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Firefighter assist and search team

A firefighter assist and search team (FAST), also known as a rapid intervention team/rapid intervention crew/rapid intervention group/rapid intervention dispatch (RIT/RIC/RIG/RID) or breathing apparatus safety teams (BAST), is a team of two or more firefighters dedicated solely to the search and rescue of other firefighters in distress. Firefighter Assist and Search Team personnel shall have no other operational assignment during any incident. Multiple-alarm fires may require multiple FAST/RIC teams.

Through the late 1960s and early 1970s the London Fire Brigade introduced RIT procedures using EATL (emergency air transfer lines) and EASE (emergency air supply equipment). This consisted of designated firefighter search and rescue teams (termed "emergency crews") stationed at self-contained breathing apparatus (SCBA) control entry points, equipped with emergency SCBA specifically designed to be worn by unconscious, injured or trapped firefighters.

The National Fire Protection Association (NFPA) and the United States Occupational Safety and Health Administration (OSHA) have requirements for some type of FAST/RIT at structure fires. These standards require that a minimum of two fire fighters be standing by in full personal protective equipment (PPE) while other crew members are working in a hazardous atmosphere. The standards are the result of a series of incidents where fire fighters became lost, trapped or disoriented while fighting a structure fire without a FAST present.

The FAST concept is not universal, with many fire protection agencies training all personnel in rescue duties. Rescue teams are then designated based on apparatus order in the dispatch to a call in which standard operating procedures (SOPs) require that rescue teams be held at entry points. This is the basic concept of the two-in, two-out rule.

While all of these versions of the name for a firefighter rescue crew either have been used or continue to be used in several areas, the National Incident Management System (NIMS) has determined that rapid intervention crew (RIC) will be the standard term. Currently, U.S. federally required training programs, from DHS and FEMA, are in the process of standardizing many terms and procedures under NIMS.

FAST equipment
FAST members are normally equipped with some or all of the following:
 * Full turnout gear
 * Self-contained breathing apparatus (SCBA)
 * Personal alert safety system (PASS device)
 * Portable radio that uses the fireground frequency and is available to the incident commander
 * Hand tools
 * Hand light
 * Search rope or webbing
 * Rapid air transport (RAT) bag which slips over an SCBA bottle and holds an extra mask to tap into the bottle to provide a downed firefighter with air. This so-called RIT Bag was invented by Darrin Shaw, a firefighter with Central Pierce Fire and Rescue. The term RIT Bag is now widely used, but the trademark stays with RIT BAG from Puyallup, Washington.

title: Firefighter assist and search team


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New Pittsburgh Courier

The New Pittsburgh Courier is a weekly African-American newspaper based in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, United States. It is owned by Real Times.

History
The newspaper is named after the original Pittsburgh Courier (1907–1966), which in the 1930s and 1940s was one of the largest and most influential African-American newspapers in the country, with a nationwide circulation of more than 350,000.

After circulation declines in the 1950s and 1960s, the original Courier was purchased by John H. Sengstacke, publisher of The Chicago Daily Defender, in 1965. He reorganized the paper under a new name—the New Pittsburgh Courier—to avoid paying several outstanding tax bills and invoices. He later commented:

"'The Courier had a great history. The loss would not only be a big loss for the city of Pittsburgh, but a devastating loss for the entire country. The Black press is the only true voice Black people have. I've worked tireless to make sure that it is heard loud and clear throughout this country."

He re-opened it in 1967 under the new name. The New Pittsburgh Courier joined Sengstacke's three other newspapers in a chain of prominent African-American publications, including the Defender. In 1974, Sengstacke appointed Hazel B. Garland as the new editor-in-chief of the New Pittsburgh Courier, making her the first African-American woman in history to be editor of a national newspaper. When asked about his decision, Sengstacke replied: "I have supreme confidence in Hazel, and believe that she will continue to do a great job as editor-in-chief as she did as city editor. She has proven herself over the many years of dedication to the Courier and the Negro cause. She will be a guiding force in leading this paper to bigger and better things in the future." Two years later, the paper won the John B. Russwurm Award for the best national African-American newspaper.

Following Sengstacke's death in 1997, what was then a four-paper chain was held in a family trust until 2003. It was sold that year for nearly $12 million to Real Times, a group of investors with several business and family ties to Sengstacke.

Among the new owners was Sengstacke's nephew Thomas Sengstacke Picou, who said in 2002 that his plans for the New Pittsburgh Courier include more emphasis on in-depth features and arts, creating a web presence—which neither it nor the Defender had at the time—and a change in its political outlook from liberal to "conservative independence".

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: New Pittsburgh Courier


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User talk:Tunaktun~enwiki

Welcome! (We can't say that loudly enough!)

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We're so glad you're here!

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PS Thanks for your contributions on Erototoxin. Wikipedia's policies on neutrality and what we call "original research" mean that, in general, it's better to say "scientists believe her claims are 'baseless and groundless'" (and provide sources) than to assert it ourselves. It lets the reader examine the evidence and determine the truth based on what experts think, rather than what undergrad biology majors like me think. Happy editing, though!

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title: User talk:Tunaktun~enwiki


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Bai Renfu

Bai Renfu (, c. 1226−1306), also known as Bai Pu, was a renowned Chinese playwright of the Yuan dynasty.

He wrote 16 plays, three of which are extant:
 * Over the Wall (裴少俊牆頭馬上 Péi Shǎo Jùn Qiáng Tóu Mǎ Shàng)
 * Rain on the Paulownia Tree (唐明皇秋夜梧桐雨 Táng Míng Huáng Qiū Yè Wú Tóng Yǔ) about Emperor Xuanzong and Lady Yang Guifei:
 * Romance of the East Wall (董秀英花月東牆記 Dǒng Xiù Yīng Huā Yuè Dōng Qiáng Jì)

Biography
A scion of an important Jin dynasty family, Bai Renfu's grandfather held a post at the powerful Bureau of Military Affairs, and his father was a close friend of the poet Yuan Haowen. However, the defeat of the Jin dynasty by the Mongol Empire resulted in a major upheaval in social relationships. Nevertheless, Bo Renfu achieved honorary rank and an official position in the Yuan dynasty as Minister of Protocol.

title: Bai Renfu


text:
Iporã

Iporã is a municipality in the northwest of the state of Paraná, approximately sixty kilometers from the border with Paraguay. Its population in 2020 was estimated to be 13,782.

title: Iporã


text:
Talk:Oxford Capacity Analysis

Norwegian death
So I’ve been trying to clean up this article. I took this death out because it leaps out of nowhere. And it seems more like a claim against the abuses of Church of Scientology than of the test itself? Or am I missing something? 69.181.199.238 (talk) 01:51, 25 April 2010 (UTC)

On Friday the 28th of March 2008, Kaja Bordevich Ballo, daughter of Olav Gunnar Ballo, Norwegian parliament member and vice president of the Norwegian Odelsting, took a Church of Scientology Oxford Capacity Analysis test while studying in Nice. Her friends and co-inhabitants claim she was in good spirits and showed no signs of a mental break down, the report from the Church of Scientology said she was "depressed, irresponsible, hyper-critical and lacking in harmony". A few hours later she committed suicide by jumping from her balcony at her dorm room leaving a note telling her family she was sorry for not "being good for anything." The incident has brought forward heavy criticism against the Church of Scientology from friends, family and prominent Norwegian politicians. Inga Marte Thorkildsen, parliament member, went as far as to say "Everything points to the scientology cult having played a direct role in making Kaja choose to take her own life."

Copyright
Who owns the copyright in the test? I know the CoS/RTC claims it, but I understand it was highly disputed. We need more history - David Gerard 19:52, 30 September 2005 (UTC)
 * There is a 1955 copyright by Julia M. Lewis for a test manual: . --Marc Kupper|talk 21:17, 20 October 2012 (UTC)

Uncited
Practically the whole article is uncited at all. Besides the obvious potential link to an RTC copyright of the symbol "OTC" almost all of the rest has no vaidations, the only possible course for a reader who wanted to understand would be to guess which external link went with which portion of the article. In addition, the critical portions of the article are full of biased sorts of words like "rigged," etc and don't state their point of view very well. And lastly, the recruitment use of the OCA is greatly magnified in this article and used as the main point of controversy. While its actual use (by experience) in the CoS is that you take an OCA before and after an action or series of CoS actions and then look at the measured results. Hardly mentioned at all. Why hasn't some Psychologist made a name for himself by disproving the OCA is bunk, that would be a link to post here. Terryeo 22:53, 30 December 2005 (UTC)

 * Here is some study including a report on the scientific study of the OCA by psychologists on the nature and value of the OCA presented in Enquiry into the Practice and Effects of Scientology Report by Sir John Foster, K.B.E., Q.C., M.P. :

 * The usual procedure when a potential pre clear first presents himself to the Scientology organisations with a view to enrolment is to encourage him to take a "free personality test" called the "Oxford Capacity Analysis." This test has been investigated by a Working Party of the British Psychological Society, the leading scientific body in this field in the United Kingdom, incorporated by Royal Charter in 1965. The Working Party was composed of a clinical psychologist, a consultant in psychological selection, and a university lecturer in psychology, all members of the Society's Council and distinguished experts in their field. Each of them took the test at one or other of the Scientology shops in London and Edinburgh.

 * (115) HCO P/L of 2nd January 1965.
 * (116) HCO P/L of 20th November 1969.

 * 130. The test consists of 200 written questions, to be answered "yes", "no" or "uncertain" (this may not be easy to do when the question, like question 152, is in the form "Do you rarely express your grievances?"). The members of the Working Party answered the questions in differently but pre-determined. random fashion (see below) which could not produce results of any significance: in fact, they should all have come out pretty average in all personality traits. The subsequent experience of one member of the Working Party follows in his own words:-

 *  "In this particular case the inventory was deliberately responded to in a fashion designed to produce an unpredictable result. As each question was read the answer space was completed for the following question without reference to the content of either question. On any known inventory this procedure should produce a 'flat' profile, with few scores departing significantly from the mean. When the profile chart was presented on the second visit it showed extremely low scores on three traits; all save one or two were below the 'desirability' band. (The imprecision is due to the fact that, try as he might, the 'client' was not permitted to bring away the profile sheet). The staff member who had scored the inventory expounded the extreme scores with some urgency. He avoided questions on the meaning of the scales, dismissing as irrelevant the trait words at top and bottom; yet he invested the points on the scale with immense importance, almost of a charismatic nature. His patter continually referred to the inadequacies which the graph revealed - one point became 'failed purpose' and another 'loss', although these terms were never explained. He attempted to confirm his diagnosis of these poin1s on the graph by such leading questions as "Do you often fail to achieve what you set out to do?" and "Do you have difficulty making friends?" Affirmative answers to these questions (which were given readily) were, somehow, to be explained by the low scores and the interpretation put on them.

 * In the course of the session the following information was elicited from the Scientology staff member:

 * (i) The test was devised by "Oxford students, or the Oxford Dictionary people", he did not know which;

 * (ii) He did not understand the word 'percentile' - although it was he who brought the word into the discussion. He looked it up in the Concise Oxford Dictionary without success and decided it meant 'percentage'. He thereafter interpreted '90th percentile' as 90 per cent.

 * (iii) 'Most people' scored beyond the 'minus 90' point on the three traits being discussed

 * In general it was patent that this person had no notion what the test was, how it was designed, what it measured or what the scores meant. He had been trained to produce this ill-informed commentary which, to a gullible anxious person, might sound genuinely insightful. In fact he was pointing out to an unknown member of the public 'inadequate' facets of his personality shown up by an instrument which he did not understand.

 * In a second interview, immediately following on, the 'Registrar' explained the hierarchy of levels which could be attained by Scientology processing. He described the courses offered by the organisation to remedy the inadequacies shown up by the profile. All these courses would cost money and a probable minimum total of one hundred guineas was quoted to deal with the particular personality deficiencies shown up by the OCA."

 * 131. The conclusions of the Working Party are summarised as follows:-

 * "The systematic quantification of personality variables is one aspect of psychometric testing .... All psychometric tests can be assessed in terms of their reliability and validity. "Reliability" implies that a test yields similar results under similar testing conditions. Various degrees of reliability can be attributed to a number of sources of error. In a properly constructed personality test the various effects of these sources of error are systematically assessed. "Validity" implies that a test measures what it claims to measure - i.e., that it is a valid measure of the characteristic it claims to quantify. A test may be reliable without being valid, but not vice versa. A known degree of reliability is crucial to the use of any psychometric test in a setting where its results are used with an individual case.

 * If a personality test is a reliable device, then a systematic approach to answering the questions should yield systematic variations in the conclusions derived from an analysis of the test scores. That this is a property of reliable tests may be assumed from a knowledge of formal test theory such as any person competent to assess the results of a psychometric test should possess. The members of the Working Party used this property of reliability of psychometric tests to assess the adequacy of the personality testing offered by the Scientologists, by submitting themselves to testing as 'clients' responding to the advertisements for free personality testing.

 *  For the purpose of making their assessment of the status of the test, the members of the Working Party employed three different methods of responding to the test items when they themselves completed it:-

(a) one member answered the questions at random, selecting the answer to be given before reading the question;

 (b) a second member employed a method in which the response was pre-determined regardless of the content of the question: if the final letter of the question was a consonant in the range "a" to "m", he answered "no"; if it was a consonant in the range "n" to "z" he answered "yes"; if it was a vowel, he answered "uncertain";

''(c) the third member used the reverse of this procedure, so that he answered "yes" where the second method produced the answer "no", and "no" where the second method produced the "yes" response. The "uncertain" response was given to the same questions as before.''

'' This systematic variation in response styles would be expected to affect the resultant profiles. "Profiles" are an accepted manner of presenting the information derived from some types of personality test. A random method of response ((a) above) would be expected to produce scores close to the mean of scores obtained during the standardising of the test. Methods (b) and (c) should also result in profiles with low deviations from the mean scores; if such deviations occurred these two methods would be expected to produce different, if not complementary, profiles. The Working Party verified that on two accepted personality tests such systematic variations in answering did produce variations in profile pattern.''

 * These variations in answering the questions did not seem to affect the Oxford Capacity Analysis as the three methods produced remarkably similar profiles, in which the scores on the first three scales were in an extreme position in the range marked "unacceptable" ... All profile results then rose into the "normal" or "desirable" range over the next 2-4 scales and showed a return to "unacceptable" over the remaining scales.

 * If these three systematically varied response styles had all produced "flat" profiles, with few scores departing greatly from the mean, then we would have considered that the Oxford Capacity Analysis could not be criticised on these grounds. But when each of two diametrically opposed methods of response produces the same extreme deviant scores as the other and as a third "random" response style, we are forced to a position of scepticism about the test's status as a reliable psychometric device.

 * It should be noted that the Oxford Capacity Analysis is not a personality test known in psychological circles; it is not distributed by reputable test agencies in this country; there is no research literature available about it, nor is it listed in the Mental Measurements Year Book which is internationally accepted as the authoritative source on psychometric devices. While any one of these points does not in itself indict a psychometric instrument, the failure of the Oxford Capacity Analysis to meet all of them does, in our opinion, constitute an extremely strong case for assuming it to be a device of no worth. The scientific value and useful nature of the profile apparently derived from completion of the Oxford Capacity Analysis must consequently be negligible. We are of the opinion that the Oxford Capacity Analysis and the profiles derived from its completion are constructed in such a manner as to give the appearance of being adequate psychometric devices, whereas, in fact, they totally fail to meet the normally accepted criteria.

 * Taking the procedure as a whole, one is forced to the conclusion that the Oxford Capacity Analysis is not a genuine personality test; certainly the results as presented bear no relation to any known methods of assessing personality or of scaling test scores. The booklet itself might produce genuine scores but these are not the

 * scores presented on the profile. The legend 'produced and edited by the Staff of the Hubbard Association of Scientologists International' which appears on the cover is totally inappropriate to a personality measure - such an instrument is not 'edited', it is developed through painstaking research. The validity of the OCA booklet itself is therefore in doubt.

 * No reputable psychologist would accept the procedure of pulling people off the street with a leaflet, giving them a 'personality test' and reporting back in terms that show the people to be 'inadequate', 'unacceptable' or in need of 'urgent' attention. In a clinical setting a therapist would only discuss a patient's inadequacies with him with the greatest of circumspection and support, and even then only after sufficient contact for the therapist-patient relationship to have been built up. To report back a man's inadequacies to him in an automatic, impersonal fashion is unthinkable in responsible professional practice. To do so is potentially harmful. It is especially likely to be harmful to the nervous introspective people who would be attracted by the leaflet in the first place. The prime aim of the procedure seems to be to convince these people of their need for the corrective courses run by the Scientology organisations."

 * 132. A similar exercise was carried out independently by Dr. David Delvin, who reported the outcome in World Medicine (17). Again, I quote:-

 * "I settled down to the 'personality test'. This consisted of 200 questions of the type much favoured by women's magazines (Are you considered warm-hearted by your friends? Do you enjoy activities of your own choosing? Are you likely to be jealous? Do you bite your fingernails?).

 * Eventually, a young man took my answers away for "processing". When he returned, he was waving an impressive-looking piece of graph paper, around which were printed figures, symbols, and various bits of McLuhanistic jargon. Across the paper was drawn a line that looked something like the Boat Race course. This, the young man told me, was my personality curve.

 * The young man airily drew a ring round the area of Putney, and said that this represented "other people". A similar ring in the region of Barnes Bridge indicated "myself", while another drawn round Mortlake Brewery apparently represented "life". On the basis of all this, the young man gave me a 20-minute personality analysis, which mainly consisted of portentous-sounding pseudo-scientific neologisms ("You've got quite a bit of agity and you re moderately dispersed, but we can help you to standard tech.") He seemed bit vague about what these words actually meant.

 * At the end, he said to me impressively, "So you see. it's all very scientific - thanks to the fact that our founder is a man of science himself".

 *  "Oh yes, very scientific indeed," I said.

(117) July 29th, 1969.

 * I hadn't the heart to tell him that his super-scientific system had failed to detect the fact that I had marked the "don't know" column against all 200 questions in the test."

 * 133. It may be relevant to note that none of these observers at any stage had it suggested to him that Scientology was a religion.

 * 131. I asked the Scientologists what claims they made for the Oxford Capacity Analysis, on what published evidence they were founded and what written instructions were given to persons who interpreted the tests. Mr. Gaiman answered:-

 * "As far as I have been able to discover, we don't make any particular claims about the Oxford Capacity Analysis.

 * All I say about the test is that it is a reasonably reliable test for measuring individual personality.

 * I don't know if you have received a paper from the British Psychological Society by three of its members who went to our premises in London deliberately to make a mockery of the tests by giving random answers. I would certainly concede that it is possible to make a mockery of them. Newspaper plants have also proved that it is possible to make a mockery out of auditing. It does not discredit the tests, or auditing, for honest men who are genuinely seeking a result."

 * He did not mention any published evidence, or the existence of any instructions.

 * Vivaldi 08:07, 9 February 2006 (UTC)

 * Caroline Letkeman has put online the HCO Policy Letter "Evaluation Script". This policy is clearly about recruiting people no matter what are their results. We could integrate this reference in the article. Raymond Hill 14:36, 9 February 2006 (UTC)

This violates not using a primary source and thus violates the Wiki guidelines. I could also state my opinion giving my credentials, however, this is not what Wikipedia is all about. Reference: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Wikipedia:No_original_research Streamlight 12:52, 15 May 2006 (UTC)

This isn’t the first time Antaeus Feldspar has changed my edits with no reason given. My point is correct, this doesn’t qualify to be in this article as it violates Wiki guidelines on primary source. Streamlight 11:39, 23 May 2006 (UTC)

IQ silliness
I've read through the OCA, and I've taken a whole slew of both personality tests (MMPI being one of the better ones) and IQ tests (Raven tests seem to be quite good for normalizing out cultural and verbal bias), and, having never done a scored OCA, I find it absolutely jaw-dropping that an OCA would even *attempt* to rank IQ. Can we get a source for the phrase "listing your supposed IQ", because the OCA questions don't have *anything* *whatsoever* to do with IQ, or "g". For example, question 3: Browse a train schedule? Well, a person with low g, low IQ, might not realize that memorizing such things might help them in the future, a person with a moderately normal IQ might memorize this info, and a person with even an *higher* IQ could rapidly glance at the schedule, and never ever look at it again, because rather than learn the *times* of a train/route, they have learned the calculations to create the times of a train/route. Same thing with a dictionary. Low g/IQ people generally don't use them, medium and normal g/IQ people memorize them, high g/IQ people just ignore and/or skip them, and learn the rules of the language(s) in use. Can we get some cites on both (a) whether or not the OCA actually gives a (lol) IQ result, as well as (b) any cites on how somebody could claim that such messed-up, irrational, questions, could even produce such a result? Ronabop 08:04, 20 April 2006 (UTC)

 * "I find it absolutely jaw-dropping that an OCA would even *attempt* to rank IQ" Ronabop. You are correct. The OCA itself doesn't measure the IQ, however the IQ results come from an additional test called the "Novis Mental Ability Test".  This test is often given along with the OCA (its a short 30 minute test) and its results are often added to the the OCA results page.  This probably needs to be clarified in the article.  Vivaldi (talk) 14:13, 20 April 2006 (UTC)
 * Here's the package deal offered by the Church of Scientology Orange County. Interesting because I thought the PPA was just the rebranded OCA from MasterTech (aka WISE). I believe that it's Novis as in Homo Novis, since the Church of Spiritual Technology seems to own the copyrights to the test forms at least. AndroidCat 14:42, 20 April 2006 (UTC)

 * Well, my result sheet has three checkbox-lookalikes which are labelled "IQ". And I did only do the OCA, not any other test. --Drahflow (talk) 04:48, 23 August 2008 (UTC)

package deal
Apparently The "package deal" link above requires to allow the instalation of an additional java application! This is not usual. Beware!

206.108.168.141 (talk) —Preceding undated comment added 22:56, 5 August 2012 (UTC)

Chris Owen's study of OCA
I do not believe that Chris Owen's self-published written works should be used as the sole source of informaton in an encyclopedia article about anyone or anything other than himself per the guidelines of Reliable Sources and the policies of WP:V. I believe we should remove any claims sourced to Chris Owens from the article. Chris is not a notable person, nor a recognized professional journalist or professional researcher. While I admire Chris for his work and I personally respect his research. I do not believe that it meets the requirements for wikipedia. I would like to see others opinions about this. Vivaldi (talk) 12:09, 29 May 2006 (UTC)

 * Other than the external link, where is Chris referenced? AndroidCat 18:54, 27 January 2007 (UTC)

 * Note the date of Vivaldi's comment. The piece was referenced as a source in an earlier version of the article, but not in the current version. -- ChrisO 21:00, 27 January 2007 (UTC)

Use of templates?
Can we perhaps stop using the cquote templates? There are a number of reasons not to use them, but I think the biggest and most immediately relevant is that it looks to certain people as if these quotes are being emphasized to push a POV, and it starts a whole arms race of abusing formatting for POV reasons. -- Antaeus Feldspar 17:56, 27 January 2007 (UTC)

POV check
I think this article is extremely biased, especially in the "How the OCA is used by Scientology" secion. It seems to be leaning towards the belief that Scientology is false, for example saying that the tests are designed so that Scientology is always needed.--Orthologist 13:58, 30 March 2007 (UTC)

 * Yes, this is against the tide of Wikipedia's policy, but sometimes I say political correctness be damned. Many articles are so self-conscious of NPOV as to just read like pure silliness. I'm sorry if it offends someone, but these tests are recruiting tools, point blank; and the article sites credible mainstream sources that say so. We do not need to present the opposing viewpoint in an equal light if the opposing view comes from lunatics on the fringe of anything that could be considered remotely scientific. --Wilford Nusser 06:25, 6 May 2007 (UTC)

 * But, this is *exactly* how Scientology operates. The tests are designed to do two things: (1) screen for people who may qualify as new recruits (gullible enough to fall for (2)), and (2) provide a "scientific proof" that you have "problems" which only Scientology can help you with. The most insidious thing about it is that they do not even try to persuade you. They let the "facts" speak. Even if you are not convinced, the impression that you take home is that it was "pretty harmless", nobody tried to coax you into some sect.

 * The concept is very similar to a "lie detector" audit (the e-meter is nothing else, conceptually). There is no evidence whatsoever that polygraph is able to detect lies. At the very best, a relative measure of stress can be assessed (assuming the subject does not cheat, which is easy). However, the tested subject is given the impression that the procedure is really able to detect lies (the pre-test interview often serves for that purpose). At some point, the subject is told that he has been caught lying regarding the charges/alibi/whatever, for the odd chance that he will break down. —Preceding unsigned comment added by 91.35.159.47 (talk) 12:49, 26 September 2007 (UTC)

 * In what way is it "false"? The word false indicates that there is a truth and a lie, and that the "false" thing is by definition a lie.  Practically everyone who has examined this who does not have links to Scientology have concluded that the OCA test always shows at least one, normally more, areas where the testee is told that Scientology is the best way to help them; in what manner is the article false in stating that the OCA is primarily used in Scientology recruitment? Whisperwolf (talk) 23:26, 21 December 2008 (UTC)

"Invariably Negative"
According to personal experience, they are indeed not invariably negative. I only applied once so far, but most scores were - according to the graph - "acceptable in all conditions" and only a single one was "needing urgend attention", a point on which, surprisingly, the guy talking to me didn't dwell long. Could they have changed the evaluation procedure in the meantime? Hence the word "invariably" should not be used in the article, I propose "most of the time". --Drahflow (talk) 04:57, 23 August 2008 (UTC)

 * I do not accept this argument. Invariably negative, to me, indicates that the bulk of test results have a negative result or aspect, rather than the bulk of categories within the test are negative.  As it has been discovered by numerous organisations, this is indeed the case, and even Drahflow has to accept that his test falls into this category.  Invariably at least one of the results is negative, and Scientology is always recommended to "correct" this.  I argue that the wording should stand. Whisperwolf (talk) 23:26, 21 December 2008 (UTC)

 * Dissagree with you on that Whisperwolf. If we examine the word "invariably" it is "not varying."  That is, "always."  It is not a good word to be using in this case Tim.thelion (talk) 16:31, 12 December 2010 (UTC)

Language in the Criticism and Controversy Section
"This time the investigation was done for a prosecutor attacking a local branch of Narconon, the church's drug rehab offshoot" - given the potentially-contentious subject matter in question here, the wording "a prosecutor attacking a local branch of..." seems kind of suspect, for reasons I think should be obvious. Attacking has some very specific connotations, especially given that the Church of Scientology's longstanding beliefs about being under attack from various governmental authorities are pretty well established. Even if it was not deliberate, it seems to make the research conducted by Gudmund Smith out to be a targeted hit piece, potentially reducing its apparent credibility. At the same time, from my experiences trying to edit anything other than individual ethnic slurs thrown in the middle of sentences for no reason, I'm a little hesitant to actually change anything myself for fear of receiving five hundred words on why I'm wrong by noon. So I thought I'd just throw this up on the talk page and see if anyone else agrees with my reading of this. Autotechnica (talk) 15:50, 15 May 2021 (UTC)

Another source
There is a section titled "Self-Presentation at Recruitment: The "Oxford Capacity Analysis"." in the paper: ▶ I am Grorp ◀ 18:51, 2 June 2024 (UTC)

July 2024
The Oxford Capacity Analysis profile is a personality test that helps one point out their strengths and weaknesses so they know what they would like to address in life. The Oxford Capacity Analysis was derived with Oxford and L Ron Hubbard many years ago, it was a cooperative venture and there is no scientific proof disproving the accuracy and usefulness of the OCA — Preceding unsigned comment added by Clayteepie (talk • contribs) 23:44, 8 July 2024 (UTC)

 * Actually, the OCA test is a tool used by the Church of Scientology to recruit new people and sell them a book or sign them up for a small course. There was no "Oxford" involved in the creation of this tool. There is zero scientific proof it provides the testee with any useful information about their personality, nor is there any scientific proof that any of the courses sold by the Church of Scientology improves the lives of people who take such courses.   ▶ I am Grorp ◀  00:57, 9 July 2024 (UTC)

title: Talk:Oxford Capacity Analysis


text:
Fantasy Hotel

Fantasy Hotel (Traditional Chinese: 開心賓館) is a TVB modern drama series broadcast in July 2005.

Synopsis

 * Hong Kong's top tour guide
 * Experience the ups and downs of life in a hotel

There are three tour guides, Kam Ji-Kit (Michael Tao), Yung Ka-Man (Melissa Ng), and Hon Shan (Wayne Lai) lead tours from mainland China. One day, unexpectedly, a friend Kam Kong-Hoi (Wu Fung), gives them his hotel to take care of. Suddenly, the three are bosses and need to improve the hotel for the sake of their friend. Along the way, Ka-Man develops feelings for Ji-Kit, but because of a misunderstanding, she tries to stop her growing feelings for him. When Ji-Kit eventually finds out how Ka-Man feels towards him, he tries to court her but Ka-Man is too afraid of getting hurt.

title: Fantasy Hotel


text:
Ljubljana Basin

The Ljubljana Basin (Ljubljanska kotlina) is a basin in the upper river basin of Sava. It is the most populated area in Slovenia and it is metropolitan area of Ljubljana. Its main rivers are the Sava, the Kamnik Bistrica and the Ljubljanica.

Cities and towns

 * Ljubljana
 * Brezovica
 * Škofljica
 * Ig
 * Vodice
 * Dobrova-Polhov Gradec
 * Medvode
 * Kranj
 * Cerklje na Gorenjskem
 * Šenčur
 * Naklo
 * Domžale
 * Trzin
 * Mengeš
 * Lukovica
 * Moravče
 * Kamnik
 * Komenda
 * Škofja Loka
 * Železniki
 * Žiri
 * Vrhnika
 * Grosuplje

title: Ljubljana Basin


text:
Dhulbahante

The Dhulbahante (Dhulbahante, البهانتة) is a Somali clan family, part of the Harti clan which itself belongs to the largest Somali clan-family — the Darod. They are the traditional inhabitants of the physiographic Nugaal in its topographic sense, and its pre-independence administrative sense, which included Doollo. The clan's progenitor is buried at Badweyn.

The Ali Gheri clan were the first tribe to adopt the Dervish (Daraawiish) identity. Colonial administrator Douglas Jardine, stated the following about Dervish demographics:

"It is difficult to estimate accurately the number of his sincere converts, but it would be generous to say that there were not less than 2,000 or more than 4,000. Chiefly drawn from the wilder and more remote sections of the Dolbahanta tribe, they represented the true Dervishes, most of whom fell on the field of battle during the earlier expeditions"

The supreme Garad of the Dhulbahante is currently Garad Jama Garad Ali.

Overview
The extended formal name of Dhulbahante, the clan's forefather was Said Saleh Abdi Mohamed Abdirahman bin Isma'il al-Jabarti whose resting place is Badweyn. According to Somali tradition, his mother hailed from the Arap clan of the Isaaq clan-family. This maternal connection has enticed a mutual affinity between the two clans.

The primary homeland of the clan straddles the Haud region and the Nugaal Valley, hence segments of the clan who settle in either plateau are colloquially referred to as the Reer Hawd and Reer Nugaaled. Currently, the clan has 13 active Garads. The most senior Garaad of these traditional leaders is Garad Jama Garad Ali who succeeded his uncle Garad Abdiqani Garad Jama. The use of the traditional hereditary title of Garad (which is most widespread among the Dhulbahante), was first inaugurated by the great ancestor Garad Shirshore who previously served as a Ugaas. The clan boasts a history of anti-colonial resistance. In a bloody war against the British Empire the Dhulbahante along with several other clans propelled the Dervish movement to defeat the empire in a series of military expeditions. The rebellion caused the death of one-third (or 200,000) of the population of the Somaliland protectorate, most severely effecting the Dhulbahante clan with whom there was no treaty of protection. John Drysdale and Ioan M. Lewis, who had conducted research in British Somaliland in the 1950s, noted that there was not that much of an attachment of the clan to Dervish history at that time. Nevertheless, to honor the Dervish freedom fighters, the name Daraawiish is now given to almost all regional paramilitaries in Somalia.

Distribution
In Somaliland, the Dhulbahante almost exclusively inhabit the Sool region. Michael Walls on the Dhulbahante and Sool says: "'The residents of Sool overwhelmingly hail from a single clan grouping in the form of the Dhulbahante [...]. Sool boasts a degree of kinship homogeneity that is rare even in the Somali Horn'."

The clan inhabits Taleh, most of Hudun and most of Las Anod districts, in Sool, Sanaag Toghdeer regions. In a survey conducted in 2011 of Las Anod District 92.5% of the respondents identified as Dhulbahante whilst 2.5%, 1.5% and 1.3% identified as Hawiye, Bantu and Isaaq respectively. In the Sanaag region the clan is only present in the Erigavo district along with the Habr Yonis and Habr Je'lo clans, whilst well represented in the regional capital of Erigavo. Similarly in Togdheer, the clan solely lives in the district of Buuhoodle. The district of Buuhoodle was made a region by the state of Puntland and its name was changed to Cayn in 2004. Hence, the popular abbreviation SSC which denotes the traditional Dhulbahante territories within Somaliland.

In Somalia, they inhabit the Jubaland state, where there is a long settled Dhulbahante trading community in the port city of Kismayo and its surrounding district, in southern Somalia.

In Ethiopia, the Dhulbahante clan settle in the Somali Regional State. They are present in the Dollo Zone, specifically in the woredas of Boh, Danot and Werder, in Ciid.in Ciid In Kenya, there is a small but notable Dhulbahante community in the North Eastern Province. During the Darawiish era, the Bah Udgoon, a Qayaad division had a garesa (dervish fortification) at Qollad near modern Galmudug. During arid soil conditions, contemporary pastoral Dhulbahante nomads likewise divagate halfway towards the Puntland coast.

The Dhulbahante exclusively settle in the northern Somali cities of Las Anod and Buuhoodle. Moreover, they are well represented in the cities of Erigavo and Garowe. The Baho Nugaaled, particularly the Ugaasyo Dhulbahante, are the most geographically dispersed, with towns such as Yoocada in Las Anod district and Bandar Salam in Middle Juba. According to Roy Irons, Dhulbahante were the largest subclan of the northern clans during the onset of colonialism.

Somali academic Said Sheikh Samatar stated that the Nugaal, which is formed of the Nugaal plateau beneath the Cal range, and the Nugaal valley in the Sool province, is a Dhulbahante territory, and the site of the biggest Darawiish confrontations:

"The climate of the Nugaal, a region which constitutes the heartlands of the Dulbahante, is highly suited for breeding and rearing ponies... The country of the Dulbahante is the prize of pastoral habitat: well-watered and well-pastured, the Nugaal valley provides a welcome sanc-tuary from the perennial twin scourges of Somali pastoralism, thirst and starvation... Demoralized and disorganized, the Dervishes were forced to disperse all over the Nugaal and the Haud after their resounding defeat by the British expeditionary force. Not only did they sustain heavy casualties (7,000 to 8,000 in dead and injured) but also the loss of 20,000 of their best war-horses"

The pre-independence Nogal District partly corresponding with modern Sool, was described as "entirely Dolbahanta" by John Hunt. British Colonial Officer John Anthony Hunt, whose word was regarded by Berbera's colonial office as "The Koran, the Bible" described the Dhulbahante as the owners of the Nugaal, the head of the Nogal valley in Badwein being where the clan progenitor/ancestor is buried.

19th century
19th-century explorer C.J Cruttenden on the Dhulbahante and their Suleiman horse breed: "'The Dulbahanta are a nation who fight chiefly on horseback, their arms being two spears and a shield. Their horses are powerful and courageous; the breed descended, according to Somali tradition, from the stud of Suleiman, the son Of David, and consequently is highly valued. The Dulbahanta, as far as I have seen of them, are a fine martial race of men, second to none...either in conduct or appearance'."

The clan boundary between the Habr Je'lo, a clan of the Isaaq clan-family, and the Dhulbahante clan during the 19th century was traditionally in Laba Garday, situated between War Idaad and Wadamago.

The Dhulbahante traditionally had two adjacent kingdoms:

"The Dulbahante, as far as I have seen them, are a fine martial race of men, second to none of the branches of Darrood either in conduct or appearance, and they are described as being courteous and hospitable to the stranger who visits them. They have generally two Sultans, or Garaads, the elder of whom, Mahomed Ali Harrin, governs the eastern limits of the province; whilst his colleague, Ali Garaad, (recently deceased) guards the N. W. frontier from the thieving Haber-tel- Jahleh in the neighbourhood of Kurrum and from the Agahdur family of Noh Amor."

Markus Hoehne described the 19th century existence of a northern Dhulbahante kingdom and a southern Dhulbahante kingdom as follows:

"Originally, Dhulbahante had one Garaad who came from the Faarax Garaad branch. It seems that in the mid-nineteenth century, a conflict between the Maxamuud Garaad inhabiting the Nugaal valley in the north and the Faarax Garaad residing toward the south and the Hawd led to the establishment of a separate garaad for the Maxamuud Garaad branch."

Dervish Period
Dervish forces mostly hailed from the Dhulbahante. The Dhulbahante in Buuhodle were particularly the first and most persistent supporters of the Dervish Movement. Höhne on the Dhulbahante and the Dervish Movement states:

"'The majority of them came from the Dhulbahante clan. Members of this clan were camel herders and renown warriors (Cruttenden 1849). The British had not concluded a ‘treaty of protection’ with them, as they had done with the inhabitants of the coast, who belonged to various Isaaq or Dir clans.'"

Along with the Dhulbahante, the Ogaden, and segments of the Isaaq such as the Habr Je'lo and eastern sections of the Habr Yunis clan loyal to Sultan Nur were part of the Movement. The Dervish Movement resisted colonial occupation, especially the British who were aided by Isaaq troops.

The Achilles heel of the British empire in the Somaliland Protectorate was the un-administered east, inhabited by the Dhubahante, Warsangali and a few sections of the Isaaq. In this light Douglas Jardine explains that British priority was to keep the former two clans neutral, as the British administration and its allied clans would not be able to resist them without outside aid.

The British found it exceptionally difficult to administer the hinterland in the east, as Jess reports "in 1901 a joint Anglo-Ethiopian expedition of almost 17,000 men failed to accomplish anything other than to drive the Mullah temporarily across the border into the Mijertein". In later years, the British increased their engagement with the hinterland to suppress the movement, yet the previously "insignificant corner of the Empire" proved to be exasperating and costly both financially and in human life.

The British consistently intended the demise and destruction of the Dhulbahante who were avid Dervishes. In this Regard, British Commissioner Eric Swayne was delighted in their slaughter of the Dhulbahante clans.

"It is a fortunate thing that the [Qayaad] tribe, which most strongly supported him, appears to have suffered the severest losses."

Dervish raids on the Dhulbahante

In July 1901, the British made attempts to expel the Dervish Movement out of the Dhulbahante territory, to achieve this they devised a plan to crush "the Dhulbahante who willingly and persistently assisted" the dervishes. A British colonial Officer, Roy Irons believed the Dhulbahante joined the Dervish movement more out of fear rather than ideological devotion and in order to demonstrate British supremacy and power over these clans it was necessary to crush them. Roy Irons, the author of Churchill and the Mad Mullah of Somaliland notes: "It is well known that the Dolbahanta tribe are adherents of the Mullah, more through fear of him than any attachment to his person, or fanatical religious spirit. They are tired of his cruelties and exactions, and the belief of those who best know the country, would speedily transfer their allegiance to us." Sections of the Dhulbahante like the Reer Hagar of the Farah Garad and other sections inhabiting Buuhoodle fought alongside the British against the Dervishes after being raided by the Mullah's forces. Dhulbahante friendlies would also sometimes raid the Dervishes, looting their livestock as well as weapons. The book A Fine Chest of Medals: The Life of Jack Archer reports:

"Early in October the friendlies at Bohotle made a successful raid south to Gerlogubi, capturing a large number of camels and rifles and killing several more dervishes"

In 1904 the Dervishes attacked the Jama Siad sub-division of the Mohamoud Garad clan. The Dervishes looted 400 camels while killing two men. The Parliamentary Debates (official Report).: House of Commons in 1913 notes:

"So far as I am aware there have been no recent developments of importance in the interior, with the exception of a dervish raid on the Dolbahanta Jama Siad in which the latter lost about 400 camels and had two men killed."

The British War Office similarly notes that apart from the Farah Garad sub-division the rest of the Dhulbahante clan joined out of fear of the Mullah or by personal gain:

"It is, however, believed that, with the exception of the Ali Gheri and possibly other sections of the Gerad Farih, the majority of the people who joined the Mullah in the Dolbahanta have done so either through fear of him or personal gain, and that a large seceding from his following may be expected when our expedition takes the field"

In 1908 the Dhulbahante once again raided the Dervish and looted their camels. Hassan sent a letter to the British Commissioner Cordeaux, requesting his camels be returned and blood money be paid.

An excerpt from Hassan's letter to Cordeaux reads:"Your people, the Dolbahanta tribe, have killed fifteen of our men and looted eighty-four camels. I do not know if Abdulla Shahari reported this to you: if he did the fault lies with you; if not, I do hereby acquaint you of it. You are requested to restore to us our camels and the blood shed by your people"

In 1912 the Dervish army compelled friendly segments of the Dhulbahante clan to retire to the British controlled territory to gain protection. This was after the Mullah had constantly launched raids that took a heavy toll on the clan. World War 1 at Sea - Contemporary Accounts reports:

"Finally, in 1912, the Mullah himself became active, and raided the Dolbahanta tribe so effectively that they were reduced to starvation, and came in large parties to the coast towns begging the Government to give them food. Then it was realised that the policy of non-intervention in the interior was not altogether satisfactory, and that something must be done to remedy the anarchic condition of the country."

The Farah Garad subclan was also raided by the Dervishes, specifically the Ali Gheri subclan, who were set upon and attacked by Hassan and his Dervish army, forcing them to evacuate and seek refuge in Burao, Berbera and Haud among the Isaaq clans. British colonial governor Horace Byatt reported that 800 Dhulbahante refugees arrived in Berbera, but feared that they could not be protected nor fed properly, stating that only 300 native infantry and 200 King's African Rifles were in Berbera and insufficient to hold off a Dervish attack. Byatt also raised concerns for the Dhulbahante refugees en route to British controlled territory and the possibility of them being looted by hostile clans, particularly the Habr Yunis. Baron Ismay in his intelligence report on the Dervish raids on the Ali Gheri and the Dolbahanta clan's of Bohotle notes:"No important move was made till November 1911, when he successfully attacked the Ali Gheri at Bohotleh. He followed this up in February 1912 with an attack on the Dolbahanta at Eildab, In this engagement our people lost all their stock and were reduced to starvation. They flocked to Berbera demanding to be supported. Yet another attack on Bohotleh in March resulted in the remaining Dolbahanta in that vicinity being looted and driven out. Bohotleh remained in Dervish hands."In June 1913 the Farah Garad subclan suffered yet another Dervish raid on their towns at Udaweina. General Richard Corfield had in response moved out to the area with his troops to support the shaken Farah Garad, who retreated westwards towards the lands of the Habr Yunis: "In June Corfield, receiving reports that dervish raiders had attacked Dolbahanta Farah Gerad karias (mobile villages) at Udaweina, moved out to support them, but they were so shaken that they retired westward, which then caused trouble with the Habr Yunis"

However, the Dhulbahante were not trusted by some British generals. For instance, the British general Eric Swayne at times regarded the clan as too untrustworthy to be enlisted as a levy: "In selecting men, only those vouched for by responsible Chiefs, and those belonging to trustworthy tribes were enlisted, no Dolbahanta being allowed to enter the ranks. Every man before marching out of Berbera was paid an allowance to purchase his own Somali shoes and also a piece of American cloth."British colonial administrator Sir Douglas Jardine describing the plight of the Dhulbahante noted:"The most pitiful lot of all fell to certain sections of the Dolbahanta. Ousted from their ancestral grazing grounds by the Mullah's advance and bereft of all their stock, the remnants wandered like veritable Ishmaelites in the Ishaak country, deprived of Asylum and almost all access to the coast. "

In 1913 at the battle of Dul Madoba the Dervishes defeated the British. The Dervish forces under the leadership of Dhulbahante military commander Ismail Mire were attacked by British expeditionary forces made up of 107 rank and file and 9 extras, thus a total of 116, under the command of Richard Corfield, with 300 accompanying Dhulbahante leaving the battlefield before the first shot was fired. The Darawiish had previously looted the region between Burao and Idoweyne. The British sustained heavy casualties and Corfield was killed in battle, reportedly at the hands of Darawiish Ibraahin Xoorane and Axmed Aarey, and the spoils of war were distributed in Buuhoodle and Taleh.

After the 1920 bombing campaign of the fortress at Taleh, and the Dervish retreat into Ethiopia, the tribal chief Haji Mohammad Bullaleh, who commanded a 3,000 strong army that was loyal to the British Empire and consisted of Isaaq and Dhulbahante horsemen pursued the Dervish army. They attacked Muhammad Abdallah Hassan and the Dervish army in the Ogaden region and defeated them, causing Hassan to retreat to the town of Imi. Haji and his army looted 60,000 livestock and 700 rifles from the dervishes.

Assassination of Garad Ali
During the colonial period, the Chief of the Dhulbahante clan, Garad Ali Garad Mohamoud, did not want to be under British occupation nor under Dervish authority, instead he wanted to retain his autonomy as clan chief. The Garad and Sayyid Mohamed Abdullah Hassan had a heated altercation which concluded with Garad Ali supposedly saying: "'I am the Ruler of Nugaal and its people, their management is mine and I expect everybody to respect it'."

Subsequently, Hassan ordered the assassination of the Garad. As Douglas Jardine reports, Hassan took this action after the Garad reassured the British that their relations remained unchanged, although owing to the influence of Hassan his clan no longer obeyed his orders. Issa-Salwe says news of the assassination stunned the Somali clans, consequently Dervishes were only left with the Bah Ali Geri of the Dhulbahante. According to John William Carnegie Kirk, most Dhulbahante clans sided with the Dervishes, expect the three sub-clans of Rer Hagar, Rer Wais Adan and Ba Idris among others who were considered friendly by the British.

In 1959, Garad Ali of Dhulbahante led the foundation of the United Somali Party which forged a political coalition of the non-Isaaq clans of the British Somaliland protectorate. The party won 12 of 33 seats in the House of Representatives in the 1960 general elections. After the unification of the Somali Republic the party united with the Somali Youth League. Later in the aftermath of the Somali Civil War in the 1990s the party re-emerged under the leadership of Mohamed Abdi Hashi this time with a mission to unify the Harti clans under Puntland.

During Mohamed Siad Barre's regime, Dhulbahante was part of an alliance of 3 Darod sub-clans that was presumed to dominate state authority in Somalia. The acronym MOD was used to refer to this alliance which was composed of the Marehan, Ogaden and Dhulbahante.

In early 1993, the Dhulbahante held a conference in Boocame while Somaliland's second national conference was underway in Borama. The result of the conference was the establishment of a 33-member council (Khusuusi) which would administer the Sool, Sanaag, and Cayn regions in the absence of a central government in Somalia.

State formations
In 1998, the Dhulbahante established the State of Puntland with other Harti clans due to common kinship. Hence, based on this ethnic composition and clan ties to Puntland, voters in Sanaag and especially Sool were decidedly less supportive of Somaliland's 2001 referendum on the constitution and independence. Although the Dhulbahante community was split over the 2007 conflict, with some aligning with Somaliland and its troops in the area of Las Anod, in the Bo'ame Declaration of 2007 all Dhulbahante clan chiefs rejected Somaliland's secessionist agenda and demanded the withdrawal of its militia from the clans traditional territory. In aftermath of Somaliland taking control of Las Anod in 2007, the clan became disillusioned with Puntland, consequently the SSC Movement which aimed to remove Somaliland from Dhulbahante territories emerged. The movement was called the Unity and Salvation Authority of the SSC Regions of Somalia (Hogaanka Badbaadada iyo midaynta SSC (HBM-SSC)), and it was spearheaded by Saleban Essa Ahmed and founded in 2009. The most important traditional leaders who lent their support to the SSC Movement were Garad Jama Garad Ali, Garad Jama Garad Ismail, and Garad Ali Burale Hassan.

In the Kalshale Conflict, Somaliland forces and SSC militia clashed in the Ayn region in 2011, whilst more clashes were reported to have occurred in 2012.

In 2012, the SSC movement was replaced by Khatumo State after the Khaatumo II conference held at Taleh. The conference was a development with up to 5,000 people from the Dhulbahante community gathering in the town.

Under the leadership of Ali Khalif Galaydh, Khatumo State commenced peace talks with Somaliland and subsequently the two entities reached an agreement at the town of Aynabo in October 2017 with Khatumo joining Somaliland, ceasing to exist. Nonetheless, the Dhulbahante still seek a united Somalia and overwhelming oppose Somaliland's independence aspirations.

Boocame declaration
An historic summit was convened in Boocame from November 15 – November 23 of 2007, by the traditional leaders of the Dulbahante (Dhulbahante) sub-clan of the clan. The Dulbahante traditional chiefs issued an official communiqué on October 15, 2007, regarding the secessionist Somaliland region's militias’ aggression and occupation of Laascaanood (LasAnod), the regional capital of Sool, Sanaag and Cayn regions of Somaliland. All 14 major traditional chiefs of the Dulbahante clan attended this summit. In addition to the traditional chiefs, there were many intellectuals (women & men), students and civic organizations from outside and inside of the country attending the summit. All chiefs unanimously signed declaration communiqué on November 22, 2007.

The communiqué states that the Dulbahante clan is not part of (and was never part of) and does not recognize the administration that calls itself "Somaliland" and that there are no agreements between Dulbahante clan and "Somaliland", in the past or the present. The communiqué also calls for an immediate end of hostility, return of customary peaceful co-existences among clans and an unconditional removal of the Somaliland militia from their territory. Finally, chiefs declared that the Dulbahante clan stands for the Somali unity.

In the anniversary of their historic summit in Boocame in November 2007, the Dulbahante Traditional Chiefs (SSC Traditional Leaders Council) reiterated their previous declaration (above) that they are not part of the Somaliland separatist movement. The council sent its pronouncement to the European Union, United Nations Agencies and all NGOs that operate within Somalia.

Dhulbahante garesa
In the official Dervish-written letter's description of the 1920 air, sea and land campaign and the fall of Taleh in February 1920, in an April 1920 letter transcribed from the original Arabic script into Italian by the incumbent Governatori della Somalia, the airstriked fortresses were described as twenty-seven Dhulbahante garesas the British captured from the Dhulbahante clan:

Contemporary
Khatumo was responsible for building two airports in the 2010s, initially at Taleh, and subsequently at Buuhoodle.

Hass Petroleum, owned by a Dhulbahante is co-developing the Pinnacle Towers project in Nairobi along with White Lotus Group, a Dubai-based investment firm.

Sub-clans
The clan is divided into two major sub-clans: Mohamoud Garad and Farah Garad. The other sub-clans amalgamate in a loose political and social clan confederation referred to as Baho Nugaaled.

The Dhulbahante has a varying assortment of political subdivisions which in order of size include the highest-level segmentations such as Mohamoud Garad, disparate Dhulbahante political alliances such as Shiikhyaale and Dharbash, xeer groups or chief caaqil groups such as Bah Cali Geri (including Farah Adan & Odala Samakab) or Ararsame (including Wacays Adan and Reer Hagar), and the smallest, the dia-paying groups, such as Rikhaaye subclan of Naleeye Ahmed, the Farah Hagar subclan of Ararsame, or Ebirar subclan of Baho Nugaaleed.

The gaashaanbuur xeer group or chief caaqil group is smaller with a lower level agnation than garaad guud (supreme garaad) group, although larger and a higher level agnation that the typical dia group. Of these three levels of segmentation, only the chief caaqil group is simultaneously tied to a xeer (heer) group. For example, heer laws presented to the Nugal district commissioner in 1947 by various gaashaanbuur xeer groups or chief caaqil groups were as disparate as disavowing endogamy, regarding insults at a shir (council) as liable to a payment of a 150 shilling fine, and ingraining patriarchal norms. Pre-independence, the Farah Garad had three chief caaqils, including the Baharsame, which likewise represented Yasin Garad, the Ararsame chief caaqil (Reer Hagar), which likewise represented Wacays Adan, and the Bah Cali Gheri chief Caaqil, which likewise represented a oneling segmentation:

"In 1954 the British and the Dhulbahante had a meeting in Hargeysa. Garaad Jaamac (Baharasame), Xasan Deyl (Chief Caaqil of Cali Geri), Yuusuf Kooreeye (Chief Caaqil of Reer Hagar) and other elders went to Hargeysa to negotiate with the British."

The Ararsame chief caaqil represents the Ararsame twin duo (Hagar and Wacays Adan), whilst the Bah Cali Geri chief caaqil is a oneling segmentation.

Segmentation
There is no clear agreement on the clan and sub-clan structures and many lineages are omitted. Within the Dhulbahante clan, according to the anthropologist I.M. Lewis, the Dhulbahante are divided into 50 groups which pay diyya (or blood money for their members). These are gathered into four lineages of unequal size: the Muuse Si'iid, who made up the majority of the clan circa 1960, and in turn is highly segmented into numerous lineages; the Ahmed Si'id also known as Hayaag, which Lewis estimated to number 1,000 male members at the time, and the Mohamed Si'iid, and the Yuunis Si'iid, which he described as "small, insignificant, and incapable of independent political action." The following summarized clan tree presented below is taken from John Hunt's A general survey of the Somaliland Protectorate (1944–1950):

 * Abdirahman bin Isma'il al-Jabarti (Darod)
 * Mohamed Abdirahman (Kabalalah)
 * Abdi Mohamed (Kombe)
 * Salah Abdi (Harti)
 * Said Abdi (Dhulbahante)

Dynasties

 * Soofe dynasty of the Bah Ali Gheri
 * Bulay dynsaty of the Barkad
 * Amey dynasty or Kooreeye dynasty of Ararsame
 * Shirshoore dynasty of Baharsame and Dhulbahante in general
 * Ali Xaram dynasty of the Maxamuud Garaad

Dynasts

 * Garad Abdiqani Garad Jama, Former Garad of the Dhulbahante and the first delegate to table the case for Somaliland's secession at the Burao Grand Conference of 1991
 * Garad Jama Garad Ali, Garad of the Dhulbahante Clan.
 * Xasan Deyl, chief caaqil of Bah Cali Gheri during independence
 * Garaad Abdulahi Garaad Soofe, first chief caaqil of Bah Cali Gheri in the 21st century
 * Yuusuf Kooreeye, chief caaqil of Ararsame during and prior to independence
 * Omar Amey, the chief caaqil of Ararsame during colonialism
 * Maxamed Cali Bulay, chief caaqil of Barkad during colonialism

Prime ministers

 * Ali Khalif Galaydh, Ex-Prime minister of Somalia and Khaatumo President.
 * Xaashi Suni Fooyaan, Dervish peace-time prime minister

Presidents

 * Abdihakim Amey, former Puntland vice-president.
 * Abdisamad Ali Shire, former Puntland vice-president.
 * Ahmed Elmi Osman, Former President of Khaatumo and Incumbent Vice President of Puntland.
 * Mohamed Yusuf Jama, former Khatumo president.
 * Mohamed Abdi Hashi, President of Puntland.

Dervishes

 * Ali Suji, highest ranked Shiikhyaale general in 1903
 * Ismail Mire, latter Shiikhyaale supreme commander, poet.
 * Ibraahin Xoorane, assassinator of Richard Corfield

Enterprisers

 * Abdinasir Ali Hassan, Chairman of Hass petroleum.
 * Hodan Nalayeh, Somali-Canadian journalist.
 * Abdi Holland, Somali artist.
 * Aw Jama, Somali scholar, historian and collector of oral literature of Somalia. He wrote the first authoritative study of Dervishes.
 * Saado Ali Warsame, singer-songwriter and former MP in the Federal Parliament of Somalia.
 * Ali Dhuh, retorting poet.
 * Amina Mohamed, former Chairman of the INM and the WTO's General Council, and the current Secretary for Foreign Affairs of Kenya.
 * Abdi Bile, Somalia's most decorated athlete with the most Somali national records.
 * Mohamed Suleiman, first ethnic Somali to win an Olympic medal.

Security

 * Mohamed Adam Ahmed, former Chief of Staff of the Somali Armed Forces.
 * Abdi Hassan Mohamed, Incumbent Police Commissioner of the Somali Police Force.
 * Mohamed Isse Lacle, Colonel in the Somali Navy and Former Deputy Minister of Ministry of Ports in Somaliland.
 * Saleban Essa Ahmed, SSC Leader.

Politicians

 * Bashe Mohamed Farah, Speaker of Somaliland House of Representative.
 * Faisal Hassan, Canadian politician.
 * Ibraahim Guure, natural resources minister of Khatumo
 * Ali Jangali Somalia's minister of foreign affairs.
 * Ahmed Gacmayare, former Information Minister for Khaatumo State.
 * Yasin Haji Mohamoud, Foreign Minister of Somaliland.
 * Abdiqani Mohamoud Jidhe, Somaliland appointed Governor of Sool.
 * Abdirahman Mohamed Abdi Hashi, Former Somali Minister of Fisheries.
 * Mohamoud Diriye Abdi Joof, former Khaatumo Minister.

title: Dhulbahante


text:
São Francisco do Sul

São Francisco do Sul is a municipality in the Brazilian state of Santa Catarina. It covers an area of 540 km2 (208 miles2) and had an estimated population of 53,746 in 2020.

Location
It was founded as a village by the Portuguese in 1658. Despite the date of its foundation, there's a previous record that a famous navigator left Honfleur, Normandy in France by the year of 1503 and arrived at São Francisco do Sul, at the Bay of Babitonga, Jean Binot Paulmier De Gonneville is also recognised by many historians as one of the first, if not the first, Europeans to arrive. It is situated on the northern end of the Island of São Francisco at the entrance to the Babitonga Bay.

São Francisco do Sul is an important part of the Brazilian infrastructure. It provides large bulk shipping facilities and is served by the major container shipping lines connecting with the South American east and west coasts, Africa, Asia, North and Central America, the Caribbean and Europe.

During the past decade, São Francisco do Sul has become a popular tourism destination for South American and international guests. The municipality contains the 6667 ha Acaraí State Park, created in 2005.

Twin towns – Sister cities
São Francisco do Sul is twinned with:
 * 🇫🇷 Honfleur, Calvados, France

title: São Francisco do Sul


text:
Journal of Endodontics

The Journal of Endodontics (JOE) is the official journal of the American Association of Endodontists and is published by Elsevier. It is a monthly journal that was established in 1975 and publishes scientific articles, case reports, and studies comparing different tools, materials, and methods used in endodontic treatment.

According to the Journal Citation Reports, Journal of Endodontics has a 2020 impact factor of 4.171, ranking it 16th out of 91 in the category Dentistry, Oral Surgery & Medicine.

title: Journal of Endodontics


text:
Talk:Wide outside lane

Not Traffic-Calming
Wide lanes unfortunately inspire some motorists to speed up, and also inspire double-parking. Both of these effects were evident when wide outside lanes were tried in San Francisco in the 1990s, making the lanes very unsafe. They were eventually restriped to have bike lanes, but at that point the habit of double-parking had been established and continues in the bike lanes. Jym 20:11, 24 July 2005 (UTC)

 * On a street where double parking is practiced, it's hard to understand how the speeds could be high enough to warrant cyclists needing any kind of special facility at all. If motorists are slowing down and stopping to park and even double park, other motorists must slow down, stop, and/or drive around them.  If they can do that, they can just as easily also slow down and/or drive around bicyclists.  That's just par for the course.  --Serge 22:19, 28 February 2006 (UTC)

 * The motorist behavior is (and remains) as I described, both the speeding and the double-parking. The behaviors do not always combine in safe or rational ways:  motorists speed from obstruction to obstruction, where they may swerve into another lane or they may slam on the brakes, depending.  BTW, I am not making a "special facility" argument, so please spare the knee-jerk refutation, Jym 18:19, 14 October 2006 (UTC)

Narrowing with a painted line does not reduce average speed. In 1999 the Institute of Transportation Engineers published "Traffic Calming: State of the Practice", a report on experiences with traffic calming in the US & Canada. Here are fair-use quotes from the section titled "Centerline and Edgeline Striping":

"Painting an edgeline several feet from the pavement edge has the effect of visually narrowing the roadway."

"In theory, the perceived narrowing could cause a modest speed reduction, just as a real narrowing causes a modest speed reduction. The theory is not borne out by empirical studies. Results from Howard County, MD, Beaverton, OR, and San Antonio, TX, suggest that vehicle operating speeds are as likely to increase as decrease with striping." http://www.ite.org/traffic/tcsop/Chapter5c.pdf --Bruce Rosar 03:22, 2 March 2006 (UTC)

WOLs not as safe as NOLs
Wide Outside Lanes are inherently more dangerous than Narrow Outside Lanes because WOLs increase the threat of the 'right hook' and other dangers caused by the cyclist being outside of the normal flow of traffic and thus less visible. The article fails to address this and seems to be unfairly biased towards WOLs. —Preceding unsigned comment added by 68.48.177.58 (talk) 14:17, 24 November 2010 (UTC)

Not Universal
This appears to apply to a particular part of the world. It would be helpful if the article said which part. The Real Walrus 16:17, 31 March 2006 (UTC)

benefits of wide curb lanes
Curb lanes aren't just widened to benefit bicyclists. Curbs are commonly offset at least one foot from the lane, whether or not bicyclists are considered. This is because vehicle drivers generally will drive closer to the centerline when vertical faced curbs are used, to reduce hydroplaining. splashing and spray from rainwater in the gutter. Also, bicyclists in a WCL, shoulder or bike lane are deemed to have a passenger car equivalence of zero, meaning they don't add to vehicle delays. I'm not sure how much of this belongs in the article, but it shows why the statement that "WOLs are generally considered to be facilities which primarily benefit cyclists" is misleading. --Triskele Jim 17:26, 27 January 2014 (UTC)

title: Talk:Wide outside lane


text:
Helen Bonchek Schneyer

Helen Bonchek Schneyer (January 10, 1921 in New York City – July 16, 2005 in Barre, Vermont) was an American folk musician. She was raised Jewish in New York City. While a student at Columbia University, she was introduced to American folk music. She also sang Baptist spirituals.

Over a sixty-year career, Schneyer worked with such influential artists as Pete Seeger and Woody Guthrie. Later in life, Schneyer frequently appeared on A Prairie Home Companion as well as at many folk festivals.

title: Helen Bonchek Schneyer


text:
Hunger and Thirst

Hunger and Thirst (French original title La Soif et la faim ) is one of Eugène Ionesco's late plays, premiering in Paris at Comédie-Française on February 28, 1966.

The play has one act divided into four periods. In the play, Ionesco depicts religion as an expression of conformism and of the alienation of idealism to the establishment. It was first produced in an English translation in the United States in April, 1967, by the Yale Dramatic Association.

title: Hunger and Thirst


text:
User:José Gnudista

Hello, I started helping out in Wikipedia on August 2004. At the time, I was quite interested in the GNU Project, so I made it part of my nom de plume.

Since I have a terribly busy schedule, I can't help out as much as I would like to. However, every now and then you will see my contributions, mostly on topics related to Mexico.

Thank you for visiting, and if you want to leave me a comment, please use my discussion page.

Some useful links (for me):
 * XTools
 * Persondata.
 * HTML2Wiki Converter
 * Manual of Style.
 * Wikipedia citation tool for Google Books
 * Template messages/User talk namespace.

title: User:José Gnudista


text:
Back Then

"Back Then" is a song by American rapper Mike Jones, released in February 15, 2005 as the second single from his debut studio album Who Is Mike Jones?. Peaking at number 22 on the Billboard Hot 100, the single gave him his first and only top 40 hit on that chart as a solo artist, as well as success on the Hot Rap Songs and Hot R&B/Hip-Hop Songs charts at numbers 6 and 15 respectively. A music video directed by Dr. Teeth was made for the single.

Song information
The song deals with the popularity and sexual attention rappers receive because of their money, contrasts, and the way Jones was treated before achieving success. The song is sometimes seen as a critique of effects of fame or hypergamy; conversely, it is often considered to present a misogynistic or chauvinistic attitude toward women. The following line, which is repeated many times during the song, sums up the general attitude of the lyrics: "Back then hoes didn't want me / Now I'm hot hoes all on me." The song talks about Jones' life before fame, getting constant rejection from women he wanted to get attention from and giving them the same treatment now that he's a successful rapper.

The song is featured in the 2007 Xbox 360 video game Def Jam: Icon. Mike Jones is a playable character in the video game and provides his own voice and likeness.

Commercial performance
The single became Jones' most successful single to date, peaking at number 22 on the Billboard Hot 100. The single became a success on both the Hot Rap Songs and Hot R&B/Hip-Hop Songs charts where it peaked at #6 and 15 respectively, while becoming a moderate hit on the Pop 100 chart where it peaked at number 45. The song was also a moderate success on the Hot Digital Songs chart, where it peaked at number 26 and eventually went Platinum, becoming Jones' second platinum single.

Music video
Directed by Dr. Teeth (who directed most of Mike Jones' videos), the video looks at Mike Jones's life before he was famous, getting shut down by every woman he met and tried to get attention from, and how he reacts to those same women who passed him up only for them to be given the same treatment they gave to him. The video is bookended with a club concert that has fans saying his catchphrase, "Who? Mike Jones!" DJ Michael "5000" Watts makes a cameo appearance.

Track listing

 * UK 12"
 * 1) "Back Then" (Radio Version) – 4:05
 * 2) "Back Then" (Instrumental) – 4:05
 * 3) "Back Then" (Album Version) – 4:04

 * US 12"
 * 1) "Back Then" (Radio Version) – 4:05
 * 2) "Back Then" (Instrumental) – 4:05
 * 3) "Back Then" (Album Version) – 4:04

title: Back Then


text:
User talk:Iubilus

Welcome!
Hello, Iubilus, and welcome to Wikipedia! Thanks for your contributions; I hope you like it here and decide to stay. We're glad to have you in our community! Here are a few good links for newcomers:

 * If you haven't already, drop by the new user log and tell others a bit about yourself.
 * Always sign your posts on talk pages with  so others will know who left which comments.
 * The Five Pillars of Wikipedia
 * Our policies, guidelines, and simplified ruleset
 * How to edit a page and write a great article
 * The Wikipedia tutorial and picture tutorial
 * The handy Manual of Style
 * And finally, remember to be bold in updating pages!

I hope you enjoy editing and being a Wikipedian. Although we all make mistakes, please keep in mind what Wikipedia is not. If you have any questions or concerns, don't hesitate to see the help pages or add a question to the village pump. The Community Portal can also be very useful.

Happy editing!

-- Sango  123  22:29, July 15, 2005 (UTC)

P.S. Feel free to leave a message on my talk page if you need help with anything or simply wish to say hello. :)

St. Dominic
Hi. I know you really didn't ask me, but I ran into your question at Sango123's talk page, so maybe I can help. If you have reason to believe that the article is not well-written, realistic or accurate, you may correct it, we encourage editors to be bold in their work. Remember to provide edit summaries, name sources that support your claim that the facts aren't those in the article. If your edits get reverted, try engaging the other user(s) in the talk page before re-reverting it back. It may also be that other people don't revert you right away, but they themselves decide to ask about your changes in the talk page. In there, you may try to reach consensus, that is, get to a common ground that everybody (or the vast majority, at least) can agree upon. Remember to always assume good faith; people may be passionate about an article to which they've contributed heavily, but it doesn't mean that they won't be reasoned with, and being polite and thorough in your reasonings will go a long way to reaching your goals for improving the article. If it happens that the article is under heavy editing, with some disagreement going on between users, it is usually wise to propose your desired changes in the talk page before going ahead with them — if nobody responds after a reasonable period of time, you may go ahead with your changes. You don't have to wait indefinitely if your remarks go ignored, but if after people do engage you in the talk page, or if they revert your edits, stay cool, answer politely and work towards reaching consensus, always. But it may also be that no one will contest your edits. In that case, you are home free! I hope this helps. Good luck, and welcome to Wikipedia! At your disposal for any further explanations, Redux 05:43, 27 July 2005 (UTC)

 * (Well, it looks like Redux did a wonderful job of explaining it already!) Thanks for the message and question. First off, don't worry about offending anyone; be bold and and contribute as you see fit. Though I would recommend against removing the source, don't hesitate to add your own (Cite sources). The 'edit this page' tab is available to everyone, so please use it! Regards, Sango  123  16:15, July 27, 2005 (UTC)

title: User talk:Iubilus


text: User talk:67.192.254.49

title: User talk:67.192.254.49