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Iranian Americans

Iranian Americans, also known as Persian Americans, are citizens or nationals of the United States who are of Iranian ancestry.

Most Iranian Americans arrived in the United States after 1979, as a result of the Iranian Revolution and the fall of the Persian monarchy, with over 40% settling in California, specifically Los Angeles. Unable to return to Iran, they have created many distinct ethnic enclaves, such as the Los Angeles Tehrangeles community in Westwood, Los Angeles. Based on a 2012 announcement by the National Organization for Civil Registration, an organization of the Ministry of Interior of Iran, the United States has the greatest number of Iranians outside the country.

Iranian Americans are among the most highly educated people in the United States. They have historically excelled in business, academia, science, the arts, and entertainment. Many have become doctors, engineers, lawyers, and tech entrepreneurs.

Research by the Iranian Studies Group at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology in 2004 estimated the number of Iranian Americans at 691,000, about half of which live in the US state of California.

Terminology
"Iranian-American" is sometimes used interchangeably with "Persian-American",  partly due to the fact that, in the Western world, Iran was known as "Persia". On the Nowruz of 1935, Reza Shah Pahlavi asked foreign delegates to use the term Iran, the endonym of the country used since the Sasanian Empire, in formal correspondence. Since then the use of the word "Iran" has become more common in Western countries. This also changed the usage of the terms for Iranian nationality, and the common adjective for citizens of Iran changed from "Persian" to "Iranian." In 1959, the government of Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, Reza Shah Pahlavi's son, announced that both "Persia" and "Iran" could officially be used interchangeably. The issue is still debated today.

There is a tendency among Iranian-Americans to categorize themselves as "Persian" rather than "Iranian", mainly to dissociate themselves from the negative stereotypes of Iranians in media. Some Iranian-Americans also don't prefer "Iranian" to disassociate themselves with the Islamic Republic of Iran, yet this rationale has been criticized as the term "Iran" was widely used before 1979 as well. The term "Iranian" is regarded as more inclusive than "Persian", as the term "Persian" excludes non-Persian ethnic minorities of Iran. While the majority of Iranian-Americans come from Persian backgrounds, there is a significant number of non-Persian Iranians such as Azeris  and Kurds within the Iranian-American community, leading some scholars to believe that the label "Iranian" is more inclusive, since the label "Persian" excludes non-Persian minorities.

Early history
One of the first recorded Iranians to visit North America was Martin the Armenian, an Iranian-Armenian tobacco grower who settled in Jamestown, Virginia in 1618. Mirza Mohammad Ali, also known as Hajj Sayyah, was an Iranian who came to North America in the 1800s. He was inspired to travel around the world due to the contradiction between the democratic ideals he read about and how his fellow Iranians were treated by their leaders. He began his travels as a 23-year-old looking for knowledge, to experience the lives of others, and to use that knowledge to help with Iran's progress. His stay in the United States lasted 10 years, and he traveled across the country from New York to San Francisco. He met a variety of influential American figures including President Ulysses S. Grant, who met with him on several occasions. On 26 May 1875, Hajj Sayyah became the first Iranian to become an American citizen. He was imprisoned upon his return to Iran for taking a stand against living conditions there. He looked to the United States to protect him but to no avail. During the peak period of worldwide emigration to the United States (1842–1903), only 130 Iranian nationals were known to have immigrated.

First phase of emigration
The first wave of Iranian migration to the United States occurred from the late 1940s to 1977, or 1979. The United States was an attractive destination for students, as American universities offered some of the best programs in engineering and other fields, and were eager to attract students from foreign countries. Iranian students, most of whom had learned English as a second language in Iran, were highly desirable as new students at colleges and universities in the United States. By the mid-1970s, nearly half of all Iranian students who studied abroad did so in the United States. By 1975, the Institute of International Education's annual foreign student census figures listed Iranian students as the largest group of foreign students in the United States, amounting to a total of 9% of all foreign students in the country. As the Iranian economy continued to rise steadily in the 70s, it enabled many more Iranians to travel abroad freely. Consequently, the number of Iranian visitors to the United States also increased considerably, from 35,088, in 1975, to 98,018, in 1977. During the 1977–78 academic year, of about 100,000 Iranian students abroad, 36,220 were enrolled in American institutions of higher learning. During the 1978–79 academic year, on the eve of the revolution, the number of Iranian students enrolled in American institutions rose to 45,340, and in 1979–80, that number reached a peak of 51,310. At that time, according to the Institute of International Education, more students from Iran were enrolled in American universities than from any other foreign country. The pattern of Iranian migration during this phase usually only involved individuals, not whole families. Due to Iran's increasing demand for educated workers in the years before the revolution, the majority of the Iranian students in America intended to return home after graduation to work, especially those who had received financial aid from the Iranian government or from industry on condition of returning to take jobs upon graduation. Due to the drastic events of the 1979 Revolution, the students ended up staying in the United States as refugees. These several thousand visitors and students unintentionally became the basis of the cultural, economic, and social networks that would enable large-scale immigration in the years that followed.

Second phase
The second phase of Iranian migration began immediately before and after the Iranian Revolution of 1979 and the overthrow of the Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, and became significant in the early 1980s. As Ronald H. Bayor writes, "The 1979 Revolution and the 1980–88 war with Iraq transformed Iran's class structure, politically, socially, and economically." The revolution drastically changed the pattern and nature of Iranian emigration to the United States, while the Iran-Iraq War that ensued afterwards was also another factor that forced many of the best-educated and most wealthy families into exile in the United States and other countries. Once basically an issue of brain drain during the Pahlavi period, it was now predominantly an involuntary emigration of a relatively large number of middle- and upper-class families, including the movement of a considerable amount of wealth. During and after the revolution, most students did not return to Iran, and those who did were gradually purged from the newly established Islamic Republic. Many students who graduated abroad after the revolution also did not return, due to the ruling clergy's repression. As a result, the educated elite who left Iran after the revolution, and the new graduates in the United States who chose not to return home, created a large pool of highly educated and skilled Iranian professionals in the United States. By 2002, an estimated 1.5 to 2.5 million Iranians lived abroad, mainly in North America and Europe, due to the Islamic government's authoritarian practices.

A further notable aspect of the migration in this phase is that members of religious and ethnic minorities were starting to become disproportionally represented among the Iranian American community, most notably Baháʼís, Jews, Armenians, and Assyrians. According to the 1980 US Census, there were 123,000 Americans of Iranian ancestry at that time. Between 1980 and 1990, the number of foreign-born people from Iran in the United States increased by 74 percent.

The revolution caused a drastic change in the Iranian culture. Iran was no longer a thriving country. This is part of the reason so many Iranians began to flee to America.

Contemporary period
The third phase of Iranian immigration started in 1995 and continues to the present. According to the 2000 US Census, there were 283,225 Iranian-born people in the US. According to the same 2000 US Census, there were 385,488 Americans of Iranian ancestry at that time. The 2011 American Community Survey (ACS) estimate found 470,341 Americans with full or partial Iranian ancestry. However, most experts believe that this is a problem of underrepresenting due to the fact that "many community members have been reluctant in identifying themselves as such because of the problems between Iran and the United States in the past two decades." and also because many were ethnic minorities (Jewish, Armenian, and Assyrian Iranians) who instead identify as the ethnic group they are part of rather than as Iranians. Estimates of 1,000,000 and above are given by many Iranian and non-Iranian organizations, media, and scholars. Kenneth Katzman, specialist in Middle Eastern affairs and part of the Congressional Research Service, in December 2015 estimated the number at over 1,000,000. Paul Harvey and Edward Blum of the University of Colorado and the University of San Diego in 2012 estimated their number at 1,000,000, as well as Al-Jazeera. According to the PAAIA (Public Affairs Alliance of Iranian Americans), estimates range from 500,000 to 1,000,000, numbers backed up by Ronald H. Bayor of the Georgia Institute of Technology as well. The Atlantic stated that there were an estimated 1,500,000 Iranians in the United States in 2012. The Iranian interest section in Washington, D.C., in 2003 claimed to hold passport information for approximately 900,000 Iranians in the US.

Today, the United States contains the highest number of Iranians outside of Iran. The Iranian-American community has produced individuals notable in many fields, including medicine, engineering, and business.

Demographics

Although Iranians have lived in the United States in relatively small numbers since the 1930s, a large number of Iranian-Americans immigrated to the United States after the Iranian Revolution of 1979. Data on this group is well documented by the United States Citizenship and Immigration Services (USCIS). According to the 2000 US Census, there were 385,488 Americans of Iranian ancestry at that time. In the 2011 ACS, the number of Americans of full or partial Iranian ancestry amounted c. 470,341.

Population
Federal data on Iranian Americans in the 2010 United States Census was not according to race, but rather ancestry, which is collected by the annual American Community Survey (ACS). Data on Iranian ancestry from the annual ACS is available on the Census Bureau's American Factfinder website. Racially, on the Census, Iranian Americans have been classified as a white American group.

Most experts believe that the underrepresented number of Iranian Americans in the ACS is a problem due to the fact that "many community members have been reluctant in identifying themselves as such because of the problems between Iran and the United States in the past two decades." Estimations of 1,000,000 and above are given by many Iranian and non-Iranian organizations, media, and scholars. Kenneth Katzman, specialist in Middle Eastern affairs and part of the Congressional Research Service, estimated their number at over 1,000,000 in published December 2015. Historians Paul Harvey and Edward Blum estimate their number at 1,000,000 in 2012, as well as Al-Jazeera. According to the PAAIA (Public Affairs Alliance of Iranian Americans), estimates range from 500,000 to 1,000,000, numbers backed by Ronald H. Bayor of the Georgia Institute of Technology. The Atlantic, in 2012, stated that there are an estimated 1,500,000 Iranians in the United States. The Iranian interest section in Washington D.C., in 2003, claimed to hold passport information for approximately 900,000 Iranians in the US.

According to research done by the Iranian Studies Group, an independent academic organization at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT), Iranian Americans are most likely far more numerous in the United States than census data indicate. The group estimates that the number of Iranian Americans may have topped 691,000 in 2004—more than twice the figure of 338,000 cited in the 2000 U.S. census.

Sources from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Iran have stated the United States has the highest number of Iranians outside the country, stating 1,500,000 Iranians who were born in Iran are living in the U.S. However this number only represents Iranian born population who moved to the U.S. at some point and does not include the number of U.S.-born Iranian-Americans and other groups with Iranian ancestors.

Roughly half of the nation's Iranians reside in the state of California alone. Other large communities include New York/New Jersey, which have 9.1% of the U.S.'s Iranian population, followed by Washington, D.C./Maryland/Virginia (8.3%) and Texas (6.7%).

Approximately 6,000–10,000 Iranian Americans reside in the city of Chicago, while up to 30,000 reside in the Chicago metropolitan area. Some of this population is Iranian Assyrian.

Kings Point, New York, a village in Great Neck, New York, is said to have the largest concentration of Iranians in the United States (nearly 30%). However, unlike the population in Los Angeles, the Great Neck population is almost exclusively Jewish.

Nashville, Tennessee has the largest Kurdish population in the United States, with many of them coming from Iran.

California

It is widely believed that most Iranian-Americans in the United States are clustered in the large cities of California, namely Greater Los Angeles, the San Francisco Bay Area, San Diego, Sacramento, and Fresno. According to extrapolated U.S. Census data and other independent surveys done by Iranian-Americans themselves in 2009, there were an estimated one million Iranian-Americans living in the U.S., with the largest concentration—about 300,000 people—living in the greater Los Angeles area. For this reason, the Westwood, L.A. area, with its Iranian American residents, is sometimes colloquially referred to as "Tehrangeles", "Irangeles", or "Little Persia" among Iranian-Americans.

In 1985, the Los Angeles Times estimated 200,000 Iranian Americans were living in California; and by 1991 the estimate jumped to 800,000, however the accuracy of these numbers could be debated due to a lack of data. In 1990, Los Angeles had a larger population of religious minorities than Muslims, who were the religious majority in Iran.

Regarding Iranian-Americans of Armenian origin, the 1980 US Census put the number of Armenians living in Los Angeles at 52,400, of whom 71.9% were foreign born: 14.7% in Iran, 14.3% in the USSR, 11.5% in Lebanon, 9.7% in Turkey, 11.7% in other Middle Eastern countries (Egypt, Iraq, Israel, etc.), and the rest in other parts of the world. Beverly Hills, Irvine, and Glendale all have large communities of Iranian Americans (much of the Iranian population in Glendale being of Armenian descent); 26% of the total population of Beverly Hills is Iranian Jewish, making it the city's largest religious community.

Iranian Americans have formed ethnic enclaves in many affluent neighborhoods mostly in the Los Angeles metropolitan area. In Los Angeles, Iranians were concentrated in Tarzana, West Hills, Hidden Hills, Woodland Hills, Beverly Hills, Calabasas, Brentwood, and Rancho Palos Verdes. Tarzana has the highest concentration of Iranians in Los Angeles County, according to the U.S. Census in 2000.

Second generation Iranians located outside these concentrated cities showed high rates of marrying a non-Iranian and low literacy rates in Persian.

In San Diego County, the communities of La Jolla and Westlake village also held a large Iranian population. La Jolla was the first American city to have an Iranian American mayor Iraj Broomand.

Texas
Texas also has a large population of Iranian descent. And like California, Iranians in Texas are concentrated in the larger major cities of the state. Houston has the largest population of Iranians and Iranian expats, with an estimated 70,000 residents (50,000 in 1994 ), mainly due to the Texas Medical Center and the presence of large energy companies. Houston contains a Persian business district including shops and restaurants that has been dubbed "Little Persia" by the Houston Press. There are many Iranian Zoroastrians and Baháʼís living there.

Some of the more well known residents of the Houston area in the past or present are Jasmin Moghbeli, Susan Roshan, Shawn Daivari, Farinaz Koushanfar, and Kavon Hakimzadeh (captain of the USS Harry Truman Naval aircraft carrier ). Ibrahim Yazdi was a graduate of Baylor College of Medicine and Kamal Kharazi also is an alumnus of University of Houston. Hushang Ansary, an active philanthropist, has been a "founding benefactor" of the Houston Museum of Fine Arts. The George Bush Presidential Library has a gallery named after him. Iranians in Houston particularly came under the spotlight when Iranian student and activist Gelareh Bagherzadeh was murdered in Houston in 2012. The perpetrator, Ali Irsan, was later convicted and sentenced to death for the crime, an honor killing in retaliation against Bagherzadeh's encouragement of Irsan's daughter to leave Islam and marry a Christian man. The other notable Iranian in Texas that gained national attention in recent years was UT Austin's Omid Kokabee who was imprisoned in Iran for political reasons.

The Dallas-Fort Worth metropolitan area is estimated to have over 30,000 Iranian-Americans. Iran's first astronaut Anousheh Ansari for many years was a resident of Plano, Texas, a suburb of Dallas-Fort Worth. Dallas' Iranian community was large and influential enough to host US Secretary of State Mike Pompeo for a private visit in April 2019. And San Antonio and Austin each are said to have 3000-5000 Iranian American residents each, who are mostly attracted to large academic centers of excellence such as South Texas Medical Center and UT Austin or the climate of the Texas Hill Country area that is not un-similar to the southern Iran Zagros Mountains region. The largest concentration of Mandaeans from Khuzestan outside the middle east are settled in the San Antonio area. The Shah of Iran was also last hospitalized at San Antonio's Wilford Hall Ambulatory Surgical Center in Lackland Air Force Base during his last days. This is the same base that trained many pilots of Iran's Royal Air Force before the 1979 revolution.

Religion
Many Iranian Americans are non-Muslim due to the religious composition of those fleeing the Iranian Revolution, which included a disproportionate share of Iran's religious minorities, as well as subsequent ex-Muslim asylum seekers and other conversions away from Islam. Many Iranian Americans identify as irreligious or Shiite, but a full one-fifth are Christians, Jews, Baháʼís, or Zoroastrians. Additionally, there are also some Iranian Mandaeans, but they are very small in number. According to Pew Research, about 22% of those who left Islam in the United States are Iranian Americans.

A 2012 national telephone survey of a sample of 400 Iranian-Americans, commissioned by the Public Affairs Alliance of Iranian Americans and conducted by Zogby Research Services, asked the respondents what their religions were. The responses broke down as follows: Muslim 31%, atheist/realist/humanist 11%, agnostic 8%, Baháʼí 7%, Jewish 5%, Protestant 5%, Roman Catholic 2%, Zoroastrian 2%, "Other" 15%, and "No response" 15%. The survey had a cooperation rate of 31.2%. The margin of error for the results was +/- 5 percentage points, with higher margins of error for sub-groups. Notably, the number of Muslims decreased from 42% in 2008 to 31% in 2012.

According to Harvard University's Robert D. Putnam, the average Iranian is slightly less religious than the average American. In the book Social Movements in 20th Century Iran: Culture, Ideology, and Mobilizing Frameworks, author Stephen C. Poulson adds that Western ideas are making Iranians irreligious.

There are religious and ethnolinguistic differences among the Muslim, Jewish, Baháʼí, Zoroastrian, Christian, Armenian, Azerbaijani, Kurdish, and Assyrian groups. Calculating the percentage of Christian Iranian-Americans is difficult because most Iranian Christians (especially those raised in the faith) are of Armenian or Assyrian origin; and, apart from identifying as Iranian, a number amongst them also strongly self-identifies as Armenian or Assyrian, rather than as (or apart from) Iranian.

Ethnicity
The majority of Iranian-Americans are ethnic Persians, with sizeable ethnic minorities being Iranian Azerbaijanis, Armenians, Iranian Jews, Kurds, Assyrians, Mandaeans, Turkmen, Baloch, Arabs, among others.

According to Hakimzadeh and Dixon in 2006, members of religious and ethnic minorities such as Baháʼís, Jews, Armenians, and Assyrians were disproportionately represented amongst the early exiles of the 1978–1979 revolution.

Citizenship
According to DHS, in 2015, 13,114 people born in Iran were issued green cards, while 13,298 were issued one in 2016. In 2015, 10,344 Iranians became naturalized, with a further 9,507 in 2016. Nearly all Iranians who reside in the United States are either citizens (81%) or permanent residents (15%) of the United States (2008 survey). Iranian-Americans regard their culture and heritage as an important component of their day-to-day life and their overall identity within the United States.

Integration
Four benchmarks are traditionally used to measure assimilation: language proficiency, intermarriage, spatial concentration, and socio-economic status. Per these criteria, one can determine with a significant degree of confidence that the Iranian-American community has made significant strides in successfully assimilating to a new culture and way of living. According to a survey commissioned by the Public Affairs Alliance of Iranian Americans (PAAIA) in 2008, only 21 percent of Iranian-Americans reported interacting mostly with other Iranian Americans outside of their workplace, demonstrating that most of them have successfully integrated into United States society.

The intermarriage rate is very high among Iranian Americans. It has been estimated that nearly 50 percent of Iranian-Americans who married between 1995 and 2007 married non-Iranian Americans. Research has furthermore indicated that Iranian-Americans who are Muslim are more open to intermarry than those who are members of religious or ethnic minorities, such as Jews and Armenians. Compared to men, Iranian women are less likely to mix or intermarry outside their group, which, according to the PAAIA, is likely because, as a group, they are more likely to adhere to traditional Iranian values, including making marriages that are approved by their families and are within Iranian cultural norms. Regarding language proficiency in the United States among its immigrant groups, the first generation principally speaks their native language, the second generation speaks both English and their parents' language, and the third generation typically speaks only English, while maintaining a knowledge of some isolated words and phrases from their ancestral tongue. The Iranian American community follows this pattern.

Community Outreach
Camp Ayandeh, sponsored annually by the Iranian Alliances Across Borders (IAAB), has attracted children of the Iranian diaspora from multiple nations with the intention of uniting Iranian youth following the mass migration after the fall of the Shah.

Education
According to Bayor, from the very beginning, Iranian immigrants differed from other arrivals in their high educational and professional achievements. According to Census 2000, 50.9 percent of Iranian immigrants have attained a bachelor's degree or higher, compared to a 28.0 percent national average. According to the latest census data available, more than one in four Iranian-Americans holds a master's or doctoral degree, the highest rate among 67 ethnic groups studied.

A 1990 University of California, Los Angeles study showed that by virtue of education and occupation, native-born and Armenian-Americans of Iranian origin "tend to have the highest socioeconomic status... while those from Turkey have the lowest", although Turkish Armenians boast the highest rate of self-employment. In 1988, a New York Times article claimed that Middle Eastern Armenians, which includes Armenians from Iran, preferred to settle in Glendale, California, while Armenian immigrants from the Soviet Union were attracted to Hollywood, Los Angeles.

A study regarding Americans of Armenian descent showed that Armenians from Iran (Iranian-Armenians) are known for quick integration into American society: for example, only 31% of Armenian Americans born in Iran claim not to speak English well, while those Armenians from other nations were shown to have less success at integrating.

Occupations and income
The Small Business Administration (SBA) conducted a study that found Iranian immigrants among the top 20 immigrant groups with the highest rate of business ownership, contributing substantially to the U.S. economy. According to the report, there were 33,570 active and contributing Iranian American business owners in the U.S., with a 21.5% business ownership rate. The study also found that the total net business income generated by Iranian Americans was $2.56 billion. Almost one in three Iranian-American households have annual incomes of more than $100,000 (compared to one in five for the overall U.S. population). Ali Mostasahri, a founding member of the Iranian Studies Group, offers a reason for the relative success of Iranian-Americans compared to other immigrants. He believes that, unlike many other immigrants who left their home countries because of economic hardships, Iranians left due to social or religious reasons like the 1979 revolution. About 50 percent of all working Iranian Americans are in professional and managerial occupations, a percentage greater than any other group in the United States (Bayor, 2011).

Physicians
The earliest Iranian people in the U.S. were mostly young trainees who worked as medical interns or residents. Some established themselves to continue practice beyond the residency stage. Their motives to extend their stay in the United States were more for professional than economic reasons. Researchers from Johns Hopkins University in 1974 reported, in the Journal of the American Medical Association, that, in 1971, the number of Iranian physicians in the U.S. was 1,625. The authors further studied the causes for immigration by sending questionnaire to all Iranian MDs in the United States. According to the 660 respondents, the main reasons for migration were mandatory two-years' military service, low salaries as compared to the United States, expensive housing, and socio-political reasons.

In 2013, another report was published, in the Archive of Iranian Medicine (AIM), saying that, post-revolution, the number of Iranian medical school graduates in the United States had grown to 5,045. Those who migrated to the U.S. after the 1979 revolution were mostly experienced physicians who came with their families and an intent to stay permanently. , there are 5,050 Iranian medical school graduates in the United States.

Prior to the revolution, the 1,626 physicians migrated to the United States were 15% of all Iranian medical school graduates, while the 5,045 medical graduates who migrated post-Islamic Revolution represent only 5% of total Iranian medical graduates. This is not indicative of the entire United States, merely of the areas in which most of the Iranian-American population is concentrated.

Politics

Though Iranian-Americans have historically excelled in business, academia, and the sciences, they have traditionally shied away from participating in American politics or other civic activities. Iranian-Americans do not appear to engage in American politics, as demonstrated by survey results from large cities showing only 10 percent of them voted in the 2004 election. In Los Angeles, Iranian Americans paid for a billboard to inform thousands of travelers on the 405 freeway of how the Iranian regime had murdered ten thousand political prisoners.

An August 2008 Zogby International poll, commissioned by the Public Affairs Alliance of Iranian Americans, found that approximately one-half of Iranian Americans identified themselves as registered Democrats, in contrast to one in eight as Republicans and one in four as independents (2008). A 2019 Zogby International survey, commissioned by PAAIA, found that in the 2016 presidential election, 56% of Iranian Americans respondents voted for Hillary Clinton, the democratic candidate. The survey also states that 69% of Iranian American respondents planned to vote for the democratic candidate in the 2020 election.

The same 2008 PAAIA poll indicates that more than half of Iranian Americans cite domestic U.S. issues, including issues that are not unique to Iranian Americans, as the most important to them. In contrast, one quarter of Iranian Americans cite foreign policy issues involving Iran–U.S. relations and less than one-in-ten cite the internal affairs of Iran as being of greatest importance to them.

More recently, the 2019 Zogby International survey, commissioned by the Public Affairs Alliance of Iranian Americans, found that one-half of Iranian American respondents consider foreign policy most important when voting. This is a significant increase from the one quarter of Iranian Americans that reported foreign policy issues, such as the Iran-U.S. relationship, as important in 2008.

Similarly, the 2019 survey also suggested that 75% of Iranian American respondents perceived the Trump Administration's Iranian foreign policy negatively. In 2017, the Trump administration put strict travel restrictions on travel to the United States from several countries, including Iran. The survey indicates that this travel ban instituted by the Trump administration in 2017, received opposition from 76% of respondents. In contrast, only 16% of respondents supported the ban. The survey states that 70% of respondents have been personally affected by the travel ban, or had family and friends affected by the ban.

From 1980 to 2004, more than one out of every four Iranian immigrants was a refugee or asylee. The PAAIA/Zogby poll cites that almost three-quarters of Iranian-Americans believe the promotion of human rights and democracy in Iran is the most important issue relating to Iran–U.S. relations. About the same percentage believe diplomacy is the foreign policy approach towards Iran that would be in the best interest of the United States. 84% support establishing a U.S. Interest Section in Iran. Nearly all Iranian Americans surveyed oppose any U.S. military attack against Iran.

Ties to Iran
According to a survey conducted in 2009, more than six in ten Iranian Americans have immediate family members in Iran, and almost three in ten communicate with their families or friends in Iran at least several times a week. An additional four in ten communicate with their families or friends in Iran at least several times a month. This study indicates an unusually close relationship between Iranian-Americans and Iranians.

In the updated 2019 PAAIA survey, 15% of Iranian American respondents reported contacting with friends and family in Iran daily, while 26% of respondents communicated with relatives in Iran several times a week. Additionally, 26% of Iranian American respondents contacted with family and friends in Iran several times a month, and 14% communicated with relatives in Iran several times a year. The survey also indicated that 74% of Iranian American respondents preferred contacting their relatives in Iran via phone calls, but communication over mobile communications apps and internet services had increased to 69% and 66% respectively.

As of 2013, U.S. laws require U.S. persons to obtain a license from the U.S. Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC) to engage in transactions related to the sale of their personal property in Iran. Similarly, US persons will need a license from OFAC to open a bank account or transfer money to Iran.

Travel to Iran
The U.S. government does not have diplomatic or consular relations with the Islamic Republic of Iran and therefore cannot provide protection or routine consular services to U.S. citizens in Iran. The Swiss government, acting through its embassy in Tehran, serves as protecting power for U.S. interests in Iran. The Iranian government does not recognize dual citizenship and will not allow the Swiss to provide protective services for U.S. citizens who are also Iranian nationals. The Iranian authorities make the determination of a dual national's Iranian citizenship without regard to personal wishes. In 2016, the U.S. Department of State warned U.S. citizens of the risks of travel to Iran. In some instances, foreigners, in particular dual nationals of Iran and Western countries including the United States, have been detained or prevented from leaving Iran.

Accomplishments
In Los Angeles, Persians have become the largest ethnic group in many Los Angeles' wealthiest enclaves including Bel Air, Beverly Hills, Tarzana, Encino, and Woodland Hills.

The Iranian Revolution resulted in many Iranians fleeing to America in the late 1970s, where, forty years later, Iranian immigrants have become a major force in Silicon Valley as investors, executives, and creators. Iranians have been founders or senior executives at eBay, Oracle, Google, Dropbox, YouTube, Uber, Expedia, Twitter, and other major corporations. After surveying Fortune 500 companies, researchers at Massachusetts Institute of Technology discovered that 50 Iranian-Americans held senior leadership positions at companies with more than $200 million in asset value.

Iranians have the highest percentage of master's degrees than any other ethnic group in the United States. Iranians have also played a large role in the American education system with over 500 Iranian-American professors teaching at top-ranked U.S. universities which include Massachusetts Institute of Technology; Harvard University; Yale University; Princeton University; University of California, Berkeley; University of California, Los Angeles; and Stanford University.

Iranian philanthropists constructed the Freedom Sculpture in the Century City neighborhood, in honor of the Persian artifact Cyrus Cylinder.

Television
Early Iranian diaspora television has been credited with helping form the local community in the United States. As a result of the Iranian Revolution, the first Iranian American television was formed, and with its formation there were existing political factions that were carried over. The dominant voice in television during this time was from the royalist-support. It was argued by scholar Hamid Naficy, this was not due to political sponsorship, but rather due to market support. Up until 1992, most all Iranian American television programming was in the Farsi language with exceptions to Assyrian and Armenian languages (this included for Iranian-Kurdish and Azeri-specific shows in Farsi). Most all programming was non religious, and this was reflecting the population of more minority religions of Los Angeles. There are no reliable statistics on viewership because "Middle Eastern" and Iranian wasn't defined by rating services (such as Nielsen Holdings), however the Los Angeles Times estimated by 1991 the Iranian American population was roughly 800,000 which would indicate the opening of a new share of the television viewing market.

The Long Beach-based independent television station, KSCI-TV dubbed themselves the "international station" and claimed to offer the most diverse ethnic television programming in the early 1980s, including the majority of Iranian American television during this time. Starting on March 15, 1981, the first Iranian diaspora television broadcast show IRTV (acronym for "Iranian television") was created by Ali Limonadi in Los Angeles. Other early Iranian American television programs included Nadar Rafii's Midnight Show; Parviz Sayyad's Parsian TV (on KSCI-TV); Hamid Shabkhiz's Iran; and Manuchehr Bibian's (also known as Manouchehr Bibiyan) Jaam-e-Jam TV channel. Other notables in Iranian American television programs in the 1980s included Shohreh Aqdashlu's Sima va Nava-ye Iran TV; Parviz Kardan's Shahr-e Farang TV; and Hushang Towzi's multiple television series.

In 2013, BravoTV launched Shahs of Sunset which followed a group of six Iranian American friends in Los Angeles who try to juggle their active social lives and careers while also balancing the demands of their families and traditions; the show was accused of racism and relaying on stereotypes in a petition.

In 2020, the television series Taste the Nation with Padma Lakshmi (season 1, episode 6, "Where The Kabob is Hot") focused on Persian food in Los Angeles; where Lakshmi interviewed Bottom of the Pot cookbook author, Naz Deravian; Shamshiri Grill owner, Hamid Mosavi; and comedian, Maz Jobrani.

Film
Iranian Americans have been the focus of film documentaries, including The Iranian Americans (2012; directed by Andrew Goldberg); and Immigration Stories: Iranian Americans of Silicon Valley (2021; directed by Nima Naimi, Alireza Sanayei, Julian Gigola). Critical response in the HuffPost of The Iranian Americans (2012) PBS documentary included a lack of representation for "interracial marriage".

Fictional films with Iranian American themes include the satire Jimmy Vestvood: Amerikan Hero (2014; directed by Jonathan Kesselman), and Shirin in Love (2014; directed by Ramin Niami). The fictional drama Surviving Paradise (2001), is the first English-language Iranian film with theatrical release in the United States; the storyline is about two Iranian refugees in Los Angeles.

Education
The Center for Iranian Diaspora Studies at San Francisco State University, directed and chaired by Persis Karim, was founded in 2017 and was the first program specifically focused on Iranian diaspora (which includes Iranian Americans). The center offers grants, fellowships, and scholarships, as well as scholarly lecture series, research, and creative performances.

Discrimination
According to the Public Affairs Alliance of Iranian Americans, nearly half of Iranian-Americans surveyed in 2008 by Zogby International have experienced or personally know Iranian Americans who have experienced discrimination due to their ethnicity, religion, or country of origin. The most common types of discrimination reported are airport security check, social discrimination, racial profiling, employment or business discrimination and discrimination at the hands of immigration officials.

In the United States, Iranians have been mistaken as Arabs by the media, government, and public. Many Iranians are known for their pride in their culture and according to the Orange County Register, "nothing annoys Iranian-Americans more than being mistaken for Arabs".

In 2009, Martin Kramer, a Harvard professor, warned about the dangers of allowing Iranian Americans to get too close to power during the 2009 American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC) conference:

In 2009, Merrill Lynch & Co. agreed to pay $1.55 million to resolve a U.S. government lawsuit accusing the bank of discriminating against an Iranian American employee. The government accused the firm of refusing to promote and later firing this employee on the basis of his national origin and religion.

On 8 September 2015, 22-year-old Iranian American Shayan Mazroei was stabbed to death by white supremacist Craig Tanber. Mazroei, who resided in Laguna Niguel, was a successful businessman operating his own car dealership in Santa Ana. On the night of 8 September 2015, Mazroei began discussing his mother visiting Iran to his girlfriend in a restaurant until Elizabeth Anne Thornburg spat on Mazroei shouting racial slurs. Tanber, who would later be sentenced to life in prison, then proceeded to stab Mazroei resulting in his death.

In 2017 in the Kansas City suburb of Olathe, Adam Purinton shot and killed two Indians at a bar, mistaking them for Iranian. While murdering them Puriton yelled "Get out of my country."

In 2018, while on national television, having a discussion about taking a DNA test, Senator Lindsey Graham remarked that it would be "terrible" if he discovered he had Iranian heritage. Graham's statement outraged many high-profile Iranian-Americans, including Omid Kordestani (chairman of Twitter), Ali Partovi and Hadi Partovi (CEOs of Code.org), Pejman Nozad, and British Iranian Christiane Amanpour.

In 2020, the United States Border Patrol instituted a large scale detention of Iranian Americans at the Canadian border without probable cause. While returning to the U.S. from Canada, Americans of Iranian heritage were detained by border officers. Over 60 Americans of Iranian descent were detained and interrogated at the Canadian border. The incident took place during a time of escalated tensions between Iran and the U.S.

Business and technology
Iranian-Americans are among the most educated and successful communities in the U.S., according to a report by the Iranian Studies group at MIT. Iranian-Americans have founded, or hold senior leadership positions at, many major US companies, including Fortune 500 companies such as GE, Intel, Citigroup, Verizon, Motorola, Google, and AT&T. Pierre Omidyar, founder/CEO of eBay is of Iranian origin, as is the founder of Bratz, Isaac Larian. Hamid Biglari is vice-chairman of Citicorp. Bob Miner was the co-founder of Oracle Corporation and the producer of Oracle's relational database management system. In 2006, Anousheh Ansari, co-founder of the Ansari X Prize, became the first female tourist in space. Ansari is also the co-founder and former CEO of Prodea Systems, Inc., and Telecom Technologies, Inc. Other well known Iranian-American entrepreneurs include designer Bijan Pakzad, entrepreneur Sam Nazarian, business executive Hamid Akhavan, former CEO of Unify GmbH & Co. KG (formerly Siemens Enterprise Communications), Omid Kordestani of Twitter and former Senior Vice President of Google, CEO of YouTube Salar Kamangar, Sina Tamaddon of Apple Inc., and Shahram Dabiri Lead Producer for the massively multiplayer online role-playing game (MMORPG) World of Warcraft from 1999 to 2007. Dara Khosrowshahi became CEO of Expedia in August 2005 and then in August 2017, Khosrowshahi became the CEO of Uber, succeeding founder Travis Kalanick. Kam Ghaffarian is the founder of IBX, Axiom Space, Intuitive Machines, and X-energy; he reportedly has a net worth of $2.1 billion.

Philanthropy
Many Iranian-Americans are active philanthropists and leaders in improving their community. In 2006, the University of Texas M. D. Anderson Cancer Center was the recipient of a $10 million donation from an Iranian-American couple based in Houston, Texas. The University of Southern California was the recipient of a $17 million gift from an Iranian-American, as was San Francisco State University which received a $10 million gift from an Iranian-American couple. Chicago's Swedish Covenant Hospital received $4 million; Portland State University, $8 million; and UC Irvine, $30 million.

Academia
Notable Iranian-Americans in science include Firouz Naderi, a director at NASA; Ali Javan, inventor of the first gas laser; Maryam Mirzakhani, the first female winner of the Fields Medal; Nima Arkani-Hamed, a leading theoretical physicist; cancer biologist Mina J. Bissell; Gholam A. Peyman, the inventor of LASIK; Lotfi Asker Zadeh; Vartan Gregorian; Cumrun Vafa; Babak Hassibi; Nouriel Roubini; Ali Hajimiri; Pardis Sabeti; Vahid Tarokh; Ehsan Afshari; George Bournoutian; Payam Heydari; and Rashid Massumi, M.D., a pioneer in the fields of electrophysiology and cardiology. Prominent Iranian-Americans in American higher education include Rahmat Shoureshi, researcher, professor, and provost of New York Institute of Technology (NYIT) and Nariman Farvardin, president of Stevens Institute of Technology.

Media
Well known American media personalities of Iranian descent include Christiane Amanpour of ABC News and CNN, born in England; Daron Malakian, member of the rock band System of a Down; Susie Gharib, of Nightly Business Report; Asieh Namdar; Roya Hakakian; Yara Shahidi; and Rudi Bakhtiar. There are several Iranian American actors, comedians and filmmakers, including the Academy Award nominee and Emmy Award winner Shohreh Aghdashloo, the award-winning director, producer and screenwriters Amir Cyrus Ahanchian and Cyrus Nowrasteh, actresses Tala Ashe, Catherine Bell, Sarah Shahi, Nadia Bjorlin, Nasim Pedrad, Desiree Akhavan, Sheila Vand, Necar Zadegan, Medalion Rahimi, and Bahar Soomekh, actors Adrian Pasdar, Shaun Toub, Arian Moayed, Navid Negahban, Reza Sixo Safai, Shahaub Roudbari, and Aria Shahghasemi, musicians Sarah Fard (Savoir Faire) and Rostam Batmanglij, comedians Max Amini, Maz Jobrani and Tehran Von Ghasri, filmmakers Bavand Karim and Kamshad Kooshan, producers Bob Yari and Farhad Safinia, author and performer Shahram Shiva, and artist and filmmaker Daryush Shokof. Notable children's media writer/director Shabnam Rezaei has created several children's TV series on Hulu and PBSKids. There are also notable American YouTube personalities of Iranian descent, including JonTron.

Sports
Professional tennis player Andre Agassi, NFL football players T. J. Houshmandzadeh, David Bakhtiari and Shar Pourdanesh, professional wrestlers Shawn Daivari and The Iron Sheik, professional mixed martial artist Amir Sadollah, professional soccer players Alecko Eskandarian and Steven Beitashour and professional soccer coach Afshin Ghotbi.

Politics
The son of the late Shah of Iran, Reza Pahlavi, as well as several high-ranking officials in the Shah's administration, such as Hushang Ansary and Jamshid Amouzegar live or have lived in the United States. Goli Ameri is the Under Secretary General for Humanitarian Affairs of the International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies, as well as the former U.S. Assistant Secretary of State for Educational and Cultural Affairs from 2008 to 2009, during which she was the highest-ranking Iranian-American public official in the United States. Drug policy expert Kevin Sabet is Iranian-American and the only person to serve as an appointee in the drug czar's office of George W. Bush and Barack Obama. Beverly Hills elected its first Iranian-born Mayor, Jimmy Delshad, in 2007. Bob Yousefian served as the mayor of Glendale, California from 2004 to 2005. In November 2011, Anna M. Kaplan was elected Councilwoman in the Town of North Hempstead, New York, becoming the first Iranian-American to be elected to a major municipal office in New York State. Cyrus Amir-Mokri, who was appointed as the Treasury Department Assistant Secretary for Financial Institutions by President Obama, is the highest ranking Iranian-American official in government as of 2012. In November 2012, Cyrus Habib of Washington state and Adrin Nazarian of California became the first Iranian-Americans elected to state legislatures. Habib is now the Lieutenant Governor of Washington and the first Iranian-American elected to any statewide office. Champaign County (Ohio) elected Fereidoun Shokouhi to the public office of Champaign County Engineer in 1995. He served until his retirement in 2012. Following the 2020 United States House of Representatives elections, Oklahoma Rep. Stephanie Bice became the first Iranian American elected to Congress.

Azadeh Shahshahani is a human rights attorney based in Atlanta and is a former president of the National Lawyers Guild.

title: Iranian Americans


text:
User talk:Paulbo Garvins

Welcome!

Hello, and welcome to Wikipedia. Thank you for your contributions. I hope you like the place and decide to stay. Here are a few good links for newcomers: I hope you enjoy editing here and being a Wikipedian! By the way, please be sure to sign your name on Talk and vote pages using four tildes (~~~~) to produce your name and the current date, or three tildes (~~~) for just your name. If you have any questions, see the help pages, add a question to the village pump or ask me on my Talk page. Again, welcome! Shimgray 19:44, 14 July 2005 (UTC)
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title: User talk:Paulbo Garvins


text:
Warner Grand Theatre

The Warner Grand Theatre is a historic movie palace that opened on January 20, 1931. It is located in San Pedro, Los Angeles, California, at 478 West 6th Street.

The design of the Warner Grand Theatre was a collaboration by architect B. Marcus Priteca and interior designer Anthony Heinsbergen, in the Art Deco—Moderne style. It was one of three similarly lavish Los Angeles area Art Deco movie palaces on which Priteca and Heinsbergen collaborated for the Warner Bros. company in the early 1930s. The others were located in Beverly Hills and Huntington Park. Priteca later designed Hollywood's famous Pantages Theatre.

The theatre was purchased in 1996 and is still currently managed by the City of Los Angeles, Department of Cultural Affairs (DCA).

Location
The Warner Grand Theatre is located at 478 West 6th Street in San Pedro. San Pedro is served by both the Los Angeles Department of Transportation and Los Angeles County Metropolitan Transportation bus systems. The nearest bus stops on the northeastern and southeastern corners of 7th Street and South Pacific Avenue for the LADOT 142 and LA Metro 246 and 950 Silver (J line) bus routes.

Description
The Warner Grand Theatre (WGT) is one of three Art Deco/Moderne “neighborhood picture palaces” built by Warner Brothers Studio in the Los Angeles area. Seating for 1,489 patrons is split between a main floor orchestra (889) and a mezzanine loge and balcony (600). While built as a movie theater, Warner Grand today features a proscenium stage (50′ W x 32′ D) with a T-guided flys system suited to presenting concerts, dance, musicals, comedy and drama, and film screenings.

The City of Los Angeles acquired Warner Grand Theatre in 1996 and assigned operations and programming to DCA. Since that time, DCA has operated the facility as a low-cost rental and presenting house with a mission to make the facility and its resources available to artists and companies from around the City, and for use by local community groups and partners at an affordable cost.

In addition to an annual slate of perennial and new productions, Warner Grand Theatre is a familiar and popular site for filming and video of commercials, tv and film and music videos, and weddings and other special events.

Promotion and marketing of shows and events, equipment upgrades and restoration and renovation of the aesthetic features of the facility are accomplished through a partnership with Grand Vision Foundation, a San Pedro-based nonprofit that serves as the official Friends group of the Warner Grand Theatre.

History
The Warner Beverly Hills Theatre has been demolished, and the Huntington Park Warner, closed for many years, has been extensively altered, leaving the Grand as the last of the three original theaters remaining intact. By the mid-1990s it had suffered a lengthy period of neglect, despite having been declared a historical and cultural monument of the city in 1982. The theater was facing possible demolition or re-development when, in 1995, a local group of activists formed the Grand Vision Foundation to work for the preservation of the historic building. Their efforts were successful when the theater was purchased by the Cultural Affairs Department (later renamed the Department of Cultural Affairs) of the City of Los Angeles in 1996. Efforts to both restore and program the theater have been ongoing since the acquisition. That same year, the Grand Vision Foundation incorporated as a 501(c)(3) charitable corporation, to preserve and promote the Warner Grand Theatre. In 1999, the Warner was added to the National Register of Historic Places as building #98001633.

Warner Grand Theatre currently hosts foreign films, art films, and family films presented by Cinema Grand, Grand Vision Foundation, the Los Angeles Harbor International Film Festival, and the San Pedro International Film Festival.

Jack L. Warner called it "The Castle of Your Dreams". The Warner Grand Theatre has also been used as a location in some movies, including Remote Control (1988), What's Love Got to Do with It (1993), Pearl Harbor (2001), and Babylon (2022 film).

title: Warner Grand Theatre


text:
The Accüsed

The Accüsed is an American crossover thrash band from Seattle, Washington, formed in 1981. The band was a progenitor of the crossover style that bridged the gap between thrashcore and thrash metal, later influencing grindcore and some crust punk bands; as well as an influential band in the Seattle area alternative scene. The band calls their music "splattercore", and their zombie mascot, Martha Splatterhead, appears on most of their albums. Common themes involve social issues and Martha Splatterhead coming back from the dead to slaughter rapists and child molesters.

Early years (1981–1992)
The Accüsed was formed in 1981 in Seattle, Washington, by bassist Chibon "Chewy" Batterman, drummer Dana Collins, and guitarist Tommy Niemeyer. John Dahlin was the vocalist from 1982 to 1984. The original members formed as Gain Green, then chose the name The Accüsed, and then Political Nightmare, before returning to The Accüsed. The band's first two demo cassettes and their album, Please Pardon Our Noise, It Is the Sound of Freedom, released in 1983 drew heavily from hardcore punk. In 1984, the Fartz vocalist Blaine Cook replaced Dahlin.

In 1984, the band began adopting metal into their sound and dubbed their style "splatter rock", in 'homage' to their favorite genre of horror films. According to a review, "Their hybrid musical formula was distinguishable by Cook's unusual choking-sound vocals, Niemeyer's muted, choppy, buzz-saw guitars, dark metallic riffs, and Dana Collins rapid-fire, double-kick drumming." The band also created the zombie mascot, Martha Splatterhead, whose likeness (created by Niemeyer) adorns most of their albums and many of their promotional items. A recurring theme in the band's lyrics involve Martha Splatterhead coming back from the dead to eviscerate and slaughter rapists and child molesters.

They released their first full EP, Martha Splatterhead, in 1985 on their own Condar label. Their first full-length LP was The Return of Martha Splatterhead, released on Subcore Records, and later re-released on Earache Records (the first mosh album), in 1986.

According to reviewer Jeb Branin, "I was writing for a zine in Canada called Northern Metal that reviewed the new LP The Return Of Martha Splatterhead giving it a 0.0 rating and absolutely crucifying it in the review. It is the only 0.0 review I remember ever seeing in Northern Metal. They hated it so much I knew I had to buy it. As I suspected, the album was a masterpiece of hardcore hysteria."

The LPs More Fun Than an Open Casket Funeral and Martha Splatterhead's Maddest Stories Ever Told quickly followed, as well a number of other annual releases. Starting with Hymns For the Deranged, the band also began working with Seattle producer Jack Endino, and their next album, Grinning Like an Undertaker, with Josh Sinder now on drums, was released on Nastymix Records followed by the EP "Straight Razor".

The band maintained an active touring schedule, and according to a review, "...live, The Accüsed were untouchable ... the whole band was a frenzy of epileptic gyrations, although Blaine's high flying leaps and bouncing off the walls like a deranged gnome were definitely the highlight ... even in today's underground you aren't going to find a more devastating band than The Accüsed."

The Accüsed took an 11-year hiatus in 1992, with members taking time to play in other Seattle bands, such as the Fartz and Gruntruck.

Re-formation (2003–2010 and 2019–present)
The Accüsed re-formed in 2003, playing live shows in the Seattle area, and in 2005 released the album Oh, Martha! on the band's CONDAR label. This "comeback record" landed on Revolver magazine's Top Ten Albums of the Year and writer's lists from Metal Maniacs magazine. Oh, Martha! followed the tradition of many earlier releases by The Accüsed in that it featured a track with a guest lead singer. In this case, guitarist Tommy Niemeyer sang lead vocals on the angry "13 Letters" (though no lead vocal credit was printed on the album). In 2006 a limited-edition, split 7-inch with Whidbey Island, Washington's punk icons Potbelly was released. The Accüsed 2003 reunion line-up was short-lived, however, as a newly reformed version of the band surfaced in 2006, and yet another incarnation in Summer 2019. In 2022, guitarist Tommy Niemeyer and original vocalist, John Dahlin recruited March of Crimes bassist, Andy Caro, and former drummer, Josh Sinder (also Tad, Hot Rod Lunatics, et. al) to round-out the current line-up for The Accüsed.

In an interview with Rock-A-Rolla, Tom Niemeyer stated that, during one of the band's many line-up changes, Mike Patton (of Mr. Bungle) was approached for the role of vocalist, with Patton ultimately declining Niemeyer's offer due to being "totally booked up". Patton did suggest Brad Mowen (ASVA, Burning Witch, Mommy, Master Musicians of Bukkake, et al.) who joined The Accüsed in 2006. The 'new' line-up released two new songs, via free download, "Scotty Came Back" and "Fuck Sorry", January 26, 2007.

In 2009, the band released their sixth full-length album, The Curse of Martha Splatterhead, via Southern Lord Records. The album's first pressing sold-out quickly and received widespread critical praise, forcing Southern Lord Records into a hasty 2nd-pressing of the CD title only weeks after its release. In 2010, the band was included as a part of the soundtrack for Namco Bandai Games' 2010 remake of Splatterhouse.

As of April 28, 2019, the Accüsed are, according to founding member and guitarist, Niemeyer, "...once again active; with new material slated to be released Summer 2019, as well as a vintage 1983 Live gig from Missoula, Montana coming out on P.I.G. Records in 2019..." Niemeyer stated The ACCUSED would also be performing live gigs in select markets accompanying both releases in the summer of 2019. After several line-up changes, the band "...have returned with new songs, and releases of older, vintage material–both due out Summer 2019; with select LIVE appearances to follow..." according to band founder and guitarist Tommy Niemeyer. Drummer, Josh Sinder, from the Grinning Like An Undertaker and Straight Razor releases, will team up with Niemeyer as the band prepared to move ahead in the years to come.

In 2019, a lineup of former members Blaine Cook, Alex Sibbald, Steve Nelson, and (non-former member) Steve McVay joined forces as The Accüsed A.D. They released a music video for "Juego Terminado," a song from a forthcoming album. )

The Accused are scheduled to tour Latin America in March 2024; a full-length album of new and vintage material is also planned for release by end of 2023.

Impact
Despite being frequently cited as an influence by other punk and metal bands, The Accüsed has largely remained in the underground. According to Sputnik Music, "It's a shame really [that] The Accüsed aren't recognized in the metal music industry as being one of the pioneering members of crossover thrash. These boys deserve more attention than they get."

Albums

 * 1981: Brain Damage 1 (demo cassette)
 * 1982: Brain Damage 2 (demo cassette)
 * 1983: Please Pardon Our Noise, It Is a Sound of Freedom aka Accüsed/Rejectors Split (Fatal Erection)
 * 1985: Martha Splatterhead (EP, Condar)
 * 1986: The Return of Martha Splatterhead (LP, Subcore and Earache Records)
 * 1987: More Fun Than an Open Casket Funeral (LP, Combat Records)
 * 1987: 38 Song Archives Tapes 1981-86 (200 cassettes self-released by The Accüsed)
 * 1988: Martha Splatterhead's Maddest Stories Ever Told (LP, re-released in 1991 on Combat. )
 * 1988: Hymns for the Deranged (LP, Empty Records)
 * 1990: Grinning Like an Undertaker (LP, Sub Pop, Nastymix)
 * 1991: Straight Razor (EP, Nastymix)
 * 1992: Splatter Rock (LP, Nastymix)
 * 2006: Oh Martha! + Baked Tapes (double LP, Nuclear Blast) – 666 pressed
 * 2006: 34 Song Archives Tapes 1981-86 (Condar; #Cond002)
 * 2007: Why Even Try? (EP, Condar 2007)
 * 2009: The Curse of Martha Splatterhead (LP, Southern Lord)

Singles

 * 1989: Accüsed/Morphius Split (split 7-inch single, Empty)
 * 1992: Straight Razor (Fantagraphix Comics)
 * 2002: Paint It Red
 * 2005: Songs of Horror and Alcoholism (split 7-inch with Potbelly, PB Records)

Album track listings

 * Martha Splatterhead's Maddest Stories Ever Told
 * 1) "Psychomania"
 * 2) "Bag Lady Song"
 * 3) "Inherit the Earth"
 * 4) "Deception"
 * 5) "Molly's X-Mas"
 * 6) "I'd Love to Change the World" (Ten Years After cover)
 * 7) "You Only Die Once"
 * 8) "Sick boy"
 * 9) "Chicago"
 * 10) "Starved to Death"
 * 11) "War=Death"
 * 12) "Maddest Story Ever Told"
 * 13) "Intro"
 * 14) "Scared of the Dark"
 * 15) "Losing Your Mind"
 * 16) "Smothered Her Trust"
 * 17) "Lights Out"
 * 18) "Hearse"

Catalog
The out-of-print back-catalog of The Accüsed's albums has been sporadically re-issued on various labels over recent years; a move prompted in part by the fact that many collectors of memorabilia by The Accüsed were seeing copies of the rare/out-of-print US-made CDs fetch hundreds of dollars each on the auction website eBay.

title: The Accüsed


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Gerardo Barrios

José Gerardo Barrios Espinoza (September/October 1813 – 29 August 1865) was a Salvadoran military officer and politician who served as president of El Salvador on three occasions between June 1858 and his overthrow in October 1863.

Born in 1813, Barrios was taught various fields of education by his grandfather and a family friend, who also instilled in him his liberal ideals he held throughout his life. As a teenager, Barrios fought for the Federal Republic of Central America under Francisco Morazán from the late-1820s to the early-1840s. He continued his military career in El Salvador where he fought during Malespín's War in the mid-1840s, the Guatemalan–Salvadoran War in the early-1850s, and the Filibuster War in the mid-1850s.

As minister of internal affairs in 1857, Barrios attempted a coup d'état against President Rafael Campo but failed. Despite his attempted coup, he was appointed as minister of external affairs in January 1858 by President Miguel Santín del Castillo. When Santín left the presidency due to illness on 24 June 1858, Barrios assumed office as provisional president. Santín resumed his presidency on 17 September 1858 and appointed Barrios as minister of internal and external affairs three days later.

In January 1859, Santín and Barrios both resigned from their positions and Joaquín Eufrasio Guzmán, Barrios' father-in-law, became president. Eventually, Guzmán resigned and was replaced by José María Peralta on 15 February 1859, who himself resigned on 12 March 1859 and was replaced by Barrios. Barrios ran unopposed and won the 1859 presidential election, and began a six-yer term on 1 February 1860. During his presidency, Barrios worked to improve the country's education system and reduce the influence of the Catholic Church.

In 1863, conservatives joined a Guatemalan invasion of El Salvador to depose Barrios. Although Barrios defeated Guatemalan soldiers under Rafael Carrera at the Battle of Coatepeque in February 1863, the Guatemalans eventually prevailed and forced Barrios to flee the country on 26 October 1863 after the Siege of San Salvador. In his place, the Guatemalans installed Francisco Dueñas as provisional president. Barrios attempted to return to power in May 1865, but his ship was forced to dock in Nicaragua where he was arrested. He was extradited to El Salvador in August 1865 where he was court-martialed and sentenced to death. Barrios was executed by a firing squad on 29 August 1865.

Barrios is considered to be a national hero and has many locations and institutions named after him.

Early life
José Gerardo Barrios Espinoza was born to José María Barrios and Petrona Espinoza de Barrios; his paternal grandparents were Pedro Joaquín Barrios and Margarita Cisneros Avila, both of Spanish descent. His place and date of birth is disputed; he was born in either Cacahuatique (modern-day Ciudad Barrios) or La Poza de la Juana (today a part of Nuevo Edén de San Juan), and he was born on either 24 September 1813 or 3 October 1813. He was baptized on 24 October 1813. Barrios had three sisters: Petronila, María Josefa, and Onicéfora.

Barrios suffered from some sort of defect and limped throughout his life. He was described as being sincere and loyal with his friends and being discreet when speaking. During his youth, Barrios was taught the Spanish language, geography, American and European history, mathematics, astronomy, and physics by Pedro Joaquin Barrios (his paternal grandfather) and a family friend. They instilled in him his liberal ideals which he held throughout his life. Barrios was religious.

Barrios married Adelaida Guzmán Saldós in 1843. Guzmán Saldós, who was 17 years old at the time of her marriage, was the daughter of Joaquín Eufrasio Guzmán, the president of El Salvador from 1845–1846 and in 1859, and Paula Saldós. Their marriage produced no children.

Early career
As a liberal, Barrios was a proponent of Central American reunification. Barrios fought for Francisco Morazán, the president of the Federal Republic of Central America, during the First and Second Central American Civil Wars beginning in 1828 when he was only a teenager. Barrios also served as a member of the Federal Congress of the federal republic from 1836 to 1838. Barrios was a coquimbo, a liberal who fought until the very end of the second civil war and fled on the ship of the same name after Morazán was executed in 1842.

In 1844 and 1845, Barrios participated in the overthrow of President Francisco Malespín. During the 1840s and 1850s, Barrios visited Europe and developed estates in eastern El Salvador. On 24 January 1850, the Salvadoran legislature granted Barrios the rank of captain general. On 2 February 1851, Barrios fought under President Doroteo Vasconcelos during the Battle of La Arada, which ended in a Salvadoran defeat against Guatemalan forces under President Rafael Carrera. Barrios was called to participate in the Filibuster War against William Walker's Nicaraguan government where he commanded a division.

In October 1856, Barrios, along with General José Trinidad Cabañas (his brother-in-law through Cabañas' marriage to Barrios' sister Petronila) and José María Zelaya, began conspiring a coup d'état against President Rafael Campo. In January 1857, Campo appointed Barrios as El Salvador's minister of interior relations and was named as a designated successor to the presidency the following month. On 7 June 1857, Barrios began a coup d'état against Campo, moving 1,500 soldiers of the first division to the port city of La Libertad, and the following day, moved the division to San Salvador. Campo declared Barrios to be a traitor and ordered General Ramón Belloso to attack Barrios' soldiers on 12 June 1857. Barrios surrendered to Campo on 14 June 1857.

Assuming office

On 7 February 1858, Miguel Santín del Castillo became president of El Salvador. He appointed Guzmán, Barrios' father-in-law, as his vice president. He named Lorenzo Zepeda as the first designated successor to the presidency, and Barrios as the second designated successor. Additionally, Barrios was appointed as minister of external relations on 31 March 1858.

On 24 June 1858, Barrios assumed the presidency in an acting capacity when Santín temporarily left politics due to illness. On 14 September 1858, Barrios ordered Morazán's body to be exhumed from its resting place in Cojutepeque to be moved to San Salvador, where it was buried following a religious ceremony on 17 September 1858. He left office the following day. On 20 September 1858, Santín appointed Barrios as minister of interior and exterior relations and as general commander of the state.

Santín ordered Barrios to resign from his positions, to which Barrios responded he would only do so if Santín also resigned. On 19 January 1859, Santín and Barrios both resigned, and the Legislative Assembly met to choose a new president. Barrios supported Guzmán's bid for the presidency, while Santín attempted to regain his position. Ultimately, the Legislative Assembly chose Guzmán as president, and Santín and several of his supporters left the country. A few weeks into Guzmán's presidency, he retired from politics and was replaced by José María Peralta on 15 February 1859. Peralta named Barrios as the country's military commander the day he assumed the presidency. Barrios returned to the presidency, again in an acting capacity, on 12 March 1859 after Peralta resigned.

On 4 December 1859, Barrios won the 1859 presidential election unopposed and assumed the presidency in an official capacity on 1 February 1860, appointing José Félix Quirós as his vice president. Barrios left office on 16 December 1860 so that he could make a state visit to Guatemala and was replaced by Peralta as acting president. He returned to El Salvador and resumed his presidency on 7 February 1861. During his presidency, Barrios' government drafted a new constitution which allowed him to run for re-election.

Education policies
In 1859, Barrios rebuilt the Asunción College and reorganized its structure to be more secular and established three new universities: the Normal Schools of San Miguel, San Salvador, Santa Ana.

In 1860, Barrios informed the Legislative Assembly that he intended to "regenerate" the country. He described El Salvador as "backward", "destitute", and "misgoverned" upon assuming office. Barrios sought to achieve five primary goals during his presidency: promote agriculture, industry, and commerce; introduce progressive Western European ideals to the country; encourage immigration to the country; reform the country's education system; construct new roads and ports to expand the country's international trade and internal transportation.

Coffee industry

Barrios believed that El Salvador would be a major coffee producer by 1864, encouraging the transfer of government-owned haciendas to coffee planters. Barrios' government allowed oligarchs who held a stake in coffee production to hold significant power and influence in El Salvador, power and influence which would persist until the overthrow of President Arturo Araujo by the military in December 1931.

Relationship with the Church
On 11 October 1861, Barrios issued a decree which ordered all priests in the country to swear loyalty and submission to the constitution and the government. Many priests, including Tomás Miguel Pineda y Saldaña, the archbishop of San Salvador, left the country in protest on 19 November 1861. In April 1862, the Salvadoran government signed a concordat with the Holy See, outlining the relation between both parties.

War with Guatemala and overthrow
Barrios' rise to the presidency in El Salvador was initially supported by Carrera, who was still serving as president of Guatemala, as he believed that Barrios' strong government would ensure stability in the region in the wake of the war against Walker's Nicaragua. To support Barrios, Carrera did not allow Salvadoran exiles in Guatemala to organize themselves to challenge Barrios. In December 1860 and January 1861, Barrios made an official visit to Guatemala. Eventually, however, relations between both countries deteriorated.

On 11 January 1862, Honduran President José Santos Guardiola was assassinated and Barrios sought to influence the succeeding liberal government. Barrios' influence in Honduras was opposed by the Guatemalan government, and both Barrios and Carrera issued personal insults against each other; Barrios referred to Carrera as "the savage" and Guatemalan writers mocked Barrios as lame and pompous.

In 1863, El Salvador and Guatemala went to war. In February 1863, Salvadoran forces led by Barrios defeated the Guatemalans at the Battle of Coatepeque. On 30 June 1863, Marshal Santiago González Portillo defected to the Guatemalans and declared himself as provisional president in opposition of Barrios. On 26 October 1863, after a long siege, Carrera captured San Salvador, deposing Barrios from power and forcing him to flee the country.

The day Barrios was overthrown, Francisco Dueñas, a conservative exile, succeeded Barrios as the country's provisional president; on 4 December 1864, Dueñas won the 1864 presidential election unopposed and assumed the presidency in an official capacity on 1 February 1865.

Exile, arrest, and execution

After his overthrow, Barrios and his wife fled to country to Panama, and then later, New York City and Washington, D.C. In 1864, Barrios published a manifesto which rejected the Salvadoran government's legitimacy—calling its leaders usurpers—and rejected the government's declaration that found Barrios guilty of high treason and declared him a traitor.

In 1865, Dueñas broke up the department of San Miguel into three smaller departments—La Unión, San Miguel, and Usulután—to reduce its size and influence, and Barrios retained high support there. On 15 May 1865, Cabañas attempted a rebellion in San Miguel to restore Barrios as president, and the government declared a state of siege. In June 1865, Barrios returned to El Salvador with 800 rifles on the ship Manuela Planas sailing under the American flag with hopes of seizing the presidency by force, however, his ship was damaged by a lightning strike and was forced to divert for El Realejo, Nicaragua. He and his ship were seized by the Nicaraguan government after his documentation papers were deemed to be forgeries. Diplomats from El Salvador to Nicaragua to demand his extradition, and as the Nicaraguan and Salvadoran governments were friendly to one another and the diplomats assured that Barrios would not be executed, he was extradited to El Salvador.

Barrios was imprisoned and court-martialed by the Salvadoran government; his trial began on 10 August 1865. He was sentenced to death on 28 August 1865 at 11 p.m.; Barrios was denied the right to "settle his private affairs" and was executed by a firing squad five hours later on 29 August 1865. The New York Times described his execution as a "barbarous act" and the Nicaraguan government criticized Barrios' execution as being in bad faith. The government lifted the state of siege on 31 August 1865.

Legacy

In 1882, when a monument to Morazán was inaugurated, Barrios was given a tribute due to their shared ideology of Central American unification. In 1910, Barrios was declared by the Salvadoran government to be a national hero.

Various locations and institutions in El Salvador are named after Barrios. On 29 August 1909, the Bolívar Plaza, San Salvador's central plaza which includes the San Salvador Cathedral and the National Palace, was renamed to the Plaza Gerardo Barrios. An equestrian status of Barrios was installed in that plaza in 1910. In 1911, President Manuel Enrique Araujo established the Cooperative Society "Gerardo Barrios 29 of August". On 28 January 1927, President Pío Romero Bosque issued an executive order to rename the country's military school, established in 1868, to the Captain General Gerardo Barrios Military School (EMCGGB). The military school retained its name until it was closed and demolished in June 2022 to make way for the construction of the Estadio Nacional de El Salvador. In 1981, the Captain General Gerardo Barrios University (UGB) was established in San Miguel.

Barrios was featured on the SVC₡50 banknote. A military march, named "Marcha Gerardo Barrios", has been composed. Barrios is buried in the Cemetery of Distinguished Citizens.

Awards and decorations
Kingdom of Italy
 * Cavaliere SSML BAR.svg Order of Saints Maurice and Lazarus (1861)

title: Gerardo Barrios


text:
1874–75 in English football

The 1874–75 season was the fourth season of competitive football in England at a time when the sport was still the recreation for the higher classes in the country. The growth of football in England started with the formation of clubs from these elites and a period of Codification (1801 to 1891). Early clubs were Darwen and Turton in Lancashire. Football progressed mainly through education systems that encouraged young men to pursue playing the sport and create their own clubs post graduation.

In 1874, Charles W. Alcock coined the term "combination game" for a style of play that was based on teamwork and co-operation, largely achieved by passing the ball instead of dribbling it.

National team
England and Scotland met again in a 2–2 draw at the Kennington Oval

title: 1874–75 in English football


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Santiago González Portillo

Santiago González Portillo (25 July 1818 – 1 August 1887) was a Salvadoran military officer and general who served as the President of El Salvador from 15 April 1871 to 1 February 1876.

Biography
Santiago González Portillo was born on 25 July 1818 in Zacapa, Captaincy General of Guatemala, Viceroyalty of New Spain. He married Soledad Fortis on 1 March 1866.

He served as President of the Legislative Assembly in 1862 and again in 1863 during the presidency of Captain General Gerardo Barrios. During the War of 1863, he fought alongside Barrios at the Battle of Coatepeque. He later deserted Barrios and joined the invading Guatemalans under Rafael Carrera. Under the new government of Francisco Dueñas, he served as the Minister of War of El Salvador from 1863 until 1871, when he led a revolution against Dueñas' conservative government, which was overthrown. He also amended the constitution. He became President of El Salvador after his revolution and served until 1876.

He served as Vice President and commander-in-chief of the army during the term of his successor, Andrés del Valle.

He died on 1 August 1887 in San Salvador.

title: Santiago González Portillo


text: File:Crazy nights album cover.jpg

title: File:Crazy nights album cover.jpg


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Andrés del Valle

Andrés del Valle Rodríguez (30 November 1833 – 28 June 1888) was President of El Salvador from February 1 until May 1, 1876.

His father Fernando del Valle was born in Santander and had made his fortune in trade and agriculture. Andrés del Valle was a member of the constitutional assembly from 1872 until 1873. In 1874 he became senator for the Santa Ana Department. In 1875, he was vice-chairman of the Senate and chairman of the parliament. On March 1, 1875, the parliament called for elections on the first Sunday of December that year.

Andres was elected for the administration between February 1, 1876, and February 1, 1880. His vice-president was the predecessor, Santiago González. A government loan of a half a million USD was enforced on the same day.

Justo Rufino Barrios Auyón, then president of Guatemala, was skeptical, because Santiago González supported political refugees from Guatemala. He also suspected Ponciano Leiva from Honduras to be planning to overthrow him.

Barrios let Valle know, that in case he planned to continue this course, he would see to it that the Guatemalan government would support José María Medina from Honduras in overthrowing Ponciano Leiva.

Conference at Volcán Chingo
The government of El Salvador insisted on González's goodwill and a conference at the Volcán Chingo was agreed on, at which, with mediation of Marco Aurelio Soto, an agreement was signed.

Barrios was convinced, González remained the actual head of state in El Salvador and insinuated him holding public speeches, as well as committing hypocrisy and treason.

Guerra de Barrios
Barrios let 1.500 soldiers attack Honduras and led an army himself, which entered Salvador without a declaration of war from the West.

On March 20, 1876, the Guatemalan Secretary of War, Jose Maria Samayoa, declared all official relations with El Salvador as terminated, asserted that on March 27, 1876, troops from El Salvador had invaded Guatemala, declared war and gave Barrio absolute power for defending Guatemala's dignity. On March 26, 1876, the government of El Salvador declared the Friendliness- and Support act closed with Guatemala on January 24, 1872, for void. Barrio's plan was to directly attack El Salvador from the West, from Guatemala with one of his armies and, at the same time attack the Departments of San Miguel and La Union from the East, through Honduras. At that time, Mexican General Jose Lopez Uraga was stationed at camp Jutiapa to guard the arsenal there. The troops were unsuccessfully attacking an isolated station on the border from El Salvador, which led Barrios to pass orders to Uraga to move the equipment to Chingo, whilst himself commencing the attack on El Salvador. Barrios held Chalcuapa in garrison. The headquarters of El Salvador was in Santa Ana. Barrios besieged Ahuachapan with approx. 8000 soldiers, Uraga led approx. 1500 soldiers in Chalchuapa and only a handful of soldiers remained in Chingo.

The Guatemalan troops holding Apaneca in garrison were forced back. When they tried to return on the morning of April 15, 1875, they involved in combat lasting well into the night until they retreated to Atiquizaya having suffered severe casualties.

Between April 17 and 19 1876, General Gregorio Solares had the troops of generals Brioso, Delgado, Sanchez and Espinosa beat and thus controlled the Departments San Miguel an La Union, threatening the Departments San Vincete as well as Usulután and even the official residence of President Valle, cutting off the Salvadorian government from essential resources. Approx. 800 Salvadorian soldiers had been killed and the troops retreated to San Miguel, where only 200 soldiers arrived. Solares had San Miguel and La Union held in garrison. There were enough soldiers to defend Ciudad San Vecente, but the government of El Salvador gave orders for the garrison to troop in the capital.

In the West, the army of El Salvador had shrunk to 2600 during the Semana Santa battle in Ahuachapan and nearly 3500 in Santa Ana. After Easter, there were only 900 soldiers left to try to take in Chalchuapa, in vain.

During the siege of Atiquizaya, according to the American historian Hubert Howe Bancroft, Barrio had 900 bombs thrown, subsequently marching into Ahuachapan and the following day into Cahlchuapa, where peace talks took place. A peace accord was closed on April 25, 1876, and ratified by the parliaments the following day. This peace was preconditioned by a Conditio-sine-qua-non-formula of a complete replacement of the government of El Salvador. President Valle was forced to resign.

title: Andrés del Valle


text:
Category:Pope-related lists

Lists related to Popes of all Christian denominations, including Roman Catholic, Coptic Orthodox, etc.

title: Category:Pope-related lists


text:
Rafael Zaldívar

Rafael Zaldívar (1834 – 2 March 1903) was President of El Salvador from 1 May 1876 until 21 June 1885, and later a diplomat.

Zaldívar studied medicine in Europe and began his career as a physician. In 1860 he was appointed to the Chair of Philosophy and Hygiene at the University of Guatemala. After leaving this post, Zaldívar entered politics and was elected to the House of Representatives, then to the Senate, and finally elected president in 1876.

It was under his administration that liberal reforms abolished the existence of collectively owned ejidos and tierras comunales throughout the country. He also remains a key figure in what later became known as the "Coffee Revolution." It was Rafael Zaldívar who introduced reforms that paved the way for cultivation on large scale. Under the Zaldívar administration, virgin land was turned into farmlands. This was done by allowing for the sale of Indigenous lands. Resistance resulted from Indigenous Salvadorans, but it was quelled by the Zaldívar government, mostly by creating and then deploying a rural police force.

President Zaldívar was not in favour of the proposed rebirth of the Unified Central Republic agreed to by his predecessors and decided to withdraw from the Union. He was later overthrown in a military coup and succeeded by General Francisco Menéndez. He was appointed as his country's Envoy Extraordnairy and Minister Plenipotentiary to the United Kingdom in early 1900, and later held the same position to France. He died in Paris in 1903 while serving as his country's minister to France.

title: Rafael Zaldívar


text: User talk:194.126.98.14

title: User talk:194.126.98.14


text: Category:Religion-related lists

title: Category:Religion-related lists


text:
Talk:List of former WWE personnel

Carly Colón, Sr.
He appeared in the WWE in 1993. So I don't think it's correct to say he left them in 1991. In fact, did he ever appear for WWE before very late 1992? —Preceding unsigned comment added by 76.126.250.39 (talk) 05:03, 24 October 2009 (UTC)

Jeff Hardy
Jeff Hardy was relased from WWE and not appears in Alumni.--201.170.23.46 (talk) 02:16, 2 September 2009 (UTC)
 * Sometimes these things aren't immediate. Give a proper amount of time to pass for the change to take place.  ArcAngel (talk) 02:57, 2 September 2009 (UTC)

Bret Hart
Since he's part of Cena's team at Summerslam, should he be romoved from the alumni list?Freebird (talk) 23:16, 24 July 2010 (UTC)

Kevin Nash
Does Kevin Nash belong in this page because he has recently been added to the official WWE Alumni page however he is supposed to be signed to a WWE Legends Contract. — Preceding unsigned comment added by Johnny Boulton (talk • contribs) 15:12, 5 February 2011 (UTC)

title: Talk:List of former WWE personnel


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Francisco Menéndez

Francisco Menéndez Valdivieso (3 December 1830 – 22 June 1890) was Provisional President of El Salvador from 22 June 1885 to 1 March 1887, then President of El Salvador from 1 March 1887 until his death on 22 June 1890.

General Francisco Menéndez was born in Ahuachapán, 3 December 1830 and died in San Salvador, 22 June 1890. His parents were José Eustachian Menéndez and Gabriela Valdivieso, independently wealthy landowners. In 1858, General Menéndez wed Bonifacia Salazar in an arranged marriage. At age forty-one he took an active role in the revolution of 1871 that ousted Dr. Francisco Dueñas, the mayor of Ahuachapán. At the age of fifty-five General Menéndez was named Provisional President of El Salvador 22 June 1885, receiving the supreme power of José Rosales.

Menéndez presided over the creation of the liberal Constitution of 1886, which served as El Salvador's constitution well into the 20th century. He was elected to a constitutional four-year term in 1887 and would be overthrown in a coup d'état in 1890. His son José Asensio Menéndez and grandson Enrique Magaña Menéndez were active in politics in the 20th century.

title: Francisco Menéndez


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Carlos Ezeta

Carlos Basilio Ezeta y León (14 June 1852 – 21 March 1903) was President of El Salvador from 22 June 1890 to 9 June 1894, when he was overthrown in the Revolution of the 44. He was a military ruler. He died on 21 March 1903, aged 50.

Early life
Carlos Ezeta was born in San Salvador, El Salvador, on 14 June 1852. His father was General Eligió Ezeta and his mother was Asunción de León Corleto, and he had a younger brother, Antonio Ezeta. He married Josefa Marroquín and had four children: Carlota, Matilde, Emilia, and Asunción.

Military service
Ezeta served in the Salvadoran Army during Santiago González Portillo's and Fernando Figueroa's invasions of Honduras in 1872 and 1873. During his service, he was injured in battle in Santa Bárbara. He lived in Costa Rica in 1875, returned to El Salvador in 1876, and later visited the United States and Guatemala. He returned to El Salvador in 1885 to fight against Guatemala in Barrios' War of Reunification and fought in the Battle of Chalchuapa.

Presidency
On 22 June 1890, Ezeta travelled to the White House of the incumbent President, General Francisco Menéndez, and started an uprising that overthrew Menéndez during which he died. On 1 March 1891, Ezeta formally took office as the President of El Salvador after winning the 1891 Salvadoran presidential election.

Ezeta oversaw El Salvador's relative political stability at a time when the neighboring republics of Honduras and Guatemala were at war, but he soon lost favor with the landowners and was overthrown in the Revolution of the 44 on 9 June 1894 by Rafael Antonio Gutiérrez with assistance from Nicaragua, Guatemala and Honduras.

Later life and death
He fled to Panama, and then travelled to Europe as there was a warrant for his death; he then returned to Central America and then settled in Mazatlán, Mexico, where he died on 21 March 1903, aged 50. His remains are buried at Angela Peralta Cemetery in Mazatlán.

title: Carlos Ezeta


text:
Diagonal pliers

Diagonal pliers (also known as wire cutters or diagonal cutting pliers, or under many regional names) are pliers intended for the cutting of wire or small stock, rather than grabbing or turning. The plane defined by the cutting edges of the jaws intersects the joint rivet at an angle or "on a diagonal", giving pliers their name.

They are also adapted for use in inaccessible places.

Action
Instead of using a shearing action as with scissors, diagonal pliers cut by indenting and wedging the wire apart. The jaw edges are ground to a symmetrical "V" shape, thus the two jaws can be visualized to form the letter "X", as seen end-on when closed. The blades are made of tempered steel, and inductive heating and quenching are often used to harden the jaws.

Jargon
Diags, dykes or dikes is jargon used especially in the US electrical industry to describe diagonal pliers. "Dike" can also be used (but only colloquially) as a verb, as in the phrase "when in doubt, dike it out".

In UK English and Irish English, diagonal pliers are commonly referred to as snips, nippers or side cutters. The term snips commonly refers to larger items, not to those used for cutting electrical wiring etc. In Canada, Australia and New Zealand too, the items are often referred to as side cutters.

Insulation
The handles of diagonal cutting pliers are commonly insulated with a dip-type or shrink fit electrically insulating material for comfort and some protection against electric shock.

Uses
Diagonal pliers are useful for cutting copper, brass, iron, aluminium and steel wire. Lower quality versions are generally not suitable for cutting tempered steel, such as piano wire, as the jaws are not hard enough. Attempting to cut such material will usually cause indentations to be made in the jaws, or a piece to break out of one or both jaws, thus ruining the tool. However higher quality side cutters can cut hardened steel, such as 2 mm piano wire.

Variations
For electronics work, special diagonal cutters that are ground flush to the apex of the cutting edge on one side of the jaws are often used. These flush-cutting pliers allow wires to be trimmed flush or nearly flush to a solder joint, avoiding the sharp tip left by symmetrical diagonal cutters. It is common for this type of diagonal cutter to be referred to by another name, such as flush cutter to distinguish it from symmetrical cutters.

For easier cutting of larger gauge wire, a compound action can be employed to increase the mechanical advantage.

Some pliers for electrical work are fitted with wire-cutter blades either built into the jaws or on the handles just below the pivot.

Other variations are made to create high leverage specifically to cut through hard wire, such as electrical fence wire, dental wire, and piano wire.

title: Diagonal pliers


text:
Talk:WWE Afterburn

Other Show
I slightly modified this page cause Impact Pro Wrestling Australia have a show on Capital Cities 31 Channels (Melbourne and Brisbane and a few others I think) which are free to air. So I slightly changed it to only WWE Show instead of only Wrestling Show.

Thanks.

title: Talk:WWE Afterburn


text:
Rafael Antonio Gutiérrez

Rafael Antonio Gutiérrez (24 October 1845 – 9 January 1921) was the president of El Salvador from 10 June 1894 to 13 November 1898. He was a leader of the Revolution of the 44 which overthrew President General Carlos Ezeta from April to June 1894. Gutiérrez served as provisional president until being officially inaugurated in March 1895 after his victory in the 1895 presidential election, in which he was the only candidate.

During his four-year presidency, Gutiérrez settled land disputes, attempted to combat an economic crisis, and was a key figure in the foundation of the short-lived Greater Republic of Central America. He was overthrown on 13 November 1898 by General Tomás Regalado. Gutiérrez's overthrow subsequently lead to a revolt in Izalco the following day and the dissolution of the Greater Republic of Central America on 29 November 1898.

Early and personal life
Rafael Antonio Gutiérrez was born in Ilobasco, Cabañas, El Salvador on 24 October 1845. His father was a Spaniard and his mother was Marcela Gutiérrez. He married Carlota Mejía and they had eight children: Rafael Antonio, Carlos, Carlota, Tulio, Marcela, Rosa, Bernardo, and María. His daughter Marcela married a son of Fernando Figueroa, another Salvadoran general who served as president of El Salvador provisionally in 1885 and officially from 1907 to 1911. Gutiérrez was an idealist liberal.

In May 1885, Gutiérrez supported General Francisco Menéndez in a coup d'état which overthrew President Rafael Zaldívar and installed Menéndez as president of El Salvador. During the coup, Gutiérrez led indigenous Salvadoran soldiers in Nahuizalco.

Rise to power
On 29 April 1894, Gutiérrez, along with several other military officers, began a rebellion against President Carlos Ezeta, a pragmatic reformist, who had allowed a financial crisis to arise. With assistance from Guatemala, Honduras, and Nicaragua, Ezeta was overthrown on 9 June 1894 in what is known as the Revolution of the 44.

After a rivalry and struggle with General Manuel Rivas for the presidency, in which Rivas conceded to Gutiérrez, he became provisional president of the nation on 10 June 1894. He officially became the president of El Salvador on 1 March 1895 following the 1895 presidential election, in which he was the only candidate and won 61,080 votes. The election for vice president was contested between Prudencio Alfaro, Carlos Meléndez, and four other minor candidates, in which Alfaro defeated Meléndez with 38,006 votes compared to Meléndez's 18,792 votes and the minor candidates' approximately 4,000 votes. Gutiérrez repealed several taxes Ezeta had put into effect to combat the financial crisis, and later, Ezeta attempted to retake power in 1895 but his attempt failed.

Izalco land disputes
On 1 June 1895, Simeón Morán, a partidor, and 150 comuneros signed a petition to Gutiérrez to allow the indigenous community of Asunción to take more time in partitioning their land to Dolores, requested a surveyor to assist in the partition, and requested that the local governor nullifies partitions in Rincón del Tigre. A separate petition, signed by 120 comuneros, stated that Luciano Argueta, another partidor, had the actual authority over the land being partitioned and requested him to be the surveyor, as he had been an administrator since 1890. The system of partidores and comuneros on Izalco land was established in 1881 and 1882 under President Rafael Zaldívar in an attempt to "stimulate investment in commercial agriculture" and "create a class of entrepreneurial peasants and farmers," but the system took land away from Izalco indigenous people which caused tensions.

Morán filed two complaints against Argueta accusing him of selling land in 1896, with the second complaint specifying that he sold 180 ha of land to Abraham Castillo Mora, a military officer, and 22 ha of land to Eliseo Godines, a local judge. In 1897, Gutiérrez decreed that Morán's partition was invalid and he was removed as a partidor. He was later jailed for several illegal actions he carried out between 1881 and 1886.

Economic crisis and the University of El Salvador
Gutiérrez supported and was directly involved in the management of the University of El Salvador (UES). He revived the University Council that was abolished during Ezeta's presidency. El Salvador faced an economic crisis in 1897. In response, Gutiérrez took "extreme fiscal policies" to combat the crisis. Those policies included the construction of a railroad from San Miguel to La Unión and another from San Salvador to Nejapa. Prior to the crisis, he had also constructed a rail line from Ateos to La Joya in 1895 and from La Joya to Santa Ana in 1896. His policies, however, were unpopular, and his government was blamed for the poor handling of the crisis.

He faced protests from university students because of the economic crisis, and as a result, he had the university expel any students who spoke out against him or university officials. On 28 September 1898, he issued a decree that would grant the university more autonomy from the government and was signed by Minister of Public Instruction Francisco Gavidia, but the bill never went into effect.

Central American union and overthrow
Gutiérrez was a supporter of a Central American union and signed the Pact of Amapala with Honduras and Nicaragua on 20 June 1895 which established the Greater Republic of Central America. The union did not last long, however, as he was overthrown in a coup d'état led by General Tomás Regalado, a pragmatic liberal who had helped him rise to power in 1894, on 13 November 1898. The day following his overthrow, Indians in Izalco staged a revolt against the Salvadoran government. The overthrow of Gutiérrez eventually lead to the collapse of the Greater Republic of Central America on 29 November 1898.

Later life and death
Gutiérrez stood for election for the presidency in 1907 but received only one vote. He died on 9 January 1921, aged 75, at 10:00 p.m. in Barrio San Jacinto, San Salvador, El Salvador.

title: Rafael Antonio Gutiérrez