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Huo Guang

Huo Guang (died 21 April 68 BC ), courtesy name Zimeng (子孟), was a Chinese military general and politician who served as the dominant state official of the Western Han dynasty from 87 BCE until his death in April 68 BCE. The younger half-brother of the renowned general Huo Qubing, Huo was a palace aide to Emperor Wu and secured power in his own right at the emperor's death, when he became principal co-regent for Emperor Zhao. Huo outmaneuvered his colleagues in the regency and assumed personal control over state affairs, consolidating his power by installing family members and other loyalists in key offices. Following Emperor Zhao's death in June 74 BCE, Huo engineered the succession and deposition of Liu He within a mere 27 days. Huo next facilitated the accession of Emperor Xuan and retained control of the Han government until his death.

Service under Emperor Wu
Huo Guang was born to Huo Zhongru and he had a half-brother named Huo Qubing, a renowned general. His step-aunt was Empress Wei Zifu, the second Empress of Emperor Wu of Han. Huo's early career in Han government was not well documented, but it is known that as of 88 BC—near the end of Emperor Wu's reign, he was already a high-ranked official with dual titles of Fengche Duwei (奉車都尉) and Guanglu Dafu (光祿大夫). When Emperor Wu, near the end of his life, chose his youngest son Liu Fuling (later Emperor Zhao) as heir, he commissioned Huo, ethnically-Xiongnu official Jin Midi, and imperial guard commander Shangguan Jie (上官桀) as coregents, but with Huo effectively in command of the government, with the titles of dasima (大司馬) and dajiangjun (大將軍). When Emperor Wu died in March 87 BC, Emperor Zhao, then eight years old, was left in the tutelage of Huo, Jin, and Shangguan. Emperor Wu's will created the three of them as marquesses, but all three declined.

Service under Emperor Zhao and Control of power as regent
As Emperor Zhao was the youngest son of Emperor Wu, this created conflict and ill will with his older brothers, and in his reign there were multiple conspiracies. In 86 BC, a conspiracy involving Liu Dan (劉旦), Prince of Yan, and an elder son of Emperor Wu, was discovered, but the prince was not punished, presumably under Huo's decision, even though the other conspirators were executed.

Among the regents and great ministers of Emperor Zhao, Huo Guang is the most prestigious and powerful, leading all of them. Within 6 years from 87 BC to 81 BC, when Emperor Zhao could not decide on his own, Huo took control of the court, and the country was still at peace. Due to holding too much power even though he was not alone, he incurred the jealousy of another main sub-power, the Shangguan family.

In c. March 85 BC, Huo was created the Marquess of Bolu (博陆侯). In the same year, Jin, a moderating influence in the co-regency, died. After Jin's death, Shangguan became increasingly jealous of Huo's powers, even though the two had been great friends, and Huo had given his daughter in marriage to Shangguan's son Shangguan An (上官安). In 84 BC, as a ploy to further strengthen his powers, Shangguan Jie gave his granddaughter (also Huo's granddaughter), then age five, in marriage to the emperor, then age 11, and she was made empress in April 83 BC.

In 80 BC, the growing conflict between Huo and Shangguan came to a head. Shangguan formed a conspiracy with Liu Dan, the Prince of Yan, the Princess Eyi (鄂邑公主) (who, as the emperor's sister, had served as his guardian), and another important official Sang Hongyang (桑弘羊) to make false allegations of treason against Huo. However, Emperor Zhao, who trusted Huo, did not act on the allegations. The conspirators then planned a coup d'etat, but were discovered. Most of the conspirators, including Shangguan, were executed, and Liu Dan and the Princess Eyi were forced to commit suicide.

After Emperor Zhao came of age, Huo Guang still had influence over the emperor and the court, helping Emperor Zhao run the empire, so much so that most scholars maintain that Emperor Zhao never held real power. When Emperor Zhao himself could rule, Huo as chief minister and Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces of the Capital and the Imperial Army, was a his almost exclusive adviser and political mentor, Huo repeatedly persuaded him to issue amnesties, refrain from costly wars with other nations, focus on electing and promoting able officials at court, avoiding punishment without investigation and trial promoting agriculture, and preserving grain to prevent famine.

The Prince He Incident and the installation of Emperor Xuan
In June 74 BC, Emperor Zhao died at age 21 without issue. Even though Emperor Zhao had living older brothers, Huo considered them incompetent and unfit for the throne. After some investigation, he settled on making Liu He, Emperor Zhao's nephew and the Prince of Changyi the new emperor. Once the Prince of Changyi was installed as the emperor, however, he began to spend incessantly and otherwise act inappropriately during the period of mourning for Emperor Zhao.

In response, Huo decided to depose the new emperor, an unprecedented action in Chinese history. Under an edict issued by Empress Dowager Shangguan (Huo's granddaughter), Prince He was deposed after just 28 days as emperor and exiled to his old principality of Changyi, but without a princely title.

There was no imperial heir who met Huo's standard of a diligent and skilled emperor. At the suggestion of another senior official Bing Ji (丙吉), Huo made a great-grandson of Emperor Wu, Liu Bingyi (later Liu Xun 劉詢) emperor, taking the name Emperor Xuan.. Liu Bingyi's grandfather Liu Ju had been Emperor Wu's crown prince by Empress Wei but subsequently had fallen out of favour and been killed, with his issue being removed from the imperial household.

Service under Emperor Xuan
In 73 BC, Huo offered to return all authority to Emperor Xuan, but the emperor declined and reaffirmed that all important matters were to be presented to Huo before Huo would present them to the emperor. The emperor also made Huo's son Huo Yu (霍禹) and his grandnephews Huo Yun (霍雲) and Huo Shan (霍山) (Huo Qubing's grandsons) key officials in his administration. Huo Guang's sons-in-law Fan Mingyou (范明友) and Deng Guanghan (鄧廣漢) were made high military commanders. During the next few years, Huo and the emperor effectively shared imperial powers.

In 71 BC, Huo Guang's wife, Lady Xian (顯), in order to make her daughter Huo Chengjun (霍成君) empress, poisoned Emperor Xuan's wife Xu Pingjun by bribing her doctor. In April 70 BC, Huo Chengjun was created empress.

Despite Emperor Xuan's outward respect towards Huo Guang, it was recorded that he feared Huo, and regarded him as "a thorn in (his) back" (芒刺在背, "mang ci zai bei"). This, combined with Huo Guang's unwillingness to rein in his clansmen, would prove disastrous to the Huo clan.

Death and subsequent destruction of the Huo clan
In April 68 BC, Huo Guang became ill and died. Emperor Xuan and Empress Dowager Shangguan made the nearly-unprecedented act of personally attending Huo's wake and built an impressive mausoleum for Huo. After Huo's death, his sons, sons-in-law, and grandnephews remained in important posts and were made marquesses. His wife, after a period of mourning, formed a passionate relationship with Huo Guang's slave master, Feng Zidu, himself a former lover of Huo Guang. The Huo family lived luxurious lives similar to the imperial household.

Emperor Xuan, unhappy about the Huos' perceived arrogance, began to gradually strip their actual powers while letting them keep their formal titles. In May 67 BC, Emperor Xuan made his son Liu Shi (劉奭, later Emperor Yuan), by the deceased Empress Xu, crown prince, an act that greatly angered Lady Xian, who instructed her daughter to murder the crown prince. Allegedly, Empress Huo did make multiple attempts to do so, but failed each time. Around this time, the emperor also heard rumours that the Huos had murdered Empress Xu, which led him to further strip the Huos of actual power.

In 66 BC, Lady Xian revealed to her son and grandnephews that she had, indeed, murdered Empress Xu. In fear of what the emperor might do if he had actual proof, Lady Xian, her son, her grandnephews, and her sons-in-law formed a conspiracy to depose the emperor. The conspiracy was discovered, and the entire Huo clan was executed by Emperor Xuan. This act later drew heavy criticism from historians, such as Sima Guang in his Zizhi Tongjian, for its ungratefulness to Huo Guang. Empress Huo was deposed. Twelve years later she was exiled and, in response, she committed suicide.

Despite the destruction of the Huo clan, Emperor Xuan continued to honour Huo Guang posthumously. In 51 BC, when he painted the portrait of 11 great statesmen of his administration in the great hall of his palace, Huo, alone among the 11, was referred to by title and family name only, which was considered an even greater honour than the honour given to the other ten.

Impact on Chinese history

Huo was treated somewhat paradoxically by posterity. On one hand, he was greatly admired for his skilful administration of the empire and his selflessness in putting himself in great danger in deposing an unfit emperor. On the other hand, he was also criticized for his dictatorial governing style, alleged nepotism and failure to rein in the behaviour of his clansmen, traits that some historians claim eventually led to his clan's destruction after his death.

Many later conspirators in Chinese history would often claim that they were acting in the empire's best interest, like Huo, even though few actually did. Conversely, when emperors wanted to accuse (and execute) officials of treason, they often euphemistically refer to them as "wanting to act like Huo Guang." Effectively, Huo set a standard of decisiveness and strength that was rarely matched and even more rarely used for the benefit of the state.

title: Huo Guang


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User talk:Duncan Delp

Welcome!

Hello, and welcome to Wikipedia. Thank you for your contributions. I hope you like the place and decide to stay. Here are a few good links for newcomers: I hope you enjoy editing here and being a Wikipedian! By the way, please be sure to sign your name on Talk and vote pages using four tildes (~~~~) to produce your name and the current date, or three tildes (~~~) for just your name. If you have any questions, see the help pages, add a question to the village pump or ask me on my Talk page. Again, welcome! --Ragib 05:06, 23 July 2005 (UTC)
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The Pacifier
I noticed that you reverted the addition of Image:Pacifier.jpg to the article about the movie The Pacifier. You called it vandalism. Why is this vandalism? An album cover or dvd cover is considered fair use--Rogerd 15:56, July 31, 2005 (UTC)

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: User talk:Duncan Delp


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Wikipedia:Articles for deletion/For Serious

 This page is an archive of the proposed deletion of the article below. Further comments should be made on the appropriate discussion page (such as the article's talk page or on a Votes for Undeletion nomination). No further edits should be made to this page.

The result of the debate was delete. – ABCD✉ 01:23, 4 August 2005 (UTC)

For Serious
Delete slangdef. Gazpacho 05:07, 23 July 2005 (UTC)
 * delete as above --Barista | a/k/a マイケル | T/C 05:08, 23 July 2005 (UTC)
 * Delete slang dicdef. JamesBurns 05:13, 23 July 2005 (UTC)
 * Delete as per Gazpacho. Hamster Sandwich 05:30, 23 July 2005 (UTC)
 * Delete.--DNicholls 06:42, 23 July 2005 (UTC)
 * Delete as per Gazpacho. Balster neb 18:26, 23 July 2005 (UTC)

 * The above discussion is preserved as an archive of the debate. Please do not modify it. Subsequent comments should be made on the appropriate discussion page (such as the article's talk page or in an undeletion request). No further edits should be made to this page.


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Ari Up

Ariane Daniele Forster (17 January 1962 – 20 October 2010), known by her stage name Ari Up, was a German vocalist best known as a member of the English punk rock band the Slits.

Biography
Ari Up was born in Munich, West Germany. Both her parents were involved in the music industry; her father, Frank Forster, was a German schlager singer who had some success in the 1950s and 1960s, and her mother Nora Forster was a friend of Jimi Hendrix and dated Chris Spedding for three years. Ari's maternal grandfather was the German newspaper proprietor Franz Karl Maier, owner of Der Tagesspiegel. Her godfathers were Austrian singer/composer Udo Jürgens and Jon Anderson, the singer of the group Yes.

Nora Forster married the Sex Pistols' lead singer, John Lydon, in 1979. Their home was a punk domain where Nora would take in poor musicians. The constant presence of punk music led to Ari experimenting with it herself, learning to play the guitar from the Clash's Joe Strummer.

In 1976, at the age of 14, Up formed the Slits with drummer Palmolive. Guitarist Viv Albertine joined the group and was impressed by the young singer. "English was her second language", Albertine said in an interview, "it was not easy for her and she had to fight to be taken seriously." She succeeded: "Ari was the most dynamic woman I have ever known", said Albertine. "The way she carried herself was a revolution."

By the late 1970s, the Slits were touring as the opening act for the Clash. Ari Up's love of reggae led the Slits into a "jungly" dub style. She was the most flamboyant member of the group, becoming known for her wild hair and stage outfits. She can be seen briefly in the film Rude Boy (1980), associating with the Clash backstage. Her 1977 performances with the Slits are featured in The Punk Rock Movie (1978), a documentary release of various punk group club performances, principally at The Roxy.

After the Slits disbanded in 1981, Up moved with her boyfriend, Glenmore "Junior" Williams, and twin sons to jungle regions of Indonesia and Belize and lived among indigenous people. They moved to Jamaica and settled in Kingston. She continued to make music, first with the New Age Steppers, then as a solo artist, using the stage names Baby Ari, Madussa, and Ari Up. Her third son was born in 1994, although the boy's father had been shot dead by the time he was born. In 2000, John Lydon and Nora Forster became legal guardians of Up's teenage twin boys; Lydon said, "[Ari Up] let them run free. They couldn't read, write or form proper sentences. One day Ari Up said she couldn't cope with them any more. I suggested they came to us because I wasn’t having them abandoned. They gave us hell, but I loved having kids around."

Up's first full-length solo album, Dread More Dan Dead, was released in 2005. She appeared on Lee "Scratch" Perry's Repentance (2008), and performed a duet on a cover version of Mike Hugg's song "Mister, You're a Better Man Than I" on Mark Stewart's Edit (2008).

In 2008, Ari Up was diagnosed with breast cancer. She refused chemotherapy. Lydon later commented, "Who refuses chemo because they don’t want their Rasta locks cut off? Ariane Forster was just … not sensible. She thought she could cure herself with witch doctors. We spent hundreds of thousands trying to save her, but it was too late." Despite the diagnosis, she performed in July 2009, with Perry and Austrian dub band Dubblestandart in Brooklyn, New York, just before the Central Park SummerStage festival. One of her last recordings took place in May 2010, in New York with Perry. The sessions were recorded by the Subatomic Sound System and released in August 2010 on 7-inch vinyl, titled "Hello, Hell is Very Low" b/w "Bed Athletes." The Slits' final work, the video for the song "Lazy Slam" from Trapped Animal, was released posthumously in accordance with Ari's wishes.

On 20 October 2010, Ari Up died in Los Angeles, aged 48. Her death was initially announced on Lydon's homepage. Lydon and Nora Forster became guardians of Up's third son.

A tribute Punky Reggae Birthday Party was held at the Music Hall of Williamsburg in Brooklyn by Dunia Best, Aram Sinnreich, and Vivien Goldman on 16 January 2011. Neneh Cherry, Tessa Pollitt, Hollie Cook and other former members of the Slits performed, along with members of the True Warriors, New Age Steppers, and other friends and associates.

Discography

 * The Slits – Cut (1979, Island)
 * V/A – We Do 'Em Our Way (1980, MFP)
 * New Age Steppers – The New Age Steppers (1980, On-U Sound)
 * The Slits – Return of the Giant Slits (1981, CBS)
 * The Slits – The Peel Sessions (1987, Strange Fruit)
 * V/A – Lipstick Traces (1993, Rough Trade)
 * V/A – Rough Trade Shop, Post Punk 01 (2xCD, Comp) (2003, Mute)
 * Ari Up – True Warrior / I'm Allergic 7-inch (2004, For Us)
 * The Slits – Live at the Gibus Club (2005, Earmark)
 * Ari Up – Baby Mother 12-inch (2005, Collision: Cause of Chapter 3)
 * Ari Up – Dread More Dan Dead (2005, Collision: Cause of Chapter 3)
 * V/A – Girl Monster (3xCD, Comp) (2006, Chicks on Speed Records)
 * The Slits – Revenge of the Killer Slits 7-inch (2006, S.A.F. Records)
 * Dubblestandart vs. Ken Boothe vs. Ari Up – When I Fall in Love / Island Girl 12-inch (2007, Collision: Cause of Chapter 3)
 * The Slits – Trapped Animal (2009, Narnack Records)
 * Subatomic Sound System Meets Ari Up & Lee "Scratch" Perry – Hello, Hello, Hell Is Very Low / Bed Athletes (7-inch) (2010, Subatomic Sound)
 * Ari Up & Vic Ruggiero – Rare Singles and More... (2011, Ska in the World)
 * New Age Steppers – Love Forever (2012, On-U Sound)

title: Ari Up


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User talk:IZodiac

Welcome from Redwolf24
Welcome!

Hello, and welcome to Wikipedia. Thank you for your contributions. I hope you like the place and decide to stay. We as a community are glad to have you and thank you for creating a user account! Here are a few good links for newcomers:
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Yes some of the links appear a bit boring at first, but they are VERY helpful if you ever take the time to read them.

Remember to place any articles you create into a category so we don't get orphans.

I hope you enjoy editing here and being a Wikipedian! By the way, please be sure to sign your name on Talk and vote pages using four tildes (~~~~) to produce your name and the current date, or three tildes (~~~) for just your name. If you have any questions, see the help pages, add a question to the village pump or ask me on my Talk page. Again, welcome.

Redwolf24 (Talk) 05:08, 23 July 2005 (UTC)

P.S. I like messages :-P

title: User talk:IZodiac


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User talk:GarbageWorld

Welcome from Redwolf24
Welcome!

Hello, and welcome to Wikipedia. Thank you for your contributions. I hope you like the place and decide to stay. We as a community are glad to have you and thank you for creating a user account! Here are a few good links for newcomers:
 * The Five Pillars of Wikipedia
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Yes some of the links appear a bit boring at first, but they are VERY helpful if you ever take the time to read them.

Remember to place any articles you create into a category so we don't get orphans.

I hope you enjoy editing here and being a Wikipedian! By the way, please be sure to sign your name on Talk and vote pages using four tildes (~~~~) to produce your name and the current date, or three tildes (~~~) for just your name. If you have any questions, see the help pages, add a question to the village pump or ask me on my Talk page. Again, welcome.

Redwolf24 (Talk) 05:08, 23 July 2005 (UTC)

P.S. I like messages :-P

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The Braindead Megaphone
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title: User talk:GarbageWorld


text:
User:Caldaviz

--Caldaviz 05:09, 23 July 2005 (UTC)some jellyfish sting.

title: User:Caldaviz


text:
Montreal Central Station

Montreal Central Station (Gare centrale de Montréal, ) is the major inter-city rail station and a major commuter rail hub in Montreal, Quebec, Canada. Nearly 11 million rail passengers use the station every year, making it the second-busiest train station in Canada, after Toronto Union Station.

The main concourse occupies almost the entire block bounded by De la Gauchetière Street, Robert-Bourassa Boulevard, René Lévesque Boulevard and Mansfield Street in downtown Montreal. Its street address and principal vehicular access are on de La Gauchetière; pedestrian access is assured by numerous links through neighbouring buildings. The station is adorned with art deco bas-relief friezes on its interior and exterior. The station building and associated properties are owned by Cominar REIT as of January 2012. Homburg Invest Inc. (renamed Canmarc in September 2011) was the previous owner, since November 30, 2007. Prior to that, from the station's inception in 1943, it had been owned by Canadian National Railway (CN).

Central Station is at the centre of the Quebec City–Windsor Corridor, the busiest inter-city rail service area in the nation (marketed as the Corridor), which extends from Windsor and Sarnia in the west, through Toronto, Ottawa, and Montreal, to Quebec City in the east. Inter-city trains at Central Station are operated by Via Rail and Amtrak, while commuter rail services are operated by Réseau de transport métropolitain (RTM). The station is also a hub for the Réseau express métropolitain, which opened on July 31, 2023. The station is also connected to the Montreal Metro subway system.

Central Station is the second-busiest Via Rail station in Canada, after Toronto Union Station. Its Via station code is MTRL; its Amtrak code is MTR, and its IATA code is YMY.

History
Central Station opened in 1943, after several years of construction. It stands on the site originally occupied by the terminus of the Canadian Northern Railway's Tunnel Terminal, which had originally opened in 1918.

Canadian National Railways
Following the bankruptcy of the Grand Trunk Railway, the Government of the Dominion of Canada decided to consolidate the Grand Trunk Railway with the various Canadian Government Railways to form the Canadian National Railway (CNR). The merger left CNR with a somewhat viable patchwork of different networks.

For much of the first half of the 20th century, CNR found itself in a highly uncomfortable position in Montreal due to the scattering of its terminals. Bonaventure Station was used for routes heading west and south east, the Tunnel Terminal served routes heading north, Moreau Street Station served eastbound routes, and the McGill Street Terminal served the interurban streetcars of the Montreal and Southern Counties Railway. Making matters worse, the various stations were not connected to one another except via long detours. To transfer a train from Bonaventure Station to Tunnel Station it would need to travel to Hawkesbury, Ontario, and to travel from Tunnel Station to Moreau Station it needed to take a detour via Rawdon in the Laurentians.

Consolidation and construction
The solution chosen was to take advantage of the Mount Royal Tunnel to bring trains from the north and east through the tunnel to a large electrified central station. Trains from the south and west gained access by a new elevated viaduct. Interurban electric trains, however, remained at McGill Street Terminal until the service was abandoned in 1956.

The new station plan allowed for the development of air-rights, similar to New York City's two major stations, Grand Central Terminal and Penn Station. The new Central Station would be situated in the block bounded by De la Gauchetière Street to the south, Mansfield Street to the west, Cathcart Street to the north and University Street to the east.

Central Station was designed by John Schofield, architect-in-chief of CNR. Construction started in 1926, but was halted in 1930 as a result of the Great Depression. Construction resumed in 1939, the economy having improved. The new station finally opened on July 14, 1943, as the first of a series of large-scale urban redevelopment projects undertaken by CNR and the federal government in Downtown Montreal. But the Central Station that came out was a more modest structure with 20 tracks, 16 of which had platforms.

Opening
The opening of a 'central' station was part of a consolidation project undertaken by CNR since 1929 with the enactment of the Canadian National Montreal Terminals Act, 1929 by Parliament; this saw the closure of former temporary stations operated by CNR predecessors Grand Trunk (Bonaventure Station) and Canadian Northern.

Consolidation of CN and CP intercity trains
Central Station was an important passenger station for CN trains from 1943 until the creation of Via Rail in 1978. Following Via's full absorption of CP's passenger trains in 1978, intercity rail traffic from Windsor Station was slowly redirected to Central Station. The final Via trains switched from Windsor Station to Central Station were the Quebec City trains that operated by way of Trois-Rivières (April 29, 1984). Amtrak's Adirondack was switched to Central Station on January 12, 1986.

Modifications to the station
At Central Station's opening, tracks (7, 8, 9, 10, 11 and 12) of the Tunnel Station were used only by trains heading north through the tunnel, and they did not continue south of the station. These tracks were finally connected to the south when the old Tunnel Station was demolished as well as the warehouse located south of De la Gauchetière Street and east of Inspector Street (now Mansfield Street). This also allowed for the construction of the new headquarters of CNR as well as Place Bonaventure. This division is once again in effect following the rebuilding of the Deux-Montagnes line. These tracks are now part of the Two Mountains Subdivision, extending south for a distance of about 1600 m. Under catenary wires, they serve as parking for trains on the Deux-Montagnes line during the day. Since the reopening of the Mont-Saint-Hilaire line, they are also used to park trains from this line.

Tracks 6–16 lead to the tunnel to the north, and lanes 4, 5 and tracks 16 to 23 are in a cul-de-sac to the north (track 16 is provided with a switch just north of the stairs). Tracks 13 to 15 are never used in the northbound direction because of the lack of catenary wires.

One platform (23) is inaccessible to the main concourse, and serves instead as parking for the company cars belonging to upper-level management.

Upon entry into service of the UAC TurboTrain, three tracks (4, 5, 6) were arranged on the west side of the station for a servicing and maintenance facility located there. The workshop, called "Turbo Bay", is still used to maintain light commuter trains as well as the private cars belonging to CN's senior management who use the station. The tracks in the workshop are protected by derails.

Around 1980, the catenary wire was removed from tracks 13, 14, 15 and 16, to allow dome train cars to enter the station.

In 1994–1995, the complete reconstruction of the commuter rail Deux-Montagnes Line resulted in tracks 7–12 being re-electrified at 25 kV AC. The original 3000-volt DC catenary was removed from the other tracks.

The platforms of tracks 7 and 8 are now inaccessible from the station, the entrance having been sealed to allow for the development of commercial space, and the tracks now used as parking for trains waiting to be repaired in the "Turbo Bay".

Bombing
On September 3, 1984, a pipe bomb exploded inside a Central Station locker, killing 3 people and injuring 30 more. The bomb was alleged to have been set by retired American armed forces officer Thomas Bernard Brigham, who claimed to have been protesting Pope John Paul II's visit to Canada.

Architecture
With the design being overseen by CNR's architect-in-chief John Schofield (1883–1971), the architecture of Central Station is modern; it is a mixture of Art Deco and the international style. Its large concourse, designed by John Campbell Merrett (1909–1998), is illuminated by large windows. Originally, the concourse was cluttered by various ticket counters and kiosks, but, over time, they were pushed to the extremities of the room, which left much more space for the passing crowds.

The 14 underground tracks are accessible by seven stairwells, five of which are equipped with escalators.

The east and west interior walls of the station feature two large bas-reliefs depicting Canadian life, arts and industry, designed by Charles Comfort and executed by Sebastiano Aiello. Included in the bas relief are a few of the lyrics of "O Canada", which was only an unofficial national anthem when the station was built. The lyrics are in French on the east side of the station and in English on the west side. Canadian artist Fritz Brandtner created the three large chiselled stone reliefs depicting Mercury, Apollo and Poseidon on the station's north exterior wall. The representations of Mercury and Poseidon measure approximately 2.5 by 4.5 m. Apollo is larger but visual access is very limited. These were obscured by the 1958 construction of the neighbouring Queen Elizabeth Hotel. It is disputed whether Comfort or Brandtner created the thematic stone medallions depicting water, land and air transportation on the station's west, south and east exterior walls. Stylistically, however, the bas-relief medallions bear a strong resemblance to the frieze by Charles Comfort created for the Toronto Stock Exchange building in 1937.

Railway operations
Because of its underground urban location, the railway station quickly imposed operational constraints on CNR.

To avoid smoke in the vicinity of the station, the first trains were powered by electric locomotives. The change of traction took place at Bridge Street, 3 km south for trains serving the south-east, at Turcot Yards, 6 km west for trains serving the west, Val Royal, 14 km north for trains running northwest of the junction and 9 km north for trains serving the northeast. A fleet of 14 electric locomotives were used for this work.

An elaborate system of signals allowed staff to track the status of the various trains. At the station, as soon as the train was ready to receive passengers, the conductor inserted the key switch in a special switch indicating to staff at the station (ticket checkers) that the train was ready. The movement director at Wellington was also advised via a series of lights that the train was receiving passengers, which then allowed him to establish the route out of the station.

Access to the platforms is controlled by ticket examiners who verify each passenger's ticket. This configuration limits access uniquely to passengers. At the time of departure, after all passengers had descended, the ticket checker would press a button that notified the conductor, through a green light on the platform, that the train could leave. The movement director in Wellington was also advised of the departure by a special light. The final decision of departure was the responsibility of the conductor, until conductors were replaced by a second engineer in the 1990s.

Urban development
Over the years, the empty space around Central Station has gradually developed to the point where the station building itself is hardly visible from the outside.

In 1948, ICAO built its headquarters over the northeast portion of the station along University Street south of Dorchester Street. Then in 1959, the Queen Elizabeth Hotel was built on the western portion, on the corner of Dorchester and Mansfield, which was the first of many major redevelopments in the area.

In 1960, the former Tunnel Station building was demolished to allow for the construction of the new head-office of CNR, and soon after, a large parking garage was built over the southern part of the station. The Terminal Tower of 1966 completely hid the station from Dorchester Boulevard.

Belmont Street, east of the station was extended over the station itself to Mansfield Street. On Belmont is the only visible portion of the exterior of the station, the rest having been attached to the various buildings built over the years.

The north side of Dorchester (now René Lévesque Boulevard) then saw the construction of the complex of Place Ville-Marie, which now includes four skyscrapers whose highest was 45 floors and an underground shopping mall, which was the beginning of the Underground City.

In the mid 1960s, Place Bonaventure was built over the tracks, south of de La Gauchetière Street. In 1966, Central Station and Place Bonaventure were connected underground by the new Bonaventure metro station, named in honour of the demolished Bonaventure railway station.

All of these buildings underwent major renovations over the next 30 years.

Connecting facilities
Central Station is located adjacent to CN Headquarters and is an important link in the underground city, with tunnels to Place Ville-Marie, Place Bonaventure, the Queen Elizabeth Hotel, 1000 de La Gauchetière, and the Bonaventure metro station.

It also contains two parking facilities, one of which is a multi-level facility that is located above the station.

Les Halles de la Gare
Central Station has gradually grown to include Les Halles de la Gare, a shopping and restaurant complex. Real estate pressures have meant that the shopping area would be expanded several times.

While the old ICAO building was undergoing renovations in 1981, (after the relocation of ICAO to Sherbrooke Street), a railway-themed shopping area expanded on the north side of the station. This section was completely destroyed in 1995 during the restoration of the Deux-Montagnes Line, and was replaced by the present Les Halles de la Gare complex.

U.S. preclearance
In May 2012, U.S. Senators Charles Schumer, Kirsten Gillibrand, Patrick Leahy, and Bernie Sanders sent a letter to President Barack Obama urging him to fastrack the approval of a U.S. Customs preclearance facility at the station that will benefit U.S. bound travelers on the Adirondack from having to stop at the railway station located in Rouses Point, New York for immigration and customs checks whenever they cross the Canada–US border. Under the arrangement, the stop in Saint-Lambert would be removed. The agreement will also allow another Amtrak line, the Vermonter, to be extended from its current terminus at St. Albans to Montreal, though this agreement must first be approved by United States Congress and the Parliament of Canada. This would enable direct travel by train from Montreal to Washington, D.C.'s Union Station via Massachusetts and New York City, as well as the potential development of direct service to Boston.

On March 16, 2015, the United States and Canada signed an agreement that would allow for such a facility. Enabling legislation was enacted by the United States on December 16, 2016 as the Promoting Travel, Commerce, and National Security Act of 2016.

Via Rail
Frequent Corridor services offer multiple-daily departures on the following routes:
 * Fallowfield/Ottawa-Montreal to Alexandria and Ottawa
 * Montreal-Quebec City to Saint-Lambert, Drummondville, Sainte-Foy and Quebec City
 * Toronto-Montreal to Cornwall, Brockville, Kingston, Belleville, Oshawa and Toronto, with westbound trains continuing to Oakville and Burlington

In addition, the following long distance/rural services are operated several times weekly:
 * Montreal–Senneterre train to Shawinigan, La Tuque and Senneterre
 * Montreal–Gaspé train to Charny, Rivière-du-Loup, Rimouski, Matapedia, Carleton-sur-Mer, New Carlisle, Chandler, Percé and Gaspé (Note: This service was suspended by Via Rail from August 22, 2013 due to infrastructure problems between Matapedia and Gaspé)
 * Ocean to Saint-Lambert, Sainte-Foy, Rivière-du-Loup, Rimouski, Matapedia, Campbellton, Bathurst, Miramichi, Moncton and Halifax (Note: This service was suspended by Via Rail from March 13, 2020 due to the COVID-19 pandemic.)
 * Montreal–Jonquière train to Shawinigan, Chambord, and Jonquière

Amtrak

 * Adirondack to Saint-Lambert, Plattsburgh, Saratoga Springs, Schenectady, Albany–Rensselaer station, Poughkeepsie, and New York City, as well as intermediate points.

Exo

 * Mont-Saint-Hilaire line (Exo 3)
 * Mascouche line (Exo 5)

Réseau express métropolitain

A separate railway platform has been built to the south of the existing platforms for the REM service which connects the South Shore to the Trudeau Airport, West Island and North Shore. Service to the South Shore began 31 July 2023, the other destinations are delayed until late 2024.

Metro

 * Bonaventure (Orange Line)
 * McGill (Green Line) is three blocks north, by way of the Underground city, which includes passing through Place Ville Marie and the Montreal Eaton Centre

STM buses
See Bonaventure Metro for connecting bus routes.

Other connecting buses

 * RTL and inter municipal buses

title: Montreal Central Station


text:
1968 Polish political crisis

The Polish 1968 political crisis, also known in Poland as March 1968, Students' March, or March events (Marzec 1968; studencki Marzec; wydarzenia marcowe), was a series of major student, intellectual and other protests against the ruling Polish United Workers' Party of the Polish People's Republic. The crisis led to the suppression of student strikes by security forces in all major academic centres across the country and the subsequent repression of the Polish dissident movement. It was also accompanied by mass emigration following an antisemitic (branded "anti-Zionist") campaign  waged by the minister of internal affairs, General Mieczysław Moczar, with the approval of First Secretary Władysław Gomułka of the Polish United Workers' Party (PZPR). The protests overlapped with the events of the Prague Spring in neighboring Czechoslovakia – raising new hopes of democratic reforms among the intelligentsia. The Czechoslovak unrest culminated in the Warsaw Pact invasion of Czechoslovakia on 20 August 1968.

The anti-Zionist campaign began in 1967, and was carried out in conjunction with the USSR's withdrawal of all diplomatic relations with Israel after the Six-Day War, but also involved a power struggle within the PZPR itself. The subsequent purges within the ruling party, led by Moczar and his faction, failed to topple Gomułka's government but resulted in an exile from Poland of thousands of communist individuals of Jewish ancestry, including professionals, party officials and secret police functionaries appointed by Joseph Stalin following the Second World War. In carefully staged public displays of support, factory workers across Poland were assembled to publicly denounce Zionism. At least 13,000 Poles of Jewish origin emigrated in 1968–72 as a result of being fired from their positions and various other forms of harassment.

Background
The political turmoil of the late 1960s was exemplified in the West by increasingly violent protests against the Vietnam War and included numerous instances of protest and revolt, especially among students, that reverberated across Europe in 1968. The movement was reflected in the Eastern Bloc by the events of the Prague Spring, beginning 5 January 1968. A wave of protests in Czechoslovakia marked the high point of a broader series of dissident social mobilization. According to Ivan Krastev, the 1968 movement in Western Europe, emphasizing individual sovereignty, was fundamentally different from that in the Eastern Bloc, concerned primarily with national sovereignty.

In Poland, a growing crisis having to do with communist party control over universities, the literary community, and intellectuals in general, marked the mid-1960s. Those persecuted for political activism on campus included Jacek Kuroń, Karol Modzelewski, Adam Michnik and Barbara Toruńczyk, among others. A decade earlier, Poland was a scene of the Poznań 1956 protests and the Polish October events.

Reaction to Arab–Israeli war of 1967

The events of 1967 and Polish communist leaders' necessity to follow the Soviet lead altered the relatively benign relations between People's Poland and Israel. The combination of international and domestic factors gave rise in Poland to a campaign of hate against purported internal enemies, among whom the Jews would become the most salient target. As the Israeli–Arab Six-Day War started on 5 June 1967, the Polish Politburo met the following day and made policy determinations, declaring condemnation of "Israel's aggression" and full support for the "just struggle of the Arab countries". First Secretary Władysław Gomułka and Prime Minister Józef Cyrankiewicz went to Moscow on 9 June for a Middle East conference of communist leaders. The participants deliberated in a depressing atmosphere. The decisions made included the Warsaw Pact's continuation of military and financial support for the Arab states and the breaking of diplomatic relations with Israel, in which only Romania refused to participate.

A media campaign commenced in Poland and was soon followed by "anti-Israeli imperialism" rallies held in various towns and places of employment. After the government delegation's return to Warsaw, Gomułka, pessimistic and fearful of a possible nuclear confrontation and irritated by the reports of support for Israel among many Polish Jews, on 19 June proclaimed at the Trade Union Congress that Israel's aggression had been "met with applause in Zionist circles of Jews – Polish citizens." Gomułka specifically invited "those who feel that these words are addressed to them" to emigrate, but Edward Ochab and some other Politburo members objected and the statement was deleted before the speech's publication. Gomułka did not issue a call for anti-Jewish personnel purges, but the so-called "anti-Zionist" campaign got underway anyway, supported by his close associates Zenon Kliszko and Ignacy Loga-Sowiński. It was eagerly amplified by General Mieczysław Moczar, minister of internal affairs, by some military leaders who had long been waiting for an opportunity to "settle with the Jews", and by other officials. A list of 382 "Zionists" was presented at the ministry on 28 June and the purge slowly developed, beginning with Jewish generals and other high-ranking officers of the Polish armed forces. About 150 Jewish military officers were fired in 1967–68, including Czesław Mankiewicz, national air defense chief. Minister of Defense Marian Spychalski tried to defend Mankiewicz and by doing so compromised his own position. The Ministry of Internal Affairs renewed its proposal to ban the Jewish organizations from receiving foreign contributions from the American Jewish Joint Distribution Committee. This time, unlike on previous occasions, the request was quickly granted by the Secretariat of the PZPR's Central Committee and the well-developed Jewish social, educational and cultural organized activities in Poland faced stiff reductions or even practical liquidation.

About 200 people lost their jobs and were removed from the party top leadership in 1967, including Leon Kasman, chief editor of Trybuna Ludu, the party's main daily newspaper. Kasman was Moczar's hated rival from the time of the war when he arrived from the Soviet Union and was parachuted into Poland. After March 1968, when Moczar's ministry was finally given the freehand it had long sought, 40 employees were fired from the editorial staff of the Polish Scientific Publishers (PWN). This major state publishing house had produced a number of volumes of the official Great Universal Encyclopedia. Moczar and others protested in the fall of 1967 the supposedly unbalanced treatment of World War II issues, namely stressing Jewish martyrdom and the disproportionate numbers of Jews killed in Nazi extermination camps.

In the words of Polish scholar Włodzimierz Rozenbaum, the Six-Day War "provided Gomułka with an opportunity 'to kill several birds with one stone': he could use an "anti-Zionist" policy to undercut the appeal of the liberal wing of the party; he could bring forward the Jewish issue to weaken the support for the nationalist faction (in the party) and make his own position even stronger..." while securing political prospects for his own supporters.

On 19 June 1967, Gomułka warned in his speech: "We don't want an establishment of a fifth column in our country". The sentence was deleted from a published version, but such views he repeated and developed further in successive speeches, for example on 19 March 1968. On 27 June 1967, the first secretary characterized Romania's position as shameful, predicted production of nuclear arms by Israel and spoke generally of consequences faced by people who had "two souls and two fatherlands". Following Gomułka's anti-Israel and anti-Jewish rhetoric, the security services began screening officials of Jewish origin and looking for 'hidden Zionists' in Polish institutions.

Protest in Warsaw

The outbreak of the March 1968 unrest was seemingly triggered by a series of events in Warsaw, but in reality, it was a culmination of trends accumulating in Poland over several years. The economic situation was deteriorating and a drastic increase in the prices of meat came into effect in 1967. In 1968, the market was destabilized further by rumors of upcoming currency exchange and the ensuing panic. Higher norms were enforced for industrial productivity with wages reduced at the same time. First Secretary Gomułka was afraid of all changes. The increasingly heavy censorship stifled intellectual life, the boredom of stagnation and the mood of hopelessness (lack of career prospects) generated social conflict. The disparity between the expectations raised by the Polish October movement of 1956 and the actuality of the "real socialism" life of the 1960s led to mounting frustration.

At the end of January 1968, after its poor reception by the Central Committee of the ruling PZPR, the government authorities banned the performance of a Romantic play by Adam Mickiewicz called Dziady (written in 1824), directed by Kazimierz Dejmek at the National Theatre, Warsaw. It was claimed that the play contained Russophobic and anti-Soviet references and represented an unduly pro-religion stance. Dziady had been staged 11 times, the last time on 30 January. The ban was followed by a demonstration after the final performance, which resulted in numerous police detentions. Dejmek was expelled from the party and subsequently fired from the National Theatre. He left Poland and returned in 1973, to continue directing theatrical productions.

In mid-February, a petition signed by 3,000 people (or over 4,200, depending on the source) protesting the censorship of Dziady was submitted to parliament by student protester Irena Lasota. Gathered for an extraordinary meeting on 29 February with over 400 attendees, the Warsaw chapter of the Polish Writers' Union condemned the ban and other encroachments on free speech rights. The speakers blamed the faction of Minister Moczar and the party in general for antisemitic incidents, as that campaign was gaining traction. On 4 March, the removal from the University of Warsaw of dissidents Adam Michnik and Henryk Szlajfer, members of the Komandosi group, was announced by officials. A crowd of some 500 (or about 1,000) students rallying at the university on 8 March was attacked violently by organized "worker activists" (probably plainclothes police) and by police in uniform. Nonetheless, other institutions of higher learning in Warsaw joined the protest a day later.

Student- and intellectual-led movement
Dariusz Gawin of the Polish Academy of Sciences pointed out that the March 1968 events have been mythologized in subsequent decades beyond their modest original aims, under the lasting influence of former members of Komandosi, a left-wing student political activity group. During the 1968 crisis, the dissident academic circles produced very little in terms of written accounts or programs. They experienced a moral shock because of propaganda misrepresentations of their intentions and actions and the unexpectedly violent repressions. They also experienced an ideological shock, caused by the reaction of the authorities (aggression) and society (indifference) to their idealistic attempts to bring about revolutionary reform in the Polish People's Republic. The alienation of the reform movement from the ostensibly socialist system (and their own leftist views) had begun.

The students were naïve in terms of practical politics, but their leaders professed strongly leftist convictions, expressed in brief proclamations distributed in 1968. Following the spirit of the 1964 "revisionist" manifesto by Karol Modzelewski and Jacek Kuroń, they demanded respect for the ideals of the Marxist–Leninist "dictatorship of the proletariat" and principles of socialism. The protesting students sang "The Internationale" anthem. The storming of Warsaw University by the (fake) factory worker activists thus came as a total surprise to the students. The participants of the 8 March rally were met with violent beatings from ORMO volunteer reserve and ZOMO riot squads just as they were about to go home. The disproportionately brutal reaction of the security forces appeared to many observers to be a provocation perpetrated to aggravate the unrest and facilitate further rounds of repression, in the self-interest of political leaders. A comparable demonstration originated on 9 March at the Warsaw University of Technology and was also followed by confrontations with the police and arrests. Kuroń, Modzelewski and Michnik were imprisoned again and a majority of the Komandosi members were detained. In later accounts, however, the founding mythology of Poland's civil society movement (the late 1970s) and then of the establishment of the new democratic-liberal Poland would obliterate the socialist, leftist and revolutionary aspects of the March 1968 movement.

Within a few days protests spread to Kraków, Lublin, Gliwice, Katowice, and Łódź (from 11 March), Wrocław, Gdańsk, and Poznań (12 March). The frequent demonstrations at the above locations were brutally suppressed by the police. Mass student strikes took place in Wrocław on 14–16 March, Kraków on 14–20 March, and Opole. A student committee at Warsaw University (11 March) and an inter-university committee in Kraków (13 March) were formed; attempts to organize were also made in Łódź and Wrocław. Efforts aimed at getting industrial workers involved, for example, employees of the state enterprises in Gdańsk, Wrocław and Kraków's Nowa Huta produced no tangible effects. But on 15 March in Gdańsk, 20,000 students and workers marched and fought several types of security forces totalling 3,700 men, into the late evening.

University students comprised less than 25% of those arrested for participating in opposition activities in March and April 1968 (their numerical predominance in the movement was a part of the subsequent myth, wrote historian Łukasz Kamiński). The leading role in the spreading countrywide street protests was played by young factory workers and secondary school students.

Repressions
A media campaign besmirching targeted groups and individuals was conducted from 11 March. The Stalinist and Jewish ("non-Polish") roots of the supposed instigators were "exposed" and most printed press participated in the propagation of slander, with the notable exceptions of Polityka and Tygodnik Powszechny. Mass "spontaneous" rallies at places of employment and in squares of major cities took place. The participants demanded "Students resume their studies, writers their writing", "Zionists go to Zion!", or threatened "We'll tear off the head of the anti-Polish hydra". On 14 March, regional party secretary Edward Gierek in Katowice used strong language addressing the Upper Silesian crowds: (people who want to) "make our peaceful Silesian water more turbid ... those Zambrowskis, Staszewskis, Słonimskis and the company of the Kisielewski and Jasienica kind ... revisionists, Zionists, lackeys of imperialism ... Silesian water will crush their bones ...". Gierek introduced a new element during his speech: a statement of support for First Secretary Gomułka, who so far had been silent on the student protests, Zionism and other currently pressing issues.

This initial reluctance of the top leadership to express their position ended with a speech by Gomułka on 19 March. He eliminated the possibility of government negotiations with the strikers, extinguishing the participants' hope for a quick favorable settlement. Gomułka's speech, delivered before three thousand ("outstanding during the difficult days") party activists, was full of anti-intelligentsia accusations. The party management realized, he made it clear, that it was too early to fully comprehend and evaluate the nature and scope of the present difficulties. Gomułka sharply attacked the opposition leaders and named the few writers he particularly abhorred (Kisielewski, Jasienica and Szpotański), but offered a complex and differentiated analysis of the situation in Poland (Słonimski was named as an example of a Polish citizen whose sentiments were "cosmopolitan"). The first secretary attempted to pacify the growing antisemitic wave, asserting that most citizens of Jewish origin were loyal to Poland and were not a threat. Loyalty to Poland and socialism, not ethnicity, was the only criterion, the party valued highly those who had contributed and was opposed to any phenomena of antisemitic nature. It was understood that some people could feel ambivalent about where they belonged, and if some felt definitely more closely connected with Israel, Gomułka expected them to eventually emigrate. However, it may have been too late for such reasoned arguments and the carefully screened audience did not react positively: their collective display of hatred was shown on national television. Gomułka's remarks (reviewed, corrected and approved in advance by members of the Politburo and the Central Committee) were criticized a few days later at the meeting of first secretaries of the provincial party committees and the anti-Zionist campaign continued unabated. The internal bulletin of Mieczysław Moczar's Ministry of Internal Affairs spoke of a lack of clear declaration on Zionism on Gomułka's part and of "public hiding of criminals". Such criticism of the top party leader was unheard of and indicated the increasing influence and determination of Moczar's faction. In public, Moczar concentrated on issuing condemnations of the communists who came after the war from the Soviet Union and persecuted Polish patriots (including, from 1948, Gomułka himself, which may in part explain the first secretary's failure to dissociate himself from and his tacit approval of anti-Jewish excesses). The purges and attempts to resolve the power struggle at top echelons of the party entered their accelerated phase. The mass protest movement and the repressions continued throughout March and April. The revolt was met with the dissolution of entire academic departments, the expulsion of thousands of students and many sympathizing faculty members (including Zygmunt Bauman, Leszek Kołakowski and Stefan Żółkiewski), arrests and court trials. National coordination by the students was attempted through a 25 March meeting in Wrocław; most of its attendees were jailed by the end of April. On 28 March, students at the University of Warsaw reacted to the firing of prominent faculty by adopting the Declaration of the Student Movement, which presented an outline of mature systemic reforms for Poland. The document formulated a new framework for opposition activities and established a conceptual precedent for the future Solidarity opposition movement postulates. The authorities responded by eliminating several university departments and enlisting many students in the military. The student protest activities, planned for 22 April, were prevented by the arrest campaign conducted in Warsaw, Kraków and Wrocław.

At least 2,725 people were arrested between 7 March and 6 April. According to internal government reports, the suppression was effective, although students were still able to disrupt the May Day ceremonies in Wrocław. Except for the relatively few well-recognized protest leaders, the known participants of the 1968 revolt generally did not reappear in later waves of opposition movement in Poland.

By mid-March, the protest campaign had spread to smaller towns. The distribution of fliers was reported in one hundred towns in March, forty in April, and, despite numerous arrests, continued even during the later months. Street demonstrations occurred in several localities in March. In different cities, the arrests and trials proceeded at a different pace, in part because of the discretion exercised by local authorities. Gdańsk had by far the highest rate of both the "penal-administrative procedures" and the cases that actually went to courts. The largest proportion of the arrested and detained nationwide during the March/April unrest belonged to the "workers" category.

A few dared to openly defend the students, including some writers, bishops, and the small parliamentary group of Catholic deputies Znak, led by Jerzy Zawieyski. Znak submitted an official interpellation on 11 March, addressed to the prime minister. They questioned the brutal anti-student interventions by the police and inquired about the government's intentions regarding the democratic demands of the students and of the "broad public opinion".

Following the Politburo meeting on 8 April, during which Stefan Jędrychowski strongly criticized the antisemitic campaign but a majority of the participants expressed the opposite view or supported Gomułka's "middle" course, a Sejm session indirectly dealt with the crisis from the 9th to the 11th of April. Prime Minister Józef Cyrankiewicz asserted that the Radio Free Europe used the Znak interpellation for its propaganda. Other speakers claimed that the interpellation was primarily aimed at getting the hostile foreign interests involved in Poland's affairs. Zawieyski spoke in a conciliatory tone, directing his comments and appealing to Gomułka and Zenon Kliszko, recognizing them as victims of the past (Stalinist) political persecution. He interpreted the recent beating by "unknown assailants" of Stefan Kisielewski, a Catholic publicist, as an attack on a representative of the Polish culture. The party leaders responded by terminating Zawieyski's membership in the Polish Council of State, a collective head of state organ, and banning him from holding a political office in the future. The participants in the public Sejm debate concentrated on attacking Znak and avoided altogether discussing the events and issues of the March protests or their suppression (the subjects of the interpellation).

The effectiveness of the ORMO interventions on university campuses and the eruption of further citizen discontent (see 1970 Polish protests) prompted the Ministry of Public Security to engage in massive expansion of this force, which at its peak in 1979 reached over 450,000 members.

Anti-Zionist/Jewish mobilization and purges, party politics

In March 1968, the anti-Zionist campaign, loud propaganda and mass mobilization were greatly intensified. The process of purging Jewish officials, ex-Stalinists, high-ranking rival communists and moral supporters of the current liberal opposition movement, was accelerated. Roman Zambrowski, Stefan Staszewski, Edward Ochab, Adam Rapacki and Marian Spychalski were among the top echelon party leaders removed or neutralized. Zambrowski, a Jewish veteran of the Polish communist movement, was singled out and purged from the party first (13 March), even though he had been politically inactive for several years and had nothing to do with the current crisis. Former First Secretary Ochab resigned his several high offices to protest "against the antisemitic campaign". On 11 April 1968, the Sejm instituted changes in some major leadership positions. Spychalski, leaving the Ministry of Defense, replaced Ochab in the more titular role as the chairman of the Council of State. Wojciech Jaruzelski became the new minister of defense. Rapacki, another opponent of antisemitic purges, was replaced by Stefan Jędrychowski at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. A new higher education statute was designed to give the government greater control over the academic environment.

Gomułka considered revisionism rather than "Zionism" to be the main "danger". According to historian Dariusz Stola, the first secretary, whose wife was Jewish, harbored no antisemitic prejudices. But he opportunistically and instrumentally allowed and accepted the anti-Jewish initiative of Minister Moczar and the secret services Moczar controlled. The campaign gave Gomułka the tools he needed to combat the intellectual rebellion, prevent it from spreading into the worker masses (by "mobilizing" them and channelling their frustration against the stealth and alien "enemy"), resolve the party rivalries ultimately to his own advantage and stabilize the situation in Poland at the dangerous for the party time of the Prague Spring liberalizing movement in Czechoslovakia. Many Poles (irrespective of ethnic background) were accused of being Zionists. They were expelled from the party and/or had their careers terminated by policies that were cynical, prejudicial, or both. Long (sometimes conducted over several days) party meetings and discussions took place at the end of March and in early April within various state institutions and enterprises. They dealt with the "Zionism" issue and were devoted to the identification of those responsible and guilty (within the institution's own ranks), their expulsion from the party and demands for their removal from the positions they held.

Attempts were made to steer the attention of the general public away from the student movement and advocacy for social reform, centered around the defense of freedom of speech for intellectuals and artists and the right to criticize the regime and its policies. Moczar, the leader of the hardline Stalinist faction of the party, blamed the student protests on "Zionists" and used the protest activity as a pretext for a larger antisemitic campaign (officially described as "anti-Zionist") and party purges. In reality, the student and intellectual protests were generally not related to Zionism or other Jewish issues. The propagated idea of the "Zionist inspiration" of student rebellion originated in part from the presence of children of Jewish communists among those contesting the political order, including especially members of the Komandosi group. To augment their numbers, figures of speech such as the "Michniks, Szlajfers, Zambrowskis" were used. The national strike call from Warsaw (13 March) opposed both antisemitism and Zionism. One banner hung at a Rzeszów high school on 27 April read: "We hail our Zionist comrades."

However, Gomułka warned that "Zionism and antisemitism are two sides of the same nationalist medal" and insisted that communism rejects all forms of nationalism. According to Gomułka, who rejected the Western allegations of antisemitism, "Official circles in the United States have involved themselves in the dirty anti-Polish campaign by making statements accusing Poland of antisemitism. We propose that the ruling circles in the United States check whether American citizens of Polish descent have ever had or have now the same opportunities that Polish citizens of Jewish descent have for good living conditions and education and for occupying positions of responsibility. Then it would emerge clearly who might accuse whom of national discrimination." He went on to say that "the Western Zionist centers that today charge us with antisemitism failed to lift a finger when Hitler's genocide policies exterminated Jews in subjugated Poland, punishing Poles who hid and helped the Jews with death." The party leader was responding to a wave of Western criticism and took advantage of some published reports that were incompatible with the Polish collective memory of historical events, World War II and the Holocaust in particular.

The Moczar challenge, often presented in terms of competing political visions (he was the informal head of the nationalist communist party faction known as "the Partisans"), reflected, according to historian Andrzej Chojnowski, primarily a push for a generational change in the party leadership and at other levels, throughout the country. By 1968 Gomułka, whose public relations skills were poor, was unpopular and had lost touch with the population he ruled. Personnel changes, resisted by Gomułka, were generally desired and expected, and in the party, General Moczar was the alternative. Large numbers of generally younger functionaries mobilized behind him, motivated by the potential opportunity to advance their stagnant careers. Finding scapegoats (possibly by just claiming that someone was enthusiastic about the Israeli victory) and becoming their replacements meant in 1968 progress in that direction. The Moczar faction's activity was one of the major factors that contributed to the 1968 uproar, but the overdue generational change within the party materialized fully only when Edward Gierek replaced Gomułka in December 1970. Moczar himself campaigned ruthlessly in an ultimately failed attempt to become Gomułka's replacement or successor.

Emigration of Polish citizens of Jewish origin
In a parliamentary speech on 11 April 1968, Prime Minister Cyrankiewicz spelled out the government's official position: "Loyalty to socialist Poland and imperialist Israel is not possible simultaneously. ... Whoever wants to face these consequences in the form of emigration will not encounter any obstacle." The departing had their Polish citizenship revoked.

Historian David Engel of the YIVO Institute wrote: "The Interior Ministry compiled a card index of all Polish citizens of Jewish origin, even those who had been detached from organized Jewish life for generations. Jews were removed from jobs in public service, including from teaching positions in schools and universities. The pressure was placed upon them to leave the country by bureaucratic actions aimed at undermining their sources of livelihood and sometimes even by physical brutality." According to Dariusz Stola of the Polish Academy of Sciences, "the term 'anti-Zionist campaign' is misleading in two ways since the campaign began as an anti-Israeli policy but quickly turned into an anti-semitic campaign, and this evident anti-Jewish character remained its distinctive feature". The propaganda equated Jewish origins with Zionist sympathies and thus disloyalty to communist Poland. Antisemitic slogans were used in rallies. Prominent Jews, supposedly of Zionist beliefs, including academics, managers and journalists, lost their jobs. According to the Polish state's Institute of National Remembrance (IPN), which investigated events that took place in 1968–69 in Łodź, "in each case the decision of dismissal was preceded by a party resolution about expelling from the party".

According to Jonathan Ornstein, of the 3.5 million Polish Jews prior to World War II, 350,000 or fewer remained after the Holocaust. Most survivors who claimed their Jewish nationality status at the end of World War II, including those who registered with the Central Committee of Polish Jews in 1945, had emigrated from postwar Poland already in its first years of existence. According to David Engel's estimates, of the fewer than 281,000 Jews present in Poland at different times before July 1946, only about 90,000 were left in the country by the middle of 1947. Fewer than 80,000 remained by 1951, when the government prohibited emigration to Israel. An additional 30,000 arrived from the Soviet Union in 1957, but almost 50,000, typically people actively expressing Jewish identity, left Poland in 1957–59, under Gomułka and with his government's encouragement. Approximately 25,000–30,000 Jews lived in Poland by 1967. As a group, they had become increasingly assimilated and secular and had well-developed and functioning Jewish secular institutions. Of the Jews who stayed in Poland, many did so for political and career reasons. Their situation changed after the 1967 Arab–Israeli war and the 1968 Polish academic revolt when the Jews were used as scapegoats by the warring party factions and pressured to emigrate en masse once more. According to Engel, some 25,000 Jews left Poland during the 1968–70 period, leaving only between 5,000 and 10,000 Jews in the country. Some 11,200 Jews from Poland immigrated to Israel during 1968 and 1969.

From the end of World War II, the Soviet-imposed government in Poland, lacking strong popular support, found it expedient to depend disproportionately on Jews for performing clerical and administrative jobs and many Jews rose to high positions within the political and internal security ranks. Consequently, as noted by historian Michael C. Steinlauf – "their group profile ever more closely resembled the mythic Żydokomuna" (see also Jewish Bolshevism). For complex historical reasons, Jews held many positions of repressive authority under the post-war Polish communist administrations. In March 1968, some of those officials became the center of an organized campaign to equate Jewish origins with Stalinist sympathies and crimes. The political purges, often ostensibly directed at functionaries of the Stalinist era, affected all Polish Jews regardless of background.

Prior to the 1967–68 events, Polish-Jewish relations had been a taboo subject in communist Poland. Available information was limited to the dissemination of shallow and distorted official versions of historical events, while much of the traditional social antisemitic resentment was brewing under the surface, despite the scarcity of Jewish targets. Popular antisemitism of the post-war years was closely linked to anticommunist and anti-Soviet attitudes and as such was resisted by the authorities. Because of this historically right-wing orientation of Polish antisemitism, the Jews generally felt safe in communist Poland and experienced a "March shock" when many in the ruling regime adopted the antisemitic views of pre-war Polish nationalists to justify an application of aggressive propaganda and psychological terror. The outwardly Stalinist character of the campaign was paradoxically combined with anti-Stalinist and anti-Żydokomuna rhetoric. The media "exposed" various past and present Jewish conspiracies directed against socialist Poland, often using prejudicial Jewish stereotypes, which supposedly added up to a grand Jewish anti-Polish scheme. West German-Israeli and American-Zionist anti-Poland blocs were also "revealed". In Poland, it was claimed, the old Jewish Stalinists were secretly preparing their own return to power, to thwart the Polish October gains. The small number of Jews remaining in Poland were subjected to unbearable pressures generated by the state monopolistic media, often dominated by sympathizers of Minister Moczar. Many Jews and non-Jews were smeared and removed by their local Basic Party Organizations (POP), after which they had to be fired from their jobs. Many professionals and non-members of the party fell victim as well.

Most of the last wave (1968–69) of emigrants chose destinations other than Israel, which contradicted the government's claim of their pro-Israeli devotion. Disproportionately in Polish society, they represented highly educated, professional, and accomplished people. Some communist party activists had previously perceived this factor as an undue "density" of Jews in positions of importance, a remnant of Stalinist times, which resulted in calls for their marginalization and removal from the country.

Over a thousand former hardline Stalinists of Jewish origin left Poland in and after 1968, among them former prosecutor Helena Wolińska-Brus and judge Stefan Michnik. The IPN had investigated Stalinist crimes committed by some of the March 1968 emigrants including Michnik, who settled in Sweden, and Wolińska-Brus, who resided in the United Kingdom. Both were accused of being an "accessory to a court murder". Applications were made for their extradition based on the European Arrest Warrants.

Between 1961 and 1967, the average rate of Jewish emigration from Poland was 500–900 persons per year. In 1968, a total of 3,900 Jews applied to leave the country. Between January and August 1969, the number of emigrating Jews was almost 7,300, all according to records of the Ministry of Internal Affairs. The security organs maintained comprehensive data on persons with "family background in Israel" or of Jewish origin, including those dismissed from their positions and those who did not hold any official positions but applied for emigration to Israel.

Termination of the anti-Zionist campaign
On 11 April 1968, Secretary of the Central Committee Artur Starewicz gave Gomułka a comprehensive letter, in which he pointed out the destructiveness of the demagoguery, anti-Jewish obsession and other aspects of the campaign. In late April Gomułka realized that the campaign he allowed had outlived its usefulness and was getting out of control; many participants became overzealous and complaints from various quarters multiplied. However, ending it and restoring normal party control and discipline took several weeks of repeated warnings and other efforts. On 24 June, Gomułka sharply criticized Stefan Olszowski, the party propaganda chief and the role played by the PAX publications. Both were heavily involved in the "anti-Zionist", but also "nationalistic" media campaign from 11 March. On 1 July, Leopold Domb (Leopold Trepper), former chairman of the Sociocultural Association of Jews (in Poland), wrote a letter to his party boss Gomułka. Domb bitterly complained of the progressive liquidation of the thousand years of Polish-Jewish civilizational achievement and listed numerous instances of such destruction of society and culture taking place in contemporary communist Poland.

On 5 July, Gomułka acknowledged "certain problems" with the Ministry of Internal Affairs and announced the removal of Minister Moczar from the cabinet position, which disconnected him from his power base at that department. Moczar's sidelining was presented as a promotion: he became secretary of the Central Committee and a deputy member of the Politburo. "Comrade Moczar is a disciplined man and he'll do as he is told", was how Gomułka saw the resolution. Gomułka's ability to decisively dismantle the Internal Affairs' anti-Jewish smear campaign and punish its perpetrators (for challenging the party leadership) shows that he could have done so earlier, had he chosen to act in a timely manner. During the XII Plenum of the Central Committee (8–9 July), Zenon Kliszko officially closed the "anti-Zionist" campaign. Internal attacks and obstruction within the party, the military and the security services (SB), now directed against Gomułka and Kliszko, continued for some time. In reality, SB's "anti-Zionist" activities were never completely abandoned. During 1970–80, General Jaruzelski demoted to the rank of private 1,348 Jewish officers who had emigrated, not only around 1968. Such continued activities were conducted in secret.

The media propaganda machine was by early summer preoccupied with denouncing the Prague Spring. In August, the Polish People's Army participated in the Warsaw Pact invasion of Czechoslovakia.

Consequences of the events of 1968
The Fifth Congress of the PZPR took place in November, under Gomułka' s active lead. His position was confirmed. The gathering, numerically dominated by the supporters of Moczar, was maneuvered into complying with Gomułka faction's personnel decisions. The party now had 2.1 million members (only 40% were workers), after the recent purging of over 230,000. The Jewish activists were gone, but many other veterans remained, as the generational change in the communist leadership was beginning to take place. Gomułka was able to rule with his few close associates until December 1970, but his prestige suffered in Poland, abroad, and among the Soviet and other Eastern Bloc leaders.

A consequence of the protest events and their repercussions was the alienation of the regime from the leftist intelligentsia, who were disgusted at the official promotion of antisemitism and the adoption of nationalistic rhetoric. Many Polish intellectuals opposed the government campaign, often openly. Another effect was the activity by Polish emigrants to the West in organizations that encouraged opposition within Poland.

The alienation of Polish intelligentsia had a long afterlife and eventually contributed to the downfall of the communist dictatorship: the 1968 events were a turning point in the ideological evolution of those who would challenge the system in the years to come. Jacek Kuroń, for example, twice a party member and an activist imprisoned for his participation in the 1968 events, later played important roles in the Workers' Defence Committee and the Solidarity workers' movement. The events of 1968, preceded by those in 1956 and followed by those of 1970, 1976 and 1980, showed that Poland, with its strong nationalist traditions, a civil society, and the powerful Catholic Church, was the source of instability and weakness in the Eastern Bloc. The dangers presented to the PZPR by the "reactionary" coalition of 1968, against which some had already warned back then, turned out not to be imaginary, but their realization took another two decades.

The antisemitic, anti-intellectual and anti-student campaign damaged Poland's reputation, particularly in the West. Despite the worldwide condemnation of the March 1968 repressions, for many years the communist governments would not admit the antisemitic nature of the "anti-Zionist" campaign, though some newspapers published critical articles. In February and March 1988, the Polish communist government announced official apologies for the antisemitic excesses of 1968: first in Israel at a conference on Polish Jewry, and then in a statement printed in Trybuna Ludu. A Central Committee report even suggested an introduction of double citizenship to improve relations with the Jews who left Poland.

Aftermath

After the fall of the communist rule, the Sejm in 1998 issued an official condemnation of the antisemitism of the March 1968 events. In 2000, President Aleksander Kwaśniewski gave his own apology in front of a group of Jewish students "as the president of Poland and as a Pole".

On the 30th anniversary of their departures, a memorial plaque was placed at Warszawa Gdańska train station, from which most of the exiled Poles took a train to Vienna.

In March 2018 Polish President Andrzej Duda said "We are sorry you're not here today" and "those were deported then and the families of those who were killed – I want to say, please forgive Poland for that" in relation to the 20,000 Jews expelled or forced to flee in 1968. However, Duda said that his generation was not responsible for the actions of the past communist administration. Duda's distinction between the past Polish government whom he framed as culpable, and Polish citizens whom he framed as innocent, was seen as a non-apology by critics. Duda's statement also echoed Jewish stereotypes in framing the loss to Poland: "You are the elite of the intelligentsia but in other countries, you are people of remarkable success, respected, but in other countries, your creative powers, your scientific output, your splendid achievements have not done credit to the Republic of Poland".

title: 1968 Polish political crisis