him.

In 2003, Jay and Lynn wrote an obituary for Hacker for The Politico's Book of the Dead. It gives his dates of birth and death as 18 June 1927 and 4 November 1995, the same as Paul Eddington, the actor who portrayed him. The obituary states that Hacker was Minister of Administrative Affairs (the events of the three series of Yes Minister) for a period of two years. His time as Prime Minister is also described as brief, finishing in a general election defeat for his party. Despite re-election being Hacker's main motivation throughout the series, it appears that he was in government for only a single term, a maximum of five years.

The obituary confirms that Hacker was elevated to the House of Lords, taking the title Lord Hacker of Islington, and also reveals that he was made a Knight Companion of the Order of the Garter. Both are customary retirement honours for former Prime Ministers. Hacker is described as an "Hon. D. Phil", indicating that his honorary law degree from Baillie college was as a Doctor of Philosophy rather than Doctor of Civil Law.

Personal life
Hacker and his wife, Annie, are seen to have one daughter, Lucy, a left-wing activist and sociology student at the University of Sussex. Hacker mentions having more than one child, saying, "Our children are reaching the age where Annie and I are hoping to spend much more time with each other."

Character
Jim Hacker first appears in Yes Minister having been recently re-elected as Member of Parliament for Birmingham East, soundly defeating his opponents. His early character is that of a very gung-ho, albeit naïve, politician, ready to bring sweeping change into his department, unaware that Sir Humphrey and the civil service are out to stop any semblance of change, despite their insistence that they are his allies. Hacker is also noted as having challenged Humphrey while he was a member of the Opposition by asking difficult questions when Sir Humphrey was testifying to a Parliamentary committee: Sir Humphrey stated that Hacker had asked "...all the questions I hoped nobody would ask," showing his new Minister to be at least a reasonably capable politician.

Before long, Hacker begins to notice that the Civil Service has been preventing any of his changes from actually being put into practice. Bernard is sympathetic to Hacker's plight and tries to enlighten his Minister as to the tricks and techniques employed by government staff, but his ability to help is limited by his own loyalties in the Civil Service. Hacker soon learns and becomes more sly and cynical, using some of these ploys himself. While Sir Humphrey nearly always gets the upper hand, Hacker now and again plays a trump card, and on even fewer occasions, the two of them work towards a common goal.

Hacker also learns that his efforts to change the government or Britain are all really for naught, as he discovers in the episode "The Whisky Priest", when he attempts to stop the export of British-made munitions to Italian terrorists.

Throughout Yes Minister, there are many occasions when Hacker is portrayed as a publicity-mad bungler, incapable of making a firm decision, and prone to blunders that embarrass him or his party, eliciting bad press and stern lectures from the party apparatus, particularly the Chief Whip. He is continually concerned with what the newspapers of the day will have to say about him, and is always hoping to be promoted by the Prime Minister (Hacker ran the unsuccessful campaign for a political ally during the party's last leadership election – his man lost, becoming Foreign Secretary, and leaving Hacker nervous about his prospects under the winner, now Prime Minister). He is equally afraid of either staying at his current level of Cabinet seniority, or being demoted.

Just prior to the start of Yes, Prime Minister, Hacker shows a zeal for making speeches and presents himself as a viable party leader after the Prime Minister announces his resignation in the episode "Party Games". He is given embarrassing information about the two front-runner candidates, and manages to persuade them (by insinuating that secret information pertaining to both may be revealed to the public) to drop out of the race, and lend their support to him. With help from the recently promoted Sir Humphrey and other senior civil servants, Hacker emerges as a compromise candidate and becomes head of his party unopposed – and Prime Minister.

In Yes, Prime Minister Hacker strives to perfect all the skills needed by a statesman, giving more grandiose speeches, dreaming up "courageous" political programmes, and honing his diplomatic craft, nearly all of these attempts landing him in trouble at some point.

In a Radio Times interview to promote the latter series, Paul Eddington stated, "He's beginning to find his feet as a man of power, and he's begun to confound those who thought they'd be able to manipulate him out of hand."

Hacker becomes a more competent politician by the end. Though primarily interested in his personal career survival and advancement, he, unlike Sir Humphrey, views government as a means rather than an end in itself.

Interests and habits
Hacker has many prominent habits that feature throughout the series:
 * Drinking. Hacker enjoys various alcoholic beverages, particularly harder liquors, including Scotch whisky: "the odd drinkie", as he likes to call them. He is seen drunk on more than one occasion and was caught drinking and driving in the episode "Party Games". He used his political immunity to escape charges. He (teaming up with Sir Humphrey) even went as far as to smuggle alcohol into a diplomatic function in Qumran (a dry Islamic oil sheikhdom) by establishing a false diplomatic communications room in The Moral Dimension.
 * Disdain for certain types of culture. Sir Humphrey thinks Hacker to be a cultural philistine who is unaware of the importance of protecting Britain's artistic heritage. Hacker believes it only important to the "upper-class snobs" (such as Humphrey himself), and several other "wet, long-haired, scruffy art lovers", arguing that operas created by Italians and Germans are not representative of Britain's cultural heritage. However, upon the Department of Administrative Affairs gaining responsibility for the Arts after a departmental reshuffle (in "The Middle-Class Rip-Off"), Hacker asks Humphrey if he could tag along on a gala night at the Royal Opera House. Humphrey is delighted by the volte-face and declares, "Yes, Minister" enthusiastically. But Hacker and his wife enjoy seeing foreign films, and in the same episode Hacker demonstrates some grasp of art, enough to make a strong case that a disputed art gallery in his constituency is not worth saving. (See also "Football" below.)
 * Pomposity. Hacker is often seen going off into sentimental, overly pretentious speeches either to himself or to Bernard and Sir Humphrey, holding his lapel on his suit jacket in a very royal manner. He also mimicked Napoleon by slipping his hand in the front of his suit jacket upon hearing he was selected by the party to become party leader and hence Prime Minister. However, it appears that Hacker's political idol is Winston Churchill: he occasionally speaks in the statesman's gruff style, on several occasions imitating or paraphrasing Churchill's "We shall fight on the beaches" speech, and is seen reading biographies of him.
 * Football. Hacker believes that sport is of great cultural importance and is even willing to sacrifice a local art gallery in order to bail out his constituency's football team, the fictional Aston Wanderers, that was being threatened with bankruptcy. He did not support the team though, and was mentioned as being an Aston Villa supporter in the first episode.

Political affiliation
Hacker's political party is never explicitly stated – a deliberate ploy by the series' creators to prevent the show from having a partisan affiliation. This begins in the very first scene of the Yes Minister pilot episode, where the victorious Hacker's party rosette is white, as opposed to the red (for Labour) and blue (for the Conservatives) rosettes worn by the other candidates. The party that formed the previous government, which is now the opposition, is not explicitly identified either. In Yes Minister, the Prime Minister was unseen and unnamed, but established as male, whereas the real Prime Minister of the day was Margaret Thatcher. (The book adaptation by Lynn and Jay gives the Prime Minister a name — Herbert Attwell — but it is only mentioned once, and the character remains completely offscreen.)

The Labour and Conservative parties are eventually compared in "The National Education Service", when Sir Humphrey tells Bernard, "When there is a Labour government, the education authorities tell them that comprehensives abolish the class system and when there's a Tory government we tell them that it's the cheapest way of providing mass education; to Labour we explain that selective education is divisive and to the Tories we explain that it is expensive." but Sir Humphrey then goes on to tell Hacker neither of these things, forgoing any suggestion that Hacker is from either party.

In "Party Games", following the Prime Minister's surprise announcement of his retirement, Sir Humphrey and his predecessor Sir Arnold Robinson discuss who should succeed him. With the Home Secretary, previously the Prime Minister's likely successor, being forced to resign following a spectacular drink-driving incident (with Hacker speculating that the Prime Minister only served for as long as he did to prevent the Home Secretary from succeeding him), the Chancellor of the Exchequer and the Foreign Secretary seemed to be the most likely successors. Humphrey relayed the concerns of the Chief Whip that as each candidate represented the extreme wings of their party, the election of either could antagonise the other's supporters and split the party. However, it is not mentioned what positions either candidate or wing support or oppose. With both candidates expressing desires to take proactive roles in governing and posing significant security risks, Hacker was positioned to succeed the Prime Minister unopposed as a moderate (otherwise described as a "compromise" or "less interventionist") candidate.

Throughout the show, Hacker's political opinions tend towards reform of administration and are neither left nor right wing. On first becoming a minister, Hacker intends to implement his party's manifesto commitment to "open government", but backs down when he is shown the dangers of the policy. He is known as "a good European", a believer in "the European ideal" embodied in the European Economic Community, but a critic of the bureaucracy in Brussels, such as EEC officials being tasked with encouraging farmers to create and destroy agricultural surpluses, the introduction of the compulsory Europass (albeit as a means of ending his ministerial career alongside the abolition of the Department of Administrative Affairs), and the standardisation of word processing equipment. In "Party Games", in his bid to become his party's new leader, and thus become Prime Minister, he engineers media and public outrage over the EEC's "Eurosausage" Plan involving the designation of British sausages as "emulsified high-fat offal tubes" due to insufficient meat content, despite being guaranteed an exemption for British sausages by the relevant EEC Commissioner; whilst admonishing the EEC in a Churchillian speech to party members, Hacker strikes a more amicable tone whilst being interviewed by Ludovic Kennedy.

Throughout the series, the party is mentioned as having constituencies in the West Midlands (such as Hacker's seat of Birmingham East), Merseyside, Glasgow, Nottingham and (oddly for a governing British political party) Northern Ireland. Most of these are described as marginal seats, often mentioned when a potentially unpopular decision is under consideration, such as the revitalisation of a nationalised chemical plant through the production of propanol using metadioxin (a chemical similar to dioxin, linked to the Seveso disaster and purported to cause foetal damage) or introducing ameliorative measures to deter smoking (to the detriment of tax revenue, jobs in the tobacco industry and patronage for culture and sports). The party is also mentioned as controlling the South Derbyshire Council (criticised by Sir Humphrey for not submitting its records to Westminster but which turned out to be the most effective and efficient local authority in Britain) as well as contesting a by-election in Newcastle.

Other media
In a radio broadcast spoof of Yes Minister performed by both Eddington and Nigel Hawthorne, both of whom played their respective parts from the show, Hacker is a Minister in the government of the day, that of Margaret Thatcher, who also played herself as Prime Minister. In the sketch, she asks that Hacker and Sir Humphrey abolish economists.

In the 2010 stage production of Yes, Prime Minister, the role was played by David Haig; Graham Seed took the role in a touring production of the play.

title: Jim Hacker


text:
BMW K100

The BMW K100 is a family of four-cylinder 987 cc motorcycles that were manufactured by BMW from 1983 to 1992.

Background
As the 1970s came to an end, BMW faced three problems from developing its flat-twin boxer engine further:
 * Emissions regulations being developed in the United States and the European Union meant that more control was needed over the amount of fuel entering the combustion chamber. From an engineering standpoint, this was easier to achieve with more cylinders at an overall smaller displacement.
 * The market-led development of bikes was leading to the Japanese factories developing smoother and quicker machines based around a four-cylinder format.
 * Bike comparison in the media at the time was based around top speed, and a four-cylinder when fully developed created more power.

In combination, this meant that BMW's marketing to users of a superior bike, allowing them to price at a premium, was being quickly lost, resulting in a loss of sales and market share.

At the time, BMW, Moto Guzzi, and Harley-Davidson were the only major "high end" manufacturers that did not offer liquid-cooled engines. Competing brands, notably of Japanese manufacture, were touting the superiority of their liquid-cooled engines and had introduced low maintenance shaft-drive technology in a growing number of their models.

Concept
BMW needed to develop a clean-burning four-cylinder engine quickly. While a flat-four engine would have been suited to their boxer tradition and experience, it would also give the appearance that they were copying Honda's GL1000 Gold Wing.

In 1977, Josef Fritzenwenger presented a prototype using a PSA-Renault X-Type engine from a Peugeot 104. The engine, which was installed in the 104 at a 72° angle, was laid flat in the frame with the crankshaft on the right, running parallel to the centre line of the frame. This layout, for which BMW submitted a patent application, was well suited to BMW's traditional shaft drive, needing only one 90° bevel drive to transmit power to the rear wheel. Using shaft drive with the near-vertical transverse engine preferred by the Japanese manufacturers at the time would have needed two 90° bevel drives, doubling the power lost to the inefficiency of these units. The new layout also kept the bike's centre of gravity low, which improved the bike's handling, and made space behind the front wheel available for the radiator.

Design and development
Fritzenwenger's concept was developed by a team led by Stefan Pachernegg based on criteria set out by R. P. Michel and K. V. Gevert. Martin Probst, who had earlier worked with the development of BMW's Formula Two engine, was responsible for engine testing and development.

As an automobile manufacturer, BMW had about twenty years of experience with liquid-cooled overhead camshaft inline engines. This was carried over to the K100 engine, which used a Bosch LE-Jetronic fuel injection similar to that being introduced on their second generation 3 Series cars. Replacing the Bing carburettors traditionally used on BMW motorcycles, the fuel injection system increased power, broadened and smoothed the powerband, and reduced fuel consumption, partly by shutting off fuel under deceleration to 2000 rpm. The engine also featured a breaker-less electronic ignition system.

The engine was positioned with the crankshaft on the right-hand side of the motorcycle and the cylinder head, camshafts, injectors and spark plugs on the left-hand side. This improved access to the engine over that of a conventional design, where the crankshaft would be at the bottom and the cylinder head and associated parts would be between the engine block and the upper frame.

K75

The BMW K75 is a standard motorcycle produced by BMW Motorrad from 1985 to 1995.

The three-cylinder BMW K75 was developed alongside the K100, but was introduced a year after the K100 as a marketing strategy. The K75 engine had the same bore and stroke as the K100, yielding a displacement of 740 cc. Its crankshaft had 120° between the throws and was counterbalanced by balance weights added to the water pump accessory shaft, which ran at engine speed as is correct for a 120° straight-three engine. The balance shaft made the K75's engine smoother than the K100's engine. To increase the smaller engine's power, the K75's engine was given longer valve timing, the compression ratio was increased to 11.0:1 from the K100's 10.2:1, the combustion chambers were redesigned, the intake manifold was shortened, and the exhaust system was retuned. The US market engine, specified to meet Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) requirements, produced 68 hp; engines for all other markets produced 75 hp.

The front engine mounts on the K75 frame are placed further back than in the K100 frame and the downtubes are at a different angle; otherwise, the frames are identical. The K75 had the same wheelbase, seat height, and steering geometry as the K100. According to BMW, 80 percent of the K75's parts are interchangeable with the K100's. The K75's radiator and fuel tank were smaller than those on the K100.

Specifications
A single-sided hollow swingarm enclosing the drive shaft provides the right-side drive through the gearbox and to the rear wheel. The 4-into-1 all stainless steel exhaust exits on the left-hand side.

Brakes are two-piston Brembo calipers onto undrilled discs. Two different fork manufactures are used: Showa with an outer upper tube diameter of 1.612 in and Fichtel and Sachs measuring 1.627 in.

K100 models

 * K100, with no fairing
 * K100C with a small cockpit fairing mounted to the handlebar
 * K100RS, with sports fixed fairing and lower handlebars
 * K100RT, with full touring fairing
 * K100LT, with higher screen and additional standard equipment for 'Luxury Touring'
 * K100TIC, developed as an Authorities vehicle to support a variety of emergency services configurations including Police, Ambulance, Fire, and Military, this model designation only existed until the end of the 1985 model year. It was equipped with a high output alternator, taller first gearing, and supplementary wiring harnesses to support a variety of equipment options

All K100 models have dual front and single rear disk brakes. The RS model has taller gearing than other models.

The K-series has additional refinements including aluminium fuel tanks, adjustable headlights, high capacity 460 watt alternators, Hella accessory plug-in, and self-cancelling turn signal lights.

K75 models

 * K75, a naked bike with no fairing
 * K75T, a US-only touring model with a windscreen, touring bags, engine crash bars, and a rear top case
 * K75C, with a small cockpit fairing mounted to the handlebar
 * K75S, with sport fairing, stiffer suspension, and lower and narrower handlebars
 * K75RT, with full touring fairing

The S and RT versions have a rear disc brake and 17" rear wheels, whereas the others have a single leading shoe drum brake and 18" rear wheels. A stiffer "anti-dive" front suspension was added to the S and RT models. The later RT versions had an adjustable windshield that could be raised and lowered. Some taller riders complained of wind buffeting with the smaller S model stock windscreens.

Later developments
The same team later developed an improved four-valve-per-cylinder head for the aerodynamic K1. In later models, the standard swingarm was replaced with a Paralever as on the K1. The LE Jetronic fuel injection system with separate ignition management was replaced by Motronic engine management with the introduction of four-valve cylinder heads with the 1990 K1 and the 1991 K100RS.

Anti-lock brakes (ABS) were developed for K100 and K75 motorcycles and were installed on later models, which were among the first production motorcycles with this feature.

In 1993, the fork used on the K75S was replaced by a 41 mm Showa fork. In 1994, the electrical system was given a larger 700 watt alternator and a smaller 19 Ah battery. For 1995 anti-lock braking was standard on the K75S. Two different forks manufacturers were used: Showa with an outer upper tube diameter of 1.612 in and Fichtel and Sachs measuring 1.627 in.

Sales
Although sales were initially modest, buyers eventually warmed to the multi-cylinder BMWs. The K100 was a relative sales success, stemming the losses to the Japanese and changing the media and public perception of BMW.

The four-cylinder engine suffered from secondary vibration, but the three-cylinder K75, with its balance shaft, was far smoother. The engineers had anticipated this and had designed in excellent vibration isolation, but it was the only technical glitch.

The competition was never far behind in performance on the launch, updates were modest, while engine performance was stepped up with the September 1988 launch of the radically aerodynamic BMW K1.

title: BMW K100


text:
Talk:Burshtyn

Article: de:Burschtyn Corresponding English-language article: Burshtyn Worth doing because: famous shtetl and no article Originally Requested by: --Sheynhertz-Unbayg 04:38, 12 July 2005 (UTC) Status: translation done Lectonar 08:02, 14 July 2005 (UTC) Other notes: Supported:

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title: Talk:Burshtyn


text:
Brigit Forsyth

Brigit Dorothea Mills (28 July 1940 – 1 December 2023), better known by her stage name Brigit Forsyth, was an English-born Scottish actress, best known for her roles as Thelma Ferris in the BBC comedy Whatever Happened to the Likely Lads? and Helen Yeldham in the ITV drama Boon. From 2013 to 2019, Forsyth appeared in the BBC comedy Still Open All Hours.

Early life
Forsyth was born as Brigit Dorothea Connell, on 28 July 1940 in Malton, North Riding of Yorkshire, England. Her grandfather was a doctor in the town and delivered her. Her mother, Anne (nee Forsyth) was a painter, and her father, Frank James Connell, an architect and town planner in Edinburgh. After leaving St George's School for Girls in Edinburgh, Forsyth trained as a secretary before enrolling at the Royal Academy of Dramatic Art in London, where she won the Emile Littler Award.

Career
Forsyth began her professional career in Edinburgh with the Gateway Theatre Company (1960–61). She then moved to the Theatre Royal, Lincoln, (1961–62) and in 1962 to the Arthur Brough Players in Folkestone. On her return to Lincoln, she changed her professional name to Forsyth. Her film career began with the Roald Dahl-scripted The Night Digger (1971), playing a district nurse. Her film work also included a version of The Likely Lads (1976) as Thelma Ferris.

Forsyth played the cello from the age of nine, but abandoned it once she went to drama school; her ability was employed when, in 2004, she was cast in the lead role in Cello and the Nightingale, a play about internationally known cellist Beatrice Harrison that premiered at York Theatre Royal and in Killing Time (2019), an off-Broadway production in which she played the instrument and wrote the music.

Forsyth's best-known television work was Whatever Happened to the Likely Lads? as Thelma Chambers / Thelma Ferris (1972–74). She also appeared in The Glamour Girls (1980–82) as Veronica Haslett; Tom, Dick and Harriet (1983) as Harriet Maddison, The Practice as Dr. Judith Vincent (1986), Sharon and Elsie as Elsie Beecroft (1984–85), Playing the Field (BBC1, 1998) as Francine Pratt, and Boon (ITV, 1989) as Helen Yeldham. She guest-starred in a number of other television shows such as The Bill, Doctor Who (The Evil of the Daleks, 1967), Agatha Christie's Poirot and Coronation Street.

In 1997 she appeared in a one-off sketch as the party host, in Harry Enfield & Chums, in which Enfield parodies both ex-Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) leader Rev Ian Paisley and Sinn Féin president Gerry Adams at a house party.

In 2002, Forsyth was the subject of This Is Your Life when she was surprised by Michael Aspel at Broadcasting House. Forsyth appeared in the 2013 Christmas special of Still Open All Hours and returned for a full series on 26 December 2014 as Madge, sister of Maggie Ollerenshaw's character Mavis. In 2003 she made her first appearance at Regent's Park Open Air Theatre in their production of High Society, directed by Ian Talbot.

In 2013, Forsyth appeared as Mrs. Jennings in Helen Edmundson's BBC Radio 4 adaptation of Jane Austen's Sense and Sensibility and as the recurring character of Pearl in Ed Reardon's Week.

Her stage work included Calendar Girls in 2008 and Alan Bennett's People in 2013. She had previously appeared in a Radio 4 production of Bennett's Single Spies in which she played the part of Coral Browne. In 2015, she appeared in Now This is Not the End at the Arcola Theatre in London.

Personal life and death
Forsyth was married to television director Brian Mills from 1975, until his death in 2006, although they had separated in 1999. They had two children.

Forsyth died on 1 December 2023, at the age of 83.

title: Brigit Forsyth


text:
Wikipedia:Articles for deletion/Ruth Parasol

 This page is an archive of the proposed deletion of the article below. Further comments should be made on the appropriate discussion page (such as the article's talk page or on a Votes for Undeletion nomination). No further edits should be made to this page.

The result of the debate was KEEP:6k, 1d. -Splash 01:19, 23 July 2005 (UTC)

Ruth Parasol
Founder of online gambling site of questionable notability. EvilPhoenix talk 08:32, July 14, 2005 (UTC)
 * Keep She is a billionairess. PartyGaming's notability is beyond question. It is the dominant company in the world in its sector. It recently listed on the London Stock Exchange and has a market capitalisation in the region of $10 billion. It is almost certain to become a FTSE 100 company when the index is next revised in September. CalJW 09:16, 14 July 2005 (UTC)
 * Keep Strange days indeed.... I updated the stub a bit -Harmil 14:05, 14 July 2005 (UTC)
 * Keep as per CalJW. OpenToppedBus - My Talk 14:10, July 14, 2005 (UTC)
 * Strong Keep. Notable. Oliver Keenan 21:31, July 14, 2005 (UTC)
 * Keep. Notable businessperson in both online gambling and originally porn see . Capitalistroadster 00:06, 15 July 2005 (UTC)
 * Keep and expand. Appears notable. JamesBurns 02:48, 16 July 2005 (UTC)
 * The above discussion is preserved as an archive of the debate. Please do not modify it. Subsequent comments should be made on the appropriate discussion page (such as the article's talk page or in an undeletion request). No further edits should be made to this page.


text: User talk:203.99.204.99

title: User talk:203.99.204.99


text:
User:JWhiton

Currently studying at Colgate University. Anxiously awaiting my release.

So far I've done a few edits. I mostly just spend far too much time reading articles on whatever topic strikes my fancy.

Interests:
 * Heavy metal
 * Linguistics
 * Japan
 * Japanese language
 * Japanese dialects
 * China
 * history
 * technology

title: User:JWhiton


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Battle of Lapua

The Battle of Lapua was fought between Swedish and Russian troops on 14 July 1808 at Lapua, Finland. The Russians had set up defences around Lapua. The Swedes tried to outflank and surround the defending Russians. The Björneborg Regiment under Georg Carl von Döbeln distinguished itself during the battle. In the end the Russians managed to retreat, but the victory was an important one for the Swedish as it allowed them to continue their offensive.

title: Battle of Lapua