text:
User talk:Hawky

Welcome!
Hello, Hawky, and welcome to Wikipedia! Thanks for your contributions; I hope you like it here and decide to stay. We're glad to have you in our community! Here are a few good links for newcomers:

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Happy editing!

-- Sango  123  22:43, July 15, 2005 (UTC)

P.S. Feel free to leave a message on my talk page if you need help with anything or simply wish to say hello. :)

Edit summary
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Proposed deletion of Pot Mash

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title: User talk:Hawky


text:
User talk:Matthewleslie

Welcome!
Hello, Matthewleslie, and welcome to Wikipedia! Thanks for your contributions; I hope you like it here and decide to stay. We're glad to have you in our community! Here are a few good links for newcomers:

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Happy editing!

-- Sango  123  22:44, July 15, 2005 (UTC)

P.S. Feel free to leave a message on my talk page if you need help with anything or simply wish to say hello. :)

Image Tagging Image:MarinaCity2.jpg
Thanks for uploading Image:MarinaCity2.jpg. I notice the 'image' page currently doesn't specify who created the content, so the copyright status is therefore unclear. If you have not created this media yourself then you need to argue that we have the right to use the media on Wikipedia (see copyright tagging below). If you have not created the media yourself then you should also specify where you found it, i.e., in most cases link to the website where you got it, and the terms of use for content from that page.

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license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: User talk:Matthewleslie


text: File:Lucky7 cover lg.jpg

title: File:Lucky7 cover lg.jpg


text:
Bojayá massacre

The Bojayá massacre (La Masacre de Bojayá) was a massacre that occurred on May 2, 2002, in the town of Bellavista, Bojayá Municipality, Chocó Department, Colombia. Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) guerrillas attacked the town in an attempt to take control of the Atrato River region from United Self-Defense Forces of Colombia (AUC) paramilitaries. During the fighting, a gas cylinder bomb (known in Spanish as a pipeta or cilindro bomba) launched at the AUC paramilitaries positioned by the walls of a church from a FARC mortar went through the roof of the church instead, landing on the altar inside and detonating. 119 civilians died in the attack; approximately 300 inhabitants of the town had taken refuge in the church, and 79 died in the explosion.

Background
A 2001 publication prepared by the Colombian Ministry of National Defence, "Annual Report on Human Rights and International Humanitarian Law, 2000", provided the following description of the situation in Bojayá:"'The armed confrontation in the region between the guerrillas and the illegal self-defence forces is very violent due to the economic and strategic interests in play, including, among others: drug trafficking, the inter-oceanic connection, the development of megaprojects like the Panamerican Highway, and the proximity of ports and hydroelectric stations. The region furthermore represents advantages for these groups as a route for the import of arms and supplies from Central America and to provide favourable routes for drug trafficking.'"

Preceding events
At least 250 paramilitary combatants moved in to Bellavista, the administrative centre of the municipality of Bojayá, on 21 April 2002. They remained there despite protests by local residents. The UNHCHR sent an official communication to the Colombian government on April 23 expressing their concern regarding the presence of the paramilitaries and the possible consequences for the local people. The Ombudsman's Office of Colombia also visited the region on April 26 and released an early warning regarding the threat of an armed confrontation in the area.

Intense fighting broke out on May 1 in a neighboring town, Vigía del Fuerte, and spread to Bellavista later in the day. Around 300 residents took shelter in the local church, 100 in the adjoining parsonage, and another 100 in the Augustinian Missionary residence, over the course of the night.

Details of the attack
According to the official UN investigation report, in the morning of May 2 the AUC paramilitaries had established positions around the church, using the rare concrete buildings and the cement wall around the church yard for protection. The FARC took up positions to the north (in Barrio Pueblo Nuevo), and began launching gas cylinder bombs (pipetas) toward the paramilitary positions. Two of the bombs landed nearby and the third went through the roof of the church, where it exploded on the altar.

The UN investigation found the FARC in violation of several principles of international humanitarian law, including an indiscriminate attack causing unnecessary civilian casualties, failure to distinguish between civilian and combatant, failure to take efforts to protect civilians from avoidable harm, and attacks against cultural property. Prohibitions against these acts are found in Common Article 3 of the 1949 Geneva Conventions and Articles 4, 13, and 16 of Additional Protocol II. The UN also considered the FARC responsible for the forced displacement of civilians generated as a consequence of the attack on the church, placing the act in violation of Article 17 of Protocol II.

The UN found the AUC to be in violation of various aspects of international humanitarian law, including using civilians as human shields, failing to protect civilians from the effects of their military operations, and for causing massive forced displacement of civilian populations in the region due to their acts, threats and combat operations in the area. Given reports of theft by the AUC of goods, equipment and vehicles belonging to local residents, the UN also found the AUC guilty of pillage (a violation of Article 17 of Protocol II).

The UNHCHR additionally found that the Colombian government failed to act, in order to prevent the massive human suffering which ensued from the events in Bojaya; suffering that was predicted and of which the government was explicitly warned of beforehand.

Bellavista Nuevo
The attack caused significant physical damage to Bellavista. In its aftermath, some 4,000 citizens fled Bojayá, including all residents of Bellavista. Five days after the attack the Colombian government announced that a new town would be constructed. Support from the residents of Bellavista for this decision was largely favourable, though not unanimous. Siting and planning was undertaken by graduate students at Universidad Javeriana in Bogotá, who selected a location roughly one kilometre from the old town for its low risk of flooding.

The buildings of the new settlement were well-constructed, and connected to a network of municipal utilities and services. The original town of Bellavista was abandoned, and is now referred to as Bellavista Viejo ("Old Bellavista"). The new settlement took the name Bellavista Nuevo.

Responsibility of the state
The First Administrative Court of Quibdo, Chocó sentenced the Colombian State to a billion and a half Colombian peso compensation to relatives of two of the dead victims on May 29, 2008. It ruled the State was administratively responsible and had neglected to protect its citizens, despite the warnings of the ombudsman.

Death of perpetrator
At dawn of 22 February 2012, nearly 10 years after the event, a Colombian Air Force Embraer EMB 314 Super Tucano identified the camp of FARC's 57th Front, 15 kilometers north of Bojayá near the border with Panama. The Super Tucano dropped two high-precision bombs, destroying the camp and killing six FARC rebels (including Pedro Alfonso Alvarado a.k.a. “Mapanao"), who are believed to have been responsible for the massacre.

title: Bojayá massacre


text:
Talk:Marina City

Hotel Chicago Downtown, Autograph Collection
Missing from this page? It was built as part of Marina City and should be included in the article.

current state
I edited this page to include some information on the current state of marina, and add what I think is a more attractive picture - I hope everyone agrees.

 * Sometime after it was converted to condos, I heard that the parking garage was in need of repair, and the owner was bankrupt, leaving the apartment owners above without a solid foundation (I don't know if the garage was owned by the condo association, or an outside company). Obviously they didn't let it fall over, does anyone know how they resolved it? -Rbean 18:40, 24 December 2005 (UTC)

I live at Marina City, and also edited the article with information regarding the pending loss of much of our northern and (remaining) western views. I can add the history of the building's bankruptcy as well, but that information can be found in detail (if anyone else wants to work on this) in the transcript of the 1990s interview with Bertrand Goldberg available from the website of the Art Institute of Chicago. Also, it's the main branch of the Chicago River we overlook, there isn't an "east" branch. (MDoyle, 24 May 2006)

changed the text regarding the AIA award. It won the award because of its expressed structural design... not in spite of it. 10 Oct. 2006

cultural references section
Is this building featured in the movie 'I, Robot', next to the US Robotics building? If so perhaps it should be in the cultural references section.

Inspiration
These towers inspired the construction of The Sentinels in Birmingham, England, however, I don't know where to put this sentence in the article. There is a reference in The Sentinels article to support this. So can someone give me a little help?- Erebus555 17:46, 20 April 2007 (UTC)
 * Thematically it would fit after the "first urban post-war high-rise residential complex in the United States" bit, but I think that position might be too central to include such derivatives. I removed the bit about the Augsburg tower for similar reasons. Maybe the article needs a section "Buildings inspired by Marina City"?.
 * For the meantime I included a link to The Sentinels in the "See Also" section, next to the link to the Augsburg Hotel Tower.
 * --BjKa (talk) 09:44, 7 November 2013 (UTC)

Another wiki image available
ChicagoBuildings1004.jpg is another image of MC available for this page. Speciate 23:32, 30 June 2007 (UTC)

who commissioned?
Can someone please help me? I understand that this bulding was commissioned to be built and paid for by the Union Janitors funds. Can anyone tell me who commisioned it to be built? 07:28pm, 25 February 2008 (UTC)DStiffin

65-stories?
The towers have 60 inhabitable floors and there's a so called "5-story elevator & physical plant penthouse" - I object to the word penthouse, while possibly technically accurate it is misleading. I'd replace it with the world "area" unless someone has a better suggestion. Obviously the elevator core is part of the height of the building but I don't see how it possibly counts as 5 stories unless there is some technical rule about this. It doesn't seem 5 stories tall. The elevator doesn't go up any further than "61 roof deck" but the roof usually doesn't count as a story of the building. Erickaakcire (talk) 19:56, 21 November 2008 (UTC)

Apartments versus condominiums
Since the building has been switched from rental apartments to condominiums, would it be a good idea to replace the word apartment with the word unit in describing the floor plan? Using the word apartment seems confusing. --JeremiahJohnson (talk) 18:29, 17 July 2009 (UTC)

"Marina" Name Origins
Where does the name "Marina City" come from? Obviously there is a marina now, under the towers, but my question is: has one already been there before the towers were built? At what point in the design process did the marina become a part of the plans for the building complex? At what point was the name "Marina City" stuck on the project, and what was the name of the building/area/plot before? --BjKa (talk) 10:07, 7 November 2013 (UTC)

50 years later
The TEN HOMES episode of the TEN THAT CHANGED AMERICA series (Dan Protess 2016) features Marina City as an important building in the history of US architecture. Please add information to the article about how things turned out, half a century later. Is the building still in good condition? Do people like living there? Does the building have many more years left, or is it getting to the end? How has the price/value of the living units varied over the life of the building?-71.174.185.30 (talk) 13:30, 27 March 2017 (UTC)

marinacity.org is arguably the world’s first and most comprehensive record of Chicago landmark Marina City. I’d like to offer it as a free resource to Wikipedia editors for information about Marina City, past and present. The history section contains more than 100 stories and more than 600 images and it is continuously updated. Steven Dahlman (talk) 15:33, 1 June 2017 (UTC)

Reasons for recent changes… -While residents were living in the towers at the time, Marina City was not “completed” in 1964. Photographs from 1964 show much of complex still under construction, and this is what people who lived at Marina City at that time recall. However, there was no definitive hand-off date by the construction contractor. Interpretations vary but the consensus appears to be that the site as originally planned was completed no later than 1968. -Marina City occupies more than half of an entire city block but if you look at a Google Map of 300 North State Street, you’ll see Museum of Broadcast Communications and Harry Caray’s Italian Steakhouse take up about one-quarter of the block. -It’s not clear what was meant by “which include five-story elevators.” The towers each have four passenger elevators and one freight elevator. -The Chase bank branch at Marina City closed in 2014. -I inserted the name of the union, as it was known then, that invested in Marina City.Steven Dahlman (talk) 01:25, 5 June 2017 (UTC)

File:Marina City, Chicago, Illinois, Estados Unidos, 2012-10-20, DD 01.jpg to appear as POTD soon
Hello! This is a note to let the editors of this article know that File:Marina City, Chicago, Illinois, Estados Unidos, 2012-10-20, DD 01.jpg will be appearing as picture of the day on August 9, 2017. You can view and edit the POTD blurb at Template:POTD/2017-08-09. If this article needs any attention or maintenance, it would be preferable if that could be done before its appearance on the Main Page. — Chris Woodrich (talk) 02:09, 2 August 2017 (UTC)

External links modified
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Views
Would anybody object if I remove this entire section? I was going to update or remove some parts about things that happened over ten years ago, but then I realized that very little of it is still relevant, due to the proliferation of tall buildings around it. There are at least eight buildings taller than it within three blocks. I would guess that a third of the section is no longer true at all. But there are no citations, so it's hard to say whether any of the rest of it is true. And is it really necessary to state that you can see far from a tall building? -Freekee (talk) 04:15, 4 September 2019 (UTC)

 * I removed the following text. I'll see if I can find a home for the images. -Freekee (talk) 02:57, 15 September 2019 (UTC)

To the south, the towers overlook the main branch of the Chicago River with a commanding view of the Chicago Loop beyond it. To the west, the towers offer views of the division of the Chicago River between its north and south branches, the Merchandise Mart, the Willis Tower, and the vast westward expanse of the city. To the north, the towers face Chicago's River North, Old Town, and Gold Coast neighborhoods and the northern neighborhoods of Chicago as they extend toward Evanston. To the east the Towers afford a view of the eastern terminus of the Chicago River, Lake Michigan, Navy Pier, and Grant Park.

From the condominium floors, on a clear day it is possible to see office buildings abutting Interstate 294, located more than 20 mi to the west. On spring and summer nights, the towers also have a view of illuminated Wrigley Field during evening baseball games, 4.5 mi to the north. Many of the views from the towers will be obstructed due to new construction in the immediate future. After more than 40 years of unimpeded north and northwest views, in spring 2006 construction began on vacant lots immediately northwest of the towers at the intersection of North Dearborn and West Kinzie Streets for separate projects, including a mid-rise hotel and a high-rise office building, which is expected to partially obscure views from Marina City in these directions. Also in 2006, site preparation began on a high-rise office building west of Marina City at North LaSalle Street and the Chicago River which, when completed, will eliminate the unimpeded view of the western horizon from Marina City's uppermost floors and roof decks.

 * I have rearranged the images into two galleries. The early photos are in the History section. More recent photos are in a gallery under the Current Use section. -Freekee (talk) 03:07, 15 September 2019 (UTC)

title: Talk:Marina City


text:
User talk:BetsyNewmark

Welcome!
Hello, BetsyNewmark, and welcome to Wikipedia! Thanks for your contributions; I hope you like it here and decide to stay. We're glad to have you in our community! Here are a few good links for newcomers:

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Happy editing!

-- Sango  123  22:46, July 15, 2005 (UTC)

P.S. Feel free to leave a message on my talk page if you need help with anything or simply wish to say hello. :)

title: User talk:BetsyNewmark


text:
Marina Towers

Marina Towers may refer to:
 * Marina Towers (Beirut), a residential building complex in Beirut
 * Marina City, a mixed-use residential/commercial building complex in Chicago
 * The Tower, Meridian Quay, Swansea referred to as Marina Tower during pre-planning
 * Marina Towers Observatory, in Swansea
 * Marina Tower Melbourne, a mixed-use development in Melbourne, Australia

title: Marina Towers


text:
User talk:UCLA - Pasadena

Welcome!
Hello, UCLA - Pasadena, and welcome to Wikipedia! Thanks for your contributions; I hope you like it here and decide to stay. We're glad to have you in our community! Here are a few good links for newcomers:

 * If you haven't already, drop by the new user log and tell others a bit about yourself.
 * Always sign your posts on talk pages with  so others will know who left which comments.
 * The Five Pillars of Wikipedia
 * Our policies, guidelines, and simplified ruleset
 * How to edit a page and write a great article
 * The Wikipedia tutorial and picture tutorial
 * The handy Manual of Style
 * And finally, remember to be bold in updating pages!

I hope you enjoy editing and being a Wikipedian. Although we all make mistakes, please keep in mind what Wikipedia is not. If you have any questions or concerns, don't hesitate to see the help pages or add a question to the village pump. The Community Portal can also be very useful.

Happy editing!

-- Sango  123  22:46, July 15, 2005 (UTC)

P.S. Feel free to leave a message on my talk page if you need help with anything or simply wish to say hello. :)

 * Thanks for the question on my talk page. First, could you please point out the articles on which User:Joy has performed the mentioned actions? However, if you think the situation is very urgent, you can alert an administrator (on their talk page) and present them with evidence. Regards, Sango  123  03:19, July 18, 2005 (UTC)

Sango123,

thanks for your prompt reply. The following are some of the vandalized and consequently blocked pages you were looking for:

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Pagania http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Duklja http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Travunia http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Serbs http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Image:Serb_lands03.jpg etc...

Please refer to the following discussion as well:

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Image_talk:Serb_lands03.jpg

Multiple users have been blocked as well. This should not and cannot go unnoticed. I appreciate your help very much.

Thanks, UCLA - Pasadena

Serb lands
Hello, I'm not sure why that is vandalism - you seem to be having a dispute about the maps. I don't understand, why do you want to keep the inferior map? This seems to be more of the same nonsense about De Administrando Imperio that has been going on for two years. Adam Bishop 04:03, 18 July 2005 (UTC)

Serb lands to Adam Bishop
I agree about the nonsense. Joy insists on violating copyright protected materials. His map is a flase clone of a published work http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Image:Kpdai30.gif and is in disagreement with the facts. Not only is it inferior, but wholyl flase and in violation of copyright material.

According to most historians, all the historical evidence strongly suggests that Serbi-Bosnia's western border ran along the Una and Sava rivers, centered at Srb, an ancient stronhold on the Una River. According to primary historical sources Caslav's rule did extend to the west of the river Una as well. He shortly ruled Croatia. Neither map reflects this.

Last but not least, Joy seems to be in disagreement with the wider Wikipedia community. With only himself on his side, he has blocked numerous wikipedia users. I express my doubt that this should be tolerated. It hurts the whole community.

I thank you for your help in advance. SHould you be unable to assist with this, please let me know who is.

Thanks, UCLA - Pasadena

 * Well what's wrong with Joy's map? It may be a "clone" but the original seems to be copyrighted, while the other one does not. The maps look essentially identical to me. Adam Bishop 05:24, 18 July 2005 (UTC)

 * It is inaccurate. UCLA - Pasadena 05:24, 18 July 2005 (UTC) Please let me know who can assist with Joy's abuse that doesn't stop there. Tomislav, Croatian prince, never ruled Bosnia, but Joy would like to spread that propaganda. Consequently, he prevents users from editing his nonsense.

Image Tagging for Image:Serbs10thc.jpg
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title: User talk:UCLA - Pasadena


text: User talk:203.47.250.138

title: User talk:203.47.250.138


text:
WPEC

WPEC (channel 12) is a television station in West Palm Beach, Florida, United States, affiliated with CBS. It is owned by Sinclair Broadcast Group alongside Fort Pierce–licensed CW affiliate WTVX (channel 34) and two low-power, Class A stations: MyNetworkTV affiliate WTCN-CD (channel 43) and WWHB-CD (channel 48). The stations share studios on Fairfield Drive in Mangonia Park (with a West Palm Beach postal address); WPEC's transmitter is located southeast of Wellington, Florida.

The third TV station built in West Palm Beach and second-oldest in operation, channel 12 began as WEAT-TV on January 1, 1955. It was the ABC affiliate under several owners, including RKO General and land developer John D. MacArthur. In 1974, the station was acquired by Photo Electronics Corporation, headed by Alexander W. Dreyfoos, Jr. The station adopted its current call sign and expanded its news operation, but it continued to remain locked in second place in local news ratings behind NBC affiliate WPTV.

In order to compensate for an affiliation switch in Miami that would leave CBS with a coverage shortfall in Broward County, south of the market but within WPEC's signal area, CBS induced WPEC to switch from ABC to CBS in January 1989. While Broward viewers turned to WPEC for CBS programming for a time, the station failed to woo them for news viewership. Dreyfoos sold WPEC in 1995 to Freedom Communications; it became the company's flagship television property. Freedom sold its stations to Sinclair in 2011; Sinclair simultaneously acquired WTVX and the two low-power stations from Four Points Media Group. Under Sinclair's ownership, the station has slipped from second to third in news ratings.

WEAT-TV
In April 1952, the Federal Communications Commission (FCC) opened to new television station applications after a four-year freeze, with channels 5 and 12 available in West Palm Beach. Applications for channel 12 were taken from radio station WIRK (which later amended its application for channel 21 and ultimately operated WIRK-TV for two and a half years), Television Theater of the Palm Beaches, radio station WWPG (Palm Beach Broadcasting), and—in November 1953—WEAT-TV, Inc. This company was associated with radio station WEAT (1490 AM, moved to 850 in 1954), though it did not actually own the station at the time.

The other two applicants each withdrew after WEAT-TV filed, leaving the path clear for WEAT-TV to obtain the channel 12 construction permit. The transmitter site on Congress Avenue was shared with WEAT, which was relocating from 1490 to 850 kHz; one of the three towers in the AM station's array would also hold the antenna for the TV station. While WEAT radio was affiliated with NBC, WEAT-TV would be a primary affiliate of ABC.

WEAT-TV began broadcasting on January 1, 1955. Six months later, the sale of WEAT radio and television to General Teleradio, later reorganized as RKO General, was announced. RKO owned the stations for less than two years before selling them to Rex Rand and Bertram Lebhar Jr., incorporated as Palm Beach Broadcasting, in 1957.

In 1963, Rand and Lebhar sued John D. MacArthur, claiming the businessman and developer had failed to pursue a stock and loan agreement. However, by September, negotiations were ongoing on an outright sale of the station to MacArthur. The $2.1 million purchase (through Gardens Broadcasting) was confirmed that October, with MacArthur also announcing plans to establish new studios to a site in Palm Beach Gardens. Under MacArthur, WEAT-TV began broadcasting local and network programs in color. In the 1967–68 season, ABC aired a national game show, Treasure Isle, which originated from MacArthur's Colonnades Beach Hotel in Palm Beach Shores and once was aired by channel 12 in the 7 p.m. time slot. MacArthur also expressed interest in teaming with Lamar Hunt to acquire the ABC network in 1968, having previously purchased video equipment from the failed Overmyer Network.

WPEC
MacArthur, then 76, announced in April 1973 that he would begin selling off his vast business holdings in Palm Beach County. The first business to be sold was WEAT-TV; the buyer was Photo Electronics Corporation (PEC), a company founded by local entrepreneur Alexander W. Dreyfoos, Jr. and business partner George W. Mergens. Dreyfoos later noted in a 1982 interview for the Palm Beach Daily News that he was attracted to the electronic side of television. It was in technology that PEC had made its money; in 1971, the company had received an Academy Award for technical achievement for its Video Color Negative Analyzer (VCNA), a tool used in photography. The VCNA's success provided the funding to acquire WPEC.

PEC assumed operation of the station on December 1; the station moved to its present studio facilities on Fairfield Drive in Mangonia Park and changed its call sign to WPEC on January 27, 1974. The untangling of WEAT radio with the television station required hiring a mostly new news staff.

Dreyfoos, who had been a hands-off manager in large part because he was actively developing a color laser printer, took active control of WPEC in late 1980, dismissing top-level management and installing his own; Bob Wiegand, the general manager of WKRC-TV in Cincinnati, was attracted to West Palm Beach by Dreyfoos's openness to remaking the station. The studio facilities were expanded, providing dedicated space for the station, which had initially been squeezed into PEC's existing footprint. Mergens died from injuries sustained in a bicycle accident in July 1986.

Affiliation switch to CBS
On August 6, 1988, WPEC announced that it would become an affiliate of CBS in January 1989, leaving ABC after 34 years. CBS had lured WPEC to the network as part of a deal it was making in the Miami market. Simultaneous with the affiliation news, CBS purchased WCIX (channel 6) from TVX Broadcast Group to become the new CBS affiliate in the Miami market, replacing WTVJ (channel 4). CBS had been represented in the market by WTVX (channel 34), a station licensed to and based in Fort Pierce that had only begun serving Palm Beach County in 1980. For technical reasons, WCIX's transmitter site was much further south than other major television stations in the Miami market and consequently provided little to no signal over most of Broward County, an area outside the West Palm Beach market but covered by the signals of WPEC and WPTV.

The switch to CBS excited Dreyfoos, who was running the station as acting general manager after Wiegand resigned; it came at a time when WPEC's news ratings were sliding because of an unpopular change in anchors and would allow WPEC to get out of the shadow of Miami ABC affiliate WPLG. CBS reportedly paid $5 million over two years to the station, consisting of an increase in network compensation payments; $1 million in capital improvements to the transmitter; and promotion expenses. The switch also put ABC in the position of needing a new affiliate in West Palm Beach; in a move that stunned local broadcasters, it bypassed outgoing CBS affiliate WTVX (and Fox affiliate WFLX) and chose to affiliate with WPBF (channel 25), a station not even on the air, based on its more central location; the track record of one of its owners with another station; and its willingness to pay the first ever reverse compensation affiliation fee to the network.

After the switch, Broward viewers made up a much larger portion of WPEC's audience. In 1988, seven percent of channel 12 viewers in total-day ratings and six percent in afternoon and prime time came from Broward. In February 1989, however, those figures surged to 24 percent, 29 percent, and 32 percent, respectively. WPEC courted Broward viewers with enhanced news coverage and special antenna deals. However, the station found that residents of these areas watched primarily for network programs and turned to Miami stations for their local news. In a second switch in 1995, CBS returned to the channel 4 facility; instead, NBC moved to channel 6.

Freedom Communications ownership
After a surge in unsolicited offers for WPEC in the first half of 1995 and seeing interest in possibly buying additional stations dashed by rising prices, Dreyfoos put the television station on the market. For many years, he had received expressions of interest in the station from a variety of suitors, including Generoso Pope Jr., founder of the National Enquirer. He believed that WPEC would be better served in a consolidated media environment being part of a larger station group.

For more than $150 million—including interest, approaching $160 million—Freedom Communications was the winning bidder for WPEC in September 1995. It was the largest transaction in the company's history and made WPEC its flagship television property. Freedom's bid beat out larger suitors such as Meredith Corporation, Clear Channel Communications, The New York Times Company, and Tribune Company, many of whom were surprised at the final sale price; Dreyfoos benefited from a growing frenzy of consolidation and large media purchases during the time the station was on the market, and in the long term, the station had appreciated in value because of extensive population growth in the West Palm Beach market. In the purchase, Freedom acquired the buildings belonging to WPEC and Photo Electronics Corporation itself; the company's remaining business was moving to Seattle. The rise in the station's valuation was a surprise. The Mergens family sued Dreyfoos after the sale, claiming that he had purposefully understated the company's value when he purchased their 38 percent stake in the station in WPEC at a valuation of $38 million.

Sinclair ownership
Freedom announced on November 2, 2011, that it would bow out of television and sell its stations, including WPEC, to the Sinclair Broadcast Group. Sinclair had earlier announced the acquisition of Four Points Media Group, owner of WTVX, and the two purchases resulted in the first full duopoly in West Palm Beach.

WPEC housed the studios for the American Sports Network, a Sinclair-run sports channel and syndication service that operated from 2014 to 2017. News programs for Sinclair-managed WGFL in Gainesville, were presented from the WPEC facilities until their discontinuation on May 12, 2023.

In 2022, WPEC hosted a gubernatorial debate, held at the Sunrise Theater in Fort Pierce, between Ron DeSantis and Charlie Crist.

News operation
Channel 12 only aired a half-hour evening newscast until becoming WPEC; one of Dreyfoos's first programming moves was to extend the station's evening news to a full hour. However, the station was behind WPTV and even Miami's WTVJ locally; MacArthur's general disinvestment in news gave WPTV a significant head start in news coverage. As part of the 1981 shakeup, the station opted for a younger look in news, replacing well-liked anchorwoman Eleanor Schano White with the duo of John Matthews and Laurel Sauer. Reg Miller, who replaced Matthews, and Sauer remained the lead anchors at channel 12 until 1988, when a decision to replace both of them with the younger Steve Wolford and Jacquie Bange was met with pickets and a precipitous ratings decline, leading to Bange's demotion after eight months.

To prepare for the 1989 affiliation switch and to lure viewers in Broward County, the station reinforced its news presence in the southern part of its market and beyond, bolstering an existing news bureau in Boca Raton and adding one in Fort Lauderdale. A full-time staff of five people was devoted to covering news from Broward. While the station improved its ratings overall, it still found itself in its traditional second place position behind WPTV. With WTVX's news department going under, WPEC also established a news bureau in Stuart, covering the Treasure Coast. After two years, the station abandoned its Broward news quest; it found that the viewers turning to channel 12 for network programs were watching other Miami stations for their local news.

From 1991 to 2010, WPEC produced news programs for Fox affiliate WFLX, beginning with the debut of a 10 p.m. news hour in September 1991. This was the first early late local news in the market since WTVX had briefly aired one in early 1989, after losing CBS but before closing its newsroom. The idea had originated the year before when, at a party, WPEC's general manager told his WFLX counterpart in jest, "I hear you're going into the news business. Why don't you call us, we'll do it for you." The move gave WFLX a newscast, at a time when Fox was encouraging its affiliates to add local news, and allowed WPEC to spread the costs of its news operation across more programming. The program had dedicated anchors but shared most on-air personnel; WPEC received an annual licensing fee and revenue sharing when advertising revenues exceeded a certain amount. In May 2000, the partnership was expanded with an hour-long 7 a.m. newscast, the Fox Morning News, which filled the void created when WPEC had to drop the 7 a.m. hour of its news to air The Early Show. An 8 a.m. hour of the program was introduced in 2006. The deal was unwound at the end of 2010, when WPTV began producing WFLX's news with programs in the same time slots.

The market's news ratings race tightened in the 2000s, when WPBF improved its product as WPEC narrowed the gap with WPTV. However, by 2014, the station's position had diminished to a close third behind WPBF in news ratings and a more distant third in market revenue.

On March 3, 2014, WPEC replaced its 7 p.m. newscast with a new 10 p.m. newscast on WTVX, which was later discontinued. That year, WPEC itself debuted the market's first 3 p.m. newscast, aimed at a female audience and featuring three women as anchors. A 9 a.m. newscast began airing in 2016.

Notable former on-air staff

 * Donna Deegan, anchor, 1980s (known as Donna Clewis while at WPEC)
 * Suzy Kolber, reporter and weekend anchor, 1991–1993
 * Alison Kosik, reporter
 * Al Terzi, anchor, 1978–1980
 * Gary Tuchman, reporter, 1985–1990

Subchannels
The station's signal is multiplexed:

Analog-to-digital conversion
WPEC discontinued regular programming on its analog signal, over VHF channel 12, on June 9, 2009 (three days before the most full-power television stations in the United States transitioned from analog to digital broadcasts under federal mandate on June 12). The station's digital signal remained on its pre-transition VHF channel 13, using virtual channel 12.

title: WPEC


text:
User talk:Mistral3

Please stop. If you continue to vandalize pages, you will be blocked from editing Wikipedia. Rillian 01:39, 19 July 2005 (UTC)

This is your last warning. The next time you vandalize a page, you will be blocked from editing Wikipedia. Rillian 02:12, 20 July 2005 (UTC)

Blocked for 48 hours for blanking:. Please stop doing that. Thue | talk 06:39, 23 July 2005 (UTC)

title: User talk:Mistral3


text:
Talk:Krista Allen

Birth date
Note: imdb.com (Internet Movie Database) lists Krista Allen's birthday as April 5, 1971. — Preceding unsigned comment added by 167.76.159.32 (talk • contribs) 22:47, 15 July 2005 (UTC)
 * 220.247.251.247 first added a birth date on on 21 May 2005:
 * Phatcat68 placed her in Category:1972 births on 27 May 2005 and changed 71 to 72.
 * 210.5.121.190 changed the date back to 1971 on 27 August 2005.
 * 172.214.31.120 changed the date back to 1972 on 27 November 2005, but was reverted.
 * Another change to 1972 on November 29 was again reverted, citing "per IMDB" in the edit summary.
 * 71.122.140.72 changed it back to 1972 on 16 February 2006... you get the picture. No point in documenting how many times this has flipped in the past decade. – wbm1058 (talk) 18:43, 12 October 2016 (UTC)

Copyvio from IMDB
I just deleted a very large chunk that was cut and pasted from IMDB, this page. This is a serious infraction. I've seen an established editor indefinitely blocked by Jimmy Wales without any prior discussion for cutting and pasting from IMDB. --  Donald Albury ( Talk )  23:03, 17 August 2006 (UTC)
 * It seems that Jimbo takes copyvio seriously. AdjustShift (talk) 19:33, 15 September 2008 (UTC)

Modeling?
The article claimed she is a model in the lead and had categories for both standard modeling and adult modeling as well as pageantry. I removed the claim and cats per the main article offering no content in support of any of this. If it's true, feel free to return what I removed and add the appropriate content. Until then, it looks like overcategorization.  Mbinebri  talk ← 21:53, 14 January 2010 (UTC)

 * Some citations have now been added.Reigndog (talk) 02:02, 28 October 2013 (UTC)

Softcore role hidden?
Krista was the title role in 8 Emmanuelle movies and this is not mentioned in the section about her career. What's going on? --damiens.rf 19:28, 17 September 2015 (UTC)

External links modified
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 * Added archive https://web.archive.org/20131029200744/http://en.todocoleccion.net/interviu-n-1359-mayo-2002-krista-allen-entrevistas-maria-adamez-antonio-canales~x11869905 to http://en.todocoleccion.net/interviu-n-1359-mayo-2002-krista-allen-entrevistas-maria-adamez-antonio-canales~x11869905
 * Added archive https://web.archive.org/20070927191955/http://www.maximonline.com/girls_of_maxim/pictures_and_bio/1008/KristaAllen.girl?src=wiki to http://www.maximonline.com/girls_of_maxim/pictures_and_bio/1008/KristaAllen.girl?src=wiki

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External links modified
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 * Added archive https://web.archive.org/web/20070818133420/http://www.stuffmagazine.com/cover_girls/girl.aspx?id=339 to http://www.stuffmagazine.com/cover_girls/girl.aspx?id=339

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External links modified
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Headlining as standup comic?
It's mentioned briefly in the intro that she obstensibly headlined as a standup comic in 2018, yet there is no reference given for this and no where else is it mentioned in the article where she had any aspirations toward being a comedian. Is there a reference someone can supply for the claim that she headlined as a comic in 2018, or that she even qualifies as a comedian at all? Until a reference for this is given, and a good one, I don't think this should be mentioned in the article. Alialiac (talk) 14:38, 12 March 2019 (UTC)

 * Agreed and altered. Emn316 (talk) 22:17, 10 November 2023 (UTC)

title: Talk:Krista Allen


text:
User talk:JimJim

N Ireland etc.
Hi JimJim,

If I have the time, I would like to clean up a lot of the articles on this site too, and contribute some of by own. It may be a pointless exercise, as many of the users in question seem to have an addiction to the site. Its good to see that others are not happy too - I'll support you if you would like to make any changes to the pages (and criticise where necessary!). Maybe I can call on your support if I decide to change some things, and am open to criticism too (just not too much!!!).

Perhaps Lapsed Pacifist should also be reported to some other region on the site if it exists. A close eye should certainly be kept on his edits, especially due to subtle and clever nature of many of them.

Jonto 22:48, 15 July 2005 (UTC)

Hello.

Sorry I don't check this page often. I'm not too involved in Wikipedia politics - I just try and set things straight.

title: User talk:JimJim


text:
Divorce in Islam

Divorce according to Islamic law can occur in a variety of forms, some initiated by a husband and some by a wife. The main categories of Islamic customary law are talaq (repudiation (marriage)), khulʿ (mutual divorce) and faskh (dissolution of marriage before the Religious Court). Historically, the rules of divorce were governed by sharia, as interpreted by traditional Islamic jurisprudence, though they differed depending on the legal school, and historical practices sometimes diverged from legal theory.

In modern times, as personal status (family) laws have been codified, they generally have remained "within the orbit of Islamic law", but control over the norms of divorce shifted from traditional jurists to the state.

Quranic principles
According to the Quran, marriage is intended to be permanent, as indicated by its characterization as a "firm bond" and by the rules governing divorce. The relationship between the spouses should ideally be based on love and important decisions concerning both spouses should be made by mutual consent. When marital harmony cannot be attained, the Quran allows spouses to bring the marriage to an end, although this decision is not to be taken lightly, and the families of the spouses are called upon to intervene by appointing arbiters to attempt a reconciliation. The Quran also sets waiting periods to discourage hasty divorces. For a menstruating woman, the waiting (Iddah) period  before the divorce is finalized, as three monthly periods. For non-menstruating women, including post-menopause women and pre-menarche girls, the waiting period is three months. This is to ensure the woman is not pregnant and thus guarantee the paternity of future children she may have with her next husband, and to give the husband time to reconsider his decision. Moreover, a man who vows not to have sexual intercourse with his wife, which would lead to automatic divorce, is allowed a four-month period to break his oath.

The Quran substantially reformed the gender inequity of divorce practices that existed in pre-Islamic Arabia, although some patriarchical elements survived and others flourished during later centuries. Before Islam, divorce among the Arabs was governed by unwritten customary law, which varied according to region and tribe, and its observance depended on the authority of the individuals and groups involved. In this system, women were particularly vulnerable. The Quranic rules of marriage and divorce provided a fixed set of norms for all Muslims, backed by divine authority and enforced by the community. The early Islamic reforms included giving the wife a possibility to initiate divorce, abrogation of the husband's claim to his wife's property, condemnation of divorce without compelling reason, criminalizing unfounded claims of infidelity made by the husband, and institution of financial responsibilities of the husband toward his divorced wife. In pre-Islamic times, men kept their wives in a state of "limbo" by continually repudiating them and taking them back at will. The Quran limited the number of repudiations to three, after which the man cannot take his wife back unless she first marries another man. Additionally, the pre-Islamic bridewealth (mahr), which was paid by the groom to the bride's family, was transformed into a dower, which became property of the wife, though some scholars believe that the practice of giving at least a part of the mahr to the bride began shortly before the advent of Islam.

The subject of divorce is addressed in four different surahs of the Quran, including the general principle articulated in 2:231:

"If you divorce women, and they reach their appointed term, hold them back in amity or let them go in amity. Do not hold them back out of malice, to be vindictive. Whoever does this does himself injustice."

Legal context
Classical Islamic law is derived from the scriptural sources of Islam (Quran and hadith) using various methodologies developed by different legal schools. It was historically interpreted by jurists (muftis) who were expected to give a legal opinion (fatwa) free of charge in response to any query. Family disputes are handled in a religious courts presided over by a judge (qadi) who had enough legal education to decide some legal questions and queried a mufti if faced with a difficult legal issue. The judges were active members of the local community and were also involved in informal arbitration, which was the preferred method of resolving disputes. In court proceedings, they mediated between the letter of the law and exigences of the local social and moral concerns, with the overarching aim of ensuring social harmony. Actual legal practice sometimes deviated from the precepts of the legal school that was dominant in the area, at times to women's benefit and at times to their disadvantage. Members of all social classes and their witnesses argued their cases in court without professional legal representation, though members of the upper class generally did so through a representative. Women were commonly involved in litigation, usually as plaintiffs, were assertive in arguing their cases, and they were often treated sympathetically by the judge. According to legal doctrine, a woman's testimony in some areas of law carried half the weight of that of a man, though available evidence suggests that practical effects of this rule were limited and the legal standing of women in pre-modern Islam was comparable to or higher than that of their European contemporaries.

Jurisprudence
The term talaq is commonly translated as "repudiation" or simply "divorce". In classical Islamic law it refers to the husband's right to dissolve the marriage by simply announcing to his wife that he repudiates her. Classical jurists variously classified pronouncement of talaq as forbidden or reprehensible unless it was motivated by a compelling cause such as impossibility of cohabitation due to irreconcilable conflict, though they did not require the husband to obtain court approval or provide a justification. The jurists imposed certain restrictions on valid repudiation. For example, the declaration must be made in clear terms; the husband must be of sound mind and not coerced. Upon talaq, the wife is entitled to the full payment of mahr if it had not already been paid. The husband is obligated to financially support her until the end of the waiting period or the delivery of her child, if she is pregnant. In addition, she has a right to child support and any past due maintenance, which Islamic law requires to be paid regularly in the course of marriage.

Giving the husband a prerogative of repudiation was based on the assumption that men would have no interest in initiating a divorce without good cause, given the financial obligations it would incur. Additionally, classical jurists were of the opinion that "the female nature is wanting in rationality and self-control". Requiring a justification was seen as being potentially detrimental to the reputation of both spouses, since it may expose family secrets to public scrutiny.

Talaq is considered in Islam to be a reprehensible means of divorce. The initial declaration of talaq is a revocable repudiation (ṭalāq rajʿah) which does not terminate the marriage. The husband can revoke the repudiation at any time during the waiting period (iddah) which lasts three full menstrual cycles. The waiting period is intended to give the couple an opportunity for reconciliation, and also a means to ensure that the wife is not pregnant. Resumption of sexual relations automatically retracts the repudiation. The wife retains all her rights during the waiting period. The divorce becomes final when the waiting period expires. This is called a "minor" divorce (al-baynuna al-sughra) and the couple can remarry. If the husband repudiates his wife for the third time, it triggers a "major" divorce (al-baynuna al-kubra), after which the couple cannot remarry without an intervening consummated marriage to another man. This is known as tahlil or nikah halala. Making the third pronouncement irrevocable prevents the husband from using repeated declarations and revocations of divorce as a means of pressuring his wife into making financial concessions in order to "purchase her freedom". It also acts as a deterrent to rash repudiations.

Practice
Women often entered marriage with substantial capital in the form of mahr and the trousseau provided by their family, which they were not obliged to spend on family expenses, and they frequently loaned money to their husbands. Because of this, and the financial obligations incurred, talaq could be a very costly and in many cases financially ruinous enterprise for the husband. Many repudiated women used the divorce payment to buy their ex-husband's share in the family house. In the historical record talaq appears to have been less common than khul'.

Available evidence from Mamluk Egypt indicates that talaq was not the principal means of divorce. Talaq was considered to be disastrous for the woman because it deprived her of long-term protection and financial support, preventing her from remarrying, since this would cause her to lose child custody. This led to repudiation without good reason being considered socially improper. Studies of the Ottoman Levant showed that women could invalidate a declaration of talaq by stating that the husband had shown signs of "diminished rationality" when he made it, while others used a husband's unrevoked declaration of talaq to obtain divorce at a later date if they could prove that he made it.

Talaq al-bid'ah and triple talaq
Talaq types can be classified into talaq al-sunnah, which is thought to be in accordance with Muhammad's teachings, and talaq al-bid'ah, which are viewed as a bid'ah (innovation) deviations from it. Talaq al-sunnah is further subdivided into talaq al-ahsan, which is the least disapproved form of talaq, and talaq al-hasan. The ahsan talaq involves a single revocable pronouncement of divorce and sexual abstinence during the waiting period. The hasan divorce involves three pronouncements made during the wife's state of ritual purity with menstrual periods intervening between them, and no intercourse having taken place during that time.

In contrast to talaq al-sunnah, talaq al-bid'ah does not observe the waiting period and irrevocably terminates the marriage. It may involve a "triple talaq", i.e., the declaration of talaq repeated three times, or a different formula such as "you are haram for me". Some legal schools held that a triple talaq performed in a single meeting constituted a "major" divorce, while others classified it as a "minor" divorce. Talaq al-bid'ah reflects pre-Islamic divorce customs rather than Quranic principles, and it is considered to be a particularly disapproved, though legally valid form of divorce in traditional Sunni jurisprudence. According to Islamic tradition, Muhammad denounced the practice of triple talaq, and the second caliph Umar punished husbands who made use of it.

Shiite jurisprudence does not recognize talaq al-bid'ah.

Tafwid (delegated talaq)
The husband can delegate the right of repudiation to his wife. This delegation can be made at the time of drawing up the marriage contract (nikah) or during the marriage, with or without conditions. Many women included such terms in their marriage contracts. Commonly, the contract gave the wife the right to "repudiate herself" if the husband married a second wife. Delegated repudiation is called ṭalāq al-tafawud or tafwid.

Jurisprudence
Khulʿ is a contractual type of divorce that is initiated by the wife. It is justified on the authority of verse 2:229:

"It is not licit for you to take back anything you have given them unless the two of them fear that they cannot conform to the bounds of God, no blame attaches to them both. If the woman gives back that with which she sets herself free. These are the bounds set by God; do not transgress them."

It is further based on a hadith in which Muhammad instructs a man to agree to his wife's wish of divorce if she gives back a garden received from him as part of her mahr. A khul' is concluded when the couple agrees to a divorce in exchange for a monetary compensation paid by the wife, which cannot exceed the value of the mahr she had received, and is generally a smaller sum or involves forfeiting the still unpaid portion. Hanafis and Malikis do not require a compensation paid by the wife. The divorce is final and irrevocable, effective when the contract is concluded. The couple cannot reconcile during the waiting period, defined as in the case of talaq, but the husband is required to pay maintenance during its term, unless the requirement is waived by the contract. As in the case of talaq, remarriage is possible until a khul' is concluded for a third time. If the husband pressures his wife to agree to khul' instead of pronouncing talaq, which would let him avoid attendant financial responsibilities, the divorce is considered to be invalid. Like talaq, khulʿ takes place out of court.

Practice
Relative frequency of khul' has been noted in studies of Istanbul, Anatolia, Syria, Muslim Cyprus, Egypt and Palestine.

In studies of Mamluk Egypt and the Balkans under Ottoman rule, khul' was shown to have been the principal means of divorce. Women employed a number of strategies to force a settlement from their husbands. Some neglected their marital and household duties, making family life impossible for the husband. Others demanded immediate payment of the deferred mahr, knowing that the husband had no means to comply and would be jailed if he failed to do so.

In some cases the khul' contract involved no compensation from the wife, while in other cases women would waive all of their husband's financial obligations. According to studies of the Ottoman Levant, various court procedures were put in place to ensure that a khul' was not actually a talaq.

Jurisprudence
Nikah halala (also known as tahleel marriage) is a practice in which a woman, after being divorced by triple talaq, marries another man, consummates the marriage, and gets divorced again in order to be able to remarry her former husband. However such marriages are forbidden in Islam, according to a Sahih graded Hadith which states that Muhammed cursed those who did such marriages.

Jurisprudence
A marriage can also be dissolved by means of judicial divorce. Either spouse can petition a qadi court to obtain judicial divorce, but they must have compelling grounds for dissolving the marriage. The court starts the process by appointing an arbitrator from each of their families in order to seek a mediated reconciliation. If this effort fails, the court adjudicates the dispute by apportioning fault for the breakdown of the marriage with the associated financial consequences. Examples of fault are cruelty; husband's failure to provide maintenance or pay the immediate installment of mahr; infidelity; desertion; moral or social incompatibility; certain ailments; and imprisonment harmful to the marriage. Judicial divorce can also be sought over violations of terms stipulated in the marriage contract. Different legal schools recognized different subsets of these grounds for divorce. The Maliki school, which recognized the widest range of grounds for divorce, also recognises wife's hatred for husband as a valid ground for divorce and stipulates a category of "harm" (ḍarar), which gave the judge significant discretion of interpretation.

Practice
In some areas under Ottoman rule it was hardly possible for women to obtain divorce except through khul' due to the restriction imposed by the prevailing Hanafi school, though some exceptions have been found. The most serious problem was abandonment, which was not recognized as grounds for judicial divorce. To address this, in some cases a man setting out for travel would leave his wife a letter authorizing talaq if he did not return within a specified period of time. In other cases, Hanafi judges invited a Maliki or Hanbali colleague to pronounce divorce, or the woman herself took the initiative to seek out a judge from one of these schools. The same approach was used to effect a divorce in cases of failure to provide maintenance. In the Ottoman Balkans a woman could file for divorce on the grounds that her husband was "not a good Muslim".

Since marriages between non-Muslim men and Muslim women are forbidden under Islamic law, when a married woman converted to Islam but her husband did not, the marriage would be considered void by Muslim authorities and the woman obtained custody of the children. Seventeenth-century sources indicate that non-Muslim women throughout the Ottoman Empire used this method to obtain a divorce.

Jurisprudence
The husband can end marriage through three types of oaths: the oath of continence (īlāʿ and iẓhar), the denial of paternity (liʿan), and conditional ṭalāq. The first two types were pre-Islamic practices confirmed by the Quran (2:226–227 for ila, and 58:2–4 for izhar), which also makes clear that izhar is reprehensible despite being legally valid.

Ila is an oath whereby the husband vows to refrain from sexual relations with his wife for at least four months. If he fulfils his oath, the marriage is dissolved; if he breaks it, the marriage continues. In the izhar (or ẓihār) oath a man declares that his wife is as sexually prohibited to him as his mother. The husband is able to break the oath and resume the marriage. Breaking either oath requires expiation by means of feeding the poor or fasting.

In the li'an oath, the husband denies paternity of his wife's child. The wife is given an opportunity to take an oath denying infidelity, and if she does so and the husband persists in his accusation, the marriage is dissolved by a judge and the couple can never remarry.

In the oath of conditional ṭalāq, the husband declares that he will divorce his wife if he or she performs a certain act. This oath can serve as a protection for the wife or as a threat by the husband, depending on the specified act.

Practice
Studies of practices under Mamluk and Ottoman rule found no instances of the oaths of li'an or abstinence being used, while conditional talaq seems to have played a prominent role. It was used to issue various threats to the wife as well as to make promises. In Ottoman Egypt marriage contracts commonly included stipulations of conditional talaq which were not otherwise recognized by the prevailing Hanafi school as grounds for judicial divorce, such as non-payment of maintenance or marrying a second wife.

Other consequences of divorce
Islamic law does not recognize the concept of communal property, and division of property is based on its attribution to either spouse. The wife obtains custody of the children until their majority (whose definition varies according to legal school), while the father retains guardianship.

Child custody practices under Ottoman rule appear to have followed the rules of Hanafi jurisprudence, although in Ottoman Egypt children generally stayed with their divorced mother beyond the prescribed age. A divorced woman could keep custody of the children unless she remarried and her husband claimed custody, in which case it generally passed to one of her female relatives. Under the Mamluks, women could waive the right to child support in order to obtain extended custody.

Dower (mahr) in divorce
Mahr is a nuptial gift made by groom to the bride at the time of marriage. Upon receipt, it becomes her sole property with complete freedom of use and disposal. The marriage contract is not valid without the mahr. The amount of the mahr generally depended on the socio-economic status of the bride. The payment of a portion of the mahr was commonly deferred and served as a deterrent to the exercise of the right of unilateral divorce by the husband, although classical jurists disagreed about the permissibility and manner of deferring payment of the mahr.

Islamic jurisprudence has clear guidance on handling of mahr in the case of divorce, depending on who asks for the divorce and whether or not the intercourse occurred. If the husband asks for a divorce and intercourse has occurred or he had been alone with her, he pays full mahr; if the husband asks for a divorce and the intercourse has not occurred, the husband pays half the dower; if the wife asks for a divorce and intercourse has occurred, the husband pays half the mahr; and if the wife asks for a divorce and intercourse has not occurred, then no mahr is required to be paid by the husband.

Legal transformation
In the modern era, sharia-based laws were widely replaced by statutes based on European models, and its classical rules were largely retained only in personal status (family) laws. Different explanations have been proposed for this phenomenon. Several scholars have argued that because these laws are more extensively specified in the Quran and hadith than others, it has been difficult for believers to accept deviating from these rules. In contrast, Wael Hallaq sees it as a legacy of colonialism: changing family laws would have provided no benefit in colonial administration, and colonial powers promoted the theory that these laws were sacred to the population, advertising their preservation as a mark of respect, which in turn led to them being taken up as a point of reference in modern Muslim identity politics.

Important changes in family laws took place in the modern era. The laws underwent codification by legislative bodies and were also displaced from their original context into modern legal systems, which generally followed Western practices in court procedure and legal education. This severed them both from the classical interpretative tradition and from the institutional foundations of the pre-modern legal system into which they were embedded. In particular, control over the norms of divorce shifted from traditional jurists to the state, though they generally remained "within the orbit of Islamic law".

In her article 'An unequal partnership', Sulema Jahangir insists that, Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination Against Women and other international standards expect that non-financial contributions of women to a marriage ought to be recognized to enable an equal standing between spouses. Many Muslim countries are finding ways and means to account for non-financial contributions of women to a marriage and improve divorce compensations. Some Muslim nations such as Jordan, Morocco, Algeria, Egypt, Syria, Libya and Tunisia, are effecting rules legislationes to pay additional compensation called  'mata'a' as part of Islamic kindness to departing spouses in addition to dower and maintenance. Many Muslim countries are adding conditions called 'haq meher' (right of financial maintenance and capital awards) in marriage contracts called nikahnama.

Methods of reform
Changing social conditions have led to increasing dissatisfaction with traditional Islamic law of divorce since the early 20th century. Various reforms have been undertaken in an attempt to restrict the husband's right of unilateral repudiation and give women greater ability to initiate divorce. These reforms have utilized a number of methods, of which the most important are:

 * Selection among classical juristic opinions without restriction to a single legal school (takhayyur) during state law codification
 * Extending discretionary powers of the court
 * Administrative measures justified with reference to the classical doctrine of siyasa shar'iyya, which authorizes the ruler to enact policies in consideration of equity and expedience
 * Imposition of penal sanctions
 * Modernistic interpretation of Quranic scriptures (sometimes called neo-ijtihad and feminist tafsir)
 * Appeal to the doctrine of public interest (maslaha)

According to Sulema Jahangir in Turkey, the revised Civil Code expects equal division of property and assets acquired during the marriage as the default property regime. In Indonesia and Singapore, the courts have the discretionary powers; in Indonesia courts can split the matrimonial property upon divorce to recognise women's non-financial contributions to the marriage where as in Singapore wife's contribution to family is taken into account, and even  in absence of financial contribution 35% assets have to be shared with wife as contributing in caring for home and children, where as in Malaysia depending on length of marriage and each spouse's contribution a divorcing spouse can get up to one third share in assets.

The All India Muslim Personal Law Board issued a code of conduct in April 2017 regarding talaq in response to the controversy over the practice of triple talaq in India. It also warned that those who resort to triple talaq, or divorce recklessly, without justification or for reasons not prescribed under Shariat will be socially boycotted.

In India, The Muslim Women (Protection of Rights on Marriage) Act, 2019 was passed in July, 2019 which made instant triple talaq (talaq-e-biddah) in any form — spoken, written, or by electronic means illegal, void, and punishable by up to three years imprisonment. Under the new law, an aggrieved woman is entitled to demand maintenance for her dependent children. India is among 23 countries that have banned triple talaq.

Prevalence
According to Yossef Rapoport, in the 15th century, the rate of divorce was higher than it is today in the modern Middle East, which has generally lower rates of divorce. In 15th century Egypt, Al-Sakhawi recorded the marital history of 500 women, the largest sample on marriage in the Middle Ages, and found that at least a third of all women in the Mamluk Sultanate of Egypt and Syria married more than once, with many marrying three or more times. According to Al-Sakhawi, as many as three out of ten marriages in 15th century Cairo ended in divorce.

In the early 20th century, some villages in western Java and the Malay Peninsula had divorce rates as high as 70%.

title: Divorce in Islam


text: User talk:69.245.241.59

title: User talk:69.245.241.59