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Attacks linked to the Cedar Revolution

Since 2004, a series of bombings and assassinations have struck Lebanon, most of them occurring in and around the capital, Beirut. This wave of bombings began with the assassination attempt on Marwan Hamadeh, then peaked with the assassination of former Prime Minister Rafic Hariri on 14 February 2005, which touched off the Cedar Revolution and the withdrawal of Syrian troops. After the massive protests sparked by Hariri's killing, several more bombings hit Lebanon.

These bombings and assassinations came after September 2004, when the Lebanese Parliament was forced to extend the term of pro-Syrian former president Emile Lahoud, a move that was unconstitutional. The MPs, journalists, and activists that opposed this term extension were then subject to a series of slander campaigns and eventually assassination attempts.

Marwan Hamadeh assassination attempt
On 1 October 2004, a car bomb exploded next to the motorcade carrying Druze MP Marwan Hamadeh. Hamadeh was injured, but survived; his driver was killed. Hamadeh had been a critic of Syria and was a member of the opposition to then president Émile Lahoud.

Rafiq Hariri assassination
A massive explosion on 14 February 2005, killed former Lebanese Prime Minister Rafiq Hariri in Beirut, near the St. George Hotel. Also killed was the former Minister of the Economy, Bassel Fleihan, and 19 other people. About 220 others were wounded.

A group calling itself "The Nasra & Jihad Group in Greater Syria" claimed responsibility for the blast. The group had not been heard from before. A tape aired by Al Jazeera showed a bearded man, believed to be a Palestinian named Ahmad Abu Adas, claiming the attack. Adas' apartment was raided but he remains missing; however, it is now thought he was forced to admit to the plot and was killed by those who planned the assassination.

According to the United Nations report by Detlev Mehlis, released 20 October 2005, the blast was the result of a truck bomb. A security camera captured a white Mitsubishi truck driving near Hariri's convoy moments before the blast; investigators determined this truck carried the explosives, estimated at 1,000 kg. Since Hariri's convoy had jamming devices meant to block remote control signals, the attack was carried out using a suicide bomber. The report cited a witness who said the bomber was an Iraqi who was led to believe his target was Iraqi Prime Minister Iyad Allawi, who had been in Beirut just days before.

The report concluded that top Syrian and Lebanese officials planned the assassination beginning in mid-2004.

New Jdeideh bombing
A car bomb exploded in the New Jdeideh suburb of Beirut on 19 March 2005. The blast happened in a part-commercial, part-residential area, and wounded eleven people. Reports said that the driver had tried to park in front of a bingo hall, and was turned away and parked next to an apartment building instead.

Kaslik bombing
On 23 March, a bomb left in a leather bag exploded at the back entrance of the Kaslik shopping center in Jounieh. Three janitors, two Indians and a Pakistani, were killed, and two Sri Lankans and two Lebanese were injured. The roof of the mall collapsed.

Ali Ramez Tohme assassination attempt
The car of Ali Ramez Tohme, a journalist and president of the Dar al-Haitham for Journalism, Printing and Press, was bombed early on 15 September in the area of Mazboud. Tohme escaped the assassination attempt. There was speculation that the attack was motivated by an article written by Tohme defending Rafiq Hariri or his book on Hariri.

Sad el Bouchrieh bombing
On 26 March, a car loaded with explosives and parked between two factories exploded in the Sad el Bouchrieh area of Beirut, wounding six people. It caused a blaze which destroyed several workshops.

Broummana bombing
On 1 April, a bomb ripped through the Rizk plaza in the Broummana resort village, 20 km east of Beirut. Twelve people were injured.

Jounieh bombing
On 7 May, a car bomb exploded between the Christian Sawt al Mahaba radio station and the Mar Yuhanna Church in Jounieh. The radio station was destroyed and the church suffered major damage. Twenty-two people were wounded.

Samir Kassir assassination
Anti-Syrian journalist Samir Kassir was assassinated on 2 June when a bomb detonated in his car outside his home in Beirut's Ashrafiyeh district, a largely Christian residential area. Kassir was a front-page columnist for the An Nahar newspaper, where he wrote columns criticizing the pro-Syrian government.

George Hawi assassination
George Hawi, former Lebanese Communist Party leader and a critic of Israel and Syria, died when his car exploded as he was driving through Beirut's Wata Musaitbi district on 21 June.

Elias Murr assassination attempt
A car bomb wounded then Lebanese defense minister, and son-in-law of Emile Lahoud, Elias Murr, as his motorcade drove through Beirut's Christian suburb of Antelias on 12 July. Two people were killed and 12 others were injured. This attack was unique in the series of bombings in that Murr was considered a pro-Syrian figure.

Monot bombing
On 22 July, a bomb exploded in a car parked in front of a restaurant on Monot Street in Beirut, wounding twelve people. The bomb was estimated to be 50 lb.

Zalka bombing
In the mostly Christian neighborhood of Zalka, on 22 August, a bomb placed between a shopping center and a hotel damaged shops and windows, wounding eight people. It consisted of 20 to 30 kg of TNT and was set on a timer.

Jeitawi bombing
An explosion, believed caused by a car bomb, rocked the largely Christian area of Ashrafieh on 17 September. One person was killed and 23 injured. Two cars were blown up and buildings near the blast were severely damaged.

May Chidiac assassination attempt
Christian journalist and critic of Syria May Chidiac was seriously injured when a bomb exploded as she got into her car in Jounieh on 25 September. She lost her left leg and arm. Chidiac was a news anchor at the Lebanese Broadcasting Corporation.

Gebran Tueni Assassination
A prominent anti-Syrian journalist and lawmaker, Gebran Tueni, was killed by a car bomb on 12 December. He had returned from France only a day earlier, where he had been staying for fear of assassination. Two other people were killed – his driver and a passerby – when a car bomb exploded as his motorcade drove through Mkalles, an industrial suburb of Beirut. Another 30 people were wounded in the bombing, and at least 10 vehicles were destroyed.

On 28 December 2005, Lebanese newspaper An Nahar reported it had received a statement signed by "The Strugglers for the Unity and Freedom in al-Sham," the group that claimed responsibility for the death of its former editor Gibran Tueni with a car bomb on 12 December. The statement said outgoing UNIIIC chairman Mehlis was lucky to escape death and threatened any new chairman with assassination if he too implicated Syria.

Pierre Amine Gemayel
Pierre Amine Gemayel, anti-Syrian MP, son of Kataeb leader Amin Gemayel, nephew of assassinated President Bashir Gemayyel, and Minister of Industry at the time was shot dead in Beirut on 21 November 2006.

Walid Eido
Walid Eido, another anti-Syrian MP, was killed by a car bomb on 13 June 2007 in Beirut, along with eight others, including his eldest son Khaled Eido.

Antoine Ghanem assassination
Anti-Syrian Lebanese MP Antoine Ghanem and four others were killed in a car bomb attack in a Christian suburb of Beirut on 19 September 2007.

Francois Elias Hajj assassination
Brigadier General François al-Hajj from the village of Rmaich was killed in a car bomb attack in Baabda, along with three other people, on 12 December 2007.

Wissam Eid assassination
Capt. Wissam Eid who was a computer engineer and a senior terrorism investigator at the Lebanese Internal Security Forces was assassinated on 25 January 2008. At the time of assassination, Eid was also top Lebanese investigator into the assassination of Prime Minister Rafiq Hariri. More specifically, he was analysing the telephone intercepts concerning the assassination when he was killed.

Tripoli bombing
On 13 August 2008, sixteen people, including seven Lebanese soldiers, were killed by a bomb targeting a civilian bus in Tripoli.

Saleh Aridi assassination
A pro-Syrian Druze politician of the Lebanese Democratic Party, Saleh Aridi, was killed in a car bomb on 10 September 2008.

Second Tripoli bombing
On 29 September 2008, five people, including five soldiers, were killed, and 35 were injured, by a car bomb which destroyed a bus in Tripoli.

Kamal Naji assassination
Kamal Naji, also known as Kamal Medhat, was the deputy representative of the Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO) in Lebanon and a former Fatah intelligence chief in the country. He was killed by a roadside bomb while visiting a refugee camp to calm recent violence.

General Wissam al-Hassan assassination
Wissam al-Hassan, was assassinated on 19 October 2012 in a car bomb that was located in Achrafieh district of Beirut. He was killed along with two citizens, while a hundred and twenty others were injured. Wissam al-Hassan was the head of the information branch of Lebanon's Internal Security Forces and one of the country's key security officials. His death comes a few months after he investigated ex-Information Minister Michel Samaha, who was charged with smuggling bombs from Syria with the help of Syrian Security Chief Ali Mamlouk, in order to launch a series of terrorist attacks in Lebanon.

Bir El Abed bombing
On 9 July 2013, 53 people were injured, by a car bomb in Bir El Abed neighborhood Beirut. The blast erupted in a parking lot near the Islamic Cooperation Centre.

Mohamad Chatah assassination
27 Dec 2013: Mohamad Chatah, a former Finance Minister of Lebanon was killed in a car bombing in Beirut. Seven others were also killed.

Al-Salam and Al-Taqwa Mosques, Tripoli bombing
On 23 August 2013, over 400 people were injured by two car bombs planted in front of the Mosques, 62 people were murdered, the bombs targeted the two Imams of the Mosques, the Former General Director of the Lebanese Internal Security Forces, Ashraf Rifi, Sheikh Bilal Baroudi in the second bombing, and Sheikh Salem Al Raf'i in the first bombing. The first car bomb exploded in the Bab- Al Tebbane area which targeted Al Taqwa mosque. The second car exploded 10 minutes later in Al- Mina which targeted Al Salam mosque, and General Rifi.

The Leader of the Alawite Community in Tripoli Ali Eid, was blamed for the bombing, due to the fact that the men who were driving the cars, were from Jabal Mohsen where most of the Alawites in Tripoli live, and that Ali Eid claims that all Jabal Mohsen and Alawites in Tripoli are protected by the Arab Democratic Party, which is led by Ali Eid and his son Ref'at Eid.

2015
On 12 November, bombings took place in the Southern suburb of Beirut killing more than 43 people.

title: Attacks linked to the Cedar Revolution


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Denby Dale

Denby Dale is a village and civil parish in the metropolitan borough of Kirklees in West Yorkshire, England. It is 8 miles north-west of Barnsley and 10 miles south-east of Huddersfield

The village is the main village in the Denby Dale civil parish that also covers Lower Denby, Upper Denby, Upper Cumberworth, Lower Cumberworth, Skelmanthorpe, Emley, Emley Moor and Clayton West. The parish had a population of 14,982 according to the 2001 census, increasing to 16,365 at the 2011 census. The parish council gives the electorate of the village itself as 2,143. The River Dearne runs through the village; in the floods of 2007 it burst its banks on two occasions and caused damage to Springfield Mill.

History
First recorded as Denby Dyke. Before the Industrial Revolution the village was sparsely-populated with a small textile industry at the crossroads of the Barnsley to Shepley Lane Head and the Wakefield to Denby Dale roads. Within 25 years, factories and mills had been built and had a railway station on the Penistone Line. Denby Dale provided the textile industry with raw materials, coal, and transportation. Silk for the Queen Mother's wedding dress was made at Springfield Mill. With the economy flourishing, the population increased and the village grew.

Transport
The village is served by Denby Dale railway station, and also has 2 bus stops. The D1 Denby Darts bus service runs to Skelmanthorpe and Huddersfield.

Education
Denby Dale First and Nursery school (formerly known as Gilthwaites First School and Denby Dale Nursery) provides education from aged 2 to aged 10.

Denby Church of England Voluntary Aided First School is a voluntary aided primary school associated with the Church of England in Upper Denby. The school has two classes, infants and juniors, with the infants running through years reception to year 2 and the juniors running through the years 3 to 5. At the turn of the millennium, there were around 40 to 50 pupils in the school.

Pies
Denby Dale has a tradition of baking giant pies, which started in 1788 to celebrate the recovery of King George III from mental illness. To date ten pies have been made as part of nine pie festivals. In August 1887, a pie baked to celebrate the Golden Jubilee of Queen Victoria spoiled and was buried in quicklime. A replacement pie (the 'resurrection' pie) was baked in September 1887. The sixth pie was baked on 1 August 1896, to celebrate the 50th anniversary of the repeal of the corn laws. The seventh (the Infirmary Pie) raised money to endow a cot at Huddersfield Royal Infirmary. The eighth pie, in 1964, was to celebrate four royal births but was marred by the deaths of four committee members in a car accident while returning from filming in London for a pilot of a television show (later to become the Eamonn Andrews Show). The eighth pie raised money to provide a village hall. The most recent in 2000, weighed 12 tonne and celebrated the new millennium. Denby Dale Pies was founded in the village. In 1940 it was agreed by the Denby Dale Local Comforts Fund, the giant pie dish would be sold for scrap to help the war effort. There was a procession, cricket match, dancing all followed by the selling of the dish.

Notable people

 * Paul Copley, actor
 * Daniel Kitson, comedian

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Denby Dale


text:
Jacques Philippe Marie Binet

Jacques Philippe Marie Binet (2 February 1786 – 12 May 1856) was a French mathematician, physicist and astronomer born in Rennes; he died in Paris, France, in 1856. He made significant contributions to number theory, and the mathematical foundations of matrix algebra which would later lead to important contributions by Cayley and others. In his memoir on the theory of the conjugate axis and of the moment of inertia of bodies he enumerated the principle now known as Binet's theorem. He is also recognized as the first to describe the rule for multiplying matrices in 1812, and Binet's formula expressing Fibonacci numbers in closed form is named in his honour, although the same result was known to Abraham de Moivre a century earlier.

Career
Binet graduated from l'École Polytechnique in 1806, and returned as a teacher in 1807. He advanced in position until 1816 when he became an inspector of studies at l'École. He held this post until 13 November 1830, when he was dismissed by the recently sworn in King Louis-Philippe of France, probably because of Binet's strong support of the previous King, Charles X. In 1823 Binet succeeded Delambre in the chair of astronomy at the Collège de France. He was made a Chevalier in the Légion d'Honneur in 1821, and was elected to the Académie des Sciences in 1843.

Binet's Fibonacci number formula
The Fibonacci sequence is defined by
 * $$u_0 = 0$$
 * $$u_1 = 1$$
 * $$u_n = u_{n-1} + u_{n-2},\text{ for }n > 1$$

Binet's formula provides a closed-form expression for the $$n^\text{th}$$ term in this sequence:
 * $$u_n = \frac{(1 + \sqrt{5})^n - (1 - \sqrt{5})^n}{2^n \sqrt{5}}$$

title: Jacques Philippe Marie Binet


text: User:Commander Keane/Sandbox

title: User:Commander Keane/Sandbox


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Timeline of the Plame affair

The Plame affair erupted in July 2003, when journalist Robert Novak revealed that Valerie Plame worked as covert employee of the Central Intelligence Agency, although the seeds of the scandal had been laid during 2001 and 2002 as the Bush administration investigated allegations that Iraq had purchased Nigerien uranium.

Between 2003 and 2007, Patrick Fitzgerald led a criminal investigation into allegations that the Bush administration had leaked Plame's identity as retribution against her husband, Joseph C. Wilson, who had publicly questioned the rationale for the Iraq War. In August 2006, former U.S. Deputy Secretary of State Richard Armitage revealed that he had been Novak's primary source for the leak.

By July 2007, when President George W. Bush commuted the prison sentence Scooter Libby had received for perjury and obstruction of justice during Fitzgerald's investigation of the leak, the scandal had largely come to a close. In April 2018, President Donald Trump fully pardoned Libby.

1980s

 * Between 1980 and 1982 Sadam Hussein's Baathist Iraq procures more than 400 tons of yellowcake from Portugal and Niger. This material remains in Iraq under IAEA monitoring until the 2003 invasion.

1981

 * Seyni Kountché, then President of Niger, stated that his country would "sell uranium even to the devil."

1988

 * A BBC report notes that South Africa illicitly sells Uranium to Iraq through Uday Hussein. This sale is unverified by other sources.

1990

 * Valerie Plame begins her first CIA posting, posing as a State Department official at the US embassy in Athens.

1991

 * The Persian Gulf War ends with Iraq being forced to concede to the demands of the United Nations after a coalition led by the United States forces directed by GHW Bush's Pentagon where Colin Powell heads army via Gen Norman Schwartzkopf expels Iraqi Baathist armies of Saddam Hussein from burning oil fields of Kuwait.

1993

 * According to an editorial in National Review Online, an IAEA report lists 580 tons of natural uranium in Iraqi stockpiles, some of which came from Niger.

1994

 * May 22, 1994: Brewster Jennings & Associates, a front company for the Central Intelligence Agency posing as a "legal services office," is registered with Dun and Bradstreet. Brewster Jennings & Associates will be a cover for many CIA officers, including Valerie Plame.

1997

 * Fearing that Aldrich Ames has revealed her identity to Russian intelligence, the CIA recalls Plame from Europe to Washington.

1999

 * June: (According to a 2002 conversation between Joseph C. Wilson and former Prime Minister of Niger Ibrahim Assane Mayaki) An Iraqi businessman approached Mayaki and insisted that Mayaki meet with an Iraqi delegation to discuss "expanding commercial relations" between the Iraqi government of Saddam Hussein and Niger. Mayaki interpreted the overture as an attempt to discuss uranium sales, but steered the conversation away from trade because of UN sanctions against Iraq. In a 2004 conversation with Wilson, Wilson's "Nigerien source" (presumably, Mayaki), told Wilson that the "Iraqi businessman" he had met in June 1999 was Muhammed Saeed al-Sahaf, the former Iraqi Information Minister, sometimes referred to in the U.S. press as "Baghdad Bob."

2001

 * Summer-Autumn 2001: Marc Grossman, the recently appointed Under Secretary of State for Political Affairs, allegedly warns Turkish members of a nuclear smuggling ring connected to the proliferation network of Dr. Abdul Qadeer Khan about Brewster Jennings & Associates' role as a Central Intelligence Agency front.
 * New Years 2001: Over the holiday, a gang of burglars break into the embassy of Niger in Rome and steal some letterhead and official stamps.

February 2002

 * 12 February: Vice President Cheney reads a DIA report on alleged Niger-Iraq uranium sale and asks for the CIA's analysis.
 * 12 February: Valerie Plame, a C.I.A. employee working in its Counterproliferation Division, sends a memo to the deputy chief of the C.I.A.'s Directorate of Operations stating that her husband has good contact with the former Prime Minister and Director of Mines in Niger as well as other contacts who might prove useful in shedding light on the supposed Niger-Iraq uranium contract.
 * 13 February: An operations official cables an overseas officer seeking approval of Joe Wilson investigation
 * 19 February: CIA staffers, including Plame, meet to discuss sending Wilson to Niger. According to Plame, she is there only for a few minutes.
 * 26 February 2002: Joseph C. Wilson travels to Niger at the request of the CIA. Joe Wilson meets with the former minister of mines, Mai Manga, who said he knew of no sales of uranium between Niger and rogue states. He states the mines are closely monitored from mining to transport loading making it at least very difficult if not impossible for a rogue state to obtain uranium through this channel.
 * Joe Wilson indicates that in his conversation with former Niger Prime Minister, Ibrahim Assane Mayaki, the PM indicated that he was not aware of any sales contract with Iraq but that in June 1999 he was approached by a businessman, asking that he meet with an Iraqi delegation to discuss expanding commercial relations. (Note: Niger's two largest exports are uranium and livestock). Wilson indicated he thought the meeting took place but that Mayaki, who was aware of the illegality of such activities, let the matter drop due to the sanctions on Iraq.
 * According to the report of the U.S. Senate Select Intelligence Committee, (July 2004, pages 43–46), former Prime Minister of Niger Mayaki told Wilson in Niger that Mayaki interpreted the June 1999 proposal of a businessman for "expanding commercial relations" as an offer to buy uranium yellowcake. However, this was only an interpretation. The Iraqi did not mention the word "uranium" or "yellowcake."
 * The Senate report's exact words on Mayaki's suspicions of Iraq's interest in uranium: "Mayaki said, however, that in June 1999, [A few words blacked out] businessman, approached him and insisted that Mayaki meet with an Iraqi delegation to discuss "expanding commercial relations' between Niger and Iraq. The [CIA] intelligence report [on Wilson's trip] said that Mayaki interpreted 'expanding commercial relations" to mean that the delegation wanted to discuss uranium yellowcake sales. The intelligence report also said that "although the meeting took place, Mayaki let the matter drop due to the U.N. sanctions on Iraq."
 * The United States Senate Select Committee on Intelligence faulted the C.I.A. for not fully investigating Iraqi efforts to obtain uranium from Niger, citing reports from both a foreign service and the United States Navy about uranium from Niger destined for Iraq and stored in a warehouse in Benin, a country located between Niger and Togo.

March 2002

 * 5 March: Wilson is debriefed by two C.I.A. officials at his home.

September 2002

 * 9 September 2002: According to Italian newspaper La Repubblica, the head of Italy's military intelligence agency (SISMI), Nicolò Pollari, meets secretly with Stephen Hadley, then Bush's Deputy National Security Adviser; the purpose of the meeting, as reported by La Repubblica, was to bypass a skeptical CIA and get documents purporting to detail an Iraqi attempt to purchase Niger uranium directly to the White House. Hadley and others who attended this meeting say they have little memory of the details of what was discussed, and in a press conference Hadley characterized the meeting as a "courtesy call" that lasted less than 15 minutes. According to the Italian Prime Minister's office, the meeting was between the then National Security Advisor, Condoleezza Rice, and Nicolò Pollari, in the presence of an Italian and US delegation that included Stephen Hadley.

October 2002

 * 6 October 2002: The National Security Council sent a sixth draft of a speech President Bush was to give in Cincinnati to the CIA. The draft contained the statement about Iraq "having been caught attempting to purchase up to 500 metric tons of uranium oxide. George Tenet, then head of the CIA, and other of his CIA officials, directed the text be removed from the speech as the certainty regarding the accuracy of the claim was weak.
 * 7 October 2002: George W. Bush gives a speech in Cincinnati in which he, for the first time, lays out in detail the case for disarming Iraq. In that speech he asserts, "If the Iraqi regime is able to produce, buy, or steal an amount of highly enriched uranium a little larger than a single softball, it could have a nuclear weapon in less than a year." As directed the previous day by George Tenet, particularly through contact with Deputy National Security Adviser Stephen Hadley, the speech does not reference Iraq's alleged pursuit of Nigerien uranium.
 * 9 October 2002: Elisabetta Burba, an Italian journalist for Panorama magazine, part of the media empire of Italian Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi, contacts the U.S. Embassy in Rome, requesting authentication of some documents of interest that she has been offered. These documents allegedly represent a contract by Iraq to purchase uranium "yellowcake" from Niger. The owner has reportedly told Elisabetta Burba that she can review the documents but can only use them if she pays 15,000 euros. Panorama refuses to pay that amount unless they are first verified as authentic.
 * 15 October 2002: The embassy in Rome faxes copies of these BP-documents to the State Department's Bureau of Nonproliferation in Washington, which in turn provided copies to the State Department's Bureau of Intelligence and Research (INR). It will be a few weeks, early January 2003, before INR analysts conclude the Burba Panorama documents are fabricated fakes.
 * 16 October 2002: During an inter-agency meeting, analysts from the Defense Intelligence Agency, the U.S. Department of Energy, the National Security Agency, and the CIA all obtain copies of the BP-documents. None of the four CIA analysts in attendance remembers taking a copy, which later would show up in a CIA vault during a postmortem search.

December 2002

 * 19 December 2002: By this date the uranium claim, which George Tenet had removed from Bush's speech in Cincinnati, Ohio, in October 2002, had found its way back into a State Department "fact sheet." Following that, the Pentagon requests an authoritative judgement from the National Intelligence Council as to whether or not Iraq had sought uranium from Niger.

January 2003

 * January: The National Intelligence Council, responding to the Pentagon's request, drafts a memo addressing the Niger uranium story in which they conclude the story is baseless. The memo arrives at the White House prior to the State of the Union address given later that month.
 * 6 January: The International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) asks the United States for any information related to the claim that Iraq had purchased yellowcake uranium from Niger.
 * 13 January: The INR's nuclear analyst sends email to colleagues providing rationale on why the Yellowcake document is a hoax. The CIA's nuclear analyst does not have the BP-documents in question and requests a copy.
 * 16 January: CIA received copies of the original foreign language BP-documents on the Niger-Iraq contract.
 * 27 January: During a National Security Council meeting at the White House, someone hands CIA head George Tenet a hardcopy of President Bush's State of the Union address. Tenet is, he later testifies, too busy to read it and hands it to an aide who passes it to a top official in the CIA intelligence directorate who was also too busy to read it.
 * 28 January: President George W. Bush gives his State of the Union speech. Toward the end Bush states, "The British government has learned that Saddam Hussein recently sought significant quantities of uranium from Africa." The sentence becomes known as the "16 words." In his State of the Union speech, Bush also declares, "The International Atomic Energy Agency confirmed in the 1990s that Saddam Hussein had an advanced nuclear weapons development program, had a design for a nuclear weapon and was working on five different methods of enriching uranium for a bomb."

February 2003

 * 4 February: The United States provides electronic copy of the BP-documents on Iraqi acquisition of Niger yellowcake to Jacques Bute, then head of IAEA's Iraq Nuclear Verification Office, who was in New York, and sends a copy to the IAEA offices in Vienna as well.

March 2003

 * 3 March: The IAEA tells the U.S. Mission in Vienna the BP-documents on Niger yellowcake were obvious fakes. Among errors reportedly identified in the documents is a reference to a Nigerien constitution in 1965.
 * 20 March: Iraq invasion begins.

May 2003

 * 6 May: After an off-the-record meeting with Wilson, Nicholas Kristof reports in a New York Times column that "a former U.S. ambassador to Africa" had been sent to Niger the year before and had reported that the Iraq uranium allegations were false.

June 2003

 * 10 June: State Department staff prepare an internal memo naming Plame as Wilson's wife. The paragraph identifying Mrs. Wilson is marked "(S-NF)", signifying its information is classified "Secret, Noforn."
 * 12 June: During a telephone call, Cheney told Libby that Wilson's wife worked in Counter Proliferation
 * 12 June: Marc Grossman, the Undersecretary of State for Political Affairs, meets with Scooter Libby and tells him that Plame works for the CIA and may have helped organize her husband's Niger trip.

July 2003
The "Plame affair" becomes such during this month. The month opens with Wilson's op-ed describing his trip to Niger and suggesting the Iraqi nuclear threat had been exaggerated, followed within days by multiple Bush administration leaks or confirmations to reporters and the publishing of Wilson's wife's name, revealing that Valerie Plame worked for the C.I.A. despite the fact that she was then undercover. By mid-month the first stories emerge suggesting the Bush administration had leaked this information as retribution against Wilson.
 * 6 July: Wilson publishes an op-ed in The New York Times describing his trip to Niger and saying: "I have little choice but to conclude that some of the intelligence related to Iraq's nuclear weapons program was twisted to exaggerate the Iraqi threat."
 * 7 July: Secretary of State Colin Powell boards Air Force One for a trip to Africa with President Bush and other members of the administration. Powell carries with him a copy of the 10 June memo his State Department prepared, naming Plame as Wilson's wife and signifying the information is classified "Secret, Noforn."
 * 7 July: Over lunch, Libby tells White House Press Secretary Ari Fleischer that Wilson's wife works on nonproliferation issues at the CIA and was behind Wilson's trip to Niger.
 * pre-8 July: Journalist Robert Novak has a conversation with Deputy Assistant Secretary of State Richard Armitage. In that conversation he is told for the first time that Wilson's wife works for the C.I.A., though Armitage didn't tell Novak her name. (In August 2006, Armitage publicly discloses that he believes he was the "inadvertent" leak of the Plame secret, while also asserting that he did not know her actual name at the time.) Novak checks Joseph C. Wilson's biography in Who's Who to identify his wife, finding her maiden name Valerie Plame. According to the reporters Michael Isikoff and David Corn, Armitage's leak was "inadvertent, and the Intelligence Identities Act hadn't been violated."
 * 8 July: Robert Novak has a phone conversation with Karl Rove, Senior Advisor to the President of the United States, in which C.I.A. agent Plame is discussed, according to an unnamed source who had been told not to talk about the case. Novak is reported to have told Rove the name of the agent as "Valerie Plame" and her role in Wilson's mission to Africa. Rove is reported to have told Novak something to the effect of, "I heard that, too." or "Oh, so you already know about it." Rove reportedly told the grand jury that at this time he had already heard about Wilson's wife working for the CIA from another journalist, but is unable to remember who that was.
 * 8 July: Lewis Libby meets with journalist Judith Miller and tells her that the Niger uranium claim had been a "key judgement" of the October 2002 National Intelligence Estimate (NIE), and that Plame worked at the CIA. Libby would later state that President Bush had instructed him to disclose information from the classified NIE. The information Libby gave Miller was false; the Niger claim was not one of the "key judgements" headlined, bolded, and bulleted in the first pages of that NIE. Later, after testifying to a Federal grand jury in October 2005, Miller writes in a retrospective account published in the New York Times that on this date (and four days later, on 12 July 2003), Libby "played down the importance of Mr. Wilson's mission and questioned his performance."
 * c. 10 July – 11 July: Novak called CIA spokesman Bill Harlow to confirm information regarding Plame and Wilson. According to Novak, Harlow denied that Plame "suggested" that Wilson be selected for the trip, and Harlow stated instead that CIA "counter-proliferation officials selected Wilson and asked his wife to contact him." According to Harlow, he "warned Novak in the strongest terms he was permitted to use without revealing classified information", that Wilson's wife had not authorized the mission and that if Novak did write about it, her name should not be revealed. Harlow said that after Novak's call, he checked Plame's status and confirmed that she was an undercover operative. He said he called Novak back to repeat that the story Novak had related to him was wrong and that Plame's name should not be used. According to Harlow, however, he did not tell Novak directly that Plame was undercover because that information was classified. According to Novak, not only did Harlow fail to say that Plame was undercover, he actually told Novak that "she probably never again would be given a foreign assignment but that exposure of her name might cause 'difficulties.'" Novak states that if he had been told that disclosure of Plame's name would endanger her or anyone else, he would not have disclosed the name.
 * 11 July: Creators Syndicate distributes Novak's column naming Plame on the AP newswire.
 * 11 July: Time reporter Matthew Cooper's internal Time e-mail message bearing the time 11:07 a.m. is sent to his bureau chief, stating: "Spoke to Rove on double super secret background for about two mins before he went on vacation. ... " Cooper writes that Rove offered him a "big warning" not to "get too far out on Wilson." According to Cooper, Rove told Cooper that Wilson's trip had not been authorized by "DCI" (CIA Director George Tenet) or Vice President Dick Cheney. Rather, "it was, KR said, Wilson's wife, who apparently works at the agency on WMD issues who authorized the trip." Rove also told Cooper that, "there's still plenty to implicate Iraqi interest in acquiring uranium fro[m] Niger". Cooper would later tell the investigating grand jury that Rove concluded the conversation by saying "I've already said too much."
 * 11 July (afternoon or evening): CIA Director George Tenet takes responsibility for the misleading language concerning uranium in Bush's State of the Union Address, citing a failure of the agency's vetting process. Director Tenet also (1) clarified that Wilson had reported that a businessman had made possible overtures to acquire uranium from Niger; (2) alleged that Wilson's report did not mention forged documents or even mention the existence of documents; and (3) discussed the October 2002 National Intelligence Estimate conclusions regarding Iraq's nuclear program. According to a 2005 article in The New York Times, Tenet's 11 July 2003 statement was written by Karl Rove and Scooter Libby.
 * 12 July: President Bush and his team are still on their Africa visit. White House Press Secretary Fleischer discusses the uranium controversy, at a "press gaggle" at the National Hospital in Abuja, Nigeria, where President Bush was visiting, at 9:20 AM local time. After a brief statement on the President's activities at the hospital, Fleischer answers a question regarding the previous day's statement by CIA Director Tenet. Fleisher states that the President is pleased by the statement, and expresses the President's confidence in Tenet. The next question is one of accountability, which the press secretary deflects, saying, in part, "The greater truth is that nobody, but nobody, denies that Saddam Hussein was seeking nuclear weapons." Fleischer cites Wilson's report as being supportive of the yellowcake claim. The conversation with reporters repeated that intelligence supported the notion that Iraq had or was trying to acquire nuclear weapons. Fleischer reiterates the administration's position that the yellowcake claim should not have risen to the level of inclusion in a "presidential speech."  When asked about public perception, Fleischer denies that there's a problem. "Yes, the President has moved on. And I think, frankly, much of the country has moved on, as well."
 * 12 July: Journalist Judith Miller again meets with Scooter Libby. After testifying to a Federal grand jury in October 2005, she will write in the New York Times that on this occasion, as on the occasion of another conversation four days earlier, Libby "played down the importance of Mr. Wilson's mission and questioned his performance."
 * 12 July: Washington Post reporter Walter Pincus says an administration official told him, somewhat off topic, that Joseph Wilson's wife was a CIA analyst working on weapons of mass destruction and that Wilson's trip was a "boondoggle."
 * 14 July: "Mission to Niger" article is written by Robert Novak: "Wilson never worked for the CIA, but his wife, Valerie Plame, is an Agency operative on weapons of mass destruction. Two senior administration officials told me Wilson's wife suggested sending him to Niger ... The CIA says its counter-proliferation officials selected Wilson and asked his wife to contact him." (Italics added.) The story is published on Ari Fleischer's last day as White House Press Secretary.
 * 16 July: "A White House Smear" article is written by David Corn and published at the website of Nation magazine. Corn opines that Novak's informants revealed the role of Wilson's wife in order to sully Wilson's name for the sake of revenge, "That would seem to mean that the Bush administration has screwed one of its own top-secret operatives in order to punish Wilson or to send a message to others who might challenge it." Corn's article is the first published to argue a nefarious White House role.
 * 17 July: "A War on Wilson?" article is written by Matthew Cooper, Massimo Calabresi and John F. Dickerson, and published in Time. Their article indicates that some of the sources for "A Question of Trust" had informed at least one of them about Valerie Plame's status. They trace the controversy surrounding President Bush's 28 January 2003 State of the Union speech and the African uranium controversy. Anonymous sources of information are attributed to "two senior Administration officials", "another official", and "an intelligence official". Named sources include Vice President Dick Cheney's assistant Scooter Libby, Joseph Wilson, Valerie Plame's superior Alan Foley, and former State Department proliferation expert Greg Thielmann.
 * 18 July: Undersecretary of State John R. Bolton is questioned by the State Department Inspector General regarding sources for the Niger uranium claims.
 * 21 July: Newsday article "Columnist Names CIA Iraq Operative" by Timothy M. Phelps and Knut Royce attributes intelligence information independently leaked to them about Plame as coming from "intelligence officials" and a "senior intelligence official." Both authors were later subpoenaed during the criminal investigation.
 * 22 July: Newsday quotes Novak regarding his use of Plame's name: "I didn't dig it out. It was given to me. They thought it was significant. They gave me the name, and I used it."
 * 30 July: When pressed, newly appointed White House Press Secretary Scott McClellan tells reporters: "I'm saying no one was certainly given any authority to do anything of that nature, and I've seen no evidence to suggest there's any truth to it."

August 2003

 * 3 August: On CNN Late Night with Wolf Blitzer, Wilson expresses confidence that American forces will find evidence of weapons of mass destruction programs in Iraq: "I think we'll find chemical weapons. I think we'll find biological precursors that may or may not have been weaponized. And I think we will find a continuing interest of — on nuclear weapons. The question really is whether it met the threshold test of imminent threat to our own national security or even the test of grave and gathering danger."
 * 21 August: Wilson participated in a "public panel in Washington" and is quoted as having said "At the end of the day, it's of keen interest to me to see whether or not we can get Karl Rove frog-marched out of the White House in handcuffs. And trust me. When I use that name, I measure my words."

September 2003

 * 16 September: Scott McClellan says "it's totally ridiculous" to say Karl Rove was the Plame leaker.
 * 26 September: Tenet, the director of the CIA, requests that the Justice Department open an investigation into the leak.
 * 29 September: McClellan says that Karl Rove has personally assured him that he was not involved and that anyone found to have leaked classified information would be fired.
 * 29 September: Novak insists that he stumbled on the story himself. "'Nobody in the Bush administration called me to leak this,' Novak said on CNN, saying the information was disclosed to him while he was interviewing a senior Bush administration official. ... Novak said the administration official told him in July that Wilson's trip was 'inspired by his wife,' and that the CIA confirmed her 'involvement in the mission for her husband.' ... 'They asked me not to use her name, but never indicated it would endanger her or anybody else,' he said, adding that a source at the CIA told him Plame was 'an analyst — not a covert operator and not in charge of undercover operators.'"
 * 29 September: ABC reporter asks "Did you have any knowledge or did you leak the name of the CIA agent to the press?" Rove answers "No."
 * 29 September: In an article in the National Review, Clifford May claims that Novak's column mentioning Plame "wasn't news to me. I had been told that [Plame worked for the CIA]— but not by anyone working in the White House. Rather, I learned it from someone who formerly worked in the government and he mentioned it in an offhand manner, leading me to infer it was something that insiders were well aware of."
 * 29 September: The Justice Department officially launches a criminal investigation of the leak, while leading Democrats call on Attorney General Ashcroft to appoint a special prosecutor. The Justice Department informs White House counsel Alberto Gonzales around 8pm. Gonzales immediately informs White House Chief of Staff Andrew Card but waits until the next morning to notify the White House staff and to order them to preserve all relevant documents.
 * 30 September: While on Hardball with Chris Matthews, Republican National Committee Chairman Ed Gillespie agrees that, if true, the leak allegations would worse than Watergate: "I think if the allegation is true, to reveal the identity of an undercover CIA operative — it's abhorrent, and it should be a crime, and it is a crime."
 * 30 September: During a press conference, President Bush states: "If there's a leak out of my administration, I want to know who it is. And if the person has violated law, the person will be taken care of," but declines to appoint a special prosecutor.

October 2003

 * 1 October: In a column, Robert Novak writes that he learned Plame's identity from "an offhand revelation from [a senior administration official], who is no partisan gunslinger." After reading the column and realizing that he was that source, Richard Armitage informs Colin Powell and meets with FBI investigators.
 * 1 October: Wilson told Ted Koppel on Nightline that "Washington reporters told him that senior White House adviser Karl Rove said his wife was 'fair game'." Wilson "plans to give the names of the reporters to the FBI, which is conducting a full-blown investigation of the possible leak."
 * 6 October: President Bush calls the leak a "criminal action".
 * 10 October: White House press secretary Scott McClellan says that Rove, national security aide Elliott Abrams, and vice presidential chief of staff Lewis Libby have "assured me they were not involved in this."

December 2003

 * 30 December: Attorney General John Ashcroft recuses himself from the investigation, appointing federal prosecutor Patrick Fitzgerald to take over as special prosecutor.
 * December 2003 or January 2004: Rove's lawyer Robert Luskin says Rove has signed a waiver authorizing prosecutors to speak to any reporters Rove had talked to.

February 2004

 * 11 February: George W. Bush says: "If there's a leak out of my administration, I want to know who it is ... If the person has violated law, that person will be taken care of. I welcome the investigation. I am absolutely confident the Justice Department will do a good job. I want to know the truth ... Leaks of classified information are bad things."

May 2004

 * 22 May: The grand jury issues subpoenas to NBC News's Tim Russert and Time's Matthew Cooper. NBC and Time say they will challenge the subpoenas in court.

June 2004

 * 10 June: Asked by a reporter "do you stand by your pledge to fire anyone found to have ... leaked [Valerie Plame's] name?", Bush responds: "Yes. And that's up to the U.S. Attorney to find the facts."
 * 24 June: Fitzgerald, the special prosecutor, conducts an hour-long interview with President George W. Bush.

July 2004

 * 5 July 2004: European intelligence officers claim that three years before the fake Niger-Iraq documents became public, sources from a number of countries including both human and electronic picked up repeated conversations regarding illicit trade in uranium in Niger. One of the customers for the uranium discussed was Iraq. At least three European intelligence were aware of potential illegal trade in Nigerien uranium between 1999 and 2001.
 * 7 July 2004: The Senate Select Committee on Intelligence releases its "Report on the U.S. Intelligence Community's Prewar Intelligence Assessments on Iraq." The report documents and offers some explanations as to the many failures of the U.S. intelligence community in its estimates of Iraqi weapons programs. About Plame and Wilson and the Niger trip, one CIA official said Plame "offered up his name" and Plame had written a memo recommending Wilson for the trip given his connections to Nigerien officials and "lots of French contacts." (page 39) Vanity Fair's January 2004 article "Double Exposure" states Wilson was representing a concern seeking business related to gold mining in Niger, a former French colony. As for the information Wilson gained in Niger, CIA and State Department intelligence officials believed Wilson's report actually boosted the case that Iraq was seeking uranium, but Joe Wilson appeared to spin his story the opposite way. CIA continued to mention, with the backing of British Intelligence, that Iraq have sought uranium in Niger.
 * 31 July 2004: Rove says on CNN "Well, I'll repeat what I said to ABC News when this whole thing broke some number of months ago. I didn't know her name and didn't leak her name." On ABC, he had actually denied having any knowledge of the Plame leak.

September 2004

 * 16 September 2004: The Washington Post reports that a source for Walter Pincus has revealed his own identity, letting Pincus off the hook that was still ensnaring Judith Miller and Matthew Cooper.
 * 30 September 2004: The Iraq Survey Group's final report is released. It concludes that there was no evidence that Iraq had attempted to acquire uranium since 1991.

October 2004

 * October 2004: Rove testifies before a grand jury investigating the leak of Plame's identity. Rove spent more than two hours testifying before the panel.

February 2005

 * 15 February 2005: Citing the Supreme Court's decision in Branzburg v. Hayes, the DC Circuit Court of Appeals rules that the First Amendment does not exempt Judith Miller and Matthew Cooper from the duty to comply with the grand jury's subpoenas.

March 2005

 * 23 March 2005: Thirty-six news organizations file a friend of the court brief on behalf of Judith Miller and Matthew Cooper. Among those organizations filing are The New York Times, The Washington Post, ABC, NBC, CBS, CNN, AP, Newsweek, Reuters, and White House correspondents, among many others. It was the general position of these news organizations and their reporters that neither Miller nor Cooper should be held in contempt of court for refusing to testify if no crime had been committed (i.e., no covert agent was "outed" in violation of the relevant statutes).

As evidence that it is likely that no crime had been committed, the news agencies voluntarily filed a friend of the court brief in which they state on page 5:"B. There is Ample Evidence On The Public Record To Cast Considerable Doubt That a Crime Has Been Committed. [Supporting facts and rationale are offered in subsequent pages.]" According to the news agencies, there was no need to compel these reporters to divulge their sources because it was unlikely that a crime had been committed.

June 2005

 * 27 June: The Supreme Court declines to hear Miller and Cooper's appeal of the February circuit court ruling.
 * 30 June: Norman Pearlstine, Time Inc.'s editor in chief agrees to provide documents concerning the confidential sources of Matthew Cooper to a grand jury.

July 2005

 * July 2005: Michael Isikoff reports in Newsweek that Karl Rove spoke with Matt Cooper days before the Novak story, and that it was Cooper who initiated the call and brought up Wilson and his wife. Cooper later tells GJ that the call had nothing to do with Welfare.
 * 1 July: Lawrence O'Donnell, senior MSNBC political analyst on The McLaughlin Group, stated: "And I know I'm going to get pulled into the grand jury for saying this but the source of ... for Matt Cooper was Karl Rove, and that will be revealed in this document dump that Time magazine's going to do with the grand jury."
 * 4 July: Rove's lawyer, Robert Luskin, admits to Newsweek that Rove did talk to reporters about Wilson's wife before Novak's story, but without knowing her name, in line with his assertion that he only spoke to reporters about her name after Plame's identity was revealed.
 * 6 July: New York Times reporter Judith Miller goes to jail to protect the identity of the persons who leaked the identity of a CIA agent.
 * 6 July: Rove's lawyer, Robert Luskin, told Newsweek that Rove "did not call Cooper" to give permission to Cooper to testify.
 * 7 July: The New York Times reports that Cooper's release to testify resulted from negotiations involving Rove's and Cooper's attorneys.
 * 10 July: Newsweek quotes Rove lawyer Robert Luskin as confirming that Rove was the source who gave information to Time reporter Matt Cooper under a pledge of confidentiality, and that he subsequently released him to testify about that conversation to a grand jury.
 * 11 July: Rove's lawyer says, "Rove did not mention her name to Cooper."
 * 11 July: Cooper did not actually get a call from his "source" Rove. Read a WSJ interview by Rove Attorney Luskin and decided to testify.
 * 11 July: White House spokesman McClellan declines to repeat categorical denials of Rove's involvement in the leak and to state whether Bush still pledges to fire anyone found to have leaked.
 * 13 July: Matt Cooper confirmed that his source on the leak was President Bush's Deputy Chief of Staff Karl Rove after receiving a waiver from confidentiality signed by Rove's attorney, Robert Luskin.
 * 17 July: In an ABC News poll, a plurality (47%) of people surveyed said the White House was not cooperating fully with the ongoing investigation; the remainder either had no opinion (28%) or thought the White House was fully cooperating (25%).
 * 18 July: President Bush states that "[i]f someone committed a crime, they will no longer work in my administration." Some interpreted this as a retraction of earlier promises to fire anyone involved in the leak.
 * 20 July 2005: Robert Muller, the director of the F.B.I., wrote a letter (classified) that praised Italy's cooperation with the bureau in working to determine the source of the forged Niger-Iraq document. The F.B.I. concluded from their investigation that the documents were forged for personal profit and exonerated the Italian service from intending to influence American policy. As a result, the F.B.I. had finished its investigation into the origin of the document.
 * 22 July: The Senate Democratic Policy Committee holds unofficial hearings on the Plame affair.
 * 25 July: In a Gallup poll, 49% of respondents believe Rove should resign.
 * 26 July: John Kerry and twenty-five other Democratic senators call for congressional investigations into the leak.

August 2005

 * 8 August: In a poll commissioned by Newsweek, 45% believed Rove "guilty of a serious offence", 15% "not guilty of a serious offence", and 37% responded "don't know."

September 2005

 * 29 September 2005: Judith Miller released from jail after she agrees to testify.
 * 30 September 2005: Judith Miller testifies for grand jury investigating Plame CIA leak.

October 2005

 * 13 October 2005: Judith Miller testifies for the grand jury investigating the Plame CIA leak.
 * 14 October 2005: Karl Rove appears in front of the federal grand jury investigating the CIA leak. This is his fourth appearance.
 * 28 October 2005: Scooter Libby is indicted on two counts of perjury, two counts of making false statements and one count of obstruction of justice. He immediately resigns as Dick Cheney's chief of staff. The grand jury which issued the indictment disbands.

November 2005

 * 4 November 2005: Gen. Nicolò Pollari, Italy's chief of Military Intelligence, told an Italian parliamentary committee on secret services that Rocco Martino, a former intelligence agency informer, was the source of the forged Niger-Iraq document. He did not, however, go so far as to say that Martino was the forger. News reports have stated that Martino claimed to have gotten the documents from a contact at the Niger embassy in Rome. Pollari is also quoted as telling the committee that no Italian intelligence officers were involved in the forgery or distribution of the document. Pollari also told the committee that Martino claimed he was working for the French intelligence service. A French intelligence spokesman called Martino's claims scandalous without going so far as to explicitly confirm or deny the essence of Martino's claim. La Repubblica, in a series of articles a week earlier, claimed that Martino had "produced the forgeries from letterhead and stamps he purloined from Niger's embassy in Rome in 2000."

February 2006

 * 4 February 2006: The Washington Post reports "... court records show that Libby denied to a grand jury that he ever mentioned Plame or her CIA job to then-White House press secretary Ari Fleischer or then-New York Times reporter Judith Miller in separate conversations he had with each of them in early July 2003. The records also suggest that Libby did not disclose to investigators that he first spoke to Miller about Plame in June 2003, and that prosecutors learned of the nature of the conversation only when Miller finally testified late in the fall of 2005." The article continues, "All three specific allegations are contained in previously redacted sections of a U.S. Court of Appeals opinion that were released yesterday. The opinion analyzed Fitzgerald's secret evidence to determine whether his case warranted ordering reporters to testify about their confidential conversations with sources."

June 2006

 * 12 June 2006: Special Counsel Fitzgerald notifies Karl Rove that he will not be indicted.

July 2006

 * 12 July: Robert Novak publicly states that Karl Rove was not his "primary source" of the information that Joseph C. Wilson's wife worked for the CIA.
 * 13 July: In a lawsuit filed in U.S. District Court, Valerie Plame and her husband, Joseph C. Wilson, a former U.S. ambassador, accused Cheney, Rove and I. Lewis "Scooter" Libby of revealing Plame's CIA identity in seeking revenge against Wilson for criticizing the Bush administration's motives in Iraq.

August 2006

 * 29 August: Richard L. Armitage, a former deputy secretary of state, acknowledges that he was Robert Novak's primary source for Valerie Plame's CIA affiliation.

September 2006

 * 13 September: The Wilsons' civil action, which initially named Karl Rove, Dick Cheney, and Scooter Libby, is amended to include Armitage.
 * 14 September: Robert Novak publicly disputes details of Armitage's disclosures provided in interviews and news reports.

March 2007

 * 6 March: Scooter Libby is convicted on four of five counts.
 * 16 March: The House Committee on Oversight and Government Reform holds a hearing on the leak. Plame and four other witnesses testify.

June 2007

 * 5 June: Judge Reggie Walton sentences Libby to serve two and a half years in federal prison and pay a fine of $250,000.

July 2007

 * 2 July:  When Libby's appeal of Walton's order fails, President Bush commutes Libby's 30-month prison sentence, leaving the other parts of his sentence intact.
 * 9 July: Libby pays his monetary fine and begins serving two years of supervised release and 400 hours of community service.

2008

 * 20 March: On the recommendation of the District of Columbia Bar, the DC Circuit Court of Appeals disbars Scooter Libby until at least June 2012.

2016

 * 3 November: The District of Columbia Court of Appeals grants Libby's petition for reinstatement to the DC Bar.

2018

 * 13 April: President Donald Trump fully pardons Libby, stating that "for years, I have heard that he has been treated unfairly".

title: Timeline of the Plame affair


text:
Balto-Finnic

Balto-Finnic may refer to:

 * Balto-Finnic peoples
 * Balto-Finnic languages

title: Balto-Finnic


text:
Charles Dupin

Baron Pierre Charles François Dupin (6 October 1784, Varzy, Nièvre – 18 January 1873, Paris, France) was a French Catholic mathematician, engineer, economist and politician, particularly known for work in the field of mathematics, where the Dupin cyclide and Dupin indicatrix are named after him; and for his work in the field of statistical and thematic mapping. In 1826 he created the earliest known choropleth map.

Life and work
He was born in Varzy in France, the son of Charles Andre Dupin, a lawyer, and Catherine Agnes Dupin. His elder brother is André Marie Jean Jacques Dupin.

Dupin studied geometry with Monge at the École Polytechnique and then became a naval engineer (ENSTA). His mathematical work was in descriptive and differential geometry. He was the discoverer of conjugate tangents to a point on a surface and of the Dupin indicatrix. Dupin participated in the Greek science revival by teaching mathematics and mechanics lessons in Corfu in 1808. One of his students was Giovanni Carandino, who would go on to be the founder of the Greek Mathematics School in the 1820s.

From 1807 Dupin was responsible for the restoration of the damaged port and arsenal at Corfu. He founded the Toulon Maritime Museum in 1813.

In 1818, Dupin was elected to the body of the French Academy of Sciences, one of the Institut de France's five Academies. He was appointed professor at the Conservatoire des Arts et Métiers in 1819; he kept this post until 1854. In 1822, Dupin was elected a foreign member of the Royal Swedish Academy of Sciences. He was made a baron in 1824. In 1826 he published a thematic map showing the distribution of illiteracy in France, using shadings (from black to white), the first known instance of what is called a choropleth map today. Dupin had been inspired by the work of the German statisticians Georg Hassel and August Friedrich Wilhelm Crome. Dupin was named rapporteur for the central jury of the Exposition des produits de l'industrie française en 1834. For each branch of industry he noted the quantities and value of French exports and imports, with comparative figures for 1823, 1827 and 1834.

Dupin also had a political career and was appointed to the Senate in 1852.

Selected publications

 * Dupin, François Pierre Charles. Développements de géométrie. (1813).
 * Dupin, François Pierre Charles. Discours et leçons sur l'industrie, le commerce, la marine, et sur les sciences appliquées aux arts. 1825.
 * Dupin, François Pierre Charles. Canal maritime de Suez. Imprimerie de Mallet-Bachelier, 1858.

title: Charles Dupin


text:
Heungseon Daewongun

Heungseon Daewongun (24 January 1821 – 22 February 1898) was the title of Yi Ha-eung, the regent of Joseon during the minority of Emperor Gojong in the 1860s. Until his death, he was a key political figure of late Joseon Korea. He was also called the Daewongun (lit. 'Grand Internal Prince', sometimes translated as "regent"), Guktaegong, or later Internal King Heonui, and also known to contemporary western diplomats as Prince Gung.

Daewongun literally translates as "prince of the great court", a title customarily granted to the father of the reigning monarch when that father did not reign himself (usually because his son had been adopted as heir of a relative who did reign). While there had been three other Daewonguns during the Joseon dynasty, there was no one as dominant as Yi Ha-Eung in the history of the Joseon dynasty that the term Daewongun usually refers specifically to him.

Joseon was going through changes in many aspects during this period, but was for the most part unable to keep up with the rapidly changing situation the country found itself in. Yi Ha-eung, had to solve both the looming threat posed by Western nations, which were continuously encroaching upon the sovereignty of Eastern states, while at the same time attempt to rebuild a country ravaged by poverty and internal power struggles. He is remembered both for the wide-ranging reforms he attempted during his regency, as well as for what was described by historian Hilary Conroy as "vigorous enforcement of the seclusion policy, persecution of Christians, and the killing or driving off of foreigners who landed on Korean soil".

Early life
The Daewongun was born Yi Ha-eung on 24 January 1821. He was the fourth son of Yi Chae-jung, a member of the royal family who in 1816 was given the name Yi Gu and the title Prince Namyeon. The Daewongun was a 9th generation descendant of King Injo through Grand Prince Inpyeong.

The Daewongun was well-schooled in Confucianism and the Chinese classics. He reputedly excelled in calligraphy and painting. His early government career consisted of minor posts that were mostly honorary and ceremonial. For most of his early life, his connection to the royal house seemed of little help to him. He was poor and humiliated by the rich in-laws of the royal house. Since the Andong Kim clan had a lot of authority and influence over the country, he was barred from obtaining high positions in politics even though he was a member of the royal family, the Jeonju Yi clan. Instead, he drew orchids and sold them to Korean nobilities to earn money.

Rise to power
The Daewongun came to power when his second son, Yi Myeong-bok, was chosen to become king.

In January 1864, King Cheoljong died without an heir. The selection of the next king was in the hands of three dowagers: Queen Sinjeong, mother of King Heonjong; Queen Myeongheon, King Heonjong's wife; and Queen Cheorin, Cheoljong's wife. The "designation right" resided with Dowager Queen Sinjeong, as she was the oldest of the dowagers.

In an apocryphal story, Queen Cheorin sent a minister to fetch the son of Yi Ha-eung, eleven-year-old Yi Myeong-bok, who was flying a kite in a palace garden. The son was brought to the palace in a sedan chair, where Queen Sinjeong rushed forward and called him her son, thus producing the new Joseon king, King Gojong, adopted son of Crown Prince Hyomyeong. This story may or may not have been true.

These facts, however, are known to be correct. On 16 January 1864, Yi Myeong-bok was appointed the Prince of Ikseong by Dowager Queen Sinjeong. The next day, his father was granted the title Daewongun, equivalent to the title of "regent" in Korean, the difference being that the title was only given to the biological father of the young king. On 21 January, Yi Myeong-bok was enthroned as King Gojong, and Dowager Queen Sinjeong began her regency. Yi was apparently chosen because "he was the only suitable surviving male member of the Yi clan and closest by blood to the royal house".

Since Gojong was so young, Queen Sinjeong invited the Daewongun to assist his son in ruling the country. She virtually renounced her right to be regent, and though she remained the titular regent, the Daewongun acted as the de facto ruler of the country, exercising the powers of the regency in the name of the Queen.

Once Gojong became king, there still remained the question of the king's marriage. Gojong's mother Yeoheung decided upon a daughter of the Min clan, Lady Min. The Daewongun remarked that Min "was a woman of great determination and poise" and was slightly disturbed by her. However, he allowed her to marry his son, and unknowingly created his greatest political rival.

Reforms
During his regency, the Daewongun attempted several reforms. His main goal was to "crush the old ruling faction that had virtually usurped the sovereign power of the kings earlier in the century".

When he took power in 1864, the Daewongun was determined to reform the government and strengthen central control. He led an anti-corruption campaign, disciplined the royal clans, and taxed the aristocracy, the yangban. Cumings notes that this was not a revolution but a restoration, as the Daewongun was attempting to return to the days of King Sejong in the fifteenth century.

One of the Daewongun's effective acts as regent was the reconstruction of Gyeongbok Palace. The palace had been built during the reign of the first Joseon king. Much of the building was destroyed in a fire in 1533 and the rest was destroyed during the Japanese invasion of 1592. The rebuilding took seven years and five months. It was perhaps the most costly project during the Joseon dynasty. He also weakened the power of the Andong Kim clan and increased the authority of the ruling family. This act stripped almost all of the Andong Kim clan's power.

The Daewongun's reforms were not very successful, as some scholars say he was "too high-handed and tactless". Furthermore, his policies did not have a long-lasting effect. Once Gojong came of age in 1874, he forced the Daewongun into semi-retirement and undid many of his reforms.

Foreign policy
The Daewongun's foreign policy was rather simple, as Cumings describes it: "no treaties, no trade, no Catholics, no West, and no Japan". He maintained an isolationist policy.

The Isolation Policy was a policy made to isolate Joseon from all foreign forces except for China which he believed to be the strongest. He tried to refuse Russia's quest to open Joseon's ports to them by using France, but France refused to help – causing the 1866 Byeong-in Persecution. He was involved in the General Sherman incident as well. The Isolation Policy became more entrenched in 1868 when German merchant Ernst Oppert attempted to take hostage the bones of the Daewongun's father in order to force him to open Korea to trade; and even further so after the 1871 American attack of Gwanghwado.

The Isolation Policy provided immediate benefits of fortifying Korean patriotism as well as protecting Korean Confucianism. The Heungseon Daewongun was able to protect Joseon from cultural imperialism and westernization and thus protect Korea's heritage from it. However, because he refused to engage in international relations entirely, there was a limited choice of market and slim opportunity for an industrial revolution to occur in Korea. Indeed, the Daewongun wanted to avoid engagement with the West – which would have been inevitable if Western countries were allowed to trade freely – as it would erode government influence. The Joseon Dynasty had a strict social hierarchy: the wealth of the yangban nobility rested on the backs of sangmin farm labourers and tenants; the Daewongun wanted to prevent the collapse of this hierarchy; despite his fame for his fairness and support of civilization, the emancipation of the sangmin would mean the destruction of the yangban, his own social class.

The international relations of Joseon worsened as the Daewongun adopted increasingly desperate and harsher measures in order to repel Westernization. The Daewongun made the choice of protecting the world he knew by trying to shut out foreigners, at the cost of delaying development and modernization, and to keep Korea a hermit kingdom. Many Koreans state that had he chosen to engage with foreign countries as his daughter-in-law Queen Min advocated, the Japanese rule of Korea could have been avoided. However, others state that the ten years of the Isolation Policy was too small a part of the Joseon Dynasty to derive such a statement from.

Retirement
In 1874, King Gojong came of age. His wife, Queen Min, influenced his decision to "assume the full measure of royal responsibility", an action that forced the Daewongun into semi-retirement.

Loss of eldest son 1881
Daewongun's eldest son, Yi Jae-seon (posthumously known as Prince Imperial Waneun), was with a concubine. Due to an 1881 isolationist conservative plot to overthrow Gojong and install Yi Jae-seon as king but with Daewongun as the effective power behind the throne, this son was executed in October 1881. The plotters were associates of Daewongun but his involvement is not proved.

Return to power
The Daewongun enjoyed a brief return to power during the Imo Incident in 1882. On the second day of the mutiny, a group of rioters were received by the Daewongun, "who reportedly exhorted them to bring down the Min regime and expel the Japanese". King Gojong asked his father, the Daewongun to come to the palace. The Daewongun's appearance, escorted by 200 mutineers, "put an immediate end to the wild melee." Gojong gave the Daewongun "all the small and large matters of the government" and thus the Daewongun resumed his rule. Both Japanese and Chinese forces headed towards Korea to put down the rebellion, and Ma Chien-chung, a Chinese diplomat in Korea, decided that it was time to remove the Daewongun.

The Chinese had three reasons they wanted to remove the Daewongun: First, he attempted to overthrow the pro-Chinese Min faction. Second, "he created a situation which invited the Japanese troops to Korea, thus precipitating the danger of a military conflict between Japan on the one hand and Korea and China on the other." And third, "the Taewongun [Daewongun]-inspired disturbance threatened the foundation of a lawfully constituted government in a dependent nation".

Ma arrested the Daewongun on the charge of disrespect to the emperor for "usurping the power which the emperor had invested in the king of Korea". However, as he was the father of the king, he was dealt with leniently. One hundred Chinese soldiers escorted the Daewongun to a waiting Chinese warship, and from there to Tianjin.

Return to Korea
In the fall of 1885, the Chinese returned the Daewongun to Korea, "despite strong objections from the queen and her followers". After the return, he was unhappy when Empress Myeongseong signed Russia–Korea Treaty of 1884. Daewongun tried to return power again by aiding his grandson Yi Jun-yong, cousin of King Gojong, in an attempt to overthrow King Gojong.

Gabo Reform
In 1894, the Japanese were strengthening their hold over Korea. They needed someone amenable to them to be a leader in Korea during the Gabo Reform. They approached the Daewongun as a potential leader. When he agreed, on 23 July Japanese soldiers liberated him from the house arrest Gojong had placed him under. In exchange for his help, the Daewongun asked for a promise that if the reforms succeeded, "Japan will not demand a single piece of Korean territory". The soldiers took him to the palace, where they approached the king. The Daewongun reproached King Gojong and announced that he would be taking over.

The Japanese became nervous after placing the Daewongun in charge, as he seemed interested "only in grasping power and purging his opponents and did not see the need for a reform policy". By September 1894, the Japanese decided that the Daewongun was not to be trusted. By early October, it became clear that "the plan to use the Taewongun [Daewongun] as a vehicle for the reform program had misfired". A Japanese statesman, Inoue Kaoru, was sent to Korea as the new resident minister, where he told the Daewongun, "You always stand in the way," and forced the Daewongun to promise that he would "abstain from interference in political affairs".

Involvement in Queen Min's assassination
In 1895, Japanese officials in Korea were plotting the removal of Gojong's wife, Queen Min. Miura Gorō, Inoue Kaoru's successor as Japanese advisor to the Korean government, and Sugimura Fukashi, a secretary of the Japanese legation, planned the attempt. The two decided to involve the Daewongun in the plot, and after making inquiries, learned that he was "indignant enough to plan a coup" and would cooperate with them. On 8 October 1895, early in the morning, Japanese policemen escorted the Daewongun to the palace. His involvement from that point on is unclear, but on that morning, Japanese agents assassinated Queen Min.

Death
The Daewongun died in 1898, just a little over a year after the formation of the Korean Empire. On 24 August 1907 Emporer Sunjong bestowed him the posthumous title Internal King Heungseon Heonui.

Family

 * Father: Yi Gu, Prince Namyeon (22 August 1788 – 19 March 1836)
 * Mother: Princess Consort Min of the Yeoheung Min clan (26 June 1788 – 1831)
 * Consorts and their Respective Issue(s):
 * 1) Grand Internal Princess Consort Sunmok of the Yeoheung Min clan (3 February 1818 – 8 January 1898)
 * 2) Lady Yi (1838–1869)
 * 3) Yi Jae-myeon, Prince Imperial Heungchin (22 August 1845 – 9 September 1912)
 * 4) Emperor Gojong of Korea (8 September 1852 – 21 January 1919)
 * 5) Lady Yi (1861–1899)
 * 6) Gye Seong-wol
 * 7) Yi Jae-seon, Prince Waneun (1 August 1842 – 27 October 1881)
 * 8) Lady Yi (1855–1869)
 * 9) Kisaeng Chuseon (?–1885)
 * 10) Lady Seo (? – 7 January 1914)
 * 11) Jin Chae-seon (1842–?)

In popular culture

 * Portrayed by Yoo Dong-geun in the 2001–2002 KBS2 TV series Empress Myeongseong.
 * Portrayed by Chun Ho-jin in the 2009 film The Sword with No Name.
 * Portrayed by Lee Beom-soo in the 2012 MBC TV series, Dr. Jin.
 * Portrayed by Kim Nam-gil in the 2015 film The Sound of a Flower.
 * Portrayed by Choi Jong-won in the 2018 tvN and Netflix TV series Mr. Sunshine.
 * Portrayed by Ji Sung in the 2018 film Fengshui.
 * Portrayed by Jun Kwang-ryul in the 2020 TV Chosun TV series Kingmaker: The Change of Destiny.

title: Heungseon Daewongun


text: User talk:86.130.88.57

title: User talk:86.130.88.57


text:
Talk:Domino's

Good brand with amazing customer service — Preceding unsigned comment added by 102.90.66.15 (talk) 01:35, 17 July 2024 (UTC)

Requested move 12 January 2023

 * The following is a closed discussion of a requested move. Please do not modify it. Subsequent comments should be made in a new section on the talk page. Editors desiring to contest the closing decision should consider a move review after discussing it on the closer's talk page. No further edits should be made to this discussion.

The result of the move request was: Moved (non-admin closure) >>> Extorc . talk  20:43, 26 January 2023 (UTC)

Domino's Pizza → Domino's – I was surprised to discover that since the self-announced name change in 2012, moving the article has never been discussed (though some bold moves were quickly reverted over the years, again without any ensuing discussion). Per WP:NAMECHANGES, I believe the evidence weighs toward "Domino's" being the current common name, as supported by recent news in reliable sources (except when discussing the company specifically, such as in photo credits, or in a financial context, such as stocks), e.g. CNET, CNN, The Hill, etc. An argument could be made that even pre-2012, the chain was more often than not referred to simply as "Domino's" and not the full name "Domino's Pizza". Domino's has long redirected here, so there don't seem to be any disambiguation issues; per WP:SMALLDETAILS, no other title requires direct disambiguation with this specific spelling, though of course a hatnote should be added for Dominoes and Domino (disambiguation), consistent with WP:SMALLDETAILS. Mdewman6 (talk) 01:24, 12 January 2023 (UTC) — Relisting. Steel1943  (talk) 18:39, 19 January 2023 (UTC)
 * Oppose. There in fact was a similar RM back in 2015 that did not pass. I currently do not see any compelling reason to change my mind from that older discussion. Currently, the OP only cites a few reliable sources in the United States, not in other countries where this multinational company also does business. A commentator in that 2015 discussion mentioned how the company was commonly referred to in the UK. Has the common name in the UK and other countries changed from "Domino's Pizza" to the shortened "Domino's"? And like I wrote back in 2015, when I still do a Google News search of "Domino's Pizza" I still see several news sources that still use "Domino's Pizza" in headlines, including those sources in the U.S. And all references and handles on the company's Twitter account, YouTube Channel, Facebook, etc. still currently read as "Domino's Pizza" instead of just "Domino's". Thus, I do not see any harm in keeping the status quo like the Dunkin' Donuts vs. Dunkin' discussions. Zzyzx11 (talk) 03:18, 12 January 2023 (UTC)
 * Ah, of course I should have expected/realized there were talk page archives. I'll make sure to add an Old RM multi regardless of outcome. Mdewman6 (talk) 03:33, 12 January 2023 (UTC)

 * Support Domino's is not the same as Dominoes and there ought to be no confusion with a move as long as a hatnote is added. Nominator is entirely correct. ᴢxᴄᴠʙɴᴍ (ᴛ) 14:44, 12 January 2023 (UTC)
 * Support per nom.--Ortizesp (talk) 21:10, 12 January 2023 (UTC)
 * Support - Per .  -  FlightTime  ( open channel ) 21:23, 12 January 2023 (UTC)
 * Comment (no opinion, no !vote) Recent secondary sources use both forms in the same articles - 23 Jan 2021, 28th Sep 2021. The local planning authority Facebook (26 December 2020, login needed) states "Domino's Pizza".

 * Domino's Pizza at Cornwall Live, Domino's Pizza seven instances at Swindon Advertiser, and both forms at Cheadle Times. Note, the seven instances are from 2011, .--82.13.47.210 (talk) 02:31, 13 January 2023 (UTC)

 * Oppose per WP:PRECISE and WP:NATURALDISAMBIGUATION. There is potential for confusion to readers in moving this article. And their own website calls it "Domino's Pizza" in multiple places. Rreagan007 (talk) 01:08, 16 January 2023 (UTC)
 * Comment It does seem like there's some inconsistency when it comes to the naming, as pointed out above. For example, their Canadian Twitter account is Domino's Canada, while their Instagram is Domino's Pizza Canada — Status  ( talk  ·  contribs ) 03:00, 13 January 2023 (UTC)

 * Support as long as hatnote is added to page, to avoid confusion with dominoes. Tbf69 16:40, 14 January 2023 (UTC)
 * I'm going to oppose on the basis of WP:NATURALDIS. Sure, mention in the lede that they just go by "Domino's" now (thought that's not the actual company name) – in fact, I would highlight in the lede that the name was changed in 2012. But I think in terms of the article title, it's better to leave it where it is, esp. as that is (still) the name of the (holding?) company. --IJBall (contribs • talk) 23:35, 17 January 2023 (UTC)

 * Oppose - The word Dominos could mean anything to do with the game blocks, or theories about communism leading to the Vietnam War, or several other things. Dominos Pizza unambiguously refers to this company. Let's not introduce ambiguity. HiLo48 (talk) 22:35, 19 January 2023 (UTC)
 * The apostrophe may make the difference here.  O.N.R.  (talk) 01:26, 20 January 2023 (UTC)
 * Ha ha. If only. HiLo48 (talk) 02:48, 20 January 2023 (UTC)
 * Support as being equally precise and much more concise Red   Slash  20:47, 20 January 2023 (UTC)
 * Support nominator has given sufficient evidence that "Domino's" is sufficient for identifying the company, and the evidence seems more clear cut that use of just "Domino's" has persisted for some time. This is a far more clear cut case than Dunkin'/Dunkin' Donuts. Ten Pound Hammer • (What did I screw up now?) 07:06, 24 January 2023 (UTC)

 * Support - per all the pro-support reasons above. Knightoftheswords281 (talk) 02:18, 26 January 2023 (UTC)

The discussion above is closed. Please do not modify it. Subsequent comments should be made on the appropriate discussion page. No further edits should be made to this discussion.

Closure of Domino's in Denmark
Since some people here can't deal with facts (from the announcement of Domino's in Denmark) and have removed my edit. I want to point out that consensus is not needed on facts, since facts are reality. It is only ever needed on opinions and facts are not opinion, since yellow can't be argued to be blue. If editors can't different between the two, they should find them self something better to do with their time. Editors of this page can find the news in Danish and on Domino's Danish website (while it remains online). Both in Danish and English. I'm done with editing Wikipedia pages forever, since this is clearly the attitude today. If an article about pizza franchise can't be updated without a lengthy agreement, because facts are somehow in the way. Wikipedia as a project has already failed, as has the internet as a whole. Jonfr (talk) 02:30, 14 June 2023 (UTC)

Domino's Pizza, Inc. -V- Domino's Pizza Enterprises Limited.

Domino’s pizza inc is a U.S listed company.

where as Dominos pizza enterprises, is an Australian listed an owned company & as such owns the exclusive master franchise rights for the Domino's brand network in Australia, New Zealand, Belgium, France, The Netherlands, Japan, Germany, Luxembourg, Denmark and Taiwan. Across these markets, DPE has over 2,800 stores.

this page should reflect the fact that Dominos inc & Dominos pizza enterprise are not the same company nor do they have the same owners!

this page is exaggerating & inflating the truth / facts of the U.S company Dominos inc. by claiming it owns the world wide rights ( it does not ) & it claims Dominos inc owns stores in country’s throughout Europe and Asia that are in fact owned by the Australian company Domino’s enterprise.

Domino's Pizza Enterprises 49.184.140.90 (talk) 13:50, 23 August 2023 (UTC)

Smart slice
How can I buy Domino's smart slice pizza? TheMaggster (talk) 01:51, 14 September 2023 (UTC)

Confusing direction
This article seems to be both about Domino's (chain) and Domino's Pizza, Inc. I personally think the article should be split into 2 pages: one about Domino's and the other about Domino's Pizza, Inc. WiinterU (talk) 21:32, 18 November 2023 (UTC)

Splitting proposal 17 December 2023
I believe this page could work better being split into two pages. One for Domino's Pizza Inc., and the other for Domino's Pizza (chain). They have done this for Wendy's, like The Wendy's Company and Wendy's. However, if people do disagree with me, I will listen to what they have to say. WiinterU (talk) 17:24, 17 December 2023 (UTC)

title: Talk:Domino's


text:
The Master (novel)

The Master is a novel by Irish writer Colm Tóibín. His fifth novel, it received the International Dublin Literary Award, the Stonewall Book Award, the Lambda Literary Award, the Los Angeles Times Novel of the Year and, in France, Le prix du meilleur livre étranger in 2005. It was also shortlisted for the 2004 Booker Prize

Plot summary
The Master depicts the American-born writer Henry James in the final years of the 19th century. The eleven chapters of the novel are labelled from January 1895 to October 1899 and follow the writer from his failure in the London theatre, with the play Guy Domville, to his seclusion in the town of Rye, East Sussex, where in the following years he rapidly produced several masterpieces.

The novel starts with a portrait of Henry as a public figure who feels humiliated in an unexpected way, not just in the public side of his writing career but also in a more personal way, in which all the precautions he had taken to carry on with his life as he wished it to be, come to a crisis. Henry resolves to reduce his public life by buying a house in Rye and there he nurses his loneliness and is haunted by all the consequences his need to maintain a protected space in which to live and write has generated all through his life. He's in his fifties and he's very much aware of how he had to refuse the company of his ill sister, whom he adored, at some point, how he chose to stay away from his country and his family, how he felt to turn cold with a writer friend he had been very close to previously and becomes a bachelor with an unresolved sexuality, certainly close to homosexuality, living in a house with servants in the South of England and a daily visit of the stenographer to whom he dictates. The portrait of Henry, a man appalled by the Oscar Wilde case while repressing his self and his sexuality, shows a complex and ambiguous man. He copes with life by exerting control over how much he would reveal, even to himself, and choosing to be a writer in order to achieve precisely that.

Background
During his acceptance of the 2011 Irish PEN Award, Colm Tóibín was lauded as a "Champion of minorities". To find himself the recipient of such praise was hardly a likely outcome when one considers the conservative rural background that he emerged from, saying of his youth spent in his family home that it was characterised by "a great deal of silence". Tóibín chose to first address his own homosexuality, with no great deal of ceremony, in his essay “New Ways of Killing Your Father” published in November 1993 for London Review of Books. This development must be read against the cultural climate of the time. David Norris (politician) had, at this stage, successfully lobbied the European Court of Human Rights to declare a ruling that the antigay laws in Ireland were a flagrant transgression of the European Convention on Human Rights. Such a ruling had resulted in the passing of a bill by Dáil Éireann in June 1993 that decriminalised homosexuality in Ireland. This is the context that Tóibín, as a gay writer, was emerging from, one of transition and burgeoning reclamation of a lost gay identity. This reclamation is best captured by the critic Jennifer M. Jeffers when she says 'Irish novels in the last decade of the twentieth century push the heterosexual culture to see its “inbuilt” gender identifications, needless to say, this is not a comfortable or easy process. Irish religious, gender, sexual and material precedents in fiction that overtly challenge heterosexual culture and regulation are basically nonexistent'. Thus, Tóibín's creative output - post 1993, increasingly explores themes of homosexuality in such a way that parallels his 'increasingly public self-identification as gay'.

Main characters

 * Henry James – Protagonist and focus of the novel's narrative.
 * Alice James – Neurotic, invalid sister of Henry James.
 * William James – Henry's overbearing older brother.
 * Wilkie James – Henry's younger brother, brutally injured during the American Civil War.
 * Minnie Temple – Effervescent young cousin of Henry James who was the recipient of much affection from the young Henry.
 * Constance Fenimore Woolson – Shared a complex friendship with Henry. Her non-platonic attraction to him going unreciprocated.
 * Oliver Wendell Holmes Jr. – A college friend who James vacationed with.
 * Paul Joukowsky – Artist residing in Paris with whom the young James experienced a close friendship.
 * Corporal Hammond – Manservant assigned to Henry during his stay in Ireland, who seemingly offers an unspoken sexual encounter with the writer.
 * Hendrik Christian Andersen – An opportunistic sculptor who takes advantage of an older James in order to help forward his own career. Resided in Lamb House with James for a time.

Critical Reception
The book was generally well-received amongst critics. On Metacritic, the book received a 81 out of 100 based on 30 critic reviews.

American writer John Updike described the book in The New Yorker (2004-06-28): “Tóibín's subject is the inward James, the master of literary creation and a vast hushed arena of dreams and memories and hoarded observations”. Daniel Mendelsohn in the New York Review of Books also praised the book, referring to it as "unquestionably the work of a first-rate novelist – one who has for the past decade been writing excellent novels about people cut off from their feelings or families or both."

An appraisal in Esquire said that "In The Master, [Toibin] brings James to life in a way that no straight biography could."

U.S. writer Cynthia Ozick said Tóibín's "rendering of the first hints, or sensations, of the tales as they form in James's thoughts is itself an instance of writer's wizardry".

Awards and Lists
The book continued to receive acclaim among many critics lists after and during its time of release. According to The Greatest Books, a site that aggregates book lists, it is "The 511th greatest book of all time".

Composition
Colm Tóibín chose to write The Master in much the same conditions as his previous novels – implementing an uncomfortable work environment to generate a very specific work ethic. That includes a hard, uncomfortable chair and choosing to write his drafts by hand rather than with the help of modern technologies like a computer.

The impetus for the novel's composition first came from his collection of essays entitled  Love in a Dark Time: Gay Lives from Wilde to Almodóvar (2002), in which an opportunity was taken for deeper rumination on the sexual identity of queer authors. In light of this study, Tóibín began to understand the dramatic potential for Henry James's conflict between his interior and exterior self. However, Tóibín is often keen to point out also that The Master is not simply an exploration of James's sexuality, “I really wasn't that interested in his homosexuality other than what it offered me as a drama of renunciation.”

Style
The Master is written in the genre of historical fiction and in a third person narrative that emphasises the intimate inner monologue of Henry James, a style of writing that The Telegraph (London)'s Benjamin Markovits refers to as 'Tóibín's speciality'. Markovits chooses to draw a direct line between Tóibín's prose and that of the man he is depicting in virtue of their shared lucidity and precision of language, 'so fine it can render the slightest variation in mood or circumstance'.

Furthermore, Tóibín's emphasis on memory and recollection is such that when coupled with James's expertly realised interiority, the reader constantly finds themselves transported with James's consciousness back to the events of the memories he recalls. Tóibín, in doing so takes us beyond the temporal constriction of the four years that the novel takes place during.

Sexuality
Tóibín provides a detailed exploration of the sexual identity of Henry James as found within The Master. Leon Edel is considered one on the most significant biographers of Henry James and within his seminal five-volume biography he chooses to present James as a wholly celibate individual, a stance that has been commonplace since it was first put forward by critic Saul Rosenzweig in 1943. The publishing of Henry James: The Young Master by Sheldon M. Novick in 2004 was one of the first significant challenges to this well-established approach to Jamesian scholarship. This pivot in critical approach was born from an increasing number of James's correspondence to young men coming to light in virtue of their sometimes veiled (sometimes not) eroticism. Tóibín chooses to follow the same tact as Novick within The Master through his exploration of the Closeted Victorian.

Irish identity
Tóibín's approach to national identity within this novel appears as a proliferation of his response to The Essential Hemingway and indeed foregrounds Tóibín's attraction to James in the first place; “the amount of emotion living in what was not said, what was between the words and the sentences.". This point is further clarified by Tóibín himself within his collection of essays All a Novelist Needs when he notes that 'In dealing with James's attitude towards Ireland ... and indeed towards his homosexuality, it is important to remember that he was in both instances non-practicing.' (14).

Awards and nominations
The Master received the 2004 Los Angeles Times Novel of the Year award and was shortlisted for the 2004 Booker Prize. It received the 2005 Lambda Literary Award, the 2005 Stonewall Book Award, France's 2005 Le prix du Meilleur livre étranger (Best Foreign Book Prize) and the 2006 International Dublin Literary Award.

title: The Master (novel)


text:
Kira Vincent-Davis

Kira Vincent-Davis is an American voice actress best known for her work in English-language versions of Japanese anime. She voices Lucy/Nyu in Elfen Lied, Anchovy in Girls und Panzer, Izuna Hatsuse in No Game No Life, Ayumu Kasuga in Azumanga Daioh, Mirai Kuriyama in Beyond the Boundary, Kansai in World's End Club, Minagi Tohno in Air, Mizuki Tachibana in Gravion, Rino Rando and Pucchan in Best Student Council, Chaika Trabant in Chaika - The Coffin Princess, and Mio Sakamoto in the Strike Witches series. She also narrates all of the videos on the youtube channel 'Physics Videos by Eugene Khutoryansky'

Music

 * Voices for Peace (2006 album) – Vocals: "Fortunate Son"

title: Kira Vincent-Davis


text:
Talk:Hvannadalshnjúkur

Requested move
Hvannadalshnjúkur → Hvannadalshnúkur – The name of Hvannadalshnúkur peak is misspelled, there is an extra j in hnjúkur.

Survey

 * Support Kristinnstef 09:06, 31 May 2006 (UTC)

Discussion
The name of Hvannadalshnúkur peak is misspelled, there is an extra j in hnjúkur. This is a common mistake, as the names of peaks in Icelandic often end in hnúkur/hnjúkur (literally peak) and regional differences in pronunciation and spelling determine which spelling is correct. Actually the same mistake was made in the Icelandic version of Wikipedia, I also suggested changing that article and it has been moved. But as the correct name is Hvannadalshnúkur and is used in maps and mostly in written texts, my suggestion would be to move this article to use the Hvannadalshnúkur name and redirect to that article from „Hvannadalshnjúkur“ (it's the other way around at the time of this writing). Kristinnstef 09:06, 31 May 2006 (UTC)

 * Both variants are commonly used and we should list them both in the article. But feel free to move it to omit the 'j' if you feel that variant is more common or authoritative. Haukur 09:28, 2 June 2006 (UTC)
 * Moved. — Nightst a  llion  (?) 10:44, 5 June 2006 (UTC)
 * Hvannadalshnúkur is the more authoritative version as behind that name is centuries of tradition in the Öræfi district, it's the one listed by the Place-Name Institute of Iceland and used in all maps. The widespread use of the Hvannadalshnjúkur variant is fairly recent and was perhaps helped by the fact that some of the web based news media like mbl.is and visir.is had a run of articles using that spelling. Also the name of another mountain, Kárahnjúkar which is spelled with a j, has been prominent in the news and that has probably added to the confusion. In fact the rule is simple, in the north and the east ( except for the south east), hnjúkur is used in local place names but in the south and west of Iceland, hnúkur is used.Kristinnstef 11:44, 6 June 2006 (UTC)
 * Okay, great, it's moved now. I've used the 'j' variant all my life, though, and will probably continue to do so :) Haukur 11:47, 6 June 2006 (UTC)

Distinction made between the Hvannadalshnúkur peak and Öræfajökull mountain.
Changed the contents of the article. Öræfajökull is the name of the mountain and Hvannadalshnúkur is its highest peak, not the mountain itself, as could be understood from previous wording. To make the distinction clearer I put together a basic entry on Öræfajökull that partly replaces the Hvannadalshnúkur entry and moved the content relating to the volcano and mountain there. Also I have a picture of Hvannadalshnúkur that I will upload; the previous picture was of another mountain, Hrútsfjall to the NE of Öræfajökull.

Picture not of Hvannadalshnúkur
The picture in the article is not of Hvannadalshnúkur but of the close by Hrútsfjallstindar. This picture is taken from Skaftafellsheiði and the camera is pointing almost directly west, but Hvannadalshnúkur lies a bit further south. You can see in the rightmost part of the picture Svínfellsjökull, which lies between the peaks. The mountains can seem a bit similar, especially from this angle with the cloud partly covering the peaks, but if you look closely you can easily distinguish them. I can probably dig up some pictures to prove my case but it might take some time, if you are not convinced just google for pictures of either peak if you don't believe me. --Kári — Preceding unsigned comment added by 157.157.86.236 (talk) 23:20, 17 August 2011 (UTC)

Alternative names
Kur — Preceding unsigned comment added by 2A02:587:4116:B300:8920:84DE:1440:872 (talk) 08:53, 19 April 2018 (UTC)

title: Talk:Hvannadalshnjúkur